> International Institute for Asian Studies Beyond binaries: sociological discourse on religion in South Asia

The interface of religious identities, with state and politics is creating communal, ethnic and sectarian conflicts in South Asia. In spite of its geographical vastness and thousands of communities, the region remains conceived by sociologists in terms of religious identities. By continuing to discuss religious experiences, identities and conflicts in majority-minority terms, sociological discourse has become a tool of power and domination.

Sujata Patel tion occurred in response to the colo- religious community. Subsequently, American tradition, to assess Hindu- sion, and legitimation, can be traced nial government’s objectification of British officials tried to place jatis ism. In America, religious pluralism is back a hundred years, when it emerged ociological discourse on South Asia identities. British officials and anthro- among the four varnas or in ‘catego- loosely defined as being peaceful rela- as the voice of the majority. Today it is Shas not grasped the complexities of pologists studied India as a pre-modern ries of outcastes and aborigines’. These tions between religions and the nego- being reconceived, but its core princi- religion as it faces modernity. Seminal civilisational society. Their initial task officials recognised the difficulties and, tiated accommodation of differences. ples remain the same as those conceived assumptions of colonial modernity and was to classify groups and communi- Cohn adds, the ‘absence of a uniform This process of conflict and dialogue, it in the late 19th century. knowledge created a matrix of binaries ties in order to rule over them. Cohn system of classification’, but ‘it was is hoped, leads to a common good and – West and East, modernity and tradi- argues that British officials thought widely assumed that an all-India sys- implies it is not given as an a priori; the Historian Romila Thapar (1996:3-4) has tion, materiality and religiosity – that ‘caste and religion were the sociological tem of classification of castes could be common good’s scope and content is argued that Hinduism was ‘a juxtapo- represented the project of modernity keys to understand the Indian people. developed’ (1987:243). As this system found only through negotiation (a pos- sition of flexible religious sects’ before and were a colonial means of domina- If they were to be governed well then assumed the point of view of Brahmins terior) and does not, according to plu- colonialism attempted to homogenise tion. Anthropologists and sociologists it was natural that information should and other savarnas, it codified their priv- ralists, coincide with any one entity’s them. Hinduism does not affirm a sin- accept these binaries, constructing the- be systematically collected about caste ileged perspective. position. gle God, prophet, founder, church, holy ories of imminent and continuous reli- and religion’ (1987:243). As a result, book, religious symbol or centre; faith is gious traditions without realising that Nandini Sundar argues, census ‘statis- Finding religion Madan’s position, then, only makes difficult to apply to its inherent diversity what they consider traditional is actu- tics on identities became important as Madan’s position reflects this perspec- sense if it interrogates the binaries of beliefs, deities, schools of thought, ally a modern process. Binary language communities demanded entitlements tive and remains etched in the discourse and abandons theories of power that practices, rituals and organic cultural prevents them from penetrating the on the basis of numbers, in a politics of binaries. For example, he considers construct the majority and minority as links. Hinduism has no fewer than six opaqueness that binaries themselves which conflated representation (stand- ‘four out of five Indians’ Hindus, using instruments of objectification. How can schools of philosophy, an idea of God construct (Patel 2006). ing on behalf of) with representative- numerical superiority to define the major- common good be negotiated between that ranges from monism to dualism ness (coming from a particular com- ity (2004:1). Like earlier indologists, he groups who are objects of the politics to polytheism, and rituals from the In India, the binary of majority and munity)’ (2000:113). consults the scriptures and Manusmriti to of knowledge construction? And those individual Dhyana to the social ‘yagna’. minority is not merely a discourse: cre- identify religious constituents. Later he who have formed their self-identities Denominations like Vaishnavism, ating group classifications highlights Dirks (1997:121) argues colonialism was collapses all Indians into being Hindus as a majority? Whose identities have Shaivism, Shaktism and Smartism try differences and structures power. Soci- sustained not only by superior arms, when he states that ‘many components been defined by the colonial state and to organise Hinduism around a specific ologists play into this: cultural differ- military organisation, political power of culture and aspects of social structure savarnas who benefit from these defini- deity or philosophy. ences are dissolved into a master nar- and wealth, but also through ‘printing of the non-Hindu communities…have tions? When self-identities accept the rative of majority and minority in order and the standardisation of languages, either been borrowed from the Hindus hierarchy? This diversity was reorganised in the to empirically study groups. Such lan- self-regulating and autonomous legal or are survivals from their pre-conversion colonial period. Religious groups called guage associates the same groups with systems, official histories of the state Hindu past…’ (2004:1). Madan and many of his contempo- sanghathanas (literally, ‘organisations’ the politics of constructing a major- and people and the celebration of raries who uphold ‘traditions’ don’t or ‘associations’) formed around gurus, ity based on upper caste perceptions of national shrines, symbols and pilgrim Madan was profoundly influenced by seem to recognise that ‘traditions’ are who framed a group’s objective within religious practices. Since the late 19th centres’ that were part of the British Louis Dumont, who reconstructed a construct of modernity. In their logic, the national narrative. Sanghathanas century, attempts have been made to colonial elite’s larger political project binaries in an elaborate theory of hier- South Asia is a world steeped in ‘native’ aimed to mobilise a new majority of organise India’s Hindu majority as a of imposing the nation state. Colonial archy in the East and contrasted it with resources that mitigate religious con- believers in Hinduism against the colo- nation under upper caste, or savarna, conquest enabled ways to construct the theme of equality in the West. While flicts. By being critical of secularism, nial state and its religion, Christian- hegemony. Today, in a context of global what colonialism was all about: its own sociologists like Srinivas (2002) used the Madan questions modernity and how ity. Mobilisation entailed proselytising change, this project continues to define self-knowledge (2001:13). empirical method to debunk received secularism interfaces with politics to through a set of practices, called seva, Indian society and politics. assumptions and distinguished between create religious conflicts. As he states, combined with allegiance to a guru. Documenting community social behav- varna and jati, Dumont criticised this ‘…it is the marginalisation of religious Sociologist T.N. Madan has written the iour, customs and mores became a empirical position, insisting not only faith, which is what secularisation is, Sanghathanas, seva and gurus all had most on this topic, using descriptive major project for the British, who used that ‘a sociology of India lies at a point that permits the perversion of religion’ a pre-colonial existence, when they and indological methods to understand not only enumeration but age-old scrip- of confluence of sociology and indology’ (1991:396). formed around sects and temple towns, India’s religions, pluralism, diversity tural and indological methods to natu- (1957:7), but that ‘[t]he very existence and but their late 19th century form was rad- and secularism in terms of equality-hier- ralise indigenous complexities. Ind- influence of the traditional higher San- But is secularism the source of religious ically different, attempting to reflect and archy binaries. He questions the process ologists built an extensive repertoire skrit civilisation demonstrates without conflict? Or is the source the processes replicate the structure and culture of of modernity, but his language does not of knowledge on Vedic and post-Vedic question the unity of India’ (1957:10). by which religion and religious affilia- organisations established by the coloni- reflect the distinction between its domi- scriptures and translated ancient Indian Madan echoes this: ‘South Asia’s major tion have become part of the politics of al state in the western tradition (Copley nant forms, such as colonial modernity texts from Sanskrit into European lan- religious traditions…are totalising in identity construction? Surely, we possess 2000, 2003). Thus sanghathanas emu- and non-western modernities. Thus, guages. British officials relied on ‘native character, claiming all of a follower’s life the sociological language to assess these lated the Christian tradition of building Madan uncritically integrates the bina- informants’, generally Brahmins, to so that religion is constitutive of society’ processes and explain how knowledge a congregation around a church – some ries of West and East, materiality and codify practices and classify castes. The (2004:399). Thus he argues that ‘the construction helped build the identi- were even named missions, such as one religiosity. Such a position cannot differ- Brahmins had already elaborated the religious domain is not distinguished ties articulated through them. Andre of the first, the Ramakrishna Mission entiate cultural practices among jatis and varna four-fold classification theory, from the secular, but rather the secu- Betille (1994) appraises Madan’s use of – but they were instead built around ethnic groups, and fails to assess how but manipulated it to capitalise on new lar is regarded as being encompassed’ the concept of secularisation as related gurus, who were considered the authen- these differences are subsumed under opportunities presented by the British. (2004:2). to secularism and indicates the need to tic interpreters of Hindu religion. At an upper caste perspective on Hindu- dissociate these two terms. On Madan’s first, sanghathanas were revivalist, ism. His latest book, India’s Religions. The census also created spatial-cultural What is this holistic notion that uni- use of scriptures to develop a position on seeking to either defend one particular Perspectives from Sociology and History differences, which implied two assump- fies all religious activity in India? For India’s religions, Betille reminds us that Hindu tradition or denounce parts of (2004), cites census statistics to suggest tions: group distinction based on the Madan, it’s Dharma, which to him con- theology alone is not enough to assess it in order to posit a less recondite but that Hindus form the largest religious West’s spatial-cultural structures and notes the sustenance of moral virtue. religion in sociological terms. socially oriented religion. Eventually community, followed by Muslims, Chris- the creation of spatial-cultural zones; This self-sustaining cosmo-moral order they were organised around seva, which tians, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains. Two and the boundedness of these groups runs through all India’s religions, espe- Madan’s ideas on India’s religions included guru discourses (pravachanas), issues must be considered here: using defined by numbers and now called cially Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism, exemplify how colonial binaries were prayers (satsangs) and work as sevaks numbers to determine the strength of castes and tribes, which were placed in which incorporate subtly nuanced imposed on the language of the soci- (volunteers), for instance, teaching in religious communities, and using the a structured hierarchy and identified Hindu principles. Thus he asserts a ologist, who naturalised not only the schools and helping in disaster relief. census to identify religious groups. by a cultural attribute of ‘spirituality’ long tradition of Hinduism that was concepts of majority and minority but Some sanghathanas also established emanating from Hindu civilisation. never a source of conflict, because its also various theories that homogenised medical help centres, hospitals, colleges The trouble with numbers Hinduism became organically linked ‘scope of inter-religious understanding them. Knowledge alone cannot play a and universities. The census depends on individuals to to the caste system in the new language is…immense and it is in no way con- role in hegemonisation; social move- identify their religious affiliation. G.S. of hierarchy devised by colonial census tradicted by the holism of the religious ments and intellectuals must mobilise The guru has been defined as a spir- Ghurye and M.N. Srinivas have com- officials. A religion came to define a ter- traditions of mankind’ (2004:385). Hin- the populace through ideas. This was itual teacher, ‘one who brings light out mented on how the census in colonial ritory: India and Hinduism became one, duism’s internal differences are part of how the Hindu majority was created. of darkness’ (Copley 2000:5). Colo- and independent India was used to establishing Hindus as the majority and this long history. nial period gurus whose sanghathanas mobilise groups by defining identities. all other groups as the minority. Sanghathanas, seva endured were distinctive. Most were B.S. Cohn (1987) has suggested that the In India’s Religions, Madan character- and gurus English-educated, from savarna upper census was a tool not only for construct- Cohn shows that the first census, in ises Hinduism as inherently plural Hinduism as an ideology formed during castes and experienced teachers. Their ing self-identity but that self-identifica- 1871-72, classified castes within each and uses ‘pluralism’, as defined in the colonialism. Its contemporary aggres- writings were mainly in English and

4 4 IIAS Newsletter | #44 | Summer 2007 > International Institute for Asian Studies Beyond binaries: sociological discourse on religion in South Asia

oriented toward the emerging upper selfless service, and sadhana, ‘spiritual triya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), trace these actions by its belief that India is a Sangh’s “Tradition of Selfless Service”’. and middle classes. Copley argues penance’, and insisted on the material their ideologies to Vivekananda’s notion Hindu, not a secular, state. Zavos, J., A. Wyatt and V. Hewitt, eds. The that dominance rather than friendship poverty of sevaks. of seva and his dream of making Hin- Politics of Cultural Mobilisation in India. and equality defined the relationship duism a world religion (Beckerlegge The discourse of colonial modernity and Delhi: Oxford University Press. between the guru and his disciples, as Vivekananda’s dominant principles 2003, 2004; Copley 2000, 2003; Sarkar the creation of the Hindu majoritarian - Betille, A. 1994. ‘Secularism in Place’. Eco- gurus encouraged obedience and loyalty were humanitarianism and physical 1997). As Sarkar states, ‘More relevant movement are organically linked. Both nomic and Political Weekly 29-10. and were considered elitist and authori- morality. In the Ramakrishna Mission, today, ominously so, is the image of the elided the different cultural practices of - Cohn, B.S. 1987. ‘The Census, Social Struc- tarian (2000:6). seva represented humane and ethi- Swami as one of the founders of 20th jatis and ethnic groups and subsumed ture and Objectification‘. An Anthropologist cal religiosity that would forge a new century “Hindutva”, of a unified and them under an upper caste perspective Among the Historians and Other Essays. While the tradition of seva is as old as Hindu community united around the chauvinistic Hinduism’ (1997:291). of Hinduism. Brahminical and savar- Delhi: Oxford University Press, 224-254. Hinduism itself, its traditional notions principle of selfless social duty. The na male interests were consolidated - Copley, A. 2000. ‘A Study in Religious Lead- of performing service to oneself, family community’s strength would be its spir- Like colonial officials, Vivekananda used and their authority legitimised. Thus, ership and Cultism’. Copley, A., ed. Gurus and god in the fours stages of life incor- itual and physical fitness; its objective indological sources to reconstruct a cod- majoritarianism fuels aggressive inte- and Their Followers. New Religious Reform porated new, socio-political dimensions was to help the downtrodden by improv- ified Hindu set of principles, operated gration of Hindu identity, reclassifies Movements in Colonial India. Delhi: Oxford during the colonial period. Earlier texts ing their material condition and social within the caste hierarchy and present- group distinctions into religious major- University Press. defined seva in terms of life’s personal position, and by spreading the social ed a Brahminical upper caste male view ity and minorities, and legitimises daily - ----. 2003. ‘Introduction’. Copley, A., ed. aspects and gave it religious overtones. awareness and spiritual enlightenment of Hinduism. Thus his sanghathana, caste- and gender-related violence based Hinduism in Public and Private. Reform It belonged to the private sphere, within that encouraged the wealthy to aid the organised through principles of hierar- on its justification of overt and covert Hindutva, Gender and Sampraday. Delhi: the figurative walls of karmic isolation. In less fortunate. chy, made the guru Hinduism’s main religious discrimination. Hindus are Oxford University Press, 1-27. the late 19th century, seva was redefined interpreter and demanded the congre- encouraged to interact with each other - Dirks, N. 1997. ‘The Invention of Caste: Civil as the individual sevak’s pride in a new Most scholars see Vivekananda’s ideas as gation’s complete loyalty. His mission and avoid minorities. Hindu authorities Society in Colonial India’. Seneviratne, H.L., religio-political identity born of an imag- radical and revolutionary, arguing that by became a model for other gurus. deprive minorities of services and mobi- ed. Identity, Consciousness and the Past. Forg- ined Hindu nation defined by gurus. At focusing on the masses – the deprived, lise Hindu citizens to do the same. This ing of Caste and Community in India and Sri the time, Hinduism was threatened by under-privileged, weak, exploited and But there is a caveat. Given Indian public attitude leads to violence where employ- Lanka. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Christian missionaries converting lower diseased – Vivekananda modernised a life’s richness and diversity, and the con- ment, services and infrastructure are - ----. 2001. Castes of Mind: Colonialism and castes, and the colonial state’s new west- very old religion steeped in fatalist tradi- tinuous reorganisation of traditions in limited. Majoritarianism subtly divides the Making of Modern India. Princeton: ern ideas. Hinduism confronted them tions and empowered Hindu society to diverse forms, it’s incorrect to argue that communities, who are then mobilised Princeton University Press. by developing a new public identity be confident, self-sufficient, strong and Hinduism constructed one uniform nar- during communal clashes to burn, loot - Dumont, L. 1957. ‘For a Sociology of India’. through mobilisation of the populace fair. Some interpret his focus on individ- rative and model. Seva, sanghathanas and and kill each other. Contribution to Indian Sociology 1. as a Hindu nation. The ideas of seva, ual human joy, suffering, achievement gurus simply became the means through - Madan, T.N. 1991. ‘Introduction’. Madan, the guru and the sanghathana incorpo- and failure as Hinduism made ‘human- which Hindu communities mobilised, Sanghathanas not only legitimised colo- T.N., ed. Religion in India. Delhi: Oxford rated non savarna groups into a majority centric’, and his dislike of contemporary which is not a process of Hindu revival- nial modernity’s project, they codified University Press, 1-22. Hindu community. Hindu revivalism as reformist. Others ism or reform but rather an upper caste and systematised Hinduism in terms of - ----. 1991. ‘Secularism in Place’. Madan, consider his ideas universal, given his intervention to create a Hindu nation a savarna reading of tradition and pro- T.N., ed. Religion in India. Delhi: Oxford The Swami and Hindu stance that Hinduism is what the world based on religion. It was a political vided a model of maintaining savarna University Press, 394-412. chauvinism needs to solve its social, economic and process reflecting many of the assump- and patriarchal domination that the - ----. 2004. ‘India’s Religions: Plurality and Swami Vivekananda standardised Hindu spiritual crises. tions colonial modernity had articulated RSS still follows. Sociologists must rec- Pluralism’. Madan, T.N., ed. India’s Reli- principles by excavating ‘traditions’ and regarding ‘Hindu traditions’. ognise how colonial modernity’s insti- gions. Perspectives from Sociology and His- explicating a savarna reading of Hindu- Indeed, his sensitivity to the ‘masses’, tutions, processes and structures were tory. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1-36. ism. In the late 19th century, his ideas inclusion of ‘untouchables’ in mission An alternate language renewed after independence and are - Patel. S. 2006. ‘Beyond Binaries. A Case for became the fountainhead of majoritar- activities and criticism of mindless The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh reflected in the way majority-minority Self Reflexive Sociologies’. Current Sociol- ian Hinduism. Driven by his quest to ritualism in sanatana dharma (ortho- (RSS), mentioned above, formed in binaries continue to be reconstituted. ogy 54-3. understand the reasons for India’s colo- dox Hinduism) makes Vivekananda 1925 as ‘an organisation of the self- - Sarkar, S. 1997. ‘Kaliyuga, Chakri and Bhak- nial subjugation, Vivekananda declared a radical, democratic social thinker in motivated’ and its parivar (family). Religiosity, ethnicity and communalism ti’. Sarkar, S., ed. Writing Social History. the concept of seva as ‘organised service some eyes. But he advocated that his RSS founder Dr Keshav Hedgewar, define everyday South Asian life. Reli- Delhi: Oxford University Press, 282-357. to humankind’ (Beckerlegge 2000:60). sevak disciples train themselves to be like Vivekananda, believed in the seva gion provides ideological legitimacy for - Srinivas, M.N. 2002. Collected Essays. Unlike his own guru Ramakrishna, who pure, noble and discerning souls who of education, discipline, organisation extreme social and economic exclusion. Delhi: Oxford University Press. attempted to synthesise and universal- rise above superstitions and appreciate and instilling pride in Hinduism to While communal violence is an overt - Sundar, N. 2000. ‘Caste as a Census Cat- ise Hinduism’s many popular traditions Hinduism’s true character. He empha- create a band of (celibate) male sevaks manifestation, covert communalism is egory: Implications for Sociology’. Current (Sarkar 1997), Vivekananda was unique sised physical strength and endurance who undertake humanitarian service. bred by converting everyday practices Sociology 48-3. in that his project remained simultane- to withstand any challenge, as a nation After Hedgewar’s death in 1940, new into majoritarian projects through inte- - Thapar, R. 1996. ‘The Theory of Aryan Race ously social – to reform Hinduism – and comprised of weak people would be con- RSS leader Madhav Sadashiv Gowalkar gration with the language of caste. Social and India: History and Politics’. Social Sci- political – to displace colonial suppres- trolled by outsiders, both spiritually and integrated his predecessor’s notion. At science language must not become part entist 24-272. sion – by mobilising new groups into an physically. Through seva and sadhana, the time, the RSS had 500 shakhas and of this language. To study the religious institutionalised structure of Hinduism. sevaks were to overcome the ignorance a structure whose leader had absolute fault lines governing today’s South Asia, Sujata Patel is Professor in the Department To create this constituency, he recon- that impoverished and subjugated Hin- decision-making power. Gowalkar’s sociological discourse on religion must of Sociology at the University of Pune, India. structed Hinduism’s defining princi- dus (Sarkar 1997), and to appreciate the message ‘to worship God through serv- understand the discourse that created Presently, she is researching on two themes: ples by blending two distinct traditions: Vedas in order to understand Hindu ing society’ became the motto that still the majority-minority binary. Libera- Colonial Modernity and Making of Sociologi- orthodox Hinduism, incorporated in the principles, what Hinduism represents unites the RSS and its parivar. He creat- tion from the language of domination cal Traditions in India and Cosmopolitanism earliest Hindu religious texts called the and cleanse it of its ritualism. ed many small sanghathanas for special inherited from colonial modernity, and and Identities in Bombay/Mumbai Her pub- Vedas and the religion’s contemporary seva activities; by 1997, RSS operated the creation of an alternate language, lications include The Making of Industrial socially sensitive and reformist aspects, In reality, Vivekananda is interested in 2,866 such units in India and the world are required to accomplish this daunt- Relations, (Oxford, 1987). She is co-editor with its principles of charity and service the salvation of the sevaks, not of the (Beckerlegge 2004:116). These units ing but necessary task. < of Bombay. Metaphor for Modern India, as embodied in Christianity. masses. His ideas are not radical. He have exacerbated religious and com- (Oxford, 1995), Bombay Mosaic of Modern merely reiterates the early meaning munal conflicts because for the RSS Bibliography Culture, (Oxford, 1995), Thinking Social Sci- Vivekananda did not stray from vedan- of seva as practices performed by the seva activities are meant to help Hindus - Beckerlegge, G. 2000. ‘Swami Akhandan- ence in India (Sage, 2002), Bombay and tic metaphysics. Of the four yogas, he individual. I agree with Sarkar (1997): alone. Schools, medical centres and anda’s sevavrata (vow of service) and the Mumbai The City in Transition (Oxford, emphasised Karma, which he redefined Vivekananda not only distilled Hin- hospitals are established under various earliest expressions of service to human- 2003), Urban Studies (Oxford, 2006) as ‘traditional caste-based rituals and duism’s diverse traditions, but also sanghathanas but serve only Hindus. ity in the Ramakrishna Math and Mission’. [email protected] obligations with humanitarian service. diluted his personal appeal to society’s This divides the populace according to Copley, A., ed. Gurus and Their Followers. The jnana of Vedantic monism was underprivileged. By asserting Hindu- religious identities. The RSS argues it Delhi: Oxford University Press. The above essay is an abridged version of sought to be transformed…into a mes- ism’s vedantic orientation mainly to a is forced to do this because state edu------. 2003. ‘Saffron and Seva: The Rashtriya the author’s keynote address at the 19th sage of strength and strenuous help to literate English-educated upper caste cation and health programmes mainly Swayamsevak Sangh’s Appropriation of European Conference on Modern South others’ (Sarkar 1997:347). This fusion audience, Vivekananda distinguished benefit minorities. Generations of Swami Vivekananda’. Copley, A., ed. Hin- Asian Studies. The conference, held in influenced a generation of religious upper castes from the rest of Hindu Hindus have grown up to believe this duism in Public and Private. Reform, Hindut- Leiden, 27-30 June 2006, was organised and political thinkers and continues society in new and subtle ways and yet falsehood; sanghathanas even mobilise va, Gender and Sampradaya. Delhi: Oxford by IIAS and the European Association of within Hindu sanghathanas. He applied preached for their reform. Today, com- vigilantes to prevent minorities from University Press. South Asian Studies. traditional Hindu concepts of seva, munal organisations, such as the Rash- using state resources. The RSS justifies - ----. 2004. ‘The Rashtriya Swayamsevak

IIAS Newsletter | #44 | Summer 2007 4 5