Mosque Sermons and Audience Receptivity

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MOSQUE SERMONS

AND AUDIENCE RECEPTIVITY

Submitted by

Husnia Underabi BA (Hons), Dip Educ, Macquarie University

A thesis submitted in total fulfilment requirements of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

School of Social Sciences and Psychology

Faculty of Social Sciences and Psychology

Western Sydney University

February 2018

To my mother and father for the endless sacrifices and difficulties they have endured to pull me out of a war-zone and introducing me to possibilities that I could have never conceived or achieved without their efforts.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to first acknowledge my supervisor, Professor Kevin Dunn, who has been a supportive supervisor and an excellent role model to be followed in my career as an academic. I would also like to thank my secondary supervisor, Associate

Professor Mehmet Ozalp, whose contributions added significant value to this project.

Thanks is also due to the imams, mosque leaders and audiences who generously donated their time to assist me with this research. Thank you to the countless number of friends who introduced me to relevant individuals and organisations who were able to assist me with my research. I would like to acknowledge the research assistants Shabnam Yari, Jafar Noor and Ernest Kilavuzovic for their assistance with this research.

I would also like to extend my heartfelt thanks to my friends and colleagues at ISRA who provided a much needed environment of peace, warmth and friendship. I would particularly like to acknowledge Nasrin Ansari, Tamana Daqiq and Mahsheed Ansari for their consistent encouragement and support.

To my friend and editor, Vicki Snowdon; I do not know what I have done to deserve your friendship! Life in general and this PhD would have been much more difficult to achieve without your assistance.

Last but not least, I owe a huge debt of gratitude to my family members for their consistent support of my educational pursuits. I would particularly like to acknowledge my mother Farida Underabi, father Ghulam Haider Underabi and brother Sulaiman Underabi for their unconditional love and support, and the sacrifices they have endured to help me achieve my goals in life.

STATEMENT OF AUTHENTICATION

The work presented in this thesis is, to the best of my knowledge and belief, original except as acknowledged in the text. I hereby declare that I have not submitted this material, either in full or in part, for a degree at this or any other institution.

Husnia Underabi

February 2018

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ...... v LIST OF FIGURES ...... viii ABBREVIATIONS ...... xi ABSTRACT ...... xii 1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 PhD structure ...... 8 1.2 Context ...... 13 1.3 Friday’s congregational prayers – Historical beginnings ...... 16 1.4 Geographic spread of Islam ...... 2322 1.5 Evolution of the role of the imam ...... 2928 1.5.2 Conclusions to be drawn ...... 33 1.6 Conclusion ...... 34 2 MOSQUES, IMAMS AND MUSLIM AUSTRALIANS ...... 3635 2.1 The Macassan ...... 3635 2.2 Colonial period ...... 3736 2.3 Post-war immigration ...... 4140 2.4 NSW’s mosques and imams – Current state ...... 4847 2.4.1 General background ...... 4847 2.4.2 Mosque affiliation ...... 4948 2.4.3 Mosque attendance ...... 5049 2.4.4 Background of mosque visitors ...... 5150 2.4.5 Functions of the mosque ...... 5251 2.4.6 Mosque administration and the role of the imam ...... 6261 2.5 Current community profile and issues relevant to the Muslim Australian community ...... 6665 2.5.1 Age ...... 7069 2.5.2 Gender ...... 7170 2.5.3 Education ...... 7170 2.5.4 Religious orientation ...... 7473 2.6 Issues relevant to the Muslim Australian community ...... 7675 2.6.1 Maintenance of faith...... 7675 2.6.2 Discrimination and Islamophobia ...... 7776 2.6.3 Citizenship and belonging ...... 8079 2.6.4 Martin Place siege ...... 8180 2.7 Conclusion ...... 8382 3 THEORETICAL UNDERPINNINGS ...... 8584

3.1 1st set – Understanding the acts taking place during Friday’s congregational prayers ...... 8685 3.1.1 Goffman’s dramaturgy ...... 8685 3.1.2 Schechner – Between Ritual and Theatre ...... 8786 3.1.3 Performance process ...... 8988 3.1.4 Important concepts and theories ...... 9291 3.2 2nd set – Structural functional and interactionist approaches to understanding human behaviour and how people are socialised ...... 9594 3.2.1 Structural functional perspective of socialisation ...... 9695 3.2.2 Symbolic interactionist perspective ...... 9998 3.3 3rd set of theories - audience receptivity and response...... 102100 3.3.1 Hypodermic Syringe Theory (HDST) ...... 103101 3.3.2 Uses and Gratifications Theory ...... 105104 3.3.3 Encoding and Decoding Model of Communication ...... 108106 3.3.4 Style of presentation ...... 110109 3.4 Conclusion ...... 114112 4 METHODOLOGY ...... 115114 4.1 Methodological approach ...... 115114 4.1.1 Ethnography – writing about people ...... 115114 4.1.2 Mixed methodological approach ...... 117116 4.2 Selecting and approaching mosques ...... 118117 4.3 Fieldwork methodologies ...... 123122 4.3.1 Recording of the mosque sermon ...... 123122 4.3.2 Mosque sermons – coding and analysis ...... 124123 4.3.3 Audience surveys ...... 126125 4.3.4 Survey questions ...... 127126 4.3.5 Observations, photographs, videos and a reflective journal...... 129128 4.4 Reflections on the method ...... 129128 4.4.1 Human resources ...... 129128 4.4.2 Ethical considerations – avoiding causing conflict between members of the mosque committee ...... 131 4.4.3 Online surveys ...... 132131 4.5 Conclusion ...... 133 5 FRIDAY’S CONGREGATIONAL’S PRAYERS – A THEORETICAL ANALYSIS ...... 134133 5.1 The script ...... 136135 5.1.1 The roles ...... 136135 5.1.2 The stage ...... 137136 5.1.3 The setting ...... 138137 5.1.4 The costumes ...... 138137 5.2 The performance ...... 139138 5.2.1 Warming up for Friday’s congregational prayers ...... 139138 5.2.2 The roles to be performed ...... 140139 5.2.3 Sydney’s mosques observed...... 146145 5.3 Conclusion ...... 162161 6 THE MOSQUE SERMON OF SYDNEY – GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS ...... 164163 6.1 Themes, topics and orientation ...... 164163

6.2 Duration of Sydney mosque sermons, 2014 ...... 167166 6.3 Target audience ...... 168167 6.4 Language of delivery in the mosques of Sydney ...... 169168 6.5 Characteristics of the sermon ...... 170169 6.5.1 Ahl Bayt Centre ...... 172171 6.5.2 Darul Imaan Masjid ...... 172171 6.5.3 Auburn Gallipoli Mosque...... 173172 6.5.4 Blacktown Mosque ...... 173172 6.5.5 Masjid Noor...... 174173 6.5.6 Guildford Mosque ...... 175174 6.5.7 Ali ibn Abu Talib Mosque – Lakemba...... 175174 6.5.8 Parramatta Mosque ...... 176175 6.5.9 Penshurst Mosque ...... 176175 6.5.10 Quakers Hill Mosque ...... 176175 6.5.11 Revesby Community Centre ...... 177176 6.5.12 University of New South Wales ...... 177176 6.6 Conclusion ...... 177176 7 METHODS OF SOCIALISATION AND INFLUENCE USED ...... 179178 7.1 Structural functional methods of socialisation ...... 179178 7.2 Sources of knowledge used ...... 181180 7.3 Thematic analysis ...... 183182 7.3.1 The role of Muslim parents ...... 183182 7.3.2 The role of the husband ...... 186185 7.3.3 Gambling ...... 187186 7.3.4 Music ...... 188187 7.3.5 Attending the mosque...... 189188 7.3.6 Etiquette of participation in Friday’s congregational prayers ...... 190189 7.3.7 Moderation ...... 192 7.3.8 Basic religious duties ...... 194 7.3.9 The state of the ummah ...... 197 7.3.10 Conflict ...... 199 7.3.11 Extremism ...... 200 7.3.12 Christmas ...... 204203 7.3.13 Islamophobia ...... 207206 7.3.14 Martin Place siege ...... 212211 7.4 Conclusion ...... 215214 8 AUDIENCE RECEPTION ...... 216215 8.1 A description of the audiences ...... 216215 8.1.1 Gender ...... 216215 8.1.2 Age of survey participants...... 217216 8.1.3 Marital status ...... 219218 8.1.4 Levels of education ...... 220219 8.1.5 Place of birth ...... 221220 8.1.6 Language ...... 226225 8.2 Participation in Friday’s congregational prayers ...... 230229 8.3 Audience reception and impact ...... 234233 8.3.1 Reception of the message delivered ...... 234233 8.3.2 Impact ...... 235234

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8.3.3 Factors that make a difference to the reception and effect of the sermon ...... 238237 8.3.4 Characteristics of the sermon ...... 252251 8.3.5 Mosque variations ...... 269268 8.4 Conclusion ...... 275274 9 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION ...... 276275 9.1 Are imams agents of socialisation? ...... 281280 9.2 Limitations of the study ...... 283 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 286284 GLOSSARY ...... 300298 APPENDIX A: LIST OF MOSQUES AND MUSALLAHS IN nsw...... 302300 APPENDIX B: MOSQUES OF SYDNEY ...... 305303 APPENDIX C: INFORMATION LETTER ...... 306304 APPENDIX D: COPY OF THE SURVEY IN ENGLISH ...... 307305 APPENDIX E: LETTER OF SUPPORT ...... 312311 APPENDIX E: ETHNICITY OF IMAM AND MOSQUE VISITORS ...... 313312 APPENDIX F: NSW IMAMS ...... 315314

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2-Table 2 ...... 4948

Table 2-Table 2 ...... 5554

Table 2-Table 23: Mosques of NSW: Location of janaza ...... 5756

Table 2-Table 2 ...... 6766

Table 2-Table 2 ...... 6867

Table 2-Table 2 ...... 7069

Table 2-Table 2 ...... 7169

Table 2-Table 2 ...... 7271

Table 2-Table 2 ...... 7473

Table 4-Table 4 ...... 122121

Table 6-Table 6 ...... 165164

Table 6-Table 6 ...... 166165

Table 6-Table 6 ...... 168167

Table 6-Table 6 ...... 169168

Table 6-Table 6 ...... 170169

Table 6-Table 6 ...... 171170

Table 7-Table 7 ...... 181180

Table 7-Table 7 ...... 183182

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 217216

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 218217

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 219218

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 220219

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 221220

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 224223

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 228227

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 233232

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 234233

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 236235

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 238237

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 239238

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 241240

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 243242

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 244243

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 245244

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 246245

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 248247

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 251250

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 253252

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 255254

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 256255

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 257256

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 259258

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 261260

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 262261

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 263262

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 265264

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 266265

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 267266

Table 8-Table 8 ...... 268267

Table 8-34: Survey results: Variations between mosques ...... 273

Table A-Table A1: List of mosques and musallahs ...... 302300

Table G–1: Mosques of NSW: Ethnicity of the imam and mosque visitors ...... 313312

Table H-Table H ...... 315314

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2–1: Increase in the population of Muslim Australians by state ...... 4241

Figure 2–2: Mosques of NSW: Year of establishment ...... 4948

Figure 2–3: Mosques of NSW: Affiliation with Muslim representative organisations ...... 5049

Figure 2–4: Mosques of NSW: Attendance patterns at Figure 2–4: Mosques of NSW: Attendance patterns at jum’ah ...... 5150

Figure 2–5: Mosques of NSW: Ethnicity of the regular mosque participants ...... 5251

Figure 2–6: Mosques of NSW: Number of Figure 2–6: Mosques of NSW: Number of jum’ah ...... 5453

Figure 2–7: Mosques of NSW: Figure 2–7: Mosques of NSW: Tarawih ...... 5756

Figure 2–8: Mosques of NSW: Collection of charity ...... 5958

Figure 2–9: Mosques of NSW: Programmes and activities ...... 6059

Figure 2–10: Mosques of NSW: Issues brought to the mosque ...... 6160

Figure 2–11: Mosques of NSW: Age of the imam ...... 6463

Figure 2–12: Mosques of NSW: Management structure in the mosque ...... 6564

Figure 2–13: Mosques of NSW: Response to “Is the imam the leader of the mosque?” ...... 6665

Figure 2–14: Map of Australia: Concentration of Muslims across the country ...... 6867

Figure 2–15: Map of Australia: Concentration of Muslims in Sydney’s suburbs ...... 6968

Figure 5–1: UNSW – the imam delivering his sermon while standing ...... 144143

Figure 5–2: Lakemba Mosque: flat roof and palm trees ...... 148147

Figure 5–3: Ahl Bayt Mosque: simple rectangular structure with flat roof ...... 148147

Figure 5–4: Parramatta Mosque: carpet design, prayer mat and Figure 5–4: Parramatta Mosque: carpet design, prayer mat and ...... 150149

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Figure 5–5: Guildford Mosque: church building converted to mosque ...... 150149

Figure 5–6: Community hall turned into sacred space...... 151150

Figure 5–7: Penshurst Mosque: niche and Figure 5–7: Penshurst Mosque: niche and ...... 152151

Figure 5–8: Blacktown Mosque: niche and Figure 5–8: Blacktown Mosque: niche and ...... 152151

Figure 5–9: Masjid Noor: imam and some audience members wearing Figure 5–9: Masjid Noor: imam and some audience members wearing ... 154153

Figure 5–10: Penshurst Mosque: washing facilities...... 155154

Figure 5–11: Arncliffe Mosque: removing shoes before entering the stage ...... 156155

Figure 5–12: Blacktown Mosque: removing shoes before entering the stage ... 156155

Figure 5–13: Quakers Hill Mosque: imam covering head with a cloth and wearing a Figure 5–13: Quakers Hill Mosque: imam covering head with a cloth and wearing a ...... 157156

Figure 5–14: Ahl Bayt Mosque: attentive audience ...... 158157

Figure 5–15: University of New South Wales: attentive audience ...... 159158

Figure 5–16: University of New South Wales: supplicating at the end of the sermon ...... 160159

Figure 5–17: Lakemba Mosque: prayers also happen outside the mosque ...... 161160

Figure 5–18: Lakemba Mosque: audience prostrating ...... 161160

Figure 5–19: Penshurst Mosque: the ‘aftermath’ – social interactions ...... 162161

Figure 5–20: Guildford Mosque: the ‘aftermath’ – social event arranged by mosque ...... 162161

Figure 6–1: Bayt Mosque: Women’s space ...... 169168

Figure 8–1: Survey results: Place of birth by mosque ...... 223222

Figure 8–2: Survey results: Mosque visitors’ countries of birth ...... 226225

Figure 8–3: NSW Muslims countries of birth ...... 226225

Figure 8–4: Survey results: Main languages in Sydney’s mosque ...... 227226

Figure 8–5: Survey results: Levels of agreement by mosque ...... 274273

Figure B–1: Darul Imaan Masjid: Simple rectangular structure with flat roof .. 305303

Figure B–2: Quakers Hill Mosque: Church building converted into a mosque ...... 305303

ABBREVIATIONS

ED Encoding and Decoding theory

HDST Hypodermic Syringe theory

Proto-p Proto-performance

PS Performance Studies theory

UG Uses and Gratification theory

NSW New South Wales

ABSTRACT

With focus on the sermons delivered in the mosques of Sydney during Friday’s congregational prayers, the prime objective of this thesis was to investigate whether imams are agents of socialisation. The first step to achieving this overarching aim involved an examination of the acts that form Friday’s congregational prayer from the frame of Goffman (2002) and Schechner’s (2013) ‘Performance Studies’ theories. The methodological approach adopted was of an ethnographic orientation involving the observation of the congregational prayers performed in Sydney’s mosques and the conclusion reached was that most of what can be observed during

Friday’s congregational prayers represent ‘restorations’ of the acts performed by

Muhammad (pbuh1) and the first community of Muslims. The ‘stage’ and the

‘setting’ as well as the costumes worn by the ‘actors’ are also to a limited degree

‘restorations’ of Muhammad’s mosque in Madina and the clothes he wore. These restorations are achieved through following the fiqh for Friday’s congregational prayers, which I compare to a ‘script’ that actors follow. Within the script, however, there is some scope for variation. In the role performed by the imam, with some exceptions, the ‘script’ allows for delivery of a sermon on a topic of their preference.

This aspect of the sermon presents the prospect for imams to influence the behaviours of their audiences, thereby acting as agents of socialisation.

1 Pbuh is short for “peace be upon him,” which can also appear as “sws” (Sallallahu Alayhi Wasallam). Out of respect and love for Prophet Muhammad, Muslims make this short prayer for him each time they utter or hear his name. This acronym will not be repeated each team Prophet Muhammad’s name is written in this thesis. However, it is implied.

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The second step involved an examination of the content of the sermons delivered in the mosques of Sydney. The theories that formed the basis of this analysis were the interactionist and structuralist methods of socialisation. Fieldwork to collect data involved the recording of sermons delivered across 15 of Sydney’s mosques, resulting in the collection of 48 mosque sermons, which were subsequently content analysed. The findings revealed that while the topics covered are generally of social and spiritual orientations, imams adopt a diverse range of methods to influence their audiences. From an interactionist perspective, it was found they may play an important role in influencing the behaviours of their audiences as they reiterate pre- existing notions and present constructions of how the ‘role’ of a Muslim should be performed in response to new events and circumstances. The main sources of knowledge used, that is the Qur’an and hadith, play a vital role in informing these constructions and reiterations. Implicitly, by defining how they should ‘act’ Imams are attempting to influence the behaviours of their audiences. Evidence was also found of the imams’ use of functional methods of socialisation, as what is appropriate and inappropriate were defined and behaviours regulated through various methods to denote approval and disapproval. Moreover, facilitating the type of socialisation, which relies of seeing models for a ‘role’ should be performed, imams presented Muhammad, the prophets mentioned in the Qur’an and his companions to illustrate how a Muslim ought to ‘act’, thereby facilitating the process of socialisation.

Another step to achieving the primary aim of this thesis involved an examination of how audiences received, respond to and are affected by the sermon, as well as an understanding of the reasons why audiences participate in the congregational prayers.

Adopting the Hypodermic Syringe, Stuart Hall’s Encoding and Decoding (ED) and

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the Uses and Gratifications theories and using the survey as an instrument for gathering data, 745 surveys from 13 mosques in Sydney were analysed. The conclusion reached is that audiences are largely able to ‘decode’ (interpret the message as conveyed), accept the message conveyed and the majority are impacted by it. However, audiences attend the congregational prayer for the purpose of performing their religious obligations and maintaining their faith. Another idea presented by Stuart Hall’s ED theory posits that audience responses will vary depending of the background characteristics of audience members. In view of this theory, an examination of the background characteristics of audience members and how they received and responded to the sermon found some relationships, but not sufficient evidence to support to support this proposition, except that a shared cultural background increases the likelihood the audiences will decode and accept the message delivered.

However, examination of the relationship between the characteristics of the sermon

(sermons audiences had listened to before completing the survey) as they relate to content and style of presentation provided strong evidence to suggest the way a sermon is delivered makes a significant difference to how audiences receive and respond to it. Sermons that exhibit characteristics of a good quality presentation – that is, they are delivered clearly, in a logically sequenced manner, timed appropriately and in a language accessible to most sections of the audience – are received more favourably compared to those that exhibit weaknesses in these areas.

Overall, for Sydney’s Muslim community, imams are agents of socialisation, but the primary reason for participation in Friday’s congregational prayers is because it is a religious obligation and to maintain faith.

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1 INTRODUCTION

There are 165 Islamic places of worship in the Australian state of NSW. Of these, 82 offer on a weekly basis what in Islamic terminology is referred to as jum’ah prayers.

The term jum’ah is a derivative from the word jumm’ah, which means a gathering or congregation (Alkhairo, 1998). Muslims perform their congregational prayers on

Friday; as such, the word jum’ah also refers to Fridays. On Fridays, about one hour after midday,2 approximately 35 000 Muslims in NSW (mostly men) participate in the congregational prayers that occur mostly inside mosques or otherwise organised by mosque authorities in a location that can accommodate large numbers of people

(Underabi, 2014).

During the congregational prayers, a person referred to as the ‘imam,’ which carries the literal meaning of the ‘person standing in frnt,’ leads the congregational prayers and delivers what in Islamic terminology is referred to as the khutbah. The term khutbah is a derivative of the word khitab, which means a speech. The word may have also come from the Arabic word khataba (khutbah, n.d.), which means to preach. In English, a khutbah delivered during Friday’s congregational prayers can be translated to mean a speech or oral presentation, but as it is delivered within a religious context and theologically for offering advice (Zarabozo, 1994), a more suitable translation of the word is sermon. As one of the main responsibilities of the imam is the delivery of the khutbah he can also be referred to as the khatib (carrying

2 Friday’s congregational prayers occur at the same time as the daily zuhr or noon prayers, which is generally, when the sun has crossed the celestial meridian or highest point in the sky (al-Marghinani, 2006). During the fieldwork, I found most mosques were offering the congregational prayers at approximately 1pm. However, this time changes throughout the year.

the literal translation of an orator) (Alkhairo, 1998). In Sydney’s mosques, the sermon for Friday’s congregational prayers is delivered mostly by an imam who is, in the broader sense of the word and as it relates most specifically to the mosques of

Sydney, a person based at a mosque and primarily responsible for leading and facilitating religious rituals and educational programmes offered by the mosque

(Underabi, 2014). In Islam, the performance of the role of the imam is not restricted to clergy or persons based at a mosque. Though there are some recommendations and guidelines for who should be given the responsibility (discussed in Chapter 5), anyone can take on the role provided they are male, adult, Muslim and possess the necessary skills and knowledge (Zarabozo, 1994). Thus, in approximately 17% of cases, and most particularly in mosques or places of worship that do not have a full- time or part-time imam, volunteers from the community take on the role of the imam for the khatib (Underabi, 2014).3

The role played by the imam during Friday’s congregational prayers is important, as the responsibility for delivering the sermon may present the possibility for them to act as ‘agents of socialisation.’ Scott and Marshall (2009) describe socialisation as

“the process by which individuals learn to become members of society, both by internalising the norms and values of society, but also learning to perform their social roles.” Socialisation is also defined as “the process by which someone learns the ways of a given society or social group so that he can function within it” (Elkin &

Handel, 1972, p. 7). In general, socialisation is a “process by which cultural and behavioural patterns of a particular society are transmitted from one generation to the next” (Okon, 2012). Individuals, social groups and institutions that create the context for socialisation are referred to as agents of socialisation. In the context of Australia

3 For example, my supervisor, Professor Mehmet Ozalp, occasionally leads the congregational prayers and associated with that, delivers a sermon.

and most specifically as it relates to discourses relating to violent extremism, the topic of whether imams are agents of socialisation has indirectly been expressed and debated in the media, among policy makers and scholars. However, the topic has yet to be directly investigated. In light of this gap in knowledge, the main objective of this study is to investigate whether the imams who deliver the sermon for Friday’s congregational prayers are agents of socialisation. To achieve this overarching aim, the objectives of the study are to:

1. Understand the acts performed during Friday’s congregational prayers

The mosque sermon is delivered within the frame of a broader range of acts

that form Friday’s congregational prayers. Developing an understanding of

these from a sociological frame was considered a vital first step to

understanding the content of the sermon. Most contributions to the topic of

jum’ah have been made by Muslim scholars and from an Islamic perspective

(Buyukcelebi, 2003; Esposito, 2011; Jazīrī, 2009; al-Marghinani, 2006;

Nadwi, 2007). Investigations of Friday’s congregational prayers from the

broader fields of sociology and anthropology are limited to a few (Reeber,

1991; 1993). Therefore, one of the major objectives of this study is to

investigate the acts performed during Friday’s congregational prayers. For

this purpose, the theories that provided a frame of analysis included

Goffman’s (2002) dramaturgy and, influenced by him, Schechner’s (2013)

Performance Studies (PS)4 theories. The defining feature of these theories is

that they approach and use the theatre as a metaphor for understanding

‘ordinary’ human behaviours and interpreting what happens in ordinary life.

4 Not to be confused with ‘performance’ theory.

Of central importance to this study is the concept of ‘restorations,’ as

presented by Schechner (2013) to denote that almost all objects and human

behaviours represent repetitions or restorations of past objects or behaviours.

This concept was used to investigate the extent to which Friday’s

congregational prayers are formed of restored objects and behaviours.

Another important concept that formed the frame for investigation and

analysis is the idea that religious rituals are similar to staged performances.

Just as a staged performance is guided by a script and influenced by a director

or producer, rituals also follow a set of acts prescribed and guided by an

external source. This concept formed the basis of examining the extent to

which the acts followed by the participants, statements made by the imam,

way the mosque is arranged and clothes worn by the participants follow

prescribed guidelines.

The methodological approach adopted for achieving this objective had an

ethnographic orientation and involved fieldwork observations in the mosques

of Sydney during Friday’s congregational prayers. The outcome of this

process, as presented in Chapter 5, played the important role in facilitating a

better understanding of the objects and acts that form Friday’s congregational

prayers and also enabled me to distinguish the acts performed and statements

made by the imam that follow the ‘script’ from those that do not.

2. Examine whether imams adopt methods of social influence and control

during the delivery of their sermons

One of the main objectives of this study was to develop an understanding of

whether imams adopt methods of social influence and control during the

delivery of their sermons. Achieving this objective was of central importance to this study. Of the theories available, the two most important and widely accepted include the structural functional and interactionist theories of socialisation. The functionalist theory of socialisation argues that most human behaviours are enactments of norms and values associated with the role people perform in society. The structural functional perspective holds that conformity to role expectations occurs partly because of social pressure applied when members of society approve or disapprove of each other’s behaviours, so bringing individuals to act in line with the role they are performing in society, and partly a consequence of seeing other people perform social roles. A social interactionist view of human society takes a different approach to explaining human behaviours. The perspective holds that the way people behave is essentially an act. The norms and values associated with the roles people perform are considered ‘social constructions’ that provide blueprints and guidelines for how people should act in certain contexts and with certain objects in society. The two theories stem from different epistemological roots, but together they form a theoretical framework to examine whether imams employ methods to socialise and thereby influence and control their audiences. From an interactionist lens, the study will investigate how imams define and socially construct the role of a

Muslim; and from a structural perspective, the study will examine whether and how the expectations associated with the role are structurally enforced or modelled for audiences to follow.

The methodological approach adopted for the purpose of this investigation involved the gathering of recordings from 16 mosques in Sydney,

culminating in a total of 48 sermons which were content analysed. The

findings of this research process are presented in Chapters 6 and 7.

3. Investigate how audiences receive, respond to and are affected by the

sermon

In the event that imams were found to employ methods of socialisation, it was

conceived that a conclusive answer as to whether the sermon is a mechanism

of socialisation would not be reached without also examining how audiences

receive, respond to and are affected by the sermon. Therefore, a number of

audience reception theories were adopted to investigate this. From the field of

communication studies, the Hypodermic Syringe theory (HDST) offered the

simplistic possibility that audiences will automatically understand and be

affected by a message. The theory is highly simplistic and based on the now

outdated communication model advanced by Shannon and Weaver (1963),

but nonetheless needs to be examined as it forms the basis of the position that

sees imams are responsible for the purported rise in violent extremism

(Bendle, 2008).

Another theory that was applied to examining how audiences receive and

respond to the sermon was Stuart Hall’s (1974) Encoding and Decoding (ED)

theory, that purports not only that audience members interpret messages

delivered to them differently, but also that factors such as age, gender and

educational status affect the way people respond to messages they receive.

A critical limitation of the theories, is their fitness to examine the impact of a

sermon, which is, at a basic level, a public presentation. As such, what also

needs to be examined is the relationship between the sermon’s characteristics

to the way audiences receive, respond to and are affected by it.

To achieve the objectives outlined above, 745 mosque visitors were surveyed

immediately after they listened to a sermon that was being recorded for the

purpose of analysis. The audience surveys were analysed from the lens of

audience reception theories and the relationship between the characteristics of

the sermon and its reception by audiences examined. The findings of this

process are presented in Chapter 8.

4. Evaluate the functions served by Friday’s congregational prayers

An audience reception theory referred to as the Uses and Gratifications (UG)

theory presents it is not the sender of a message, but the receiver who holds

the power as they ‘use’ the messages sent to them to serve their own needs.

Applying the UG theory to analysing how audiences receive the mosque

sermon involved conceiving the possibility that audiences may be ‘using’

Friday’s congregational prayers to serve their own needs. For Muslim men,

attending Friday’s congregational is a religious obligation; thus, it was

conceived that participation in the congregational prayers was not necessarily

to receive the message delivered, but simply to perform their religious

obligations. Based on Dunn et al’s (2015) study, which indicates Muslim

Australians have a strong desire to maintain their faith, it was also conceived

that participation may be driven by the desire to maintain religious beliefs

and practices. Lastly, in view of Durkheim’s (1915) proposition that religious

rituals serve the important function of enhancing a person’s sense of social

solidarity and belonging to a community, it was conceived there may be

social benefits to participating in the congregational prayers and audiences

may participate to obtain these benefits. To examine these possibilities,

specific questions were posed in the audience surveys that were administered

in Sydney’s mosques. The findings are presented in Chapter 8.

1.1 PhD structure

This thesis has nine chapters. The first five chapters provide the context, key literature and theories that informed this research, including my methodological approach. Following this, the empirical findings are presented in three chapters. The final chapter presents some overall conclusions, highlights the limitations of this study and further scope for investigation.

Chapter 1 is divided in two parts. While the first part of chapter presents the aims and objectives of the study (as presented in the preceding section), the second contextualises the study within the frame of discourses relating to mosques and imams in the Australian context. This is followed by an overview of the evolving functions served by the mosque and imam, and the implications for the nature of the content delivered through the mosque sermon. The section highlights that factors important to consider for any study focused on examining the content of mosque sermons include: the political context and function served by the mosque; the institutional and/or political affiliations of the mosque and imam; and the identity of the imam outside Friday’s congregational prayers.

Following on from the points made Chapter 1 about factors important to understand the nature of the content delivered through the mosque sermon, Chapter 2 presents an understanding of the context. The chapter begins with an overview of the migration histories of Muslim Australians and the associated increase in the number

of mosques. The section highlights the functions served by mosques and imams. This is followed with an examination of the institutional affiliations of NSW’s mosques and, for mosques that have a full-time or part-time imam, those of the imam, as well as the programmes and activities offered. Based on this information, the chapter concludes that NSW’s mosques are volunteer run community organisations and its imams are mainly members of staff that facilitate the performance of religious rituals and run educational programmes for Muslim Australians. Therefore, it is argued that the dynamics that apply to some Muslim majority countries where the sermon is used as a channel for political communication may not apply to the Australian context. As the mosque is a social and spiritual institution with mostly no political and few institutional affiliations, apart from Australian-based organisations, it is generally anticipated the content of the sermon delivered in NSW mosques will be of a social or spiritual orientation. Another topic that is vital to understanding the content of the sermon is the issues relevant to the lives of Muslim Australians. To this end, the chapter presents a current profile and overview of the issues relevant to Muslim

Australians. The information presented in the chapter also provides data relevant to analysing the characteristics of the mosque visitors who were surveyed for this study.

Chapter 3 presents an overview of the three categories of theories that have framed this investigation. Aimed at facilitating an investigation of the broader range of acts that form Friday’s congregational prayers, these include Goffman’s ‘dramaturgy’ and

Schechner’s ‘Performance Studies’ theories. The second set of theories facilitate an examination of the mechanisms of socialisation used during the delivery of the mosque sermon, which include structural functionalist and social interactionist theories of socialisation. The third set of theories presented in the chapter are the audience reception theories that have framed and been applied to examining how

audiences receive, respond to and are affected by the mosque sermon along with the functions that Friday’s congregational prayers may be serving.

Chapter 4 explains the methodological approach taken to achieve the aims and objectives of this study, justification for its adoption and methods of analysis. After highlighting that the study relied on ethnography and a mixed methods approach, the chapter presents detailed information about how the instruments for data collection, such as the audience survey, were designed; how the mosques where the recordings of the sermons took place were selected; and how the recordings were conducted and content analysed. The chapter also highlights how the characteristics of the sermons as they relate to the content and general style of presentation were evaluated, and their relationship to how audiences receive and are affected by the sermon examined.

The final part of the chapter presents how photographs were taken and video recordings helped the research process, as well as outlining the limitations of the methodologies adopted.

Chapter 5 presents a theoretical analysis of Friday’s congregational prayer. The chapter begins with an account of, from the frame of Schechner’s PS theory, the

‘proto-p’ for Friday’s congregational prayers – that is, the acts performed by

Muhammad and the first community of Muslims, and the instructions provided by

Muhammad about how the congregational prayers should be performed. I compare the proto-p to a ‘script’ that performers are required to follow. This is followed by a theoretical analysis of the observations made during fieldwork. In the chapter, I highlight that most of what was observed is what Schechner (2013) calls

‘restorations’ or follows the ‘script’ for Friday’s congregational prayers. This applies not just to the acts performed by the actors involved in the ‘play,’ but also the

‘stage’, setting and costumes worn by some performers. Where the script allows, variations could be observed and this was evidently clear when the imam presented the main body of his sermon.

Chapter 6 presents the findings of the content analysis specifically as it relates to the basic characteristics, such as the topics covered and language of delivery. The chapter also presents an evaluation of the characteristics of the sermons as they relate to the content and style of presentation.

Chapter 7 presents a content analysis of the sermons delivered in Sydney from the frame of the social structural and social interactionist theories of socialisation presented in Chapter 3. The analysis is presented in a thematic format to facilitate better understanding of the nature of the content delivered as well the methods of socialisation used. The chapter concludes that imams may be agents of socialisation as they employ a diverse range of methods of socialisation, including that their sermons define what it means to be a Muslim and how the role of a Muslim should be performed. Furthermore, structural methods of socialisation include the enforcement of sanctions and rewards and presentations of models, primarily in the form of the prophets, to illustrate and exemplify how the ‘role’ of the Muslim as constructed by the sermon should be performed.

Chapter 8 presents a theoretical analysis of the results of the audience surveys that were administered in Sydney’s mosques. The chapter presents a basic overview of the characteristics of survey participants and how they receive, respond to and are affected by the content of the sermon. This is followed by an examination of the functions served by Friday’s congregational prayers. In view of the theories presented in Chapter 3, analysis of the relationship between the background

characteristics of audience members as well as the characteristics of the sermon to the way that audiences receive, respond to and are affected by the sermon are presented. The chapter concludes the mosque sermon is generally ‘decoded’ – i.e. audience members understand the message communicated and largely accept it.

Moreover, the chapter presents that, while the audiences’ background characteristics make some difference to how they receive and are affected by the sermon, the sermon’s characteristics make a strong difference to the level of impact felt. Strong supporting evidence was found for the UG theory as audiences attend to perform their religious obligations and attain the social benefits associated with participating in the service, such as the maintenance of faith and feeling a sense of belonging to a community.

Chapter 9 presents a summation of the aims and objectives of this study, the theoretical and methodological approaches adopted for the purpose of investigation and overall findings. The chapter highlights the contributions this study has made to knowledge. First, the study presents evidence to highlight that Friday’s congregational prayers are made largely of ‘restored’ acts and objects that follow scripted guidelines. Within the script, there is some scope for variation and this relates to the second contribution that this study has made to knowledge and relates to the content of the sermon. The mosque sermon in Sydney, the study found, adopts a diverse range of methods of socialisation. The third contribution to knowledge is the understanding that audiences largely receive the message of the sermon and are affected by it, but the level of affect varies depending on the quality and characteristics of the sermon. Fourth, the study has found the primary purposes of participation in the congregational prayers are the performance of religious obligations, maintenance of faith and feeling a sense of belonging to a community.

Overall, the study has established that imams are agents of socialisation, but for audience members, Friday’s congregational prayers serve a function beyond the desire to be affected by the content of the sermon. The chapter concludes with recognising the limitations of this study, as well as identifying areas where there is scope for further research.

1.2 Context

One of the consequences of September 11 and subsequent terror attacks, such as the

Bali bombing, and more recent international events such as the emergence of the political movement known as ISIS, has been that Muslims in the West have increasingly become the topic of public, political and scholarly debates.

While some sections of the media and government policy documents and associated commentary depict Muslim Australians as being susceptible to violent extremism, mosques have become the target of anti-Muslim and anti-mosque campaigns. This pattern exists not just in Australia, but also in other parts of the Western world, such as the USA, France, Switzerland, Spain and Germany (Cesari, 2005; Cheng, 2015;

Dunn, 2001; Foley, 2012; Göle, 2011; Goodstein, 2010). Anti-mosque campaigners and far right groups typically premise their opposition on the notion that mosques are breeding grounds for violent extremism, if not terrorism (Dunn, 2001). For example,

Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party presents as part of its political campaign, not only that Islam is a violent religion, but all mosques should have security cameras installed inside them to prevent the rise of violent extremism (Pauline Hanson’s One

Nation, n.d.). Some academics take such opinions to be a symptom of Islamophobia, which is a social condition associated with the irrational and unsubstantiated fear and dislike of Islam and Muslims (Dunn, 2001), but paralleling the emergence of ISIS, it

is one that has experienced a significant increase in recent years (Briskman, 2015).

Nonetheless, some academics, such as Bendle (2007; 2008), despite facing fierce criticism from his own colleagues based at James Cook University where he was employed as a senior lecturer and ‘terrorism expert’ prior to his retirement (Hare,

2012), have lent support to the view that mosques are incubators of violent extremism. According to Bendle (2008), Australia’s mosques are in the hands of religious extremists who preach a version of Islam that is violent, punitive and sectarian, thereby contributing to the problem of religious extremism. On the other hand, sociologists like Humphrey (1987) and Bouma (1994) present that mosques serve the functional role of unifying the Muslim community and giving them a sense of belonging. However, these studies were conducted more than two decades ago, and since then the topic of the functions served by mosques has largely been neglected. Recently, in partnership with the Islamic Sciences and the Research

Academy (ISRA), I filled in some gaps in knowledge with a study of NSW mosques, which found they are simply religious institutions geared to facilitate the performance of religious rituals and maintenance of religious belief and practice

(Underabi, 2014). Moreover, the study found mosque leaders were generally supportive of the view that Muslims should integrate and mosque administrators had organised events to engage with members of the wider Australian society, such as open days and interfaith dialogue. The information presented in this report challenges the notion that mosques are incubators of violent extremism.

Just as there are diverging perspectives about mosques, there are also differing views about imams. Among scholars, the nature of the perspectives and positions held about imams are similar to those held about mosques, as it is argued they pose a challenge to the integration of Muslims into mainstream Australian society (Bendle,

2007) and others present they can facilitate the integration of Muslims. These debates follow a pattern similar to what Birt (2006) observes in the British context where imams are generally placed in either ‘good’ or ‘bad’ categories. The ‘bad’ imams are feared and perceived to contribute to the problem of religious fundamentalism by preaching violence, while the ‘good’ imams (with some training) are generally pro- government, comply with their policies, and it is assumed, can help resolve the problem of religious extremism (see for example Boender, 2008; Bowlby & van

Impelen, 2017; Geaves, 2008). However, irrespective of whether imams are considered to be good or bad, it is assumed they have the capacity to influence

Muslim Australians.

This notion has been challenged by Akbarzadeh (2013; 2015), who argues the influence of imams on young Muslim Australians is largely exaggerated as imams, he argues, are usually foreign-born, older and culturally different from young

Muslim Australians. Therefore, he holds that imams, while respected and important for the purpose of facilitating religious rituals, do not seen to have enough influence to control the views and attitudes of Muslim Australians, particularly those feared by governments to be susceptible to violent extremism.

While debates relating to mosques and imams continue, there are significant gaps in knowledge about the mosques in Australia. Some of these gaps were filled by the

Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 (Underabi, 2014), but the precise nature of teachings taking place inside Australia’s mosques or their impact on mosque visitors are yet to be a topic of investigation. One study that examines the content of sermons delivered is Melbourne-based and narrowly focused on gathering information from only two mosques (Albayrak, 2012), which still

leaves a significant gap in knowledge. One of the major findings of the Mosques of

Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 was that Friday’s congregational prayers are a major weekly event in Sydney’s mosques. This study extends the field of research and contributes knowledge by presenting not only a detailed analysis of the content of the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques, but also whether imams use mechanisms of socialisation to influence and control their audiences along with an investigation of how audiences receive, respond to and are affected by it.

1.3 Friday’s congregational prayers – Historical beginnings

The history of Friday’s congregational prayers is tied to the history of Islam and that of Muhammad. As such, what follows in this section is a historical overview of how the congregational prayers began.

Muslims believe God has provided guidance since the beginning of human history through prophets and messengers. Beginning with Adam, Muslims believe messengers and prophets were sent to various communities and at different points in time to guide and communicate God’s message to humanity. Muslims consider

Muhammad to be the final messenger and Prophet of God, sent to guide all human societies. His biographies have been written and presented by a diverse range of sources and can be found in different formats, written and produced by Muslims and non-Muslims. For the purpose of this study, I relied predominantly on Martin Ling’s

Muhammad (2006), Yahiya Emerick’s Muhammad, Critical Lives (2002), and watched a documentary entitled Islam: Empire of Faith (Gardner & Grupper, 2000).

These sources of information offer similar narrations, with varying degrees of detail, that are not much different to what my mother narrated to me when I was younger.5

Muhammad, it is widely agreed, was born around 570 CE into the tribe of Quraysh in

Mecca. By the time he was around six years old both his parents had died and he was raised by his grandfather Abdul-Mutaalib and uncle Abu Talib. The defining feature of Meccan society was that people were divided into different tribes and clans formed of people with common ancestors. The tribal and clan connections people held served vital functions and were a particularly important source of support and protection when disputes emerged between individuals and tribes. Muhammad was born into the Hashim clan, which was headed by his uncle, Abu Talib, the man who adopted him after his grandfather died. Nonetheless, being an orphan in tribal Arabia where having a father was associated with honour and status, Muhammad was a marginalised member of society and this experience instilled in him a strong sense of justice from a very early age.

Tribal life in Mecca was also characterised by the worship of many gods, spirits and totems, the representative figures of which were kept inside the cubic structure known as the Ka’baa, making it a shrine filled with many gods and goddesses that was visited by pilgrims from long distances. Associated with these visits, trade flourished in the area, making Mecca a vibrant centre in the Arabian Peninsula.

When Muhammad reached the age of 25, he became a merchant and his talents attracted the attention of his employer, Khadijah, who proposed marriage to him.

Muhammad accepted the offer and remained married to her for 25 years. During his business travels, Muhammad encountered Jewish and Christian sages, and he is

5 I am a Muslim Australian. I have strategically placed this statement to contextualise my position as a researcher in relation to the topic covered in this thesis.

believed to have had discussions with them about faith-related matters. Mecca was home to small pockets of Christians and a sizeable Jewish community, which presented him the opportunity to interact with people of diverse religious backgrounds.

Muhammad generally felt Mecca was an unjust society, and on occasions, he retreated to the mountains where he spent time in solitude and reflection. It was during one of these retreats that he experienced what would be a defining moment in

Islamic history: an angel in the form of man appeared before him, revealing the first verses of the Qur’an. Muhammad found this experience disturbing at first, but in the months to come, he continued receiving revelations. What was particularly astounding to the Arab tribes was, while the verses of the Qur’an were lyrical and poetic, they knew Muhammad could not read or write. However, for most part, this did not impress the Meccans or the elders who formed the tribal council as it not only challenged their beliefs and practices, but also carried revolutionary ideas.

While Meccan society was structured so the lower class, mainly represented by individuals of African descent, were owned by and served the interests of the middle and upper class Arabs, Muhammad called for the abolishment of social hierarchies based on ethnicity and race. For women, Muhammad was a feminist as he asked for women to be given their due recognition and rights.6 Not surprisingly, the first groups of people who converted to Islam were slaves, women and children. Soon members of his family joined the study circles that occurred in hidden places. Over time, the number of Muslims began to increase.

6 This refers to women who lived during Muhammad’s time and does not describe today’s conditions for women living in Muslim societies.

The tribal council made of the representatives and elders of the various tribes at first mocked and ridiculed Muhammad and his followers, but with the increase in the number of conversions to Islam, they realised the new religion of Islam posed a serious threat to the pagan beliefs and traditions. Along with the increasing number of Muslims, opposition and hostility toward the Muslims grew. Attempts to discourage others from converting to Islam involved open displays of harassing and torturing Muslims. This did not deter the number of Muslims from growing.

Some Muslims took on the role of scribe and wrote the verses of the Qur’an as they were revealed to Muhammad. One of these verses commanded Muslims to pray. At a later stage, Muhammad was informed that Muslims must pray five times a day at various intervals. The narrative of how Muhammad learnt how to perform the prayers follows that one day the angel Gabriel (the angel who came to Muhammad with the first verses of the Qur’an) came to him again and told him to ‘pray as you have seen me pray.’ He demonstrated and taught Muhammad how to perform ablution and offer the daily prayers (salah). After this, Muhammad taught these actions to the first group of Muslims; thus, performing prayers become an obligatory aspect of religious life for Muslims.

As praying in public spaces posed the risk of being harassed, tortured and persecuted, the first group of Muslims performed their prayers in hiding. However, as the number of Muslims continue to increase and Islam attracted among others, influential people such as Muhammad’s uncle, Hamza, who came from the powerful tribe of Quraysh, their confidence increased and they performed their prayers in public spaces. Outraged by this display of confidence, the tribal council came to a decision that sanctions were to be imposed on Muhammad, his followers and clan

(the bani Hashim), which meant no one was to marry or trade with them. Further, it was decided they would be exiled to the outskirts of Mecca until they denounced their faith. These decisions brought upon the Muslims immense hardship as they endured poverty and famine for three consecutive years. During this period,

Muhammad’s wife Khadijah and his uncle, Abu Talib (not a Muslim), died. The

Muslims would eventually be relieved from these dire circumstances by the tribes of

Yathrib (now known as Medina), who came to Muhammad asking him to help resolve the tribal disputes that had created a state of anarchy in Medina. Muhammad agreed if, in exchange, the Muslims could migrate to Medina. This condition was accepted and soon the Muslims started migrating to Medina. This point in Islamic history marks the beginning of the Islamic calendar.

The Muslims migrated from Mecca to Medina discreetly and gradually, one family and individual at a time, so they would not be detained by the Meccans. Muhammad was one of the last people to leave, but prior to his departure, he sent a message to the Muslims who had migrated to Medina before him asking that they should arrange to offer Friday’s congregational prayers. In the letter directed specifically to his companion, Mus’an bin Umair, he is narrated to have said: “seek nearness to Allah by means of two rakah [units] of the prayer and when the sun declines after mid-day on Friday.” The letter implied the congregational prayers were to be offered during the time of the zuhr prayers. Meanwhile, on his own journey from Mecca to Medina, he stopped to perform Friday’s congregational prayers.

When he reached Medina, Muhammad’s first goal was to establish peace among the warring factions and he succeeded. Directly connected to Muhammad’s house, the first development project embarked upon by the first community of believers was

that of the construction of the mosque. Muhammad helped lay the foundations of this mosque. The mosque was extremely simple with palm trunks and mud bricks used to form the walls of an enclosure approximately 30x35 metres in size. The mosque had three doors; located on the central south, west and east walls. In this mosque, the

Muslims could finally pray together as a community. Muhammad would also use the mosque as a platform to share new revelations with the community, instigate social and legislative reforms, and give people guidance relating to all areas of life

(Farahati, 2011; Omer, 2010).

Bilal, a former Ethiopian slave, was the first to recite the call to prayer in this mosque. Muhammad is said to have strategically picked Bilal for this responsibility to cement the concept of racial equality that Islam spoke of from the beginning.

Women would also visit the Prophet’s mosque. Muhammad stated visiting the mosque was optional for women, but if they wish to attend, they can.

The interior of Prophet Muhammad’s mosque was plain and simple; an empty square of land with no walls or objects to mark a division between men and women.

Nonetheless, during the performance of the congregational prayers, women were seated behind men (Omer, 2010). Facing the direction of Jerusalem at first, but later

Mecca, one of the main religious rituals performed at the mosque was that of

Friday’s congregational prayers. During the congregational prayers, Muhammad took on the role of the ‘imam.’ The congregational prayers began with the call to prayer. Referring to this call, verses of the Qur’an command: “O ye who believe!

When the call is heard for the prayer of the day of congregation (Friday), hasten unto remembrance of Allah and leave your trading. This is better for you if ye did but know” (Quran 62:9). As the verses represent the words of God, closing ‘business and

trade’ for the purpose of participating in the congregational prayers became an obligation. The part of the verse that states “hasten to the remembrance of Allah” is taken by most Muslim scholars to refer to the sermon. Thus, participating in the congregational prayers in time to listen to the sermon is looked upon highly favourably by Muslim scholars, if not considered obligatory, for qualified men (Al-

Marghinani, 2006; Jazīrī, 2009).

As I detail the precise nature of the acts performed during the congregational prayers in Chapter 5, I will not present them here. As for the content of Muhammad’s sermons, they are said to have had few essential elements: they began with words of praise for God, included the recitation of some verses from the Qur’an, enjoined what is good and prohibited what is evil, exhorted people to be God-conscious and concluded with supplications for believers, consisting of pleas for forgiveness

(Zarabozo, 1994). Aside from these essential elements, his sermons are said to have covered a diverse range of social, spiritual and political topics. The topics he covered are said to have generally reflected his role as the spiritual and political leader of the community (Farahati, 2011). Just as the content of the sermon delivered by

Muhammad reflected the function served by the mosque (a spiritual, social and political institution) and nature of the role he performed in society, the content of the sermons delivered by imams in the centuries after Muhammad’s death also reflected the nature of their roles in society (Borthwick, 1967). Thus, what follows is an overview of the geo-political dynamics that unfolded immediately after

Muhammad’s death until the advent of colonialism in the early part of the 20th century, continuing to the present. This is followed by an analysis of how these dynamics affected the functions served by the mosque, role performed by the imam

for Friday’s congregational prayers and nature of the content delivered through the mosque sermon.

1.4 Geographic spread of Islam

This section provides a brief historical overview of the spread of Islam from the period immediately after Muhammad’s death until the onset of colonialism and the rise of independence movements in Middle East countries where Islam is now a dominant religion. The overview is based primarily on Esposito’s (1988) book Islam:

The straight path and Gardner and Grupper’s (2000) documentary Islam: Empire of

Faith. The section facilitates a better understanding of the information presented in section 1.5.

In the seventh century, Arabia was dominated by two great empires: the Byzantine

(Christian), or Eastern Rome, empire and the Sasanian Persian (Zoroastrian) empire.

In the middle was the Arabian Peninsula composed of tribal societies. Within the first one hundred years after Muhammad’s death, both empires fell under the rule of the expanding Islamic empire. The first Caliph, Abu Bakr, sent out envoys to forge alliances with the fiercely independent surrounding rulers and tribes. The second

Caliph, Umar bin Khattab, sent out armies to spread the message of Islam. Their visions were for a new world order consisting of a community of believers (including

Christians and Jews) operating under Islamic rules and regulations. Within a decade, the Muslim armies conquered modern day Jerusalem Syria, Persia and Egypt. Within the conquered territories, the Muslim armies established garrison towns nearby, such as Basa and Kufa in Iraq, Fustat in Egypt and Qairawan in North Africa. From these towns, conquered people were governed and expeditions launched to stretch the

Islamic empire further.

The territories that fell under Muslim rule were divided into provinces, each managed by a governor who was usually a military commander. The internal civil and religious administration remained in the hands of local officials. Scholars have provided diverse explanations of the cause, but it is widely agreed that masses of people converted to Islam during this period in Islamic history.

After a series of successions by the companions of Muhammad, the leadership of the

Muslim empire fell into the hands of Muawiya who founded the Umayyad dynasty, which ruled from 661-750 CE. The Umayyads operated from their capital Damascus, instead of Mecca and Medina. From this new centre, the Umayyads completed the conquest of the entire Persian and half the Roman (Byzantine) empire. When

Muawiya seized power, Islam had already spread to Egypt, Libya, the Fertile

Crescent, Syria, Iraq, and Persia across Armenia to the borders of Afghanistan.

Under the Umayyads, the Muslims also captured the Maghreb (North Africa), Spain and India.

Despite the rapid expansion of Islamic empire under Umayyad rule, discontentment simmered among various groups. The rapid expansion of territory brought with it wealth, the rise of new centres of power and an influx of beliefs and practices that contradicted the values of Islam. For example, the Umayyad’s governance system privileged the Arabs, creating hostile feelings among non-Arabs who eventually denounced their second class status. Meanwhile, Arab Muslims living in Mecca,

Medina and Iraq resented the privileged position of the Syrian Arabs, while devout

Muslims would see the cosmopolitan lifestyle of luxury and privilege as a deviation and distraction from a Muslim’s true purpose in life. The Shiite detested Umayyad rule from its beginnings.

In 747, an opposition movement rallied behind Abu Muslim and, by 750, Abbasid rule was established and the capital moved from Damascus to Baghdad. The

Abbasids brought an era of a strong centralised government and economic prosperity. They replaced the Arab-Syrian army with an army and bureaucracy in which non-Arabs, especially Persians, played a major role. They aligned their government with Islamic beliefs through building mosques and establishing educational institutions that would be instrumental in developing an Islamic legal system. The religious scholars (referred to as the ulama) of this era became the professional elites in society. The search for knowledge was not limited to the confines of the Islamic empire. Scholars would travel to different corners of the world to obtain manuscripts, including Greece where they accessed the works of

Aristotle and Plato, translated them into Arabic (the official language of the empire) and extended knowledge further by analysing them from an Islamic perspective.

During this period, major contributions were made to philosophy, algebra and geometry, science and medicine, art and architecture. The Abbasids were also successful in extending Muslim rule, but their success was based on trade, commerce, industry and agriculture, rather than conquest, which brought them in contact with people from a wide range of civilisations.

This golden age of Islam gradually disintegrated when, in 945 CE, the Buyids

(Buwayhids), a Shii dynasty from Western Persia, invaded Baghdad (the capital) and seized power. They symbolically kept an Abbasid leader on the throne to establish legitimacy, but power transferred to the Persians (Buyid) and Turkic (Seljuq).

In the meantime, the crusaders struggled against the political, cultural and religious domination of Islam. By the 11th century, large numbers of Christians living under

Muslim rule had converted to Islam and those who remained Christian were adopting

Arabic language and customs. The Muslim armies had taken parts of the eastern

Roman Empire, Spain and the Mediterranean from Sicily to Anatolia and a major battle had been fought in which the French successfully stopped the Muslim occupation of France. By the 11th century, Christendom’s response to Islam emerged in two forms: the struggle to reconquer Spain (1000–1492), Italy and Sicily (1061), and another series of Christian holy wars – the Crusades (1095-1453).

In 1258, Baghdad was destroyed and the Abbasid caliphate was officially ended by the Mongol invasion. The Mongols were a destructive force that had invaded much of central Asia, China, Russia and the Near East. Muslim power would have also stopped, except the Mongol invaders converted to Islam. The central caliphate was replaced by a chain of dynamic Muslim sultanates, which eventually extended from

Africa to South-east Asia, from Timbuktu to Mindanao, as Islam penetrated Africa, central and South-east Asia, and Eastern Europe. Among the principal missionaries of Islam were traders and Sufi brotherhoods.

Muslim power peaked in the 16th century and three Muslim empires emerged among many thriving states: the Ottoman Turkish empire encompassing portions of North

Africa, the Arab world and Eastern Europe; the Persian Safavid empire, with its capital in Isfahan, which effectively established Shii Islam as the state’s religion; and the Mughal empire, centred in Delhi and embracing most of the Indian subcontinent

(modern day Pakistan, India and Bangladesh). As in Abbasid times, great sultans, such as the Ottoman Suleyman the Magnificent (reigned 1520-1566), Shah Abbas in

Persia (reigned 1587-1629) and the Moghul emperor Akbar (reigned 1556-1605) in

India, were patrons of learning and the arts. Despite variations and the individual

policies of some rulers, the imperial Ottaman, Safavid and Mughul sultanates demonstrated a common Islamic ideological outlook and approach to state organisation, support and use of Islam. Their rules were based on a blend of military strength and religious legitimacy. Many ulama became part of the religious establishment that assisted the sultans’ attempts to centralise and control the educational, legal and social systems. They educated the military, bureaucratic elites in their schools, supervised and guided interpretation and application of the Islamic law in Sharia courts, and oversaw the disbursement of funds from religious endowments (waqf) for educational and social services from the building of schools and mosques to hospitals. International links were forged as ulama came from far and wide to study at Mecca and Medina or at the renowned Al Azhar University in

Cairo. As the ulama developed and prospered, so too did Sufi traditions. Their syncretistic tendencies enabled Islam to adapt to new environments and absorb local religious beliefs and customs. This attracted droves of converts as Islam spread at an astonishing rate in Africa, India and South-east Asia.

During this period, the Islamic empire also extended further under Ottoman rule. In

1453, the Christian Byzantium capital Constantinople (Istanbul) fell to Turkish rule and subsequently emerged as the capital of Ottoman Empire. While the Ottomans extended their rule over Islamic territories in parts of the major cities in the Middle

East that were already dominated by Muslim populations, they also expanded their empire to include Greece, Malta, Cyprus, Tripoli and the Balkans, and much more of

Eastern European territories. In 1683, the Ottoman army was stopped at the gates of

Vienna.

By the turn of the 18th century, the power and prosperity of the imperial sultanates were in serious decline. Internal political disintegration (the rise of semiautonomous regional and provincial governments), military losses, a deteriorating economy affected by European competition in trade and manufacturing and social disruption signalled the end of Muslim imperial ascendancy. The Safavid Empire fell in 1736; dynastic rule would not be re-established until the end of the century under the relatively weaker Qajar dynasty. The Moghul Empire lingered on in name only, subservient to Britain until 1857, when India was formally declared a British colony.

The colonial period brought significant shifts in the balance of powers, not just in

India, but also many parts of the Middle East that fell under the control of colonial powers such as Britain and France. Independence movements eventually lead to the liberation of most colonised territories, but the Middle East did not revert to its old forms of governance. The Ottoman Empire was partitioned into nation-states and placed under the control of post-colonial regimes who in-turn propagated and administered radical secular policies to ‘modernise’ the Middle East. For example,

Kemal Ataturk in Turkey and Gamal Adel Nasser in Egypt took drastic measures to separate or if not close religious institutions. In Turkey, mosques were placed under the strict control of the government and the grand Hagia Sophia (which was a mosque) was closed in 1931 to be opened again in 1935 as a museum. In Egypt, drastic measures were taken to reform the educational system so the role of providing education shifted from religious to secular institutions. The influence of these reforms continues to affect the way the Middle East and many other countries that fell under the colonial rule are governed.

1.5 Evolution of the role of the imam

The geo-political dynamics, as presented above, provide the background information necessary to understanding the information presented in this section. In this section, I discuss how geo-political dynamics influenced the function served by the mosque, role of the imam and content delivered during Friday’s congregational prayers. The purpose of this is to highlight the factors important to consider for any study focused on the content of the mosque sermon in any given context. These factors include the political context, affiliations of the mosque and identity of the imam outside the congregational prayers.

1.5.1.1 First century of Islam

Muhammad was a prophet and political leader; thus, the content of his sermon was of a social, spiritual and political orientation. Of the political content of the sermon, it is widely accepted that he included messages aimed at furthering the newly established

Islamic state’s policies, such as those relating to the collection of tax and calling for people to the join the army. The mosque at this point in Islamic history was equivalent to what would now be considered the ‘headquarters’ of the government as this is where Muhammad, the head of state, was based. Religion and state were inseparable at this point in Islamic history (Farahati, 2011).

Muhammad did not place any strict restrictions on who could take the role of imam for Friday’s congregational prayers. Scholars have come to the understanding that it is preferable for a person to have certain characteristics, such as good morals, to take on the role (Al-Marghinani,2006; Jazīrī, 2009; Nadwi, 2007). However, in the century after Muhammad’s death, the task of delivering the sermon was considered a

‘sacred’ duty, reserved for the ‘caliph’ or political leader of the community (Fathi,

1979). The messages delivered by the caliph, similar to Muhammad, covered a diverse range of topics and were at times used to deliver political messages. The expanding Muslim empire needed members of the Muslim community who had directly been in contact with and received their knowledge of Islam from

Muhammad to migrate and take on the equivalent of a missionary role. Moreover, the expanding Islamic empire also increased the need for Muslims to join the army on their expeditions. At this stage in Islamic history, during Friday’s congregational prayers, the caliph communicated the empire’s need for people to migrate and join the army (Farahati, 2011).

As the Islamic empire continued to expand, it became necessary for the caliph to appoint governors and generals, not just for the purpose of governing territories that fell under Islamic rule, but also to deliver the khutbah for Friday’s congregational prayers (Borthwick, 1979). Following the instructions of the caliph, governors built mosques to perform the dual function of political and educational institutions, and through them deliver a sermon on Fridays (Esposito, 1988). Information about the content covered by the governors is scarce; however, as religion was inseparable from politics, the sermon would have carried political connotations (Borthwick,

1967; Fathi, 1981). As the empire continued to expand, governors appointed local rulers or knowledgeable religious men to deliver the khutbah. Thus, this represents the first point in Islamic history that the task of delivering the sermon shifted away from political leaders, and with that, the political nature of the sermon was slowly reduced to focus more on spiritual content (Borthwick, 1967; Fathi, 1979).

1.5.1.2 The Abbasids

It was during the Abbasid rule (750-1258) when the responsibility of delivering the mosque sermon was officially transferred from political authorities to learned men

(ulama). Distinctly different from the first generation of Muslim leaders, the Abbasid rulers were not directly based at a mosque, but sought advice from scholars based at mosques for government-related issues (Borthwick, 1967). The imams who delivered

Friday’s congregational prayers were highly respected and had the influence and capacity to organise mass demonstrations. Therefore, Abbasid rule depended much on gaining the approval and legitimacy from popular preachers, such as al Jawzi7

(1117-1200), who is said to have had massive influence and impact on the political and religious life of that time (Fathi, 1979). On occasions, the Abbasid rulers would make an appearance at the mosque and directly deliver the sermon instead of having it delivered through an appointed representative (Borthwick, 1967).

In the centuries to follow, the ulama set their base in mosques, which operated the dual function of being a mosque facilitating religious rituals and an educational institution. It is reported that thousands flocked to mosques such as the Qarrawin mosque in Fez, Al Azhar mosque in Cairo and Umayyad mosque in Syria to learn from the scholars based there. Dormitories emerged in the vicinity of the mosques to accommodate domestic and international students (Esposito, 2004). While the ulama delivered the sermons at these prestigious mosques and educational institutions, Fathi

(1981) notes there were different categories of preachers. While ulama based at the mosque were highly respected and influential, there were also individuals who delivered the sermons in village settings or smaller mosques. These preachers were

7 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʿAlī b. Muḥammad Abu ’l-Faras̲ h̲ b. al-Jawzī was an Arab Muslim jurisconsult, preacher, orator, heresiographer, traditionist, historian, hagiographer, and philologist who played an instrumental role in propagating the Hanbali school of orthodox Sunni jurisprudence.

referred to as ‘story-tellers’ and were occasionally accused by scholars of fabricating religious traditions and corrupting their audiences. Sometimes, by the order of the caliph, the story-tellers were ejected from the mosques (Fathi, 1979).

1.5.1.3 Colonialism

The arrangement where the mosque served as an educational institution experienced yet another shift as 19th and 20th century colonialism brought about further changes to the roles of the mosque and imam. The mosque and sermon are said to have played important roles in resisting and, in some cases, gaining independence from the colonisers. Prestigious mosques specialising in religious education, such as Al

Azhar mosque in Egypt, were forced to offer education in a building separate from the mosque and deliver subjects such as science and medicine along with other

Islamic studies. Mosques lost their centrality as educational institutions. However, in most Muslim majority countries, they remained under the close control of governments (Borthwick, 1967; Fathi, 1981).

One of the ways in which governments control the mosque is through the creation of employment barriers for those whose political and religious views are different from the government. Imams in Jordon and Malaysia, for example, are employed after an interview and training process (Sulaiman, Siraj & Ibrahim, 2008; Wiktorowicz,

1999)). Accordingly, sermons may directly be written by government officials to propagate the government’s position and policies on certain issues only to be read by the imam based at the mosque. Historically, the secularist governments of Nasser and

Sadat in Egypt, for example, wrote sermons to further their interests and policies

(Borthwick, 1967; Brinton, 2011). More recently, as religious extremism was perceived to be a growing problem, the government in Morocco provided training to

imams to ‘moderate’ the masses. Thus, when the mosque, imam and sermon delivered during Friday’s congregational prayers are closely connected to the government, the content of the sermon can carry political connotations (Errihani,

2011).

1.5.1.4 Western settings

In Muslim majority countries, the mosque and sermon have played important roles in shaping the history and politics of the region. To date, even when there is clear distinction between religious, educational and political institutions, the mosque still provides a platform where communities gather and, if circumstances allow, imams raise their voices against perceived injustices. The limited number of studies that provide insight into the nature of the topics discussed inside mosques in Western contexts suggest they are generally of a social and spiritual orientation (Albayrak,

2012; Reeber, 1991; Wardak, 2002). When polemical topics are discussed by the imam, they are generally disliked or rejected by audiences (Reeber, 1991). Thus, context can make a difference to the content covered and the way audiences react.

1.5.2 Conclusions to be drawn

The purpose of the information presented in section 1.4 is to highlight there are a number of factors that can potentially influence sermon content and are important to consider for any investigation into Friday’s congregational prayers. These include, first, the political context, and related to it, the functions served by the mosque. In settings where the mosque serves a political function and operates under the control of the government, as is the case in some Muslim-majority countries, the content of the sermon is likely to reflect these dynamics. As presented above, when mosques are government-owned and the imam delivering the congregational prayer is an

employee of the mosque, the government may write the sermon for imams to convey to audiences, which may include messages that propagate policies or positions on certain issues. If mosques are not owned, run or controlled by governments, the institutional affiliations of the mosque are important to understanding the content delivered through the sermon, as this is likely to influence the way topics are presented.

Another factor that may make a difference to the nature of the content delivered is the identity of the imam outside Friday’s congregational prayers. As evident, mosque sermons have been presented by people who fall in a diverse range of categories, including a prophet, peasants, kings, presidents, governors, scholars, government employees, revolutionaries, rebels, and pro- and anti-government activists. In these cases, the identity and role served by the imam outside the congregational prayers affects the nature of the topics covered and message delivered to audiences. These factors, combined with that fact the focus of this study is in a Western setting where

Muslims are a minority, will be considered in the analysis of content of the sermons delivered in the mosques of Sydney.

1.6 Conclusion

This chapter has presented the aims and objectives of the study, and contextualised the study within the frame of discourses relating to mosques, imams and religious extremism. The chapter presented background information that will be of vital importance to understanding the chapters to follow, such as how Friday’s congregational prayers began, the evolving functions of mosques and imams and the relationship between function and the content delivered during Friday’s congregational prayers. The chapter highlighted that factors essential to consider in

understanding the content delivered through the mosque sermon are: the political context and function served by the mosque; the institutional affiliations of the mosques and those of the imam; and the identity of the imam outside Friday’s congregational prayers. To this end, the next chapter presents information that facilitates these considerations for the purpose of this study.

2 MOSQUES, IMAMS AND MUSLIM AUSTRALIANS

Chapter 1 highlighted the factors that play an important role in influencing the content delivered through the sermon to include socio-political context in which it is delivered, the mosque’s institutional affiliations and the role of the imam outside congregational prayers. Also helpful to analysing sermon content is an understanding of the issues relevant to the audiences to whom the sermon is delivered. To facilitate a better understanding of the sermons delivered in Sydney what follows in this chapter is an overview of the history and associated with that the increase in the number of mosques in NSW. This is followed by focus specifically on the characteristics and functions served by the mosques of NSW and imams who deliver the sermon. After this, the chapter presents a profile of NSW’s Muslim Australians and an overview of the issues relevant to them, particularly during the time that fieldwork was being conducted for this study.

2.1 The Macassan

The first group of Muslims to have arrived in Australia were the Macassan from

Sulawesi, who migrated seasonally to the north and north-western coasts of Australia to catch a sea slug known as the trepang (also known as sea cucumber). It is widely accepted the Macassan visits to Australia predate the colonial era; however, there are differences of opinion about the exact period the visits occurred. Ganter (2008) presents the visits occurred around 1640, whereas Macknight (1972) argues it occurred somewhere between 1720 and the 1750s. During their visits, the Macassan are said to have interacted with the indigenous Aboriginal communities, but whether

these interactions were of a cordial nature has been the focus of scholarly debates

(McIntosh, 1996; Ganter, 2008 Stephenson, 2010). Nonetheless, Ganter (2008) argues the interactions appear to have had some influence over the Aboriginal language, religion, art, cuisine and culture. Despite being Muslims, the Macassan did not build any mosques in the sites where they stayed during their visits. This may conceivably be due to the temporary nature of their visits. Thus, the sites where fieldwork investigations for this study took place were neither of Maccassan origin nor could the visitors to Australia’s mosques today be expected to be descendants of the Macassan, as with the arrival of colonial government in Australia and associated measures put in place to deter their visits8 during the middle of the 19th century, the industry that formed the basis of Macassan visits dwindled (Ganter, 2008;

Schwerdtner Manez & Ferse, 2010). The introduction of the Immigration Restriction

Act 1901 eventually put a complete stop to their visits (Macknight, 1976).

2.2 Colonial period

The colonial period, beginning from 1788, while being instrumental to ceasing

Macassan visits, resulted in the arrival of a different group of Muslims. These were a small number of Muslims (approximately 10) whom Cleland (2002) posits to have made their way to Australia as convicts and sailors. At this point in Australian history, it may have been practically impossible to openly practice Islam and build mosques without becoming the target of extreme forms of religious vilification. As such, the small number that lived in Australia, changed their names to avoid being recognised (Cleland, 2002). As with the Macassans, today’s mosques in Australia cannot be traced back to the small wave of Muslims that arrived with colonialism.

8 The imposition of trade taxations and the need to pay licence fees to the colonial government for the purpose of fishing and collecting trepang made the trade less viable.

However, this was to change with the arrival of the ‘Afghans’ in the early 1900s, whose migration to Australia was pivotal to much of the exploratory work carried out by the colonial government and were the first group to have built mosques in

Australia (Cleland, 2002).

The history of the Afghan cameleers follows that, during the early stages of colonial era when the British arrived in Australia not only to settle their prisoners, but also to navigate and conquer new territories. At first, horses and, to a limited degree, bullocks and donkeys were used to navigate the coastal areas of the country.

However, when attention turned to the interiors of Australia, which are largely arid desert environments, these modes of transport proved to be less effective. The solution in this case was for camels, renowned for their ability to survive harsh deserts environments, to be imported from overseas to access the interiors of

Australia. The camels needed to come with their managers or ‘cameleers,’ as they were commonly referred to in historical texts. In 1860, 24 camels and three cameleers joined the Burke and Wills expedition, which marked the first attempt at a north to south crossing of Australia This expedition was largely not successful as most of the explorers, including Burke and Wills after whom the expedition was named, died during the journey. It was recognised the tragedy occurred due to bad planning, but camels were an effective means of transport in desert environments. In the decades to follow, the number of camels and cameleers imported to Australia increased significantly (Australian Government, 2009). The cameleers who were employed to manage the camels have been referred to as Afghan cameleers, but more accurately, they were from Afghanistan and its surrounding countries such as

Pakistan and India (Deen, 1995). Most were predominantly Muslim, but a small number are said to have been Sikhs and Hindus (Scriver, 2004). By the 1880s and

1890s, some Afghans were highly successful businessmen and dominated the camel trade in NSW, Queensland, South Australia, Western Australia and central parts of

Australia. It is estimated, between 1870 and 1900, more than 2 000 cameleers and

15 000 camels came to Australia (Australian Government, 2009).

The cameleers were originally brought to accompany exploration parties; as such, they accompanied explorers with materials and supplies. Their contributions to

Australia would extend beyond this, as they also played a pivotal role in the development and construction of the country’s earliest infrastructure. The Overland

Telegraph Line running through the heart of the country from Adelaide to Darwin and the rail link between Port Augusta and Alice Springs were constructed with the assistance of the cameleers. Once construction was finalised, the cameleers facilitated the development of settlements around the line by delivering supplies necessary for survival to the populations in the area (Australian Government, 2009).

The cameleers also contributed to Australia by playing a crucial role in the excavation of gold deposits around Australia, which effectively increased Australia’s population, boosted the country’s economy and laid the foundations for transforming a convict colony to a prosperous country. The cameleers made this development possible through their provision of food and supplies to mining sites. For example, when gold was discovered in Coolgardie, Perth, in 1884, the Afghans supplied food and water to the gold diggers working in the area (Cleland, 2002). There are also accounts that Indian hawkers served agricultural and mining areas of Victoria, as well as remote properties, police stations and Aboriginal settlements in the Northern

Territory (Deen, 1995).

Most cameleers were on short-term contracts that did not allow for them to bring their families. As such, many worked and lived communally in the fringes of the city, known as ‘Ghan towns’ (Scriver, 2004). Most of the cameleers appear to have been practicing Muslims and left traces of their practice of Islam in the form of mosques built in the various locations where they stayed. For example, the cameleers are known to have built Adelaide mosque in 1880, Maree mosque in South Australia in

1882 and Broken Hill mosque in 1887. Their practice of Islam was not limited to the confines of a mosque, as it is documented that approximately 80 persons would congregate in two church buildings and five other public buildings to perform Friday prayers in Coolgardie during the Gold Rush period (Cleland, 2002). The functions served by the mosques built by the cameleers have not been a topic of investigation, but it appears they served the primary function of offering a place for worship.

The cameleers travelled predominantly for economic reasons; that is, the repatriation of financial resources to their families whom they were not able to bring with them.

Some decided to form families in Australia by marrying local women. Most of the women they married were Aboriginal, but a very small group of cameleers married

European women (Cleland, 2002). Of the cameleers who established families in

Australia, attempts were made to pass on their faith to their children. However, these attempts were not successful as many of their descendants are not practicing

Muslims. Consequently, many of the mosques built by the Afghan cameleers were neglected and abandoned (ABCTV, 2015). More recently, however, some of the descendants of the Afghans have taken it upon themselves to rebuild the mosques constructed by their ancestors. Others, such as the Broken Hill mosque, have been preserved by the state and are open for viewing by the public.

Cleland (2002) highlights the reason for the eventual disappearance of the Afghan cameleers to include the introduction of modern modes of transport, which meant their services were no longer required, combined with the introduction of the

Immigration Restriction Act 1901, which made clear that Afghans were no longer welcome to stay in Australia. Cleland highlights that, despite their attempts, the

Afghans who had lived in Australia for a substantial number of years were unable to obtain citizenship. As a consequence of this policy, most returned to their homelands.

In the meantime, a dictation test was introduced to restrict non-Europeans, particularly Asians, from immigrating to Australia. The dictation test would first be delivered in English, and then, if the candidate passed the test, but was still considered racially or politically unsuitable, another test was administered in a different European language until the candidate eventually failed. The cameleers did not survive these unrealistic procedures. The dictation test remained in place until

1958 and, with that, the Afghan population in Australia virtually disappeared

(Cleland, 2002). The descendants of the cameleers that remained in Australia are largely not based on NSW. As such, they were not expected to be present in the mosques that became the subject of this study.

2.3 Post-war immigration

The history of post-war immigration, as summarised by Bouma (1994), follows that the slowdown of arrivals from the preferred sources of migration, such as the United

Kingdom and Ireland, gradually forced the White Australia Policy to come under review and was officially abolished in 1973. With this, the dictation test that served as a barrier for the migration of individuals and groups of European ancestry was discontinued (Cleland, 2002). In the lead-up to the official abolishment of the White

Australia Policy, Muslims of European ancestry from countries such as Albania,

Cyprus, Bosnia and Russia succeeded in gaining entry to Australia. In 1967, the

Australian and Turkish governments signed an agreement that enabled Muslims of

Turkish ancestry to migrate to Australia. The primary purpose of their migration from the Australian perspective was to fill jobs left vacant in the absence of the desired flow of European migrants (Omar & Allen, 1997). Many of the Albanians who arrived after WWII, for example, worked on projects such as the Snowy

Mountains Hydro Scheme and the Turkish migrants were employed as labourers and process workers in the manufacturing sector (Manderson & Inglis, 1984).

Figure 2–1: Increase in the population of Muslim Australians by state

Source: ABS (2003, extracted from Dunn, 2004; 2006)

The abolition of the White Australia Policy signalled a new era in Australian history as migrants formerly categorised as ‘Asians’ were allowed entry to Australia. Among the new category of immigrants, Muslims arrived from diverse countries such as

Lebanon, Pakistan and Afghanistan (Bouma, 1994). However, as highlighted by

Bouma (1994), in the early 1970s while an assimilationist policy was in force, all immigrants, including those who proclaimed to be Muslim, were required to adopt

Australian norms, values and ways of life while abandoning cultural customs and

religious practices that were considered to be foreign to Australia. The expectation was that they should blend in without changing Australian society. As Bouma highlights, some Muslims fulfilled assimilationist expectations, but for the majority, religion continued to play an important part in their life. As part of their efforts to maintain their religious identity, Muslim migrants, who had predominantly settled in

Sydney or Melbourne, established institutions centred on faith, including mosques that continue to serve the needs of the Muslim community to date (Bouma, 1994).

One of the first religious institution to be established in Sydney was King Faisal

Mosque in Surry Hills, where two terrace houses were turned into a mosque. After this, attention turned to the formation of wider associations and institutions (Bouma,

1994; Hussain, 2011). The formation of these institutions, as presented by Hussain

(2011), included the Islamic Society of NSW in 1957, followed by the Islamic

Society of Victoria. After this, similar societies formed in other states and territories.

In 1963, the Australian Federation of Islamic Societies was established as a representative body for all Muslim Australians. It was renamed the Australian

Federation of Islamic Councils in 1976. Islamic representative groups were structured in three tiers: local societies that elect their own executive committee; state councils made up of representatives of the local societies; and the national body at the highest end of the hierarchy.

In relation to the history of mosques construction, in 1972, the Lebanese Muslim

Association finalised construction of Imam Ali Mosque. In 1973, the Turkish community built a mosque in the inner Sydney suburb Erskineville and in 1977, a second mosque was constructed in the inner Sydney suburb of Redfern. These are some of the oldest mosques in Sydney and reflect the occupational backgrounds of the early Turkish Australian community (Bouma, 1994). At the time they were built,

Sydney was an industrial city that offered abundant opportunities for immigrants to work as labourers in factories and manufacturing plants. As such, the early group of

Turkish migrants, who were mostly not able to speak English and whose qualifications were not accepted in Australia, found jobs at these sites (Manderson &

Inglis, 1984). However, this began to change as Australia’s economy, following global economic trends in most developed Western countries, shifted away from dependence on a manufacturing sector and merged towards reliance on a service- based economy. This shift resulted in the closure of manufacturing sites in the inner suburbs of Sydney (Waitt, 2000). The loss of job opportunities, coupled with the rising cost of housing in the inner Sydney region, resulted in the movement of immigrants to the more affordable western suburbs of Sydney, where the Australian

Bureau of Statistics (ABS) (2011) now reports a concentration of Muslims (see

Figure 2–15).

The changes in Australia’s economy also had implications for the places where the city’s growing Muslim community would build their mosques. In 1979, the Turkish community purchased a house in the western suburb of Auburn to act as a mosque.

In the years to follow, the house was demolished to make way for the construction of one of the most iconic and largest mosques in Sydney: Auburn Gallipoli Mosque

(Bouma, 1994). Reflecting the various ethnic and religious backgrounds of Muslim

Australians, the Shia community constructed the Fatima Al-Zahra in the south-west suburb of Arncliffe in 1980. Meanwhile, in 1983, the small Ahmadiyya community in Sydney purchased land in Marsden Park and, in 1989, Baitul Huda mosque was opened. In 1985, the Middle East Research Association (as cited by Bouma, 1994), notes there were a total of 11 mosques recorded to have been present in NSW. By

1994, Bouma (1994) notes, there were approximately 20 mosques in NSW. Some of

these are said to have been a basic hall with carpeted floors, while others, such as

Auburn Gallipoli Mosque and Ali ibn Talib Mosque in Lakemba, are described as functional mosques and architectural contributions to Australia’s cityscape. All mosques, irrespective of their size, were said to have been managed by an association responsible for the affairs of the local Muslim community and the mosque in particular (Bouma, 1994).

Just as the number of mosques and Muslims living in Australia was increasing, it was also becoming clear to the government that assimilation was not going to be achieved

(Bouma, 1994). Under the Labor government, multiculturalism was introduced as a policy in the 1980s. The vision presented by multiculturalism was of a culturally diverse society where everyone was equal and had the right to maintain and practice their culture without prejudice or discrimination. Ensuring all members of the society were given equal access to resources and services, the government translated documents and funded specialised radio services (Bouma, 1994). During this period, the number of Muslims arriving in Australia continued to increase (Figure 2–1) and the primary reasons for their migration to Australia included seeking a better life and family reunion.

The positive aspects of Australian society included freedom, economic opportunities, and social and political stability, but the newly settled Muslim migrants experienced difficulties, including homesickness, not understanding the Australian culture, not being able to speak English and not being able to obtain their preferred jobs. In this context, the mosque performed a number of different functions. Bouma’s (1994) study found the mosque enhanced the Muslim community’s sense of belonging in

Australia. The mosque’s presence in the Australian context communicated to the

Muslim community they are accepted in society. The study also found the mosque played an essential role in providing space for the performance of religious rituals, such as the five daily prayers, and a communal platform for meeting people with likeminded values, beliefs and experiences in a familiar environment. The five daily prayers offered at the mosque were particularly important for older retired men, who scheduled their day around them.

Bouma (1994) noted some mosques were simple rooms financed by the community and carpeted with an indication of the direction of the Ka’baa, but some were associated with schools, religious classes focused on scripture, language (Arabic and

Turkish), as well as the provision of social and cultural events central to the religious and ethnic community. With respect to mosques that offered these services, parents expressed comfort in knowing there was a place where their children could be sent to learn about Islamic beliefs and practices. Further to the functions served by the mosque, Bouma found evidence to suggest the mosque played an important role in the formation of social networks; as explained earlier, women are typically not involved with the mosque. However, in the Australian context, women used the mosque to form networks that would subsequently lead to the establishment of community organisations, such as the Muslim Women’s Association.

The Middle East Research and Information Association (cited in Bouma, 1994) provided some understanding of the duties performed by the imams based at the mosques, which are said to have included: leading the mosque prayers, delivering sermons, giving religious lessons in the mosques and other locations, teaching scripture at schools, conducting marriages and funerals, counselling on family and marital problems, entertaining visitors to the local mosque and visiting the sick or

those in prison. Though the numbers of imams operating at the mosques is unclear,

Bouma notes the Islamic councils in each state made contributions to the imams’ salaries and they were usually brought out from the immigrants’ homeland. Some imams are said to have been paid by overseas governments and others by the local communities they served.

In the 1980s and 1990s, NSW’s mosques were found to be ethnically divided and this appears to have had implications for the role played by the imam. Turkish-

Australians did not bring their personal problems to the mosque and mostly relied on the imam for facilitating religious rituals at the mosques. The imam serving at mosques built by the Turkish-Australian community was appointed and paid by the

Turkish government. As such, for the Turkish-Australian community, the imam represented a government employee with specific duties to perform (Bouma, 1994).

However, for Sydney’s Muslim Lebanese-Australian community, the mosque represented a village centre with the imam as the symbolic head of the community.

As such, the imam’s role was of significant importance and interest to Lebanese-

Muslims. Thus, when Ali ibn Talib mosque was built in Lakemba, which was largely funded by the Lebanese-Muslim community, the politics of who was to become the imam played a vital role in uniting and organising a community that was, prior to the construction of the mosque, split into diverse small-scale ethnic and political organisations and interest groups. The unifying role of the elected imam of the mosque proved advantageous not only to the community, who became more active and efficient in the provision of services, but also for government institutions providing services to the community, who found a single point of access to recent migrants through the mosque (Humphrey, 1987).

2.4 NSW’s mosques and imams – Current state

The information presented above as it relates to the numbers and functions served by the mosque has mostly been extracted from Bouma’s (1994) report entitled Mosques and Muslim settlement in Australia, and generally depicts that mosques are community built institutions that served a diverse range of social and spiritual functions. Until recently, this report and information available on some websites were perhaps the only sources of knowledge relating to the characteristics of NSW’s mosques. Closing this gap in knowledge, in 2014 the Mosques of Sydney and New

South Wales: Research report 2014 was published (Underabi, 2014). The report presents the most up-to date information about NSW’S mosques, including the functions served by the mosque and role of the imam inside mosques that have a full- time or part-time imam. In what follows, I present an overview of the characteristics and functions served by the mosques of NSW relying solely on this resource. The information presented here will facilitate a better understanding of the content delivered through the mosque sermons of Sydney as along with the functions, it will outline the affiliations of the mosque and those of its imams, which as presented in

Chapter 1 has the potential to play in important role influencing the content of the sermon.

2.4.1 General background

According to the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014, there are 167 Islamic places of worship in NSW (see Appendix A). Of these, approximately 50 per cent (82) offer jum’ah and the five daily prayers. The remaining 50 per cent are places of worship that are open for the five daily prayers, but do not offer jum’ah prayers; open for only some of the five daily prayers and offer jum’ah prayers only; or under construction. Most of the mosques in NSW were

built in the past three decades, with the largest increase in the number of mosques occurring between 1990 and 2010. Approximately 64 per cent of mosques were built during this period. The report highlights the number of mosques in the state is continuing to increase at a steady rate with growth of four per cent since 2010. Most of the mosques were found to be located in the western suburbs of Sydney (see Table

2-1), which is where most Muslim Australians living in Sydney reside (see Figure 2–

15).

Figure 2–2: Mosques of NSW: Year of establishment

After 2010 Before 1970 4% 8% 1970 to 1979 12%

2000 to 2010 33% 1980 to 1989 12%

1990 to 1999 31%

Source: Underabi, 2014

Table 2-1: Location of mosques in NSW

Location of the mosque Northern and Inner Sydney Western Sydney Outside Sydney Total Total 11 31 7 50

Source: Underabi, 2014

2.4.2 Mosque affiliation

NSW’s mosques are generally not connected to a central organisation. The report notes, while the Australian Federal Islamic Council does not actively seek membership, 14 per cent of mosques are affiliated with it. An additional 14 per cent

were found to be affiliated with the Islamic Council of NSW. Although 19 per cent of mosques are affiliated with the growing membership of the Australian National

Imams Council (ANIC, established 2007), this is relatively low compared to the significance of the organisation. One reason would be that imams usually become members of the ANIC, rather than the mosque. The study reports approximately three mosques are affiliated with the Turkish Diyanet9 and another three with Ahlus

Sunnah wal Jammah Association.10 Overall, these figures indicate that mosques are mostly independent institutions.

Figure 2–3: Mosques of NSW: Affiliation with Muslim representative organisations

Australian Federal Islamic Council 14% None 21%

Australian National Imam Council 19% Other 23% Islamic Council of Shia NSW Council 14% 9%

Source: Underabi, 2014

2.4.3 Mosque attendance

Eighty-four per cent of mosque leaders indicated that mosque attendance has increased in the past five years. Conceivably, the increase can be attributed to the growth in the number of Muslims living in NSW (see Figure 2–4).

9 Diyanet refers to the Turkish Government’s Religious Affairs Directorate. The department takes an active role in catering to the religious needs of Turkish Muslims living in Western countries. 10 An Australia-based organisation whose members follow Salafi Islam.

Figure 2–4: Mosques of NSW: Attendance patterns at jum’ah prayers

Stayed the same 12% Decreased 4%

Increased 84%

Source: Underabi, 2014

According to the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014, the dominant ethnic groups attending Sydney’s mosques include the Lebanese,

Turkish and those of South Asian (Pakistan, India and Bangladesh) ethnic backgrounds. This finding is not surprising as the birthplaces of most Muslims living in NSW after Australia (39%) are Lebanon, Turkey and the countries of the Asian sub-continent (ABS, 2011).

2.4.4 Background of mosque visitors

There appears to be a corresponding relationship between the ethnicity of the imam, members of the management committee and regular participants (see Appendix F); however, in some cases, above 50 per cent of attendees were not of the same ethnic background as the imam. This indicates that NSW’s mosques are not as ethnically divided as approximately two decades earlier when Humphrey (1987) and Bouma

(1994) investigated topics relating to mosques. The dominant ethnic groups that attend NSW mosques vary between Sunni and Shia mosques. The ethnic backgrounds of the imam and regular attendees who attend Shi’ite mosques are predominantly Lebanese, Afghan, Iraqi and Iranian, as their countries of origin have significant Shi’ite populations.

Figure 2–5: Mosques of NSW: Ethnicity of the regular mosque participants

Afghan Bosnian 3% Anglo Southeast South Asian 6% 1% Asian 24% 10% Iranian Gulf Other 1% 2% 27% Iraqi Other Turkish 5% Arab 4% 10% Lebanese 5% 29%

Source: Underabi, 2014

2.4.5 Functions of the mosque

The Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 details that the prime function served by mosques in NSW is the facilitation of religious ritual, the most frequent of which is the five daily prayers. On average, at least 5 549 people attend mosques daily. The average size of the mosque daily congregation is uneven throughout NSW. In general, Western Sydney’s mosques have the largest numbers of visitors. However, the time at which the mosque experiences a peak in the number of visitors can vary depending on its location. The number of people attending evening and night prayers is significantly higher in the western suburbs of Sydney, whereas there are larger congregations for daily prayers for mosques located in the northern and inner-city suburbs of Sydney. According to the report, some mosque leaders in

Western Sydney explained the increase in the number of people participating in evening and night prayers is because people come home from work in the evening and then make their way to the mosque for the prayers. Mosque leaders in the inner- city and northern suburbs of Sydney attributed the noon prayer peak to Muslim students and employees being present in these areas during the day for study and

work. The shift in the number of mosque attendances provides some insight into the nature of life for Sydney’s mosque visitors.

The size of the congregation throughout NSW is consistently below 100 for the pre- sunrise prayers with the exception of a few mosques in the western suburbs of

Sydney. Mosques outside Sydney have low numbers of worshippers for prayers performed during the day. This is to be expected as the population of Muslims living outside Sydney is relatively small and spread across a larger geography.

Ninety per cent of the mosques indicated that women attend the daily prayers, though their visits in half the cases were not frequent. Ten per cent of the mosques indicated that women do not attend the mosque at all and they did not reserve space for women to pray.

2.4.5.1 Friday (jum’ah) prayers

All the mosques included in this study conduct Friday prayers. Across NSW, approximately 35 000 people attend Friday prayers with an average of 673 worshippers per mosque. In comparison, the total figure for mosque capacity came to approximately 42 000. On the surface, this indicates space is not an issue for Muslim congregations on Fridays. On closer inspection, however, it was found that a significant proportion of mosques reach or exceed their capacity on Fridays. The figures that indicate the availability of extra space is a better reflection of capacity as mosques that are built to accommodate over 2 000 worshippers, in most cases, do not reach their full capacity on Fridays. For example, the recently built Masjid Noor in

Granville has a reported capacity of up to 10 000 people, but approximately 6 000 people attend Friday prayers. On the other hand, mosques that can only accommodate up to 500 people struggle with space as their numbers on Fridays are

generally increasing. Ten per cent of mosques have had to resort to offering jum’ah prayers twice to accommodate the number of worshippers who are unable to find space during the first round of prayers.11

Figure 2–6: Mosques of NSW: Number of jum’ah prayers

Two 10%

One 90%

Source: Underabi, 2014

Mosques that have more space than they currently need are predominantly located in the western suburbs of Sydney. Of the 11 congregations in the northern and inner- city suburbs of Sydney, the majority have below 500 worshippers and all reach their capacity on Fridays. Mosques located outside Sydney also struggle with space and reach their capacity on Fridays.

Children are mostly absent during Friday prayers. The numbers that attend form approximately three per cent of the total number of people who attend jum’ah prayers. The number of children attending jum’ah increases significantly during school holidays, according to the study participants. As the fieldwork for this study was conducted during school holidays, based on this statistic, it was speculated the topics covered in the sermon may be directed at children or speak to parents about children. As section 7.3.1 will present, this consideration proved to be highly

11 The capacity and actual Friday prayer attendance is a reported estimation by the mosque imam or management. They are not figures supported by a methodical study. When estimating capacity, mosques include the courtyard that is readily used for prayer space by spreading mats.

relevant as some of the topics discussed during this period related directly to parents’ roles and responsibilities.

2.4.5.2 Eid prayers

One of the primary functions served by the mosque is facilitating the performance of religious rituals. Nearly all mosques offer Eid prayers and those that do not are primarily located in university campuses. Eid prayers are not organised at universities as the presidents of the MSAs anticipate that most students would pray in suburban mosques and not come to university on the day of the Eid.

The Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 highlights that approximately 62 000 people throughout NSW attend Eid prayers. This figure does not include the number of individuals who attend Eid prayers led by three mosques

(Bukhari House, Al Azhar Sharif Mosque and Revesby Mosque) as they were unable to provide a figure for the number of people who attend the centrally located prayer service where all three combine their congregation.

Table 2-2: Mosques of NSW: Eid prayer location

Eid prayer attendance 1-999 1 000-1 999 2 000-2 999 4 000-4 999 5 000+ Eid prayer location people people people people people Total On-site 21 7 0 0 3 31 Park 1 2 2 2 1 8 Community hall 2 2 0 0 0 4 Other 0 1 0 0 0 1 Not applicable 1 0 0 0 0 1 Total 25 12 2 2 4 45

Source: Underabi, 2014

Of the mosques that offer Eid prayers, 78 per cent said that women attend. The common feature of most of the mosques where women did not attend Friday prayers was that the imam and majority of the congregation were predominantly of Bosnian or Turkish background as were the majority of the regular participants in the mosque.

2.4.5.3 Ramadan

Activities and participation in mosques dramatically increase during Ramadan.12

Most mosques organise iftar13 on a daily or weekly basis during Ramadan. The community, in most cases, brings food to the mosque and shares it with others.

During the last 10 days of Ramadan, 76 per cent of mosques said individuals stayed in the mosque for spiritual retreat (itikaf14). Throughout the entire month, nearly all mosques offered tarawih15 prayers, with the exception of the Shi’ite mosques where this practice is not followed. Women’s participation increases significantly during the month of Ramadan. Most mosques responded affirmatively to women’s participation in tarawih prayers.

12 Ramadan is the Islamic month in which the Qur’an started to be revealed to Muhammad. Fasting during the month of Ramadan is one of the five pillars of Islam. Muslims refrain from eating and drinking from the break of dawn until sunset. 13 When Muslims break their fast is referred to as iftar 14 Muhammad spent the last 10 days of Ramadan in the mosque. This is referred to as itikaf. Muslims are encouraged, but not obliged, to perform itikaf. 15 During the month of Ramadan, Muslims perform extra prayers that referred to as tarawih prayers.

Figure 2–7: Mosques of NSW: Tarawih prayers during Ramadan

Shia mosque - No not applicable 4% 10%

Yes 86%

Source: Underabi, 2014

2.4.5.4 Funeral services (janaza)

Some of the mosques in Sydney conduct funeral prayers. Most of the funeral

(janaza) prayers are conducted by mosques located in Western Sydney and areas outside Sydney. Mosques in the northern suburbs and inner-city areas of Sydney do not offer janaza prayers. It is necessary for the body of the deceased to be washed and prepared in accordance with Islamic rules and regulations before the congregational janaza prayers can be conducted. As most of the washing facilities that comply with Islamic guidelines and council regulations are located in Auburn and Lakemba, families of the deceased find it more convenient to also conduct the funeral prayers in mosques near to those suburbs rather than transport the body of the deceased to distant locations.

Table 2-3: Mosques of NSW: Location of janaza prayers

Location in NSW Janaza prayer North and Inner Sydney Western Sydney Outside Sydney Total No 11 21 2 34 Yes 0 11 5 16 Total 11 32 7 50

Source: Underabi, 2014

2.4.5.5 Educational classes

The most widely offered activities are Qur’an classes and weekend school for children. Arabic, marriage, parenting and new Muslims classes were run infrequently or not at all. Nevertheless, 46 per cent of the mosques agreed to being formally or informally involved in marriage counselling and 56 per cent cited marriage as being one of the main topics that individuals bring to the mosque for discussion. However, most mosques did not offer marriage classes or formal counselling and support.

Children’s weekend school is given more prominence in areas outside Sydney compared to other classes and activities. In most cases, classes for children are the only activity that the mosque provides beyond the five daily prayers.

2.4.5.6 Philanthropy

Most mosques that offer Friday and Eid prayers also collect from their congregation and the community it serves annual alms (zakat), end of Ramadan festive charity

(fitr) and annual charity sacrifice (qurban) as regular Islamic charities (see Figure 2–

8). Funds collected are either delivered to beneficiaries in Australia and abroad directly by the mosque organisations or channelled into other major humanitarian organisations in Australia, such as Australian Relief Organisation, Islamic Relief,

Muslim Aid and Human Appeal. The amount of funds collected is uncertain as respondents were not questioned about their finances, but the fact that mosques play a significant role in collecting charity was evident in the information provided for this study.

Figure 2–8: Mosques of NSW: Collection of charity

No Yes

Eid Fitr 7 43

Qurban 13 37

Zakat 8 42

Source: Underabi, 2014

2.4.5.7 Social activities

Social activities are given priority as 30 per cent of the mosques organise gatherings on a weekly basis. Fifty-six per cent of mosques organise young adult activities frequently, but a smaller proportion (38%) do not organise anything specifically tailored for youth. The expectation was for the youth to participate in mainstream activities and classes. Forty-eight per cent of the mosques reported having a youth group and up to 40 per cent offer sports activities in which the youth could participate.

Forty per cent of the mosques organise camping as an activity. Camping trips were most popular with Shi’ite mosques with 80 per cent of mosques included in this study and the two mosques whose participation could not be included in this study offering camping trips for youth. Fifty-six per cent of the Sunni mosques did not offer camping trips.

Figure 2–9: Mosques of NSW: Programmes and activities

100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0%

Daily Weekly Monthly Quarterly Semi-Annually Annually None

Source: Underabi, 2014

2.4.5.8 Rest and relaxation

Five mosques were found to be places where females were entirely absent. These were mosques where females were not members of the mosque committee and did not participate in general activities of the mosque or members. The common denominator of all these mosques was they perform a dual function of being a place of worship, but a site of rest, relaxation and social mixing for men. Mosques of this nature in the northern suburbs of Sydney were used specifically for rest during work breaks. Taxi drivers, for example, were commonly mentioned to use the mosque for relaxation before embarking on their next shift. In the western suburbs of Sydney, such mosques were used for overnight stay by religious groups (such as the Tablighi group) and individuals for rest and emergency accommodation.

2.4.5.9 Social support

The main issues brought to the mosque are generally of a religious nature, which are mainly responded to by the imam or within a class setting offered to mosque attendees. To a lesser extent, the community members bring more personal issues to a mosque. An individual can bring marriage-related inquiries and sometimes disputes to the mosque for intervention and resolution. A smaller proportion of people come to the mosque seeking advice with parenting issues or assistance with financial or health problems. As observed by Bouma (1994), there is a cultural aspect to how

Muslims use the mosque, with some mosques that are managed and run by a

Lebanese committee receiving a higher demand for support relating to personal issues compared to Turkish mosques, for example.

Figure 2–10: Mosques of NSW: Issues brought to the mosque

Yes No

Health 8 42

Financial 12 38

Religious 44 6

Marital 28 22

Parenting 14 36

Source: Underabi, 2014

A small group of mosques are affiliated with secondary organisations that assist individuals to organise their visit to Mecca for the performance of the obligatory hajj pilgrimage. Fifty-four per cent of the mosques indicated they were involved in community service activities. Some examples include Clean-Up Australia Day and

Breast Cancer Awareness Month.

2.4.5.10 Relevance to the sermon

The information presented in section 2.4.5 is extensively detailed and not directly relevant to mosque sermons. However, the information is important as it highlights that NSW’s mosques mostly serve social and spiritual functions that serve the needs of the state’s Muslim Australian population. Based on this information, it can generally be predicted that the content covered by the mosques will be of social and spiritual orientations. Nonetheless, the role of the imam is also important to understand the content of the sermon. In what follows, the characteristics of the imams of NSW and the functions they serve within the mosque will be highlighted, as this will facilitate better understanding of the content delivered during Friday’s congregational prayers.

2.4.6 Mosque administration and the role of the imam

The Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 states NSW’s mosques are mostly community funded and volunteer run. Of the 52 mosques surveyed, a total of 46 individuals were found to be involved in the running of the mosques on a full-time basis. A total of 453 individuals were involved in the mosques as volunteers. However, there may be more volunteers involved than this figure indicates, as the report highlights significant number of participants did not indicate how many individuals were involved in the mosque on a part-time basis. It is assumed they thought the question asked for them to indicate the number of individuals who are officially employed on part-time basis. Nevertheless, the report highlights that NSW’s mosques have an average of nine volunteers involved in the mosque committee.

Seven (16%) of the 52 mosques that were included in the study of NSW’s mosques do not have a regular full-time or part-time imam. The majority of these mosques were located on university campuses where an imam (sometimes a different imam every week) visited to deliver the Friday sermon and lead the Friday prayers. Sixty per cent of the mosques reported having a full-time imam and most of these were connected to an outside institution, such as Diyanet (religious affairs department of the government of Turkey), Ahl al Sunnah wa-l Jamaah (ASWJ), Bosnian Cultural

Association (supported by Riyasat, the religious affairs body in Bosnia), the

Lebanese Muslims Association or other similar organisations. Some of these organisations, such as the Bosnian Cultural Association, funded the imam for his services. Of the imams who were full-time but unpaid, four were Shi’ite and three were connected to ASWJ. Part-time paid or unpaid imams were found primarily in mosques that were independent of a connection with any outside institution. The implications of these statistics for the purpose of this research includes that the institutional affiliations of the imam need to be considered when analysing the content of the sermon (see section 2.4.2).

2.4.6.1 Deciding the content of the sermon

Despite their institution affiliations, in most cases, the imam decides the content to be delivered during Friday’s sermon (khutbah), as the study found imams hold the higher authority, with 78 per cent deciding on the content. Occasionally, the management committee determines the content of the sermon. In some cases, imams affiliated with the same institution share and deliver the same sermon. In the case of mosques that are supported by the Turkish Diyanet, for example, imams take turns preparing the sermon that is sent to five other mosque imams for their use. Imams

involved report the topics to be covered are determined collectively so the same important matter for that week is covered in all mosques.

2.4.6.2 Age and qualifications of the imam

The Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 highlights that

NSW’s imams are mostly from the ages of 20 to over 60. However, approximately

47 per cent of the imams were relatively young as they are aged below 40. The study also highlights that approximately 17 per cent are between 51 and 60 years of age, and a further 24% are above the age of 60. Overall, most of NSW’s imams are below the age of 50.

Figure 2–11: Mosques of NSW: Age of the imam

20-29 60+ 9% 24%

51-60 30-40 17% 38% 41-50 12%

Source: Underabi, 2014

In most cases, NSW imams received their Islamic qualifications from an overseas institution. Typically, these qualifications were from an institution located in the country of their own ethnic background or from countries and institutions that are famous for their Islamic studies programmes, for example Medina University in

Saudi Arabia, Al-Azhar University in Egypt or, for the Shi’ite imams, Qom in Iran.

Imams that are employed on a full-time basis were mostly highly qualified. Most of

the imams with degrees equivalent to a master’s degree or doctorate were full-time imams. Overall, full-time imams were significantly more qualified compared with part-time unpaid imams (Appendix F).

2.4.6.3 The role and status of the imam

Most mosques have a management committee. In most cases (60%), the management committee established the mosque and manages the administrative aspects of the mosque, and the imams run religious services and the educational aspects. Imams are also involved with a broad range of social and psychological issues in the community as they are brought to the mosque for their advice and attention. In 90 per cent of cases the management committee has major influence over the mosque and its affairs. They either have complete control (30%) or a shared arrangement of leadership with the imam (60%).

Figure 2–12: Mosques of NSW: Management structure in the mosque

No response Imam is in charge of 6% all aspects of the mosque 4% The management committee runs most aspects of the The management mosque committee runs the 30% administrative aspects and the imam runs the religious and educational aspects 60%

Source: Underabi, 2014

2.4.6.3.1 Leadership of the imam

Fifty-two per cent of the participants considered the imam to be the leader of the mosque and the remaining 48 per cent did not. The employment status of the imam did not make a difference to this consideration as it is not necessary for a full-time imam to also be the leader of the mosque. Interestingly, the part-time unpaid imam was more likely to be considered the leader of the mosque.

Figure 2–13: Mosques of NSW: Response to “Is the imam the leader of the mosque?”

No response 12%

No 48% Yes 40%

Underabi, 2014

2.5 Current community profile and issues relevant to the Muslim Australian community

Important to examining and analysing the content presented by imams, as well as the characteristics of mosque visitors who form the focus of this study is an understanding of the characteristics of Muslim Australians. Therefore, this section provides an overview of the characteristics of the Muslim Australian community as well as issues that are relevant to the lives of Muslim Australians. The information presented here was also useful to formulate the research design (see Chapter 4).

According to the 2011 census, the population of Muslim Australians stands at

476 292. This figure may be lower than the actual number of Muslims living in

Australia as it is suspected some may not indicate their affiliation with Islam on the census form in fear of discrimination (Saeed, 2007; Hussain, 2011). From 1996 to

2001, the number of Muslims living in Australia increased by 40.2%. From 2001 to

2006, despite the Howard government’s restrictive stance on asylum seekers, numbers of Muslims living in Australia increased by 20.9%. From 2006 to 2011, the percentage of Muslims living in Australia increased by 39.9% (ABS 2006; 2011).

Despite the population increases, Muslims constitute a very small proportion of the

Australian population. In 2001, Muslims formed only 1.5% of the population and, despite the high rates of increase over the past decade, Muslims formed only 2.2% of the total population in 2011 (see Table 2-4). Nevertheless, this represents an enormous shift in the population of Muslims from only a few decades ago when

0.2% of the population were Muslims (ABS, 1991, cited in Bouma, 1994). Muslim populations in Australia are not distributed evenly as the majority live in NSW and

Victoria, with smaller numbers scattered in other states and territories (see Table

2-5).

Table 2-4: Changes in Australia’s Muslim population

Year Number of Muslims Proportion of population Changes 2001 281876 1.5 1996-2001: +40.2% 2006 340393 1.7 2001-06: +20.9% 2011 476292 2.2 2006-11: +39.9%

Source: ABS, 2001, 2006, 2011

Table 2-5: Muslim population by state

Total population Muslims % of Muslim population Muslim % of total NSW 6917657 219378 46.1 3.2 VIC 5354040 152378 32.1 2.9 QLD 4332738 34048 7.1 0.8 SA 1596570 19511 4.1 1.2 WA 2239171 39117 8.2 1.7 TAS 495351 1708 0.4 0.3 NT 211944 1587 0.3 0.7 ACT 357218 7434 1.6 2.1 Total 21507719 476291 100 2.2

Source: ABS, 2011

Figure 2–14: Map of Australia: Concentration of Muslims across the country

Source: ABS, 2011

Within NSW and Victoria, Muslims are concentrated in the cities of Sydney and

Melbourne. Within Sydney, the city that forms the focus of this study, Muslims-

Australians are concentrated in the western suburbs (see Figure 2–15).

Figure 2–15: Map of Australia: Concentration of Muslims in Sydney’s suburbs

Source: ABS, 2011

According to the ABS (2011), 37.8% of Muslim Australians were born in Australia

(Table 2-6). This figure is primarily a representation of second and, in some cases, third generations of Muslim Australians. Lebanon, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Turkey follow this pattern. In some of NSW’s mosques, the Mosques of Sydney and New

South Wales: Research report 2014 (Underabi, 2014) found that some of the dominant groups attending are of these ethnic backgrounds.

Table 2-6: Top 10 countries of birth: Muslims (2001, 2006, 2011), in percentage

2001 2006 2011 Australia 36.4 Australia 37.9 Australia 37.6 Lebanon 10.4 Lebanon 8.9 Lebanon 7.1 Turkey 8.3 Turkey 6.8 Pakistan 5.6 Afghanistan 3.5 Afghanistan 4.7 Afghanistan 5.5 Bosnia and Herzegovina 3.5 Pakistan 4.1 Turkey 5.3 Pakistan 3.3 Bangladesh 3.9 Bangladesh 5 Indonesia 2.9 Iraq 2.9 Iraq 3.3 Iraq 2.8 Indonesia 2.5 Iran 2.7 Bangladesh 2.7 Bosnia and Herzegovina 2.2 Indonesia 2.6 Iran 2.3 Iran 2.1 India 2.1 Other 23.9 Other 24.0 Other 23.2

Source: ABS, 2001, 2006, 2011

2.5.1 Age

Muslim Australians have a relatively young demographic profile with approximately

40 per cent aged below 24. Another 35.3 per cent of the Muslim population are between the ages of 25 and 44. This is relatively higher compared to the total population’s 28 per cent for the same age category. Only nine per cent of Muslims are older than 55 years of age, compared to the total population’s 25.6 per cent (see

Table 2-7). The implication of these statistics for the purpose of this research includes those large proportions of the congregation may conceivably fall in the younger age brackets. As it relates to the mosques of NSW, this is difficult to predict

– some places of worship, such as those based in a central business district and university campuses, would be expected to be dominated by professionals and young

Muslim Australians.

Table 2-7: Age profile: Muslims and total population (2011) in percentage

Muslims Muslims Total population 0-4 11.4 6.6 5-14 17.8 12.7 15-24 17.3 13.3 25-34 20.8 13.8 35-44 14.5 14.2 45-54 9.6 13.7 55-64 5.3 11.6 65+ 3.4 14 All 100 100

Source: ABS, 2011

2.5.2 Gender

According to the ABS (2011), of all the Muslims living in Australia, 52 per cent are male and 48 per cent are females. However, it is reasonable to expect the number of females surveyed will not reflect these proportions because attending Friday’s congregational prayers in the mosque is not a religious obligation for Muslim women. Nevertheless, for women who wish to attend Friday’s congregational prayers, Muhammad is recalled to have said that women should not be stopped from attending the mosque, and the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014 (Underabi, 2014) found, though their numbers are generally small, women attend some of the mosques in Sydney. If these patterns continue, it may be reasonable to expect the numbers of women attending Friday’s congregational prayers will remain relatively small compared to men, which may affect the content of the sermon.

2.5.3 Education

Muslims have reached similar or higher levels of educational attainment compared to the Australian average. Relatively higher proportions have completed high school

(men and women) and relatively higher proportions of Muslim Australian men are university educated. In between these two educational categories, relatively lower proportions of Muslims have attained a post-secondary certificate or diploma

(analysis of ABS statistics presented by Hassan (2015)). These figures indicate a divide between those who are highly educated and others who do not have any post- secondary qualifications (see Table 2-8).

Table 2-8: Educational attainment (2011)

Qualification Muslim Total Male Year 11 and below 23.0 35.7 Year 12 44.9 37.2 Cert/dip/assoc. degree 13.1 24.7 BA/postgrad 17.9 13.9 Female Year 11 and below 25.0 35.4 Year 12 42.0 39.6 Cert/dip/assoc. degree 11.2 17.5 BA/postgrad 15.3 16.5

Source: ABS, 2011

Educational attainment is an important indicator of cultural capital, and is increasingly necessary for the acquisition of social and economic opportunities. As such, given the educational attainment profile of Australia’s Muslim community, it would be reasonable to assume they enjoy a high standard of living. As pointed out by Hassan (2015), this is not necessarily the case, as the proportion of Muslim

Australians operating as labourers or working in blue collar jobs is relatively higher compared to the national average (see Table 2-10). While the educational attainment of the Muslim Australian community is significantly higher than the national average, they are significantly under-represented in high paying jobs. This is mainly

due to two factors: first, the higher levels of education may have been attained overseas and are not recognised in Australia; and second, despite their qualifications,

Muslims are not being employed in their qualified professions (Hassan, 2010; 2015).

As Hussain (2011) points out, it is common to find, in the Muslim community, university educated taxi drivers and manual workers whose overseas qualifications are not recognised or they are unable to find a position in their field of education due to other reasons, such as racial discrimination. A study conducted by the Australian

National University found clear evidence of discrimination in the selection process involved for entry level jobs as those with Chinese and Middle Eastern names receiving significantly lower call-backs compared to those with Anglo-Saxon names

(Booth, Leigh & Varganova, 2009). The researchers used distinctively Anglo-Saxon,

Indigenous, Italian, Chinese and Middle Eastern (Muslim) names on fictitious job applications to measure labour market discrimination in Australia. In all cases, the researchers applied for entry-level jobs and submitted a résumé indicating the candidate had attended high school in Australia. Call-back discrimination against males with Middle Eastern/Muslim names was greater than for all other groups. This pattern of discrimination was consistent for all job types surveyed.

Reflecting on the implications of the information presented above, for the purpose of this research, it is reasonable to expect that mosques located in central business districts, such as the inner city suburbs of Sydney and Parramatta, will be attended by those that received their tertiary qualifications in Australia. However, it is also conceivable that mosques in these suburbs will attract blue collar workers, such as taxi drivers and security guards, who may have university qualifications that are not recognised in Australia. Some places of worship, such as those located at university

campuses, can be expected to be attended by a large numbers of students in the process of attaining their tertiary qualifications.

Table 2-9: Weekly income: Muslim Australians (2011)

Muslim % Total % Negative/nil income 11.6 6.6 $1-$199 8.0 6.0 $200-399 17.5 16.3 $400-$599 7.9 9.3 $600-$999 11.6 15.0 $1000-$2000 8.6 16.1 $2000 plus 2.1 5.0 Not stated/not applicable 32.7 25.7 Total 100 100

Source: ABS, 2011

Table 2-10: Occupational status: Muslim Australians (2011)

Occupation category Muslims % Total % Professional and managerial 44323 30.5 3439412 34.8 Skilled blue collar 36739 25.3 2084693 21.1 Sales, clerical and personal services 46137 31.7 3397598 34.4 Labourers 18143 12.5 947608 9.6 Total 145342 100 9869311 100

Source: ABS, 2011

2.5.4 Religious orientation

The two main schools of thought followed by Muslim Australians are Sunni and

Shia. Within the Sunni denomination, a small group are associated with the Salafi branch of Islam. Among the Shia, approximately 20 000 are Alawite and smaller unspecified numbers consider themselves to be Druze, Alevis and Ismaili (The

Australian Muslim Women’s Centre for Human Rights, 2014). Outside these groups, approximately 3000 Muslim Australians are Ahmadiyya. It is conceivable that

adherents of all orientations and denominations of Islam have inherited their following from the contexts where they were born. As such, it can be expected that audiences visiting mosques of a Sunni orientation in Sydney will be born in or otherwise be of Turkish, Lebanese, and Pakistani, Indian, Indonesian or Afghan ancestry, as large sections of populations in these countries are Sunni Muslims. On the other hand, audiences visiting the Shia mosques of Sydney can be expected to be born in or otherwise be of Iraqi or Iranian ancestries. Muslims of Lebanese and

Afghan backgrounds may also attend Shia mosques, as portions of the population in

Afghanistan and Lebanon are Shia. In the case of Afghan-Australians, ethnicity and religious orientation are intertwined as Afghans of Hazara ethnicity are predominantly Shia (Maley, 2001; Saikal, 2012).

The religious denomination of the mosque is also most likely to have implications for the sources of content in the sermons delivered. More specifically, the orientation followed by a mosque is likely to affect the sources of knowledge used. In Islam, the main sources of knowledge are the Qur’an, hadith and sunnah. The Qur’an is considered to be the word of God and Muhammad is considered to be the last and final messenger. Muhammad’s duty was not only to spread the message delivered through the Qur’an, but also to embody and exemplify the teachings of the Qur’an.

As such, his statements (hadith) and actions (sunnah) complement the Qur’an

(Buyukcelebi, 2003). Recognising this, a number of the first generation of Muslims reported and later recorded his hadith and sunnah. While the Sunni consider the

Prophet’s friends and companions, such as Abu Bakr, Umar and wife Aisha, as credible sources of knowledge, the Shia regard only the reports of his cousins and blood relatives as credible sources, including for mosque congregational prayers

(Esposito, 1988). As will be presented in Chapter 5, most aspects of Friday’s

congregational prayers follow Prophet Muhammad’s example. As the sources of knowledge about the way he performed Friday’s congregational prayers vary, it is also conceivable that minor differences will be observed in the way Friday’s congregational prayers are performed.

2.6 Issues relevant to the Muslim Australian community

The following section presents an overview of issues and topics relevant to the lives and experiences of Muslim Australia. This information provides a vital key to analyse the relevance of the sermons delivered in the mosques of NSW to the lives of

Muslim Australians.

2.6.1 Maintenance of faith

Bouma (1994) noted that most Muslims place significant value on maintaining their religious beliefs and practices. This finding was confirmed by a recent study conducted by Dunn et al (2015). However, Muslims fall into a diverse range of categories defined by the extent to which and the orientation of Islam they practice

(Saeed, 2007). Some sections of the Muslim Australian community give precedence to the maintenance of the language and cultural traditions associated with their ethnic background, such as for sections of the Turkish-Australian community the maintenance of their Turkish identity has higher priority than their Muslim identity

(Hopkins, 2011; Yagmur, 2004). Nonetheless, for most Muslim Australians, the maintenance of faith is highly important (Dunn et al, 2015).

Bouma (1994) highlighted that mosques play an important role in facilitating the transfer of the knowledge and skills necessary for the practice and maintenance of faith. The Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014

(Underabi, 2014) provides some indication that this continues to be the case.

Moreover, the increase in the number of educational institutions, such as Daar Aisha

College, the Islamic Sciences and Research Academy and Al-Ghazzali Centre, which offer courses in Islamic studies, provide another indication that many Muslim

Australians are interested in maintaining their religious beliefs by learning about the faith and gaining the skills necessary for its practice. Further, a highly visible sign of the practice of Islam is the hijab or headscarf16 worn by some Muslim women. It is not clear what percentages of women wear the headscarf; however, discussions relating to the topic of the hijab in Australia suggest the practice is observed by a significant proportion of Muslim women (Syed & Pio, 2010).

For those who prioritise the practice of religion, the desire to maintain their faith can result in their disengagement from some features of Australian society, such as social gatherings where alcohol is served (Ali, 2014). Practicing Muslims will also not eat meat unless it is certified as being halal. These practices are taken by some to indicate that Muslim Australians do not want to integrate (Pauline Hanson’s One

Nation, n.d.), which will be discussed in the next section.

2.6.2 Discrimination and Islamophobia

In 1997, Runnymede Trust, an independent research and policy agency in Britain, published a report entitled Islamophobia. The report described Islamophobia as the dread and hatred of Islam that leads to the fear and dislike of all Muslims (Conway &

Runnymede Trust, 1997). It is a view that sees Islam as a barbaric, irrational and uncivilised religion that is incompatible with and represents a threat to Western societies. As the number of Muslims living in Western countries has increased over the past few decades, Islamophobic attitudes have also surfaced in various contexts

16 This covers all variations, such as hijab, niqab, burqa, etc.

and in different forms (Aslan, 2009; Chris, 2010; Ram & Elchardus, 2012). While there has always been a misunderstanding of Islam in the West (Said, 1978), the rise of Islamophobia, manifesting particularly in misrepresentations of Islam and

Muslims, in contemporary times has coincided with major international crises involving Muslim countries and Muslims, such as the Gulf War and September 11 attacks in the USA (Kabir, 2006; Poynting & Mason, 2007). More specific to the

Australian context, incidents that led to an immediate rise of Islamophobia included the Tampa incident, Bali bombings, the ‘War on Terror,’ gang rapes committed by a group of young Lebanese men and the Cronulla riots (Kabir, 2006; Lygo, 2004;

Poynting & Noble, 2004; Rane, Ewart & Abdalla, 2010). More recently, the rise of

ISIS has normalised expressions of Islamophobic sentiments and escalated levels of hostility directed at Muslims. Poynting (2015) notes “the assimilationist nationalist and cultural supremacist themes that reverberated in Australian common sense around the Cronulla riot in 2005 are perhaps [more] widely expressed and accepted than they were in 2005” (Poynting, 2015). Briskman (2015) also confirms this to be the case as she points out that Islamophobia has become a normal feature of the media’s coverage of topics relating to Islam and Muslims and the last decade has witnessed a significant increase in the numbers of anti-Muslim political groups and organisations, such as Rise Up Australia, Q Society, the Australian Liberty Alliance.

One of the ways in which Islamophobia manifests is in policy documents for the purpose of ‘countering terrorism.’ These legislations were mainly launched immediately after the September 11 terrorist attack and Bali bombings of 2002 in which 88 Australians were killed. The Australian Government under the leadership of then Prime Minister John Howard hastily released legislation to protect

Australians from what scholars such as Michaelsen (2005; 2010) perceive to be an

exaggerated sense of threat of terrorism. The laws were initially presented as an emergency response; however, unprecedented in Australian history, the next decade saw the passing of approximately 50 new statutes by the Australia federal parliament

(William, 2010). While claiming the legislation did not target a particular group, politicians were quick to draw a link between Muslims, terrorism and violence, and

Muslims felt they were the target of these legislations (Kabir, 2004). These same patterns prevail in recent times. In 2014, the government under the leadership of then

Prime Minister Tony Abbott made the addition of ‘hate-speech’ to the existing set of counter-terrorism legislations. Complementing these legislations, he presented a national address that, along with introducing the legislations, presented Islam to be a violent religion, that Islam needed reformation and some sections of the Muslim community were at risk of committing acts of terrorism (Prime Minister Tony

Abbott's full national security statement, 2015). His comments outraged Muslim leaders, who issued a statement to argue the government was yet again unfairly targeting Muslims for political gain. The newly introduced counter-terrorism legislations were found to be a topic of sermons presented by the political group

Hizb u-Tahir (Hizb ut-Tahrir Channel, 2014, August 26; August 28), but whether they generally formed a topic of discussion inside Sydney’s mosques was investigated in this study. It is unlikely that opposition to these hate-speech legislations will be expressed, but what may form the topic of discussion is the implications of Islamophobia, which for Muslim Australians includes experiences of hostility and racism.

In 2004, a study conducted by the Human Rights and Equal Opportunities

Commission found it was common for Muslims to experience ‘one off’ incidents of racism on the street, public transport, in shops or on the roads. The report also

highlighted that Muslims experienced others forms of racism from people known to them in their workplace, schools and universities. The study found Muslim women who wore the headscarf were particularly at risk of being attacked and called

‘terrorists’ or ‘rag heads’ and told to ‘go back to their own country.’ The Islamic

Women’s Welfare Council of Victoria (2008) confirmed that women continued being the target of religious vilification in the years to follow. More recently, a study conducted by Dunn et al (2015) found that Muslims experience racism at a rate three times higher compared to the national average. As presented earlier, not all Muslims practice Islam (Saeed, 2007), but even those who describe themselves as being secular complain of facing racism and discrimination (Hopkins, 2010) owing to their association with Islam or being confused for an ‘Arab.’ Muslims blame and see a clear link between the negative portrayal of Islam and Muslims, particularly on commercial television, talkback radio and tabloid press, and their personal experiences of racism and prejudice (HREOC, 2004; Kabir, 2006).

2.6.3 Citizenship and belonging

In his book entitled White nation, Hage (cited in Dunn, 2001) explains that

Australian can generally be divided into two groups: the spatial managers and the spatially managed. Spatial managers represent the dominant and powerful groups in society, which in the Australian context Hage presents to be ‘White’ Australians with a European ancestry. The spatially managed are the groups that ‘belong’ or ‘do not belong’ and are included or excluded from being considered Australians depending on the attitudes and actions of spatial managers.

Associated with Islamophobia, Muslims are one of the most socially ‘excluded’ groups in Australian society (Dunn et al, 2015). Some sections of the Muslim

community, mostly involving the educated elite (Peucker, Roose & Akbarzadeh,

2014), have taken an active role in not only countering the stereotypes about Islam and Muslims, but being at the forefront of negotiating a place for belonging for

Australian Muslims. Young Muslims, such as Maryam Veirzadeh (Baxendale, 2016), have set up websites to contest the stereotypes about Islam and Muslims that form the foundations of the exclusionary positions held by spatial managers such as

Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party.

Moreover, some of the major mosques in Sydney open their doors annually to answer questions the wider Australian community may have about Islam and

Muslims. Of importance to the issue that will be discussed in the next section,

Muslim leaders condemn acts of terrorism and show remorse to the Australian public just like other Australians. These actions illustrate some of the ways in which

Muslim Australians have tried to negotiate a place to belong in Australia. Of interest to this research, it will be important to examine if imams discuss issues relating to citizenship and belonging.

2.6.4 Martin Place siege

During the time that fieldwork for this study was being conducted, an incident that had direct implications for Muslim Australians occurred. This event is referred to as the Martin Place siege. As it formed one of the main topics of discussion inside

Sydney’s mosques, I will present a brief overview of the incident.

On 15 December 2015, Man Haron Monis held 18 people held hostage in Sydney’s

Lindt café. Within hours, he forced a number of the hostages to stand facing the windows of the café, displaying to the public what appeared to resemble an Islamic

State flag – black with Arabic inscriptions. The perpetrator had the intention to

associate his criminal actions with a terrorist organisation. As the day unfolded, while his links to ISIS were questioned, some major news channels emphasised the attack was committed by a foreign-born refugee who arrived in Australia in 1996.

Monis was an Australian citizen who had been granted citizenship in 2004, but the reports increasingly focused on his “foreignness” and brought to public attention a history of criminal acts, including several counts of sexual assaults involving women, being an accessory to the murder of his ex-wife and sending offensive letters to the families of deceased Australian soldiers. The letters were sent as acts of protest against the Australian government’s foreign policies (Mikola et al, 2016).

Poynting and Noble (2010) have observed how a crime committed by a person of

Middle Eastern orientation is conflated by some sections of the media with broader issues and stereotypical constructions of Islam and Muslims. It is evidently clear that the presentation of the crime committed by Monis followed similar patterns, as it was conflated with the threat posed by refugees and used to perpetuate negative constructions of Muslim and Islam.

In response to the incident, Muslim leaders immediately made media statements of condemnation, presenting an image of Islam and Muslims counter to the media’s stereotypical constructions. While the media presented Monis as a violent and intolerant foreigner, a statement released by representatives of 50 Muslim organisations emphasised their belonging, by using terms such as “our collective response,” (Lebanese Muslim Association, 2014a) to the Australian community, inclusive of Muslim Australians. The statement also spoke of peace and social cohesion, which were evidently counter to the acts committed by Monis. While

Monis was depicted as anti-Western and intolerant, the statement praised law

enforcement agencies. Furthermore, the organisations emphasised they were just another faith group in Australia, announcing that, along with churches and synagogues, several mosques in the country would be holding night vigils to pray for the victims of the incident (Lebanese Muslim Association, 2014b). Furthermore, individuals such as Dr Ibrahim, the Grand Mufti of Australia, condemned the attack and rejected that it had anything to do with Islam (O’Neill, 2014). In the weeks to follow, Muslim organisations made the perpetrator’s disassociation from Islam and

Muslims clear, and refused to take responsibility for his burial and funeral rites, leaving his body to be buried by grave diggers hired by the government (Auerbach,

2014). While these were the positions taken by Muslim leaders in view of the media, of interest to this research was how the issue was discussed inside Sydney’s mosques to an audience of Muslims.

2.7 Conclusion

The Afghan cameleers were the first group of Muslims to build mosques in

Australia, which were primarily used to perform their religious obligations. In the decades after the abolishment of the White Australia policy, the number of Muslims in Australia has continued to increase. Conducted in the 1990s, Bouma’s (1994) study found mosques to be institutions that serve spiritual and social functions.

Meanwhile, the imam facilitated religious rituals and, for some sections of the

Muslim community, played a functional role, unifying otherwise fragmented communities.

More recently, the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014

(Underabi, 2014) provided evidence that not only have the number of mosques increased significantly in the past three decades, but the functions they serve remain

primarily of social and spiritual orientations. The imams based at some of the mosques, the study highlighted, facilitated religious rituals and managed the educational aspects of the mosque. In most mosques, a dedicated imam delivers

Friday’s congregational sermon, but for 17% of the mosques, volunteers from the community are asked to deliver the sermon. Mosques are generally not affiliated with foreign institutions; however, some mosques are supported by foreign bodies, such as the Turkish Government. In view of this information, it can generally be expected the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques will be social or spiritual, serving the interests of a community that has expressed a high interest in maintaining their faith

(Dunn et al, 2015).

The chapter also presented a profile of Australia and NSW’s Muslim Australian community. This information played a vital role in shaping the research design (see

Chapter 4), facilitated a better understanding of the communities under investigation and shed insight into the topics that may be discussed inside Sydney’s mosques.

3 THEORETICAL UNDERPINNINGS

The following chapter presents an overview and critical analysis of the theories employed to achieve the aims and objectives of this study and can generally be separated into three categories. The first set of theories stems from the fields of sociology and anthropology, and involves applying concepts commonly used in reference to theatre and stage performances to understand ‘ordinary’ human behaviours and social interactions. This theoretical frame has been applied to achieve the objective of understanding the broader acts and behaviours observed during

Friday’s congregational prayers. The second set of theories presents an understanding of how people are socialised and, in effect, influenced and controlled to follow the norms, and social expectations associated with the roles they perform in society. Stemming from the field of sociology, and broadly referred to as structural functional and social interactionist modes of understanding human society, these theories formed the basis of examining the mosque sermon content with interest in assessing if imams may be trying to socialise and thereby influence and control their audiences. The third set of theories can generally be described as audience reception theories and generally stem from the field of communications. These theories include the HDST, UG and ED theories and have broadly been applied to frame and interpret the results of the audience survey, which was designed to determine the functions served by the sermons and how audiences receive and respond to them. Stemming from the limitations identified in the audience reception theories, this chapter also presents an overview of the characteristics that educators and communication

specialists consider important characteristics of effective oral presentations. The framework presented here provides a frame for analysing the relationship between

Friday’s congregational prayers and how audiences receive and are affected by the sermon.

3.1 1st set – Understanding the acts taking place during Friday’s congregational prayers

3.1.1 Goffman’s dramaturgy

Dramaturgy can generally be described as a mode of thinking that approaches and analyses ordinary human behaviours and interactions through a dramaturgical lens, applying to it concepts and terminology that are normally used in reference to theatrical performances. In essence, it uses the theatre as a metaphor for understanding and analysing ordinary human behaviours and interactions. The theory stems from the work of Ervin Goffman, a sociologist who presented that people, just like actors during a stage performance, are playing a role. As they interact with other members of society, they are, in effect, ‘acting’ to present an image of their self that conforms to the norms associated with the ‘role’ they are playing or the image they wish to present of themselves. From this frame, performances are delivered before an

‘audience’ of spectators who play the important role of authenticating and validating the ‘roles’ played by people in society by interacting with them in the appropriate manner. In essence, they become co-performers in the ‘act.’ The concept of presenting an image before an audience plays a very important role in understanding ordinary human interactions, but Goffman presents that the clothes people wear are, in effect, ‘costumes’ worn for the purpose of identifying with the specific ‘role’ they are performing. Moreover, Goffman’s presents that the context where people interact

is much like the ‘stage’ where performances take place. Often, a stage will be custom-made and designed for a particular type of act.

Applying these concepts to the study of Friday’s congregational meant understanding the ‘acts’ and roles performed, and the significance of the ‘stage’ and ‘setting’ for the

‘roles’ being played inside the mosque. Moreover, it involved understanding how the

‘costumes’ worn by the performers may be instrumental in validating the ‘acts’ and the ‘roles’ they are performing.

However, Goffman was not the first person to apply theatre metaphors to analyse ordinary behaviours. Sociologist Kenneth Burke proposed this idea and Goffman acknowledged Burke’s influence in shaping his theory. The drastic point of difference between the two theorists was that while Goffman used the theatre as a metaphor and frame of analysis, Burke believed life is theatre. For the purpose of this study, I have adopted Goffman’s approach of approaching and analysing all elements that form Friday’s congregational prayers as though they were theatre.

3.1.2 Schechner – Between Ritual and Theatre

Goffman’s (1959) theory formed the first basic dramaturgical frame to analysing the human and physical elements that form Friday’s congregational prayers. However, dramaturgical concepts stemming from Goffman’s theory such as the ‘stage’ and setting (the mosque), roles played by the ‘actors’ involved in Friday’s congregational

(the imam, muezzin and congregation) and costumes worn by the actors were combined with some of concepts proposed by Schechner’s (2013) PS theory.

Schechner is a cultural anthropologist who acknowledges, among others, Goffman’s dramaturgy played an important role in shaping his ideas. Schechner argues, if observed and analysed closely, the boundaries between ordinary life and staged

performances are blurred, as they are in some ways very similar. He presents that staged performances are made of acts and behaviours that have been planned, rehearsed and performed for the purpose of exhibition to an audience of spectators.

This process, Schechner argues, can also be observed in ordinary life as most human behaviours – verbal or physical – are what he refers to as ‘restored’ behaviours; that is, they are behaviours that were ‘practiced’ in the past or are repetitions of behaviours and acts performed in the past. Schechner argues that most human behaviours are ‘performances’ as they involve repetitions and restorations. Some critics have countered this proposition by arguing the concept is too vague and extensively broad, applicable to almost anything. Nonetheless, in respect to religious rituals, Durkheim (1915) also observed an overlap between ritual and staged performances.

In his study of the religious rituals performed by Aboriginal Australians, Durkheim

(1915) observed: “not only do they employ the same processes as real drama, but they also pursue an end of the same sort: being foreign to all utilitarian ends, they make men forget the real world and transport them into another” (p. 424). His study has been subject to much criticism, not least for its reference to Aboriginal

Australians as “primitive” people, but it is the first to have observed and noted similarities between ritual and theatre. In his booked entitled Between ritual and theatre, Schechner (1985) focuses specifically on cultural rituals and presents that they are similar to staged performances as they are not only formed of acts that are repeated at certain times (restored behaviours) and in certain social contexts, but also, as with theatre and staged performances, are formed of acts that are coded and directed by a source external to the performers (a spirit or deity, for example). This, he presents, is similar to staged performances that are commonly composed or

invented by a source external to the actors, such as composers, scriptwriters, directors, coaches and designers.

For the purpose of this thesis, the concept presented above, combined with

Goffman’s dramaturgy, involved the investigation of the source of the ‘acts’ performed during Friday’s congregational prayers and analysis of whether they are

‘coded’ and directed by a source external to the actors. As it relates to analysing the

‘stage,’ ‘setting’ and ‘costumes’ worn by the actors, it was also of interest to this study to examine the extent to which these aspects represent ‘restorations’ and whether these commonly observed aspects during Friday’s congregational prayers are ‘restorations’ and ‘repetitions’ of past acts and behaviours. Overall, this analysis will facilitate an understanding and separation of the statements and behaviours that are ‘restorations’ and performed under the directives of a source external to the actors, compared to those where the ‘performers’ have acted or made statements of their own accord. This understanding was specifically important for analysing the statements delivered during Friday’s congregational prayers.

3.1.3 Performance process

The most important of Schechner’s theories for the purpose of this research is the concept of restorations and the acts performed by an external source. However, facilitating a more detailed analysis of the acts performed during the congregational prayers, and during the delivery of the sermon, is the concept of the ‘performance process.’ Further to his proposition that ordinary behaviours are formed of different variations of restored behaviours, Schechner presents that, similar to staged performances, the behaviours performed in ordinary life, particularly as they relate to

the performance of rituals, follow a sequence beginning with what he terms the proto-performance (proto-p).

3.1.3.1 Proto-performance

All performances begin with a proto-p – that is a “prior performance revived, revised and reconstructed or simply used as a model or a starting point” (Schechner, 2011, p.

225). The proto-p is also defined as “that which gives rise to a performance”

(Schechner, 2011, p. 225). This can include scripts, oral tradition, liturgy and scenarios. Performances based on Shakespeare’s plays are, for example, always based on a proto-p – that is, the original script written by Shakespeare. Applying this concept to my thesis involved developing an understanding of the proto-p for

Friday’s congregational prayers. The proto-p according to Schechner is typically decided after going through a decision-making process involving research and workshops. Schechner compares the ‘workshop’ phase of performances to the phase in which a car is designed by a group of engineers before it is sent out for manufacturing and sales. Applying this concept to analysing the context and acts performed during Friday’s congregational involved developing an understanding of the historical roots of the acts performed during Friday’s congregational prayers (1.3) and an analysis of whether there was a ‘workshop’ phase involved.

3.1.3.2 Training and rehearsals

The training and rehearsal process involves gaining the specific skills and knowledge necessary for participation in a ‘performance.’ In the case of Friday’s congregational prayers, this could be conceived as involving the Qur’an and Islamic studies classes where the skills and knowledge necessary for participation in Islamic rituals are

taught. The training process may also entail rehearsals involving repetitions and imitation of the acts to be performed.

It is beyond the scope of this research to investigate in detail if and where the

‘training’ and ‘rehearsal’ process occurs. However, the Mosques of Sydney and New

South Wales: Research report 2014 (Underabi, 2014) presents some evidence to suggest the mosque may play an important role in providing the ‘training’ and

‘rehearsal’ necessary for participation in congregational prayers. For example, mosques offer educational classes to children (see section 2.4.5.5), where it is conceivable they are taught how to perform their prayers.

3.1.3.3 Performance – warm-up and close

Performances in ordinary life and theatre have three marked phases – Schechner describes the first as the ‘warm-up’ phase, after which transition is made toward the main performance. Once the main performance is delivered, actors close the performance and the aftermath ensues. For Schechner, the warm up and closing acts are important. He describes them as transition points. The warm-up marks the point at which performers leave their ‘ordinary’ selves behind and merge toward performing acts that are encoded by an external source. The closing marks the point at which transition is made back to their ordinary self. In some cases, Schechner argues, the warm-up and close are part of the performance routine – prescribed and guided by an external source. Applying the concepts in this paragraph to the study of

Friday’s congregational prayers involved analysis of the acts for those that may be categorised as ‘warm-up’ and ‘closing.’ It was also conceived that imams may close with aim of giving the audience an opportunity to ponder the message conveyed during the sermon and draw their own conclusions.

3.1.3.4 Aftermath

The aftermath of a performance is what Schechner defined as its ‘afterlife.’ This can include evidence left behind in the form of photographs, and critical responses from experts and audiences. Directly relevant to this study, the aftermath of Friday’s congregational prayers would include the impact of the sermon delivered as part of the performance on the views and attitudes of audience members, which forms one of the main topics of discussion in this study.

3.1.4 Important concepts and theories

In his Performance studies introductory text, Schechner (2011) identifies a number of themes running through literature focused on topics related to performance and ritual. The section that follows presents an overview of some themes presented by

Schechner (ritual as action and time/space) and others (speech acts theory and social solidarity) that are relevant to developing an understanding of the utterances and actions performed during Friday’s congregational prayers.

3.1.4.1 Ritual as action

Religious rituals are most frequently ‘coded’ performances, as the actions, behaviours and utterances involved are symbolic and carry underlying meanings. The symbolic expressions used during religious rituals may require prior knowledge; therefore, the performer may need ‘training’ and ‘rehearsals.’ However, the behaviours and utterances exhibited during Friday’s congregational prayers do not merely communicate messages through symbols – Austin (1975) would also describe them as ‘performative.’ Austin’s speech act theory stems from the field of linguistics.

Austin purports that certain types of utterances are equivalent to performing an action or “doing something.” For example, saying thank you or making a promise are

performative words as they are actions that produce an effect. Similarly, uttering the phrase “I take this woman to be my lawfully wedded wife” or “I apologise” are in effect “doing something” as they produce transformational affects.

According to Austin (1975), there are three types of utterances: locutionary, illocutionary and perlocutionary. Locutionary utterances involve a string of words that carry a certain meaning, but do not constitute a ‘speech act,’ such as simply stating, “it is raining.” An illocutionary utterance on the other hand is a true ‘speech act’ as it is made with the intention of interacting with the receiver, such as stating “it is raining” with the intention of the listener staying indoors. Finally, of particular significance to this thesis, a ‘speech act’ also includes what Austin terms perlocutionary utterances. The purpose of a perlocutionary utterance is to affect the feelings, thoughts and behaviours of the receiver. Some verses of the Quran have been found to be perlocutionary speech acts (Taylor, 2015). While Austin’s performative theory has been a topic of discussion in areas relating to gender, race and the construction of social reality, for the purpose of this thesis, I take the terms defined above to assess whether there is a ‘performative’ element to the acts performed and statements made by the various actors involved in Friday’s congregational prayers.

3.1.4.2 Ritual time/space

One of the most oft-repeated definitions emerging from Durkheim’s (1915)

Elementary forms of life is that a fundamental characteristic of religion is its distinction between things that are sacred and those that are mundane. While some have contested with references to religions such as animism, it has generally been accepted that religious rituals often occur in spaces that are marked as sacred. These

spaces can be identified by special behaviours that are observed within their frames.

The rituals performed in these spaces have the capacity to take participants to a different time/space dimension where memories of a distant past are restored. With reflection on the points mentioned in this paragraph, analysis of Friday’s congregational prayers involved observation and consideration of the actions and behaviours that mark the point at which the mundane is separated from the sacred.

3.1.4.3 Social solidarity

According to Émile Durkheim (1915), religious rituals performed in communal settings produce an effect that is termed collective effervescence – a psychological state that stimulates an individual’s sense of belonging and commitment to the community. Durkheim argues, in religion, the totem, a deity or the sacred plays a pivotal role in creating an atmosphere conducive to producing this state. He argues that the object of worship represents the way in which society views itself. Thus, the worship and veneration of the sacred is a social way of honouring and maintaining itself. This perspective has been controversial, as critics have argued that Durkheim reduces the sacred to an object that society invents to fulfil its own social and psychological needs (Richard, cited in Turner, 2010, p. 54). The criticism has, however, been countered by proponents who argue he did not suggest that God was invented for the purpose of maintaining social order, but rather that gods, spirits, totems and other sacred entities carry symbolic force that is conducive to creating and maintaining communities (Ramp, 2010). Others have argued that Durkheim’s ideas are not new and are simply a secularisation of concepts that form the central tenants of most religions (Alexander, cited in Turner, 2010, p. 54). Islam, for example, places central importance to the concept of an ummah – the community united for the purpose of worshipping God. Islam also recognises the social aspects

of religious ritual as the congregational prayers, for example, are intended to enhance a person’s a sense of social solidarity and belonging to the ummah.

Influenced by Durkheim’s functional view of religious ritual, I examine why audiences participate in Friday’s congregational prayers and the feelings associated with participation. Chapter 7 presents the findings and discussion as to whether there are any social benefits to attending the congregational prayers.

3.2 2nd set – Structural functional and interactionist approaches to understanding human behaviour and how people are socialised

The Oxford Dictionary of Sociology (cited in Okon, 2012) describes socialisation as

“the process by which individuals learn to become members of society, both by internalising the norms and values of society, but also learning to perform their social roles.” (p. 136). A norm is generally described as shared expectations and informal prescriptions of behaviour about what is considered desirable and appropriate, and conversely, what is considered undesirable, inappropriate and forbidden. The norms and values held by a social group in society do not necessarily hold the formal status of laws and regulations, but nonetheless produce the effect of governing and regulating behaviours (Bilton et al, 2002; Fulcher & Scott, 2007). Values, on the other hand, are “cultural beliefs and ideas that have a normative or moral character, specifying what is good and what ought or should happen in particular societies”

(Fulcher & Scott, 2007, p. 870). They are ideals and beliefs regarded as important by a society or social group (Fulcher & Scott, 2007). These are relative concepts as different cultural and social groups in society would hold different norms and values.

Individuals, social groups and institutions that create the context for socialisation are referred to as agents of socialisation. According to the theory of socialisation, there

are four predominant agents of socialisation: the family, schools, peers and mass media. Agents of socialisation can include religious institutions and their representatives or bodies, such as an imam based at a mosque (Fulcher & Scott,

2007). Some contemporary anxieties relating to mosques and imams in Australia can be understood to be based on the premise that imams are agents of socialisation capable of socialising Muslims to adopt norms and values, some of which it might be feared are incompatible with those of non-Muslim Australians. Consequently, the view about mosques and imams from this perspective is that they represent a challenge for the integration of Muslim Australians into mainstream society.

One of the main objectives of the research was to investigate whether imams are agents of socialisation through an examination of the content delivered in Sydney’s mosques. To this end, one of the tasks that needed to be accomplished was an understanding of the way socialisation occurs. In the field of sociology, there are two perspectives that offer an explanation: structural functional and symbolic interactionist. These perspectives have been presented separately, but while investigating the mosque sermons, it was found the two methods of socialisation may not be mutually exclusive.

3.2.1 Structural functional perspective of socialisation

The structural functional perspective is premised on a macro-view – that is, a holistic and broad view – of human society. From the structural functional perspective, society is made up of a set of complementary and inter-related parts, each of which performs a function that meets the needs of society as a whole. Structural functionalists compare the social structures that make up society to the organs of the human body. Just as the health and stability of the human body depend on the

functions performed by its organs, a balanced, stable and coherent society depends on the complementary functions performed by the social structures that make up the society (Durkheim, 1915). The social structures that form society include institutions such as the family, government, economy, law and religion. Another structure that is considered to be of central importance to the maintenance and stability of society is referred to as social facts – these are the norms, values and social expectations that regulate human behaviour. From the social structural perspective, socialisation is a process through which individuals learn to adopt the norms and values of society and conform to the social expectations associated with their social roles (Henslin,

Possamai, Possamai-Inesedy, Marjaribanks, & Elder, 2015). From a social structural perspective, social roles represent the ‘script’ or blueprint of action, defining the norms, values and social expectations associated with particular social positions or role (Fulcher & Scott, 2007). The long-term survival of the social structures that make up human society depend on a continuous process of socialisation with every generation reproducing and transmitting understanding of the norms and values of society to the next.

From a functionalist perspective, one of the institutions that plays an important role in maintaining order and stability in society was the institute of religion. Durkheim

(2012), the founder of structural functionalism, describes religion as “a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden.” Durkheim’s (1897) earlier work attributes a rise in suicide rates to the breakdown of communities and increased individualism. He recognised that religion as an institution facilitated the creation of communities, thereby forming the optimum condition for individuals to operate effectively – that is, within the context of a community. As with all other social structures that make society, the survival of

religion as a social institution depends on a continuous process of socialisation. From the structural functional perspective, the way in which individuals are socialised to conform to social expectations associated with their role occurs as a result of imitation and as a consequence of social coercion. Imitation involves a process where individuals learn to conform to the expectations of the norms, values and social expectations of the role they are preforming by following the examples and illustrations of people in their roles and copying them into their own behaviour

(Johnson, cited in Fulcher & Scott, 2007).

From the structural functional perspective, another way in which socialisation occurs is through the application of external social pressure. This occurs when individuals are rewarded or receive approval for behaviours that conform to role expectations, and conversely, disapproval or punishment for acts that are considered to be deviations, so bringing individuals to act in line with the norms of values of society.

Durkheim (1915) presents this to be the primary method of socialisation used by religious institutions to conform its adherents to adopting a common set of beliefs and practices.

Applying the social structural understanding of the mechanisms of socialisation as described above involved identifying cases where the actions and perspectives of significant figures in Islamic history, such as Muhammad, were presented as role models for the acts being encouraged or discouraged. Moreover, the study examined the content of the sermon to investigate the nature, characteristics and frequency at which social and spiritual rewards, or warnings for consequences of actions or punishments, were mentioned.

The structural model of socialisation has, however, been subject to criticism. One criticism is that it relies too heavily on external coercion and constraint as the driving force for behaviours. The argument presented was, if conformity to role expectations is to continue, there must be a process of internalisation. People must internalise their roles, make them part of their self, and so become committed to them. They must not only learn the expectations that define particular roles, they must also come to see these as unexceptional requirements or obligations (Parsons, cited in Fulcher &

Scott, 2007). For the purpose of this study, this perspective presents an added layer of complexity that needs to be investigated. Factoring the point raised by Parsons, an assessment of the reasons audiences attend Friday’s congregational prayers was conducted. It was conceived that audiences may attend because they have internalised the identity of a Muslim and consider it a religious obligation to participate in the service.

3.2.2 Symbolic interactionist perspective

The second explanation for the way that socialisation occurs is offered by the symbolic interactionist perspective. Symbolic interactionism presents a micro-scale understanding of socialisation with a central focus placed on interpersonal relationships and interactions to explain the process involved. The scholars that are most frequently associated with symbolic and social interactionism are Cooley

(1902), Mead (1934) and Goffman (2002). The social interactionist view of socialisation relies on a number of underlying premises. These include that there are three types of objects in society – physical, social and abstract. The definitions and meanings attached to these objects are not ‘given’ in the nature of the object nor intrinsic to it, but are decided through a process of communication within and between groups; they are social constructions. The way in which individuals interact

with an object depends on the meaning they ascribe to it (Blumler & McQuail,

1969).

Relying on these basic premises, Mead (1934) argues that socialisation is a complex process involving socially constructed meanings and interaction with other members of society. Prior to explaining how Mead understands socialisation to occur, it is first important to investigate Cooley’s (1902) concept of the ‘looking glass mirror.’ The looking glass mirror is an analogy used to describe how people develop an understanding of self through interactions with other members of society. According to Cooley, when individuals interact with others in society, they are evaluating and monitoring the reactions of others and, in this way, gain a sense of how they are conceived by others. As the norms and values of society provide a frame of reference upon which behaviours are judged, people are thought to conform to these to create an impression of self that falls in line with expectations.

While Mead’s theory generally agrees with the concept of the looking glass mirror, it differs in some respects from Cooley’s ideas. One of these differences is, while

Cooley believes society in general influences a person’s conception of self, Mead provides a more detailed and narrower view of the process involved. According to

Mead, it is not society in general, but specific people who make a difference to the way in which a person develops an understanding of self. For children, it is the views, opinions and reactions of the ‘significant others’ (people closely involved in the child’s life) that make a difference to the way they perceive themselves. The process begins when children learn how to use language and symbols, and are found to use role-play games – pretending to be the ‘significant other’ – such as their mother or father. By playing the role of the ‘significant other’ in their life, the child

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develops a conception of self. As children reach the age of 8 or 9, their sense of self shifts from focusing on the significant others and takes on the attitudes of the

‘generalised others’ in society – these are the general norms and values of society and consider how society in general will react to their actions. Thus, the norms and values of society become the voice of their moral conscience. Individuals in society are thought to conform to the norms to demonstrate to themselves and others that they are a particular ‘type’ of person.

Influenced by Mead’s theory, Goffman (2002) presents the word ‘impression management’ to describe the process where individuals work to control how others conceive them. This involves putting themselves in socially constructed role categories that other individuals in society are able to identify. Social roles from this perspective are blueprints or guidelines for how individuals should ‘act’ in certain contexts, depending on the role they are performing. Applying these concepts to understanding the mechanisms of socialisation used during the mosque sermon, it was conceived that any effort on the part of imams to socialise their audiences would entail offering guidelines for the way in which the ‘role’ of the Muslim should be performed. Using a symbolic interactionist framework, the study was interested in identifying how meanings are attributed to social and physical objects and events in society, and the norms and values that are attached to the characteristics of a

‘Muslim.’ These characterisations, from a symbolic interactionist framework, would provide guidelines to how a Muslim should present themselves in the eyes of their audience while performing the role of a Muslim.

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3.3 3rd set of theories - audience receptivity and response

One of the main objectives of this research, as presented in Chapter 1, is an investigation of how audiences receive and are affected by the messages delivered through the mosque sermon. The theories that offer a perspective of audience receptivity largely stem from the field of communication studies and include the

Hypodermic Syringe Theory (HDST), Uses and Gratifications (UG) and Encoding and Decoding (ED). These theories that are concerned primarily with explaining how audiences receive, relate to and are affected by the texts delivered through the media to their lived social systems and experiences and are designed to examine how audiences receive and respond to texts delivered to through mediums such as the television and internet. The theories are not designed to examine how audiences receive and are affected by a verbal presentation, as is the nature of a mosque sermon. Nonetheless they have been adopted for the purpose of examining how audiences receive and are affected by the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques.

On the one hand, this approach presents a limitation as the theories adopted are not designed to explain how audiences respond to messages delivered as spoken word or speech, as is the case with mosque sermons and therefore, do not consider how factors such as presentation style of the speaker may affect how audiences receive and respond to the sermon. On the other, the limitation presents an opportunity for me to formulate a theoretical framework that gives consideration to the ideas presented by the HDST, UG and ED theories and also encompass the perspectives of educators, presentation experts and Imams who generally give central importance to characteristics of the presentation in determining how audiences receive and respond to a sermon. The formulation of this theoretical framework may be considered one of the novel and significant contributions of this study to knowledge. What follows in

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this section of the chapter is an overview of the theories that formed the basis of examining how audiences received and responded to and were affected by the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques.

3.3.1 Hypodermic Syringe Theory (HDST)

Investigations of audiences in the early part of the 20th century envisaged the media as a syringe and the audience as a mass of undifferentiated passive receptors that could be “injected” with ideas. People were perceived as being defenceless in the face of the media’s powerful ability to propagate and shape opinion in a uniform and widespread manner (Blumer, 1939). An example of this can be seen in that researchers in the 1950s believed it was Nazi Germany’s use of radio and film propaganda that enabled them to gain the support of the masses for their implementation of policies. It did not take much time for the HDST to be considered too simplistic in its assumptions about audiences as passive receptors of the messages delivered to them and replaced with theories that recognised audience receptivity as being much more complex. Nonetheless, this theory forms the basis of the arguments and perspectives presented by some scholars about the influence of the sermon on audience members. Fathi (1981) presents, in its capacity to reach masses, the mosque sermon can be compared to modern modes of communication. As for its impact on audiences, Fathi presents it to be ‘powerful’ and demonstrates this to be the case with reference to the constitutional revolution that occurred in Iran in the early part of the 20th century, which he views to have been a consequence of the impact of the sermons delivered by eloquent revolutionaries. This mode of thinking exhibits characteristics similar to the HDST, which, as presented previously, holds that audiences automatically accept and are affected by the messages delivered to them. Other scholars who have indirectly adopted a similar position include Errihani

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(2011), who presents that when religious extremism was a problem in Morocco, the government would effectively tackle it by providing training to ‘moderate’ imams and taking control of the sermon content delivered. The perspective is based on the logic that audiences automatically receive, accept and are affected by the content of the sermon.

In the Australian context, the two diverging positions about the positive or negative influence of imams, as presented in section 1.2, is also premised on the logic that forms the HDST. Albayrak (2012), for example, presents training of imams by organisations partnered with Islamic and mainstream Western educational intuitions as a viable solution to the problem of religious extremism. This position implies

Muslims automatically receive, accept and are affected by the message communicated by the imams.

However, some scholars challenge the notion the mosque sermon will affect audiences. Borthwick (1967) presents that imams are only effective to the extent they are able to draw a link between the old and traditional to issues relevant to modern times – in other words, whether they are able to make their sermons relevant to the lives of their audiences. Other scholars whose contributions present complexities to the model that views audiences as automatic receptors of messages delivered to them include Kouega and Baimada (2012) and Keeler (1998).17 The complex nature of audience reception is also attested by imams such as Alkhairo, who complain about the quality of sermons delivered in contemporary times, blaming imams for the lack of respect and attention that audiences give to the sermon. He states:

17 To be discussed in the following section, Keeler’s investigation of responses to a number of sermons delivered in a small village in Indonesia found audiences prefer and take more seriously the content of sermons delivered with a serious tone of voice and authoritative demeanour. Moreover, Kouega and Baimada’s study found sermons delivered in Arabic not only impair the ability of those who do not comprehend the language to access the content, but also reduce the level of effect felt.

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For Friday prayers to be effective, the [imam] needs to understand the process of listening. If he does not, then his words might fall on deaf ears without him knowing it. Several times I have heard the comment “the khutbah was good as long as you stayed in the mosque.” When people walk out of the mosque’s doors, it seems they leave behind what they heard. Of course, this does not to be true if the khatib considers the way humans listen, and makes the performance and the content of his sermon interesting, relevant, and effective (Alkhairo, 1998, p. 17).

Thus, in view of the challenges presented to the HDST by scholars and imams, the following theories present other useful considerations to how audiences may receive and respond to the sermon.

3.3.2 Uses and Gratifications Theory

By the middle of the 20th century, scholars took almost the opposite position and believed the media exerted minimal or no influence on audiences. After reviewing the empirical literature on media effects until 1958, Klapper, for example, concluded that mass media messages exert minimal effect on audiences (Riffe, Lacy & Fico,

1998). Supporting Klapper’s conclusions, evidence emerged to indicate that social variables, such as an individual’s personal networks and religious beliefs, exerted a significant impact on a person’s ideals, beliefs, attitudes and actions (Katz &

Lazersfeld, cited in Riffe, Lacy & Fico, 1998). Thus, the HDST was rejected and scholars began to acknowledge that audience receptivity cannot be explained through a one dimensional cause and effect model.

In the 1960s, scholars began recognising audiences as active decision-makers. It was argued it was the audience who decided the source and their level of exposure to the media. Audiences also decided on the purpose of their exposure to the media. This idea came to be known as the UG theory. This theory assumes individuals in the

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audience will uniformly read the message and then consume it according to their own needs. In 1968, supporting the UG theory, Blumler and McQuail (1969) proposed that audiences used the media for:

• Diversion – to escape from the pressures of everyday life and compensate for

everything they lack by watching it on television.

• Personal relationships – to build relationships with others. The viewer gains

companionship from the television characters or interacts with other viewers

to discuss the program

• Personal identity – to explore and shape their identity by identification with

characters or modification and presentation of their self to an audience using

communication media networks

• Surveillance – to gain access to information about the world

More evidence to support the UG theory was provided by Blumler and McQuail in

1973, who extended the reasons for which the media is used to include the resolution of personal problems, satisfying personal preferences, pleasing other people, or nurturing and defending their egos. In recent decades, the UG theory has been particularly useful in assessing the motives of social media sites, such as Facebook

(West & Turner, 2010).

The UG theory can be classified as being highly simplistic in that it assumes audiences are in ‘auto-pilot’ mode and simply make ‘use’ of the messages delivered to them. However, the theory cannot be applied if it is possible for audiences to ‘use’ the media and be affected by it. Despite its limitations, the UG theory presents the possibility that participation in Friday’s congregational prayers may serve a function,

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a factor that was considered essential to examine, particularly in view of Durkheim’s

(2012) proposition (see section 3.1.4.3) that the driving force behind participation in religious ritual are the social benefits associated with it, including feeling a sense of belonging to a community, which Durkheim sees as essential to a healthy functioning society. Thus consideration falls in line with Blumler and McQuail’s proposition that audiences may ‘use’ the media to build relationships. Another possibility that important to consider from the perspective of the UG theory is that audiences may be

‘using’ the congregational prayers to express their identity as it is obligatory for

Muslim men to participate in the congregational prayers. For those who have

‘internalised’ their identity as a Muslim (see section 3.2.1), it was conceived that not attending the congregational prayers may carry a sense of guilt, inducing participants to attend the congregational prayers for the purpose of fulfilling the duties and responsibilities associated with their role. Moreover, as it relates to participation in

Friday’s congregational prayers, in view of Dunn et al’s (2015) proposition that

Muslim Australians rate highly the importance of maintaining their faith, it was conceived that audiences may be ‘using’ it not just to express their identity as

Muslims, but as a means to transferring it to future generations by way of role modelling and for those with children, demonstrating to them how the role of the

Muslim should be performed. Last but not least, in view of Blumler and McQuail

(1969) proposition that audiences may be using the media for ‘diversion’ or

‘surveillance,’ it is possible audiences may attend the congregational prayers to keep themselves informed about the affairs of the community or otherwise ‘use’ the service to escape the pressures of everyday life, particularly those related to work as

Friday’s congregational prayers falls on a work-day and during work-hours.

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3.3.3 Encoding and Decoding Model of Communication

By the late 20th century, scholarship and research moved toward accepting the position that not only do audiences make their own exposure choices, but when they are exposed to media messages, they also interpret their own meaning. Media messages came to be regarded as polysemic; that is, they are open to multiple interpretations (Hall, 1974). The founder of this theory is Stuart Hall (1974), who devised the ED model of communication. The model is a reconfiguration of earlier models and presents communication as a two-way circuit involving participation by the sender and receiver. The sender communicates a message (a code), which is transmitted by a device and received by the listener who ‘decodes’ (reconstructs) the message (Shannon & Weaver, 1963). While this model of communication provides a convenient basis for the HDST, which purports that audiences automatically receive and are impacted by the messages delivered to them. However, Stuart Hall’s ED theory questions this notion by presenting the complexities involved in the sending and receiving of a message. The intended message and meaning sent by the media producer is the “preferred” reading that it is hoped audiences will receive. The preferred reading is also referred to as the dominant code. Audience receptivity and decoding of the message are affected by factors such as age, gender, education and ethnicity. The audience, depending on their social position and background, may take one of the following positions:

• Dominant hegemonic position: The viewer decodes the meaning that was

encoded by the producer of the media text. The viewer has not only

recognised, but accepted the preferred reading.

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• Oppositional position: The viewer decodes and understands the intended

meaning, but responds negatively and rejects it from their own frame of

reference.

• Negotiated position: The viewer generally accepts the preferred reading, but

negotiates the meaning in a way that reflects their position and understanding

of the world. They have adapted the meaning.

In 1965, Umberto Eco (cited in Abercrombie, 1996) proposed an addition to be made to the model – that the viewer could decode the meaning in a way that deviates from the original purpose.

While numerous ED theories present the possibility that audiences, depending on their backgrounds, may respond to the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques differently, the model has not been applied to examining if the background characteristics of mosque visitors make a difference to how they receive and respond to a sermon. In this context, studies focused on church sermons present some insight into whether the background characteristics of audiences can make a difference to how they receive a message delivered to them. Howden’s (1989) and Newman and

Wright’s (1980) studies, for example, examine if factors such as the gender, age and educational backgrounds of audiences make a difference to the extent they are affected. Howden’s research found evidence to suggest that older people rate sermons more positively compared to young people, and women more positively compared to men. Howden presented that educational levels did not play an important role in the extent to which audience members rated the sermon, whereas

Newman and Wright found evidence to suggest there is a positive correlation between education and levels of impact felt, with those with the highest levels of

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education least likely to be affected. However, to date, there has been very limited research to investigate the impact of the mosque sermon on the views and attitudes of audience members.

Based on the conceptual framework presented above, it was of this interest to this study to investigate and understand how audiences receive and respond to the message delivered by imams in Sydney’s mosques and whether they were able to

‘decode’ the message communicated. Moreover, it was of interest to examine whether audience responses to the message communicated can be separated into social (defined by age, ethnicity, gender and education) categories as suggested by

Hall.

3.3.4 Style of presentation

A critical limitation of the ED theory is, while it factors that audiences may understand and take different positions in relation to the message delivered to them, it is fundamentally not designed to examine how audiences receive and are affected by oral presentations. The mosque sermon is its core, and by definition, a ‘speech’ or a public presentation. Thus, the conceptual framework for examining how audiences receive and are affected by the sermon needed to consider factors relevant to analysing the effect of oral presentations. As a qualified teacher, I was acutely aware that these include the clarity of content, organisation and delivery. A communication unit I completed at Macquarie University further assisted with identifying factors that could affected how audiences receive and are affected by any oral presentation.

These generally include basic elements such as:

• Clear topic and statement of purpose: effective oral presentations have a clear

statement of purpose at the beginning, which can include the aims and

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objectives of the presentation followed by an outline of what will be covered

in the main body of the presentation. Having clearly marked the beginning

with a statement of purpose, the introduction proceeds to the main body.

• Clearly organised ideas presented in the body: the content of an effective

presentation will support the main purpose as presented in the introduction.

The information in the body should be presented in a logically sequenced

manner, making the presentation clear and easy to understand.

• Ideas are summarised in the conclusion: having maintained a clear focus in

the main body, effective presentations signal a conclusion is about to be

reached. During the conclusion, the presenter provides a summary of their

main points and moves smoothly toward making a conclusion or presenting a

statement of the main point.

Other characteristics of effective oral presentations include:

• Appropriate grammar: effective presentations are generally clear and easy to

comprehend, as the sentence structures that form the presentation are

accurate. Conversely, a presentation that suffers from excessive amounts of

sentence structure problems and grammatical errors may distract the audience

from focusing and accessing the content.

• Timed appropriately: effective presentations are presented within the

allocated timeframe and the timing within the presentation is used

appropriately.

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• Appropriate use of body language: the presenters hold themselves in a

confident and professionally manner, and engage and make their audiences

feel included through eye contact.

• Appropriate use of the voice to maintain the audience’s interest and attention:

effective presenters pronounce their words clearly and deliver their

presentation at a moderate volume, but using varied tones, ensuring a good

variety of vocal tones.

• Content pitched at a level suitable for the target audience: effective speakers

ensure their presentations are pitched appropriately by using language

appropriate for the audience. In cases where the speaker is not dealing with

specialists or experts in an area of knowledge, jargon and complicated

vocabulary is avoided. The audience’s level of knowledge and understanding

of the topic is considered to ensure the information presented is pitched

appropriately.

While the points mentioned above offer a starting point to develop a conceptual frame that could be used to assess the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques, a literature review found evidence to confirm the factors identified can make a measureable difference to how audiences receive and are affected by an oral presentation. Carrell’s (1999; 2009) study involving church visitors found audiences prefer sermons that are presented clearly and follow a logical sequence. On the contrary, a bad sermon is considered by audience to be one that is disorganised with too much “rambling” about the same point or no cohesive point at all. Bad and disorganised sermons were considered those that contained useless and repetitive points. Carrell’s study also found that pastors who communicate with compassion

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and emotion are more able to inspire positive action compared to those whose speeches are predictable, monotonous and read such that the audience feels the pastor does not care. Moreover, the study found audiences described a bad sermon as one that is poorly delivered, monotonous and filled with preacher jargon.

Further supporting evidence for the framework presented above was identified in

Kouega and Baimada’s (2012) study, which found that sermons delivered exclusively in Arabic in a central mosque in Cameroon posed a challenge for the audience’s capacity to comprehend the content, consequently reducing the level of affect felt. This study was important to include in the framework as it highlights the impact of not just the comprehensibility of the vocabulary, but the language in which the sermon is delivered.

Though not supported with empirical evidence, advice given by imams such as Wael

(1998), Tarsin (2012) and Alkhairo (1998) to other imams as to how they should present their sermon provides support for the framework developed. Tarsin highlights the importance of presenting a short and concise khutbah, particularly in light the fact, in Western contexts, Friday is a weekday when employees are expected to attend work. Many individuals in the audience will be on their lunch-break; therefore, his advice is to limit the khutbah to a maximum of 25 minutes.

Furthermore, Alkhairo and Tarsin present that imams should present their sermons with passion and enthusiasm using varied tones of voice. Alkhairo asks audiences to use correct language and correct use of grammar, and asks mosque committees to select an imam whose accent does not impede the audience member’s access to the content of the sermon. Alkhairo asks imams to watch their body language, ensuring they maintain eye contact and alter their facial expressions to match the content. The

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points made about the visual aspects of the presentation, such as eye contact, facial gestures and bodily movements, could not be included in the conceptual frame, as, for the most part, the sermons that formed the basis of this investigation could not visually recorded.

3.4 Conclusion

This chapter provides the theoretical framework aimed at achieving the objectives of this study. The first set of theories will be adopted to conduct a broad examination and theoretical analysis of Friday’s congregational prayers. The second set of theories will facilitate examination of the content of the sermons with interest in examining whether methods of socialisation, as defined in this chapter, are employed by the imam. The third set of theories provide a conceptual framework that will be used to examine how audiences receive, respond to and are affected by the sermon, encompassing the differences that the background characteristics of audience members, as well as the characteristics of the sermon, could make to the process. As an inclusive aspect of the third set of theories, the chapter also provided the UG theory as one that will be used to examine the functions served by Friday’s congregational prayers. The chapter that follows will provide an understanding of how these theories influenced research design.

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4 METHODOLOGY

This chapter outlines the research design and rationale for why I took this approach.

For the purpose of achieving this study’s aims and objectives, I relied on ethnography and a mixed methods approach. I used multiple methods of data collection, including participant observation (and photography) of Friday’s congregational prayers, recordings and content analysis of the sermons delivered in

Sydney’s mosques and surveys of audiences immediately after they had listened to a recorded sermon. The chapter also includes detailed information about the process involved in selecting the mosques to be included in this research.

4.1 Methodological approach

4.1.1 Ethnography – writing about people

Ethnography is a form of research that involves direct contact with people and their experience of social life, generally with interest in understanding the meanings that people apply to their behaviour (Bryman, 2015). Ethnographic methods can also be used for the purpose of applying theories, which were Goffman’s and Schechner’s theories for this research on Friday’s congregational prayers. The ethnographic technique applied for this purpose was observation, which generally involves watching what people do. This technique is commonly employed by structural functionalists and anthropologists such as Durkheim (1915) and Malinowsk (1922), who lived among the people they studied, learning their language and cultures

(Bryman, 2015). Closely related to this study, the technique was also used by

Schechner (2013), whose theories also rely largely on ethnographic methods. One of

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the shortcomings of using observation as a research technique is that data generated is subjective as it largely depends on the author’s interpretations of social phenomenon (Fulcher & Scott, 2007). To counter this shortcoming, it was considered essential for fieldwork to be conducted from the lens of the theories presented in section 3.1. The interpretations in this case would arise from application of the theory and not the researcher’s subjective view of the world. Moreover, fieldwork was approach with clear scales and categories for observation which will be explained in the sections that follow.

Observations can be made overtly or covertly, and a researcher can participate or simply be an observer. Overt observations involve telling people they are being observed and the term ‘participant observer’ is used to refer to a researcher who is also participating in the activity they are observing. Ethical considerations required that I make it clear that observations were taking place and, as a Muslim, I participated in some of the congregational prayers I was observing. The disadvantage of overt research is that people may change their behaviours if they feel they are being watched (Bryman, 2015). This was highly unlikely in the case of audiences whom, as will be presented in Chapter 5, are required to perform certain acts.

However, in the case of the imam, it is possible the sermon content may have been affected by the knowledge he was being observed, a factor that was noted to be limitation, but one that could not be overcome. Nonetheless, as a Muslim, I was considered to be an ‘insider.’ Researchers have found that those being observed or researched are much more open to and less wary around researchers who are considered to be insiders (Talbot, 1999). In this case, my involvement in the NSW

Mosque Project meant mosque administrators and imams were familiar with me and less likely to behave differently.

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4.1.2 Mixed methodological approach

As presented by Bryman (2015), some researchers place qualitative and quantitative research techniques into separate and distinct categories. Quantitative research in general involves the collection and analysis of numerals. On the other hand, qualitative research is interested in understanding the meanings that shape and influence human behaviour. These complexities, qualitative researchers may argue, cannot be quantified (Bryman, 2015). Aside from this basic reason, some researchers hold there are deep seated reasons why the two methodologies should not be used together. The first of these is that the two methods are rooted in different epistemological worldviews. Quantitative methodologies are interested in testing theories and largely embedded in a scientific and positivistic view of the world.

Qualitative methodologies, on the other hand, give precedence to the way people interpret and understand social reality (Hughes, 1990). As such, the two are placed in two separate and distinct categories. However, as presented by Bryman (2015), the reality is much more complex. This was evidently clear to me as I navigated the methodological approaches and data collection techniques that would best achieve the aims and objectives of this thesis.

For the purpose of understanding whether imams use socialisation methods during the delivery of their sermon, I decided to record the mosque sermons, which would then be transcribed and content analysed. A coding scheme designed to exact information about the basic characteristics of the sermon, such as themes, topics and nature of the content covered, proved to be valuable as it generated numerical data, making clear the general nature of the sermons. Moreover, it was possible to determine if the imams used structural functional methods of socialisation through a numerical count of the number of references to rewards and punishments. I was also

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able to generate numerical data by identifying and counting how many times a role model was presented for an act that was being encouraged. It was predicted the outcome of this process may deliver numerical information that could provide some insight into the methods of socialisation used, but it would not provide an understanding of the underlying means and social processes that shape the numerical patterns. Thus, a mixed methods approach was considered ideal as a qualitative method of the content of the sermon would facilitate examination of how the role of a Muslim was socially constructed and the meanings given to objects, events and circumstances.

4.2 Selecting and approaching mosques

To achieve the aims and objectives of this study, it was decided that observations of

Friday’s congregational prayers needed to take place, recordings of the mosque sermons were necessary and audiences were to be surveyed. For these research methodologies to be applied, the first step was to select and approach mosques.

Prior to this research, I lead a research project that took stock of all the mosques in

NSW to develop an understanding of them in relation to the following features:

• Programmes: Friday (jum’ah) attendance, language of the sermon, daily

prayers (salat), social services as well as outreach, youth and women’s

programmes

• Basic characteristics: Mosque vitality; mosque involvement in society;

involvement of women, youth and young adults

• Participants: number; ethnicity; age; gender; converts

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• Leadership and organisational dynamics: characteristics of the mosque

leaders; organisational structure; roles; qualifications; affiliations

• Building history: location, type of building; year founded

The study involved a survey of 52 mosque leaders and the results were published in the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research Report 2014 (Underabi,

2014). As a result of my involvement in this project, I had access to data that would help me select mosques for one or more of the following reasons:

1. Attendee background: Mosque administration and visitors needed a

background reflective of Sydney’s Muslim Australian community. The data

collected for the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report

2014 enabled me to access statistics, as presented by the leaders of the

mosques, about the ethnic backgrounds of the congregation. This

information, coupled with information from the Australian Bureau of

Statistics (presented in Chapter 3), facilitated the selection of mosques where

the ethnic backgrounds of the visitors were representative of the diverse

ethnic backgrounds of Muslim Australians.

2. Size of the mosque: Some of the questions posed to mosque leaders in the

survey for the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report

2014 were to find out how many people the mosque can accommodate and

the actual number of people that visited for daily prayers and Friday’s

congregational prayers. Based on the information provided, some of the

mosques included in this study were the largest in Sydney as measured by the

number of people who attended to perform their congregational prayers.

Auburn’s Gallipoli, Granville’s Masjid Noor and Lakemba’s Ali ibn Abi

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Talib mosques were included in this study as they are some of the largest

mosques in Sydney, not just physically, but also as measured by the number

of visitors.

3. Religious orientation: The chosen mosques needed to reflect the religious

orientation of Sydney’s Muslim community (primarily Sunni and smaller

numbers of Sunni Salafi or Shi’a orientation). For example, Auburn’s Ahl

Byt Mosque was chosen to be included in this study because the mosque

administration, imam delivering the Friday sermon and audience follow the

Shia orientation of Islam. Revesby Mosque was selected as the imam had

indicated it follows the Salafi orientation of Islam. Due to limitations in the

scope of this research, mosques from the smaller sects in Islam, such as the

Alawite and Ahmadiyya, were not included in the study.

4. Location: One of the tasks achieved as part of the Mosques of Sydney and

New South Wales: Research report 2014 was a stocktake of all the mosques

in Sydney and NSW, and GIS maps were produced showing the locations of

the state’s mosques. Based on this information, the mosques chosen reflected

the diverse geographic locations where Muslims live. As most Muslims live

in the western suburbs of Sydney, most of the mosques where fieldwork took

place were located in this area.

5. Demographics: Some mosques in Sydney are located in central business

districts that imams reported are visited by professionals working in the area.

For example, as part of the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales:

Research report 2014, I found Parramatta’s Marsden Street Mosque was

mostly visited by professionals working in the area. Other mosques, such as

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those located on university campuses, were also found to be visited primarily

by students and professionals working in the area. Thus, some of the mosques

were chosen precisely for the purpose of ensuring individuals from a diverse

range of occupational backgrounds are included in the study.

Having outlined the reasons that mosques were selected for inclusion in this study,

Table 4-1 provides an overview of the characteristics of the mosques where the recording of the sermons and survey of audiences were conducted and a brief description of the reason why the mosques were selected for inclusion. Overall, the mosques selected were generally inclusive of the diverse socio-economic, ethnic and religious orientations of Muslim Australians. Once a decision was made as to which mosques were suitable for inclusion, it was not difficult to arrange fieldwork as the researcher was familiar with representatives of the mosques’ administrations and had developed a relationship of trust. Being a Muslim and, therefore, holding an insider status may have assisted, but I found mosque authorities were always interested in trying to find out more information about the institution I was affiliated with and purpose of my investigation. Islam places significant focus on the value of knowledge and, as such, people who pursue knowledge are looked upon favourably.

I suspect one of the reasons I was granted access to the mosques with ease is because

I presented myself as a student and seeker of knowledge.

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Table 4-1: Characteristics of the mosques where fieldwork was conducted

surveys surveys

Mosque of Number recordings orientation Ethnic Religious orientation Reason for inclusion of Number attendees of Number completed rate Return Ahl Bayt Islamic 3 Iraqi and Shia Religious orientation 227 55 24.2 Centre Afghan Artarmon 1 Diverse Sunni Martin Place Siege N/A N/A N/A Mosque Auburn Gallipoli 3 Turkish Mainstream Ethnic orientation – one of N/A 90 Mosque Sunni biggest mosques in Sydney Darul Imaan 4 Indonesia Mainstream Ethnic orientation 304 60 19.7 Masjid n Sunni Blacktown 4 Afghan Mainstream Ethnic orientation 175 59 33.7 Mosque Sunni Guildford 1 Turkish Mainstream Ethnic orientation 150 27 18 Mosque Sunni Masjid Noor 3 Lebanese Mainstream One of the newest and 493 43 8.7 (first session) Sunni biggest mosques in Sydney Masjid Noor 3 Lebanese Mainstream One of the biggest mosques 169 24 14.2 (second Sunni in Sydney session) Lakemba 6 Lebanese Mainstream Ethnic orientation and one 1338 124 9.2 Mosque Sunni of the biggest mosques in Sydney Minto Mosque 1 South Mainstream Ethnic orientation N/A 48 African Sunni 18 Penshurst 3 Bosnian Mainstream Ethnic orientation 175 29 16.5 Mosque Sunni Parramatta 6 South Mainstream Location in a CBD attracting N/A 80 Mosque Asian Sunni workers from the surrounding area Quakers Hill 4 South Mainstream Ethnic orientation 100 35 35 Mosque Asian Sunni Revesby 4 Lebanese Salafi Religious orientation 162 38 23.4 Mosque University of 3 Mixed Mainstream University campus – N/A 33 NSW Sunni students and workers from surrounding area Total 48 745

18 I was not able to analyse the content of this sermon as my research assistants placed the recorder too far from the imam and the quality of the recording was extremely poor.

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4.3 Fieldwork methodologies

This section of the chapter presents detailed information about the fieldwork methodologies adopted for this study, including justification for the fieldwork approach, the fieldwork process, nature of the data collected and methods of analysis.

However, while the fieldwork methodologies have been presented separately, they are complementary. For example, the recording of the mosque sermon was, on 14 occasions, coupled with a survey of audiences, and observations (including photography) mostly occurred when I was present at the selected mosques for the purpose of recording sermons.

4.3.1 Recording of the mosque sermon

For the purpose of analysing the characteristics and content of the mosque sermon, it was considered best for the sermons to be recorded. Other scholars in the field who have investigated issues relating to sermon content have mostly relied on note- taking. For the purpose of this study, as the intention was to collect data that could be downloaded in NVivo for content analysis, note-taking was not considered to be an appropriate method. Moreover, note-taking posed the risk of missing vital information, which was a risk if the researcher was distracted, not given access to a position where the sermon could be heard properly or if the imam spoke at a fast pace or in a language the researcher did not comprehend. Thus, recording was considered to be the most reliable and effective approach to collecting the content of the mosque sermon. Further, observations and assessment of the imam’s presentation style were made wherever possible. It was planned the recording of the sermons would occur at the selected mosques over several consecutive Fridays. The purpose of this approach was to factor in variations in the content of the sermon.

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As I was familiar with the administration of the mosques as a consequence of my involvement in the Mosques of Sydney and New South Wales: Research report 2014,

I contacted the mosque approximately a week in advance to obtain permission for my visit. Thereafter, my research assistants and I visited the mosque to record the sermon. This approach resulted in an average of three recordings per mosque

(48/15 = 3.2). These recordings were transcribed, translated when necessary and stored for coding. Three mosques did not allow for more than one recording to take place (see Table 4-1). In these cases, the reason was primarily that there was a disagreement among members of the committee as to whether recordings should be allowed. In these cases, mosque leaders adopted the ‘safer’ option of not allowing consecutive recordings in case any problems were to emerge. Other mosques were very relaxed and allowed many recordings. In mosques where two Friday prayers sessions were offered, both sermons were recorded, resulting in the recording of approximately six recordings over three consecutive visits. Overall, 48 mosque sermons were recorded and 46 were transcribed (see Table 4-1). The two sermons that were not transcribed were delivered in an Arabic dialect that the Arabic translator was not able to comprehend adequately. In addition to that, the sermon exceeded over 50 minutes in length, making it extremely expensive to have it transcribed given the difficulties the translator was experiencing with comprehending the content of the sermon.

4.3.2 Mosque sermons – coding and analysis

The sermons that were recorded generally went through a number of processes. First, the sermon or sections of the sermon that were delivered in a language other than

English were translated and transcribed (with the exception of two that would have been very costly to translate due to their length). Sermons that were delivered in

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English were directly transcribed. The final product was downloaded into a software called NVivo where it was subject to coding using a frame designed to extract information. The categories included: sermon topics, major themes, orientation

(social/spiritual/political/economic), source of information used during the delivery of the sermon, target audience and other vital information. The purpose of the content analysis was to examine if imams used mechanisms of socialisation. As such, the coding frame was designed to identify cases where approval or disapproval was presented with attitudes or behaviours being encouraged or discouraged. Of interest to the coding process were cases where role models, such as Prophet Muhammad, were presented.

One of the primary objectives of this study was to examine the relationship between the characteristics of the sermon with the level of impact felt. Another component of the investigation was to grade various characteristics of the sermon relating to its content and method of presentation a rating of 1 to 10. Based on the conceptual framework presented in section 3.3.4, the features of the sermon that were rated included: a clearly stated purpose, clear content, logical sequence, variations in pitch, rate of speech and volume. Other features of the sermon that were examined included: the use of pauses, articulation and language variety. For the use of pauses, the sermons fell into the simple categories of yes or no. The sermons were also rated as being either highly articulate, basic or as having frequent mistakes. For example, one sermon had so many sentence structure problems it was difficult to transcribe and content analyse, so it was given an extremely low rating for articulation. On the other hand, a sermon where the imam’s sentences flowed smoothly, and there were minimal errors that distracted from understanding the content, was given a high rating for articulation.

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Sermons were also rated as having a wide or basic language variety. Sermons where the words used were repetitious or simplistic received low rating for language variety, whereas those with more complex words and a wide range of vocabulary were attributed a higher rating.

The amount of time taken for the sermon to be presented was also categorised, ranging from under 10 minutes, 20-29, 30-39, 40-49 or over 40 minutes. These categorisations were based on the conceptual framework presented in section 3.3.4.

The ordinal data gained from this aspect of coding was entered into the SPSS spreadsheet for the audience surveys to enable cross-tabulations with audience impacts and perceptions. This process facilitated an examination of the relationship between the characteristics of the sermon and the level of impact felt by audiences.

4.3.3 Audience surveys

While the recording of the mosque sermons was taking place, on one occasion at each mosque, it was planned that audiences would also be surveyed. The purpose of the audience survey was to investigate the impact of the mosque sermon on their views and attitudes and to facilitate analysis of the relationship between the characteristics of the sermons (as it pertains to the style of presentation, for example) to the way it was received and responded to by audiences. Therefore, audiences were surveyed immediately after they had listened to a sermon that was being recorded and observed.

The administration of surveys for the purpose of gathering information about how audiences receive a sermon is not unique to this study. Carrell (1999), for example, administered surveys to collect information about the variables that make a

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difference to how audiences respond to sermons delivered in some of America’s churches. However, it was conceived, while a survey may reveal much about how audiences receive and respond to the sermon, it would not be possible to examine if there was a relationship between the characteristics of the sermon and the audience’s reception of the sermon delivered. Thus, unique to this study, the results of the 745 audience surveys were cross-examined with data available about the characteristics of the sermons to which the audiences had listened.

4.3.4 Survey questions

The survey was designed largely based on the theoretical framework presented in section 3.3. The survey began with questions designed to gather information about the basic characteristics of the audiences, such as their age, occupation and ethnic background. The remaining body of the survey presented questions designed to test how the sermon was received by audiences and the level of impact felt. The questions can be classified into two categories: some were designed to examine the immediate response and others looked at the deeper and long-term impacts. If individuals indicated being emotionally moved by the sermon and that they intended to change their behaviours as a consequence, this would provide some indication the audience member was deeply affected by the sermon. Questions were also posed that assessed how they perceived the imam and the way he delivered the sermon. Last, the survey presented questions to examine audience perception of the function of the mosque sermon. For example, from the frame of Durkheim’s functionalist view, religious ritual serves the vital function of fulfilling a person’s need to belong to a community. As such, the survey asked questions to examine the perceived social benefits of participation in Friday’s congregational prayers. Audiences were asked for example whether they have family and friends in the congregation and if they feel

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good being surrounded by fellow Muslims. Most of the questions in the survey were presented in the form of statements that could be responded to using a Likert scale ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. At the end of the survey, space was provided for audience members to indicate the message they received from the sermon. The purpose of this was to develop an understanding of how audiences

‘decoded’ the message delivered (Appendix D provides a copy of the survey).

Administering the survey in the selected mosques required the permission of the mosque authorities, which, as explained, did not prove to be difficult. In all cases, I and my research assistants were given permission to set up a table at the entrance area of the mosque. As audiences entered the mosque, they were informed about the study and given a copy of the survey, which they were encouraged to reflect upon during the delivery of the sermon. They were also given pens and an information letter (Appendix C). When the Friday prayers ended, audience members who wished to participate stayed back for a few minutes to fill out the survey. Some who did not pick up a survey when entering the mosque approached me after the Friday prayers.

Overall, 745 completed surveys were collected through this process.

The return rate for the survey was significantly higher in cases where the imam informed the audience about the purpose of the study and encouraged them to participate with an announcement during the delivery of the sermon. For example, in

Lakemba Mosque where the imam made an announcement about the purpose of the study to the congregation, 124 completed surveys were obtained (from a congregation of 1338 persons). However, at Granville mosque session 1, where an announcement was not made about the fieldwork taking place, only 43 completed surveys were obtained, despite the size of mosque being similar to Lakemba.

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The survey responses were entered into SPSS and the outcome of this process revealed how the audiences received, responded to and were affected by the sermons.

The results also revealed the functions served by the congregational prayers. To examine the significance of relationship between background characteristics of audience members to the way received and were affected by the sermon, chi-square tests were conducted.

4.3.5 Observations, photographs, videos and a reflective journal

On the days the sermons were to be recorded and audiences surveyed, I also used the opportunity to make observations and take note of the acts taking place. I also took photographs and, where possible, a video camera was placed at the exit gate of the mosques surveyed. The purpose of placing the camera was to count the number of people who had attended on the Friday. This information was needed to determine accurate return rate figures for the surveys distributed, as shown in Table 4-1.

However, the data gathered through the camera was also helpful in enabling me to observe, in detail, patterns of behaviours that occurred before and after Friday’s congregational prayers.

4.4 Reflections on the method

4.4.1 Human resources

This research would not have been possible without research assistants. The assistance received was primarily with the distribution of audience surveys. Up to four assistants were employed for distribution of surveys at those mosques with a capacity to accommodate over 1000 people. Audience surveys at medium capacity mosques were conducted with the help of one or two research assistants.

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Most of the surveys were completed in English. However, they were also made available in Turkish, Farsi, Arabic and Bosnian. Translated versions of the survey were taken to all mosques where surveys were administered. This approach proved to be useful in enabling access to those attendees who were not fluent in English.

The original application for research assistants was on the basis that I, being a female, would have difficulties surveying the all-male audiences. The purpose for the employment of research assistants changed, as being female proved not to be a deterrent to participating directly in surveying the predominantly male audiences attending Friday prayers. Mosque leaders did not express any concern about my direct participation in the distribution of surveys. I distributed the surveys on the first occasion as a trial to assess if it would be possible to be directly involved, and through the process learned more about the logistics of survey distribution for future research and studies. Contrary to the assumption that audiences would not respond positively to the presence of a female at the front gates of a mosque on a Friday, no complaints were received. On the contrary, a significant number of participants personally approached me and expressed their praise for my pursuit of knowledge.

After receiving a positive response on the first occasion, as was obvious in the collection of approximately 80 surveys, I decided to continue my participation in the distribution of surveys. An exception was made at two mosques where the management was conservative and preferred for audience members to be surveyed by men. In these cases, their preferences were respected. However, in both cases, despite there being two competent male research assistants who distributed the surveys, the response rate was significantly lower (see Table 4-1).

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4.4.2 Ethical considerations – avoiding causing conflict between members of the mosque committee

As a first step process, mosque leaders were approached with the request to survey the audiences at their mosque at Friday’s congregational prayer. A date for the distribution of the surveys and the logistics of needing a table were discussed. When the mosque leaders agreed to a date, I ensured to put forward a request for other members of the mosque committee to be informed so they were not surprised by the activity. On a number of occasions, however, the imam forgot or naively assumed that consultation was not necessary. On three occasions, a mosque committee member approached the research team and, on being informed that approval had been received, expressed annoyance for not being involved in the decision-making process through their body language. In all cases, I offered to abandon the fieldwork and informed the concerned committee member that the priority of any responsible researcher is ensuring participants are not harmed by the research in any way. The offer to cancel fieldwork was genuine as it was feared that insisting on the continuation of research would cause conflict between mosque committee members.

A request was made for an alternative date to be decided upon by committee members. This approach yielded positive results as on two occasions I was contacted with an alternative date and on one occasion the committee members expressed their approval for the continuation of the research on the day. I was informed, if the committee had known earlier, they would have ensured the fieldwork was successful by encouraging audience members to participate in advance.

In all cases, I had requested for the imam to be made aware that their sermons was being recorded. However, in a few cases, the mosque committee had not informed the imam about the recording taking place and this particularly happened to be the

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case with mosques that were signatories to a rotating roster for a group of imams. In these cases, the imams were given the option to have their recording deleted. The imams in all these cases did not have any problems with having their sermons recorded. On one occasion, the imam asked for a supporting letter from my supervisor, which was promptly arranged (see Appendix E).

4.4.3 Online surveys

The audience survey was also made available online using Qualtrics, online survey software. A link was developed for every mosque where the audience was scheduled to be surveyed and made accessible in the information sheet (see Appendix D). This approach did not receive a response from audiences and was therefore abandoned in the final two months of research. The internet was a useful resource in the collection of data from the audience in some cases, but in an unexpected form. Some audience members sent scanned copies of their completed surveys to my email address. These could not be included in the study if they were sent more than 24 hours after hearing the mosque sermon. As such, only a small number from approximately 20 surveys that were emailed could be included in the analysis, as having time to reflect on the content of the sermon meant the audience member’s responses may have been influenced by other factors. The inclusion of these surveys would have required the exploration and inclusion of the role of reflection in audience response rate. As it was beyond the scope of this research to explore the role of an added variable with a relatively small number of audience surveys received after 24 hours of hearing the sermon, it was considered best to exclude these surveys from the study.

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4.4.4 Design of the audience survey

Among other things, the survey questions were designed to examine whether audience members understood and were impacted by the content of the sermon. The level of impact felt by the audience and the extent to which their attitudes and behaviours were influenced by the sermon was taken to be a measure of the extent to which they were socialised by the sermon. Most of the questions posed to the audiences for the purpose of measuring the influence of the sermon were closed- ended and based on preconceived notions (based on the literature review presented in section 3.3) of how audiences may respond to the sermon. A better approach may have been to present the questions with space for audiences to explain in their own words if, how and which aspects of the sermon had the greatest impact on their views and attitudes. This approach may have provided greater insight into the variables that play an important role in the extent to which audiences are influenced, impacted and are thereby, socialised by the content of the sermon compared what has been achieved through the adoption of closed-ended survey questions alone. Another method of overcoming the limitation may have involved the arrangement of focus group discussions with a selected group of survey participants.

4.5 Conclusion

This research took an ethnographic and mixed methodological approach to designing instruments, gathering and analysing data. The main methods used for the purpose of data collection and analysis included observations (and photography), recording and content analysis of 46 mosque sermons and surveys of audience members at 13 mosques, representative of the diverse backgrounds of Muslim Australians. The chapters that follow present a theoretical analysis of the findings.

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5 FRIDAY’S CONGREGATIONAL’S PRAYERS – A THEORETICAL ANALYSIS

Chapter 1 presented that one of the main objectives of this study was to analyse the acts taking place during Friday’s congregational prayers. The concepts to facilitate this process were introduced in Chapter 3, the most important of which were

Goffman’s dramaturgy and Schechner’s PS theory – in this context used to refer to the idea of seeing and treating ordinary behaviour as a performance.

An examination and analysis of Friday’s congregational prayers from the frame of

Schechner’s PS theory must begin with the proto-p. Chapter 1 presented that

Muhammad holds a very high place in Islam and for Muslims. He is considered to be the last prophet sent not only to communicate God’s message to humanity, but to also demonstrate how the acts commanded by the Qur’an must be followed. The role of the imam generally follows the acts performed by Muhammad during Friday’s congregational prayers and the audiences follow the first community of Muslims, who conducted themselves according to the directions provided by Muhammad.

During the service, a person referred to as the muezzin delivers the call to prayer and his actions represent a re-enactment of the acts performed by Bilal, who held the responsibility of reciting the call to prayer.

Before delving into any significant detail about the nature of the acts associated with the roles to be performed during Friday’s congregational prayers, it is important to explain how Muslims have come to an understanding of the proto-p for Friday’s congregational prayers. The answer is that Islamic scholars conducted ‘workshops,’

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as classified from the frame of Schechner’s theory, to gain an accurate understanding of the proto-p. In the period immediately after Muhammad’s death, Muslims had a good understanding of the acts performed by Muhammad, the proto-p and director of all Islamic acts. His close companions, in particular, were also a source of guidance.

However, over time they were sent out on missionary expeditions to various parts of the world and a significant number died during the military expeditions. Thus Ali ibn

Abi Talib, the fourth Caliph of the Islamic empire, ordered for their oral histories about what Muhammad had said and done to be recorded. These oral histories are referred to as hadith. Despite access to these and the Qur’an, circumstances would arise where people were not sure about the applicability of statements to their personal circumstances. Therefore, Muslim scholars took on the responsibility of analysing the Qur’an and hadith to come to an exact understanding of what acts are to be performed in which contexts. These guidelines are referred to as fiqh. Fiqh is often translated to mean laws and regulations, but as presented by Murata and

Chittick (1994), this term may not always be suitable. Laws provide structures to govern behaviours and are generally formal. Fiqh, on the other hand, can be very personal. From a dramaturgical frame, it is fitting to describe fiqh as the ‘script’ for

Muslims. Some guidelines in a script are compulsory for actors to follow, while others are recommended and left to their discretion.

In what follows, I present an outline of the fiqh to be followed by the various actors involved in Friday’s congregational prayers.

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5.1 The script

5.1.1 The roles

There are three types of actors involved in Friday’s congregational prayers: the imam; the audience or partakers; and the muezzin. Details of the roles to be performed will be presented in the sections to follow, but in this section I will outline what fiqh (script) for Friday’s congregational prayers details about who can or cannot participate.

5.1.1.1 The imam

Anyone can be an imam provided they are male, an adult (have reached the age of puberty), Muslim and able to recite verses of the Qur’an. However, in the event that large numbers of people meet this criteria, there are guidelines as who is to be given preference. According Imam Hanifa (cited in al-Marghinani, 2006), it is best that a literate person is given preference over the illiterate, a healthy person over the sick, a person who has performed their ritual ablution over a person who has not, and one with eloquence over the person who has speech defects.

5.1.1.2 The audience or partakers

The script for Friday’s congregational prayers classifies participation as fard – it is a religious obligation that must be performed by Muslim men who have reached the age of puberty and are physically healthy and mentally sound. Negligence is considered haram (forbidden) and categorised to be a sin (Jazīrī, 2009). Women, children, travellers and the sick are exempted from participating, though they may participate if they wish (Woodlock, 2010). For the congregations offered in the

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mosques of Sydney, the implications for these guidelines were clear as most of the participants were men, and women made up only a small proportion.19

5.1.1.3 The Muezzin

The role of the muezzin involves the recitation of the call to prayer in a melodious tone of voice. After reciting the call to prayer, the muezzin takes on the role of an ordinary partaker. Thus, the conditions that qualify a person to be a partaker also qualify a person for the role of the muezzin. It is preferred for the muezzin to be someone with a good voice and generally to have good morals and character (Jazīzi,

2009).

5.1.2 The stage

From an Islamic perspective (inscribed in fiqh books for Muslims to follow), any place on earth, provided it is clean and provides adequate space, can be used as the stage for the performance of Friday’s congregational prayers. Some scholars prefer for the congregational prayers to occur inside the mosque, which is where, the position holds, Muhammad held most congregational prayers, unless it was necessary for them to be offered in other locations. The congregational prayers are to

‘gather’ Muslims; thus, the development of excessive numbers of mosques or

‘stages’ for the purpose of Friday’s congregational prayers is discouraged.

Participants are encouraged, if not obliged by some schools of thought, to participate in the congregational prayers offered in a central mosque ((Jazīzi, 2009).

19 Women have begun seeing this aspect of the script as exclusionary and have stated they have been excluded from participation not by the religion, but by the men and cultural domination. To argue their case for participation, women use Islamic sources of knowledge to show that women attended Muhammad’s mosque and, if Muhammad (the producer and director of the script) disliked for women to attend, he would not have named one of the doors bab al-Nisa, which means the door of women. Furthermore, Muhammad explicitly asked men not to stop women from attending the mosque; therefore, it is not men’s prerogative to stop women from participating in mosque activities, including Friday’s congregational prayer (Woodlock, 2011).

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5.1.3 The setting

Muhammad’s mosque was simple. Mud bricks were used to form an enclosure measuring approximately 30 square metres. At first, the mosque did not have a roof, but later, a roof made of tree branches and a layer of mud was added (Omer , 2010).

From oral narrations, it has been concluded that Muhammad delivered his sermons while standing, but when the number of people attending the mosque in Medina increased, it became difficult for audiences to see Muhammad; thus, arrangements were made for a raised platform for him to stand on while delivering his sermons

(Zarabozo, 1994). Muhammad’s minbar was located at the front of the mosque facing the audience.

Muslims are not required to design their mosques in the same fashion, but most mosques are an empty hall where Muslims can perform their prayers in congregation.

Mosques may have a minbar for the imam to ascend for the purpose of delivering his sermon. Mosques may also have other features, some more lavish than others, but these generally represent features of Muhammad’s mosque or have historical or cultural meaning.

5.1.4 The costumes

Ibn Qayyim (cited in Al-Munajjid, 2015) conducted an analysis of the hadith relating to Muhammad’s outward appearance and found Muhammad’s common outfits included a turban, typically wrapped around his head with the ends falling between his shoulder blades (though some sources suggest it did not have an end at all).

Under the turban, Muhammad is said to have worn a cap. On occasions, the cap was worn without the turban or the turban without the cap. Another item of clothing worn by Muhammad was a long shirt (referred to as the thobe or galabiya), extending from

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his neck to his ankles and sleeves to his wrists. On special occasions, he is said to have worn a jubbah – a cloak with wide sleeves – over the thobe. He is said to have worn the jubbah on formal and special occasions. There are other items of clothing he is also said to have worn (fur coat, trousers, wraps, leather slippers, etc.), but the items of clothing he is said to have worn for Friday’s congregational prayers are limited to three: the turban, thobe and cloak/jubbah. His favourite colour was white and as he is recalled to have said: “They (white garments) are the best of your garments, so wear them and shroud your dead in them” (Al-Munajjid, 2015).

However, he did not always wear white during Friday’s congregational prayers as it is narrated he delivered a sermon wearing a black thobe (Al-Munajjid, 2015).

As far as the script or fiqh for Friday’s congregational prayers is concerned, there are no specific rules to follow. Dressing like Muhammad is not essential for the imam, save for the head, which some consider essential for him to cover. Nonetheless, some consider it spiritually meritorious to dress like Muhammad or wear similar clothing as an expression of admiration.

5.1.5 The performance

5.1.5.1 Warming up for Friday’s congregational prayers

Schechner (as discussed in Chapter 2) argued that, much like performances delivered in a theatre, performances in ordinary life follow a sequential process. They typically begin with what he describes as ‘warm-up’ acts. Schechner explained, for some performances, a warm-up may be an inclusive aspect of the performance. The fiqh for Friday’s congregational prayers includes what can be described as a series of warm-up acts that must be followed before a person can enter the mosque or sacred space where the congregational prayers are performed. The proto-p and director of

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the warm-up acts is Muhammad, who is said to have highly preferred for all performers to bathe (ghusl), clip their nails, brush their teeth, wear clean clothes and apply perfume. If a person is unable to perform these acts, the minimum requirement is that they perform what is referred to as wudu – that is, cleanse their hands, face and feet with water. This is the warm-up routine Muslims are generally required to perform for all their daily prayers (Buyukcelebi, 2003). As such, mosques are expected to provide washing facilities for this purpose. The requirement that

Muslims cleanse themselves also provides supporting evidence for Durkheim’s proposition that a distinctive feature of religion is its separation of the sacred from the mundane. In this context, by performing wudu, a Muslim is believed to have physically and spiritually purified themselves (Zarabozo, 1994) and they are therefore ready to enter the sacred spaces and participate in rituals. From an Islamic perspective, the mosque represents a sacred space and Friday’s congregational prayers are a sacred ritual. Participants draw another distinction between the ordinary and sacred by taking off their shoes before entering the mosque.

5.1.5.2 The roles to be performed

During Friday’s congregational prayers, as presented previously, there are generally three types of roles to be performed – the muezzin, imam and audience member/participant. Each has specific acts to perform. It is narrated that, on Fridays,

Muhammad ascended the minbar and greeted the congregation briefly with the statement salaam alaikum. Then, he sat down and waited for the muezzin to recite the adhan (call to prayer). At this point, Bilal, the proto-p for the role performed by the muezzin, stood up, faced the direction of the Ka’baa, raised his hands to cover his ears and recited the following statements in Arabic:

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God is the Greatest, God is the Greatest I bear witness there is no deity except God I bear witness there is no deity except God I bear witness that Muhammad is the messenger of God I bear witness that Muhammad is the Messenger of God Come to pray, come to pray Come to success, come to success God is the Greatest, God is the Greatest There is no deity except God20

Just as Bilal recited verses to bear witness that there is no God but God, Muhammad is said to have quietly repeated after him “and I also bear witness.” (Zarabozo, 1994)

From the frame of Austin’s speech act theory, the recitation of the adhan is a perlocutionary speech act as the intention of the recital is to produce an effect on the behaviours of audiences. It signals to the audience that the ‘performance’ has begun.

Thus, on hearing the adhan, the audience (or partakers), as their role requires, must observe silence and sit in an upright position. Muhammad made it clear that members of the congregation must remain silent while the khutbah is being delivered. He is recalled to have said: “he who performed ablution well, then came to the Friday prayer, listened (to the sermon), and kept silent, all (his sins) between the time and the next Friday would be forgiven” (Nadwi, 2007). He is also recorded to have said: “while the imam is delivering the khutbah, and you ask your companion to keep quiet and listen, then no doubt you have done something inappropriate”

(Buyukcelebi, 2003). The statement was made to denote that a person should not speak for any reason, including asking others to be quiet.

20 Historical narratives present there was a ‘workshop’ process behind the formation of this act. The narrative follows, when the first group of Muslims was considering ways they could gather everyone at the mosque for the purpose of performing their congregational prayers, one of Muhammad’s companions had a dream where he was informed the words of the adhan should be used as a call to prayer. Muhammad saw the dream as being divinely inspired and asked him to teach Bilal the words to recite when it was time for prayers. These instructions were followed and Bilal was the first muezzin in Islam.

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When the adhan concludes, the muezzin sits down and takes on the role of partaker, while the imam ascends the minbar (if there is one) or stands and delivers the sermon. At this point, there is some difference of opinion as to what statements must be made. The difference of opinion goes back to how Islamic jurists answer the question of whether it was a continual performance of an act by the Prophet or if he just said it on some occasions. If he performed an act or declared certain types of statements consistently, it is considered to be an obligatory aspect of the sermon

(Zarabozo, 1994).

According to Abu Hanifa, there is only one pillar for the khutbah. That is, the khutbah must consist of some sort of dhikr or remembrance of Allah, as it is described in the Qur’an. Abu Hanifa was of the opinion that, if the imam simply said once “Glory be to Allah,” “there is no one worthy of worship except Allah” or “all praises are due to Allah,” that would be sufficient as a khutbah. However, his two leading students disagreed and said one must deliver what can rightly be called a khutbah (an address or speech). Shafi said there are five pillars for the khutbah:

1) Praising Allah at the beginning of the khutbah; 2) Saying prayers for the Prophet;

3) Admonishing people to be God consciousness; 4) Reciting a verse from the

Qur’an; and 5) Saying some supplications or dua (Jazīrī, 2009). Muhammad is said to have fulfilled this criteria at the beginning of his sermons, which began with the recitation of the following statements in Arabic:

All praise is due to Allah. We praise Him, and seek His Help, and ask for His forgiveness. We seek refuge in Allah from the evil in our souls and from our sinful deeds. Whosoever Allah guide no one can mislead and whosoever Allah misguides, no one can guide. I bear witness that there is no one worthy of worship except Allah. He is One having no partner. And I bear witness that Muhammad is His servant and messenger. O believers, be God conscious and

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die not except as Muslims. Oh believers, be conscious of your Lord, the One who created you from one soul and created from it its mate and from them spread many men and women. And fear Allah from whom you demand your mutual rights and (do not cut) familial relations. Surely Allah is Ever All- Watchful over you. O believers be God conscious and always speak the truth. He will direct you to do righteous deeds and will forgive you your sins. And whosoever obeys Allah and His messenger has indeed achieved a great achievement (Zarabozo, 1994).

After reciting this statement, the imam will say amma badu. The literal translation of these words is ‘whatever comes after,’ but they are said to denote a transition from the introduction to the main body of the sermon. Therefore, another translation of the words is ‘now to proceed’ (Zarabozo, 1994).

Muhammad delivered his sermon in Arabic; therefore, some consider it essential for the entire content to be delivered in this language Others follow the scholarly view that it is sufficient for the warm-up (as explained above) and closing supplication to be delivered in Arabic, and the content that falls between may be delivered in a language accessible to the audience (Jazīrī, 2009).

The sermon is split into two parts, with the first being longer than the second.

Muslims scholars are of the view that Muhammad delivered his sermon while standing, then he would sit and maintain silence for approximately 20 seconds and then stand again to deliver the second part of the sermon (Jazīrī, 2009).

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Figure 5–1: UNSW – the imam delivering his sermon while standing

Source: Fieldwork

The second part of the sermon is finalised with the recitation of a supplication. The imam at this point will raise his hands to the height of his face and turn his palms so they are facing the sky (Zarabozo, 1994). He will then recite a supplication that has the scope to be tailored to match the content of the sermon or circumstances relevant to the community, or otherwise be a repetition of a supplication recited by

Muhammad (Alkhairo, 1998). At this point, audiences also raise their hands with palms facing the sky and may say ameen at the close of every sentence the imam recites (Zarabozo, 1994).

After this act, the imam descends from the minbar and the muezzin reiterates the call to prayer, but this time at a faster pace (known as the iqama). The iqama is also a perlocutionary speech act, but the intention is to move audiences from a seated to a standing position, forming rows facing the direction of the Ka’baa. The imam also moves to take the lead position by standing in the space allocated for him or simply stands one step ahead of the first row. At this juncture, the imam and congregation

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are standing ready to perform their prayers. It is usual for the imam who delivered the sermon to take lead the congregational prayers as Muhammad is narrated to have delivered the sermon and then led the congregational prayers (Zarabozo, 1994).

The prayers begin in a standing position, follow a series of acts that are believed to have been performed by Muhammad and his congregations, and end in a seated position. First, all participants make the intention to worship God, and express this intention by lifting their hands to their shoulders and saying Allahu Akbar (God is the greatest) (Ozalp, 2004). The acts performed and statements recited during these prayers are ‘coded’ with meanings. They are speech acts intended to communicate a message to God. When the participant raises their hand to their shoulders, they are indicating they have left the world behind them and submitted to God (Ozalp, 2004).

This act can be said to be a transition point. At this point, the worshipper considers themselves to be standing before God. Durkheim’s classifications of the distinguishing feature of religion being the separation of the mundane and sacred found supporting evidence, as presented earlier, as worshippers generally perform ablution and take off their shoes to enter sacred space, but I have observed there are different levels and categories of sacredness. When a person raises their hands and stands before God, they have entered a higher level or category of sacred space.

After this point, most of the acts to be performed are classified as obligatory elements of the congregational prayers (Jazīrī, 2009). A person’s actions must strictly follow the fiqh (script).

The imam then leads the congregation in prayer with the recital of verses from the

Qur’an followed by a series of speech acts such as bowing and prostrating with their forehead touching the ground to communicate praise and submission to God. After

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this, the imam and congregation stand up again and another round of similar acts follows. On the second round, when participants raise their heads after prostrating, following the lead of the imam, participants assume a seated position, which can be classified as a concluding act as a series of verses are recited silently. After this, the imam takes the lead and closes the prayers by turning his head to the right and then to the left while declaring greetings and the congregation follows. These greetings are also speech acts as they are intended to greet the angels that are believed to be sitting on the right and left shoulders of a person. While still in a seated position, the imam will declare supplications with his palms facing the sky. Audiences adopt a similar posture and may recite ameen at the end of every calling (Jazīrī, 2009). After this point, the congregational prayers are closed and transitions are made back to ordinary life. Participants mark their return to the mundane by putting on their shoes and leaving the mosque. Participants may also ‘close’ through social interactions with their acquaintances, friends and family.

5.1.6 Sydney’s mosques observed

During fieldwork, I observed closely the characteristics of the objects and acts that took place during congregational prayers. As my observations were being made from the frame of Goffman’s dramaturgy and Schechner’s PS theory, it became evidently clear to me that most of what was seen were ‘restored’ performances and re- enactments of the proto-p or otherwise guided by the ‘script.’ However, every re- enactment and restoration had slight variations, which I will discuss in detail in the sections that follow.

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5.1.6.1 Stage, setting and costumes

Schechner argues that the concept of ‘restored’ performances and re-enactments can be applied to understanding not just human behaviours, but also objects. My observations found supporting evidence for this proposition as it appeared, with some variations in size, construction materials and aesthetics, most mosques were built to resemble or were inspired by the proto-p mosque, which is Muhammad’s mosque located in current day Medina. Darul-Imam located in Arncliffe, Ali ibn Ali

Talib in Lakemba and Uthman mosque in Blacktown are some of the major mosques in Sydney and built by communities from a diverse range of backgrounds. Darul-

Imam mosque was primarily funded and run by the Malay community; Ali ibn Abi

Taleb by the Lebanese community; and Uthman Mosque by the Afghan community.

Despite these differences, these mosques are rectangular structures with a flat roof.

Muhammad’s mosque did not have a minaret, but Bilal, the first muezzin in Islam, was known to have delivered his sermon from elevated platforms, including the roof of the Ka’baa to recite the adhan. Over time, the minaret became a feature of mosques to be used for the purpose of calling the adhan. In Sydney, the law does not allow for Muslims communities to ascend the minaret and recite the call to prayer loudly, but this feature of the mosque was still ‘restored.’ In this case, the structure was influenced not by the proto-p (the Prophet’s mosque), but the ‘script,’ which indicates the call to pray must be made from a location so it can be heard.

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Figure 5–2: Lakemba Mosque: flat roof and palm trees

Source: Fieldwork

Figure 5–3: Ahl Bayt Mosque: simple rectangular structure with flat roof

Source: Fieldwork

The outside of some mosques did not resemble the proto-p. Guildford and Quakers

Hill mosques, for example, have a triangular roof, which is in stark contrast to the

Prophet’s mosque (see Appendix B). This is mainly because both of these structures were churches before they were purchased by Muslims and converted into mosques.

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Nonetheless, the interiors of the mosque are in all cases ‘restorations’ guided by the script and, related to it, the roles that should be performed. For example, most mosques were empty halls laid with a carpet custom-made for the performance of the five daily prayers, but most specifically, the congregational prayers. The carpet was in most cases ‘coded’ with meaning or, from the frame of Austin’s speech act theory, a perlocutionary speech act as it communicated to the participants the direction of the

Ka’baa so they can sit or pray in that direction. Moreover, the design of the carpet in most cases also communicated where the participants should stand when they are performing their congregational prayers. As they are required to form an orderly line facing the direction of the Ka’baa, the carpets had features to show where they should stand. While the emptiness of the mosque represents a restoration of

Muhammad’s mosque, which was a basic empty hall, the added features are influenced by the ‘script.’ The effects of the ‘script’ could even be observed in places where the community had hired a hall or used a sports field for a special occasion,21 as objects such as tables and chairs were removed, and mats were laid to mark the place as being clean and ‘sacred.’ Prayer mats were laid to indicate to the participants the direction they should be facing.

21 Mosque committees sometimes hire halls and community centres if the mosque is not able to accommodate large numbers of people.

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Figure 5–4: Parramatta Mosque: carpet design, prayer mat and minbar

Source: Fieldwork

Figure 5–5: Guildford Mosque: church building converted to mosque

Source: Fieldwork

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Figure 5–6: Community hall turned into sacred space

Source: Fieldwork

The interior of some mosques also had features that represented a ‘restoration’ of the

Prophet’s mosque. Directly related to the role played by the imam, as a minimum, there was a podium or microphone in the location where the imam was to stand and deliver his sermon. Mosques that were able to afford the feature had variations of a minbar, which represents a ‘restoration’ of Muhammad’s minbar. Most minbar did not resemble Muhammad’s. Muhammad’s minbar, as presented previously, was wooden and had three steps that he ascended to deliver his sermon. The minbar at

Parramatta’s Marsden Street Mosque somewhat resembles the proto-p, but has five steps. Muhammad’s minbar did not have a railing, whereas the one at Parramatta does. The minbar at some of the other mosques in Sydney are significantly different compared to Muhammad’s. Some are made of white stone and appear to be like a staircase, whereas others have two openings with a place designated for the imam at a central point. These constructions are, despite these variations, restorations of

Muhammad’s minbar and guided by the script.

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Figure 5–7: Penshurst Mosque: niche and minbar

Source: Fieldwork

Some mosques also had a mihrab or niche. The Prophet’s mosque did not have this feature. However, this feature is influenced by the script and is a perloctionary speech act as it signifies to the imam where he should stand for the purpose leading the congregational prayers.

Figure 5–8: Blacktown Mosque: niche and minbar

Source: Fieldwork

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Finally, the ‘warm-up’ before the congregation prayers is wudu, which as explained in section 5.2.1, requires performers to wash their face and limbs. I am not certain if the Prophet’s mosque (proto-p) provided washing facilities, but the mosques in

Sydney provide facilities for this purpose. For example, Figure 5–11 shows the washing room at Penshurst Mosque. The features of the washing room are custom built so participants are comfortable while completing their ‘warm-up’ activities.

From the frame of Goffman’s theory, clothes represent costumes that people wear to signify to others the role they are playing. For audiences, the only requirement the

‘script’ makes clear is that all actors are to dress modestly, ensuring men are at least covered from the naval to the knee. For women, everything except their face and hands must be covered. All performers, as far as I could observe, adhered to this condition and mainly wore ordinary, everyday clothes. Some audience members used the occasion to resemble the proto-p by wearing a white thobe, with some even ensuring the length and colour were the same as that of Muhammad’s thobe. The items of clothing worn by the imam also represented, in most cases, restorations of the items of clothes worn by Muhammad, such as a white thobe. Also representing a

‘restoration,’ imams (and some members of the audience) covered their head.

Muhammad considered Friday’s congregational prayers to be a formal occasion; therefore, he wore a cloak to denote not just the formality of the occasion, but also the role he was playing. Influenced by this tradition and from the frame of Goffman’s theory, which gives central importance to costumes in giving validity to people for the roles they perform in society, some imams wore a cloak. The cloaks varied in colour and style, but in essence they ‘restored’ the clothes worn by Muhammad. In some cases, these variations included items of clothing that reflected the ethnic background of the imam. For example, Figure 5–1 shows an imam wearing formal

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attire and Figure 5–8 shows an imam wearing a cloak commonly associated with the

Afghan culture.

Figure 5–9: Masjid Noor: imam and some audience members wearing thobe

Source: Fieldwork

5.1.6.2 Congregational prayers

Schechner (2013) argues there are two types of rituals: those that transform a person from one state to another (as in the case of marriage, for example); and those that transport a person to a different time/space dimension only to return them to the present when it is over. Friday’s congregational prayers fall into the second category as it is, in effect, a repetition and restoration of the acts performed by Muhammad and the first community of Muslims. The ‘script’ available for Muslims to follow has the consequence of producing ‘performances’ that are almost identical. It is common to observe that most performers will first go to the washing room where they ‘warm- up’ by performing wudu. In places where the washing facilitates are also provided in open spaces, as is the case with Auburn Gallipoli Mosque, one can observe that, as

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the script requires, ‘performers’ wash their faces, hands and feet. One can observe some silently uttering their shahada, which is what Muhammad is said to have done.

Figure 5–10: Penshurst Mosque: washing facilities

Source: Fieldwork

Once they have ‘warmed up,’ the performers come to the entrance of the mosque, where they take off their shoes. The mosques in most cases have shelves for this purpose. After taking off their shoes, performers are ready to enter the sacred space and ‘stage’ for Friday’s congregational prayers. Upon entering the stage, some perform what can be considered ‘warm-up’ acts. Muhammad recommended Muslims perform two rakah (units of prayer) upon entering the mosque.

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Figure 5–11: Arncliffe Mosque: removing shoes before entering the stage

Source: Fieldwork

Figure 5–12: Blacktown Mosque: removing shoes before entering the stage

Source: Fieldwork

To indicate the ‘performance’ has started, the muezzin stands up and faces the direction of the Ka’baa to recite the call to prayer. In most cases, following the example of the proto-p for this role – Bilal, the muezzin covers his ears with his hands and turns his head from right to left while reciting the adhan. After this, the

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imam was observed to ascend the minbar or stand before the podium or microphone

(depending on the resources available).

Figure 5–13: Quakers Hill Mosque: imam covering head with a cloth and wearing a thobe

Source: Fieldwork

It is reported Muhammad delivered his sermon from the highest step of the minbar.

However, during fieldwork, I observed, where a minbar existed, the imam delivered his sermon from the second or third step. Upon investigating the historical roots of this act, it was found it is a restored performance of Umar’s actions. Umar was, according to Sunni Muslims, one of Muhammad’s closest companions and the second Caliph of the expanding Islamic empire. It is narrated that Umar refused to deliver his sermon from the highest point of the minbar out of respect for

Muhammad and in view that he cannot take Muhammad’s place (Zarabozo, 1994).

Thus, re-enacting this gesture, many of the imams in Sydney’s mosques deliver their sermons from the lower steps of the minbar.

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In all cases, the imam begins by praising God, declaring Muhammad as his prophet and messenger, and asking people to be God conscious. These statements are guided by the ‘script’ and, in most cases, represent a reiteration of what Muhammad is said to have declared during his sermons. The statements are presented in section 5.2.2.

The imam, in most cases, ends what can be classified as a ‘warm-up’ for his role and marks his transition to the main body of his performance by saying amma badu, which is what Muhammad is said to have done. Then he delivers the sermon and it is this aspect of the ‘performance’ that presents Sydney’s imams with the potential to deliver a sermon based on a topic of their own choosing and, through it, influence and control their audiences. Audiences, as the script requires, mainly sit in rows guided by the carpet patterns of the mosque and listen to the sermon (see Figure 5–14 and Figure 5–15).

Figure 5–14: Ahl Bayt Mosque: attentive audience

Source: Fieldwork

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Figure 5–15: University of New South Wales: attentive audience

Source: Fieldwork

While he is delivering the sermon, in most cases, the imam will take a small break and stand up again. This point appears to mark a transition toward the closing as the imams mainly presented some concluding remarks after this. The sermon was closed with supplications, which were all delivered in Arabic. As described in the ‘script,’ the imam raised his palms to the height of his shoulders and began reciting some supplications in Arabic (see Figure 5–16). The supplications were delivered in the format of short statements. After every statement, the congregation said ameen, which denotes something to the effect of ‘may God accept the prayers.’ It was beyond the scope of this study to translate these supplications, but I was aware that some were supplications that Muhammad is believed to have recited. The supplications ended when the imam brought his hands close to face and wiped his face with his palms. The congregation followed these acts. After this the muezzin stood up and recited the iqama. This is obviously a perlocutionary speech act as it affected the behaviours of audience members, who moved to form straight lines. This

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was a quick process as audiences, one can assume, are ‘trained’ and experienced performers.

The imam in all cases stood one pace in front of the congregational, lifted his hands to the height of his shoulders and said Allah Akbar. After he crossed his hands over his naval and audiences followed (see Figure 5–17). This was followed by a recitation of the Qur’an and a series of ‘speech acts’ involving bowing and prostration (Figure 5–18). A series of scripted acts followed and the congregational prayers finish in a sitting position. With the ‘performance’ ended, an ‘aftermath’ ensues. For some, this involves social gatherings and conversation outside the mosque (see Figure 5–19 and Figure 5–20).

Figure 5–16: University of New South Wales: supplicating at the end of the sermon

Source: Fieldwork

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Figure 5–17: Lakemba Mosque: prayers also happen outside the mosque

Source: Fieldwork

Figure 5–18: Lakemba Mosque: audience prostrating

Source: Fieldwork

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Figure 5–19: Penshurst Mosque: the ‘aftermath’ – social interactions

Source: Fieldwork

Figure 5–20: Guildford Mosque: the ‘aftermath’ – social event arranged by mosque

Source: Fieldwork

5.2 Conclusion

Adopting the framework presented in section 3.1, this chapter presents that Friday’s congregational prayers are largely formed from ‘restored’ or scripted behaviours.

The concept of ‘restorations’ was found to apply to the ‘stage,’ ‘setting’ and

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‘costumes’ worn by the actors involved in Friday’s congregational prayers, which were to varying degrees found to be restorations of Muhammad’s mosque in Medina and the clothes he wore. The acts were also found to be formed largely of restored behaviours.

The chapter analogised the fiqh for Friday’s congregational prayers to a script that restores the acts performed by Muhammad and the first community of Muslims. As such, Friday’s congregational prayers is largely a performance, with variations observed to some aspects of the performance where the script allows. The script offers some flexibility on the types of costume actors can wear for participating in the performance. As such, audiences were found to wear costumes that were similar and dissimilar to Muhammad’s costume, though in some cases were a direct restoration.

Another aspect of the congregational prayers where the script allows variations pertains to the content of the sermon. This aspect of the performance forms the central topic of discussion in Chapters 6 and 7.

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6 THE MOSQUE SERMON OF SYDNEY – GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS

This chapter provides an overview of the general characteristics of the sermons, such as the themes, topics, orientation, average delivery time and the target audience. The information is based on the content analysis of 48 sermons that were collected from

Sydney’s mosques. This is followed by an assessment of the characteristics of the sermons that were recorded on the days that audiences were surveyed, using the conceptual framework presented in section 3.3.4.

6.1 Themes, topics and orientation

Content analysis found the themes and topics discussed in Sydney’s mosque sermons generally relate to ethical and moral conduct (44.3%), spirituality and religious belief

(38%) and current events, issues and circumstances relevant to Muslim Australians.

On a limited number of occasions, political and economic issues received attention –

12% and 4.7%, respectively. Topics relating to the environment did not receive any mention.

Overall, these findings confirm the content of the sermons covered in Sydney’s mosques is similar to those in Melbourne’s mosques, which as Albayrak (2012) stated are focused on moral, ethical and spiritual issues. The evidence provided in this study is strengthened as it is based on a thorough content analysis of 48 mosque sermons, whereas Albayrak relied on note taking.

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Table 6-1: Nature of topics and issues covered in Sydney’s mosques

References Nature of topics and issues covered Sources References percentage Words Ethical social and moral conduct 37 133 44.3 22524 Spirituality and religious belief 31 114 38 18859 Political 16 37 12 7938 Economic 7 14 4.7 2435 Environmental 0 0 0 0 Total 48 298 100 51756

While Table 6-1 provides a general outline of the nature of the content covered,

Table 6-2 presents detail on the topics covered. Placed in thematic categories, these included what can broadly be classified as ethical and moral conduct in various aspects of life, spiritual belief and action, Islamophobia, Christmas, the Martin Place

Siege and moderation. Detailed information about the content of the sermon will be covered in Chapter 7.

The information presented in Table 6-2 indicates content is highly relevant to current issues and practical realities. Most of the sermons related to ethical and moral conduct or issues and events relevant to Muslim Australians at the time of research, such as Christmas, the Martin Place siege and religious extremism. This finding, combined with the information about the age and background characteristics of

NSW’s imams (see section 2.4.6.2), suggests imams are not out of touch with the issues relevant to young Muslim Australians, as purported by some (Akbarzadeh,

2013; 2015).

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Table 6-2: Mosque sermons of Sydney: Topics covered

Mosque Topic Ethical and moral conduct in various aspects of life Auburn Gallipoli Mosque Educating children about Islam and helping them develop good habits Darul Imaan Masjid Family based on sound Islamic principles Masjid Noor Raising righteous children Revesby (session 1) Giving advice to children with wisdom: reflecting on surah Luqman Revesby (session 2) Giving advice to children with wisdom: reflecting on surah Luqman Masjid Noor Returning to the mosque Penshurst Mosque Etiquette of Friday prayer Auburn Gallipoli Mosque Negative effects of gambling Penshurst Mosque Place of music in Islam Lakemba Mosque Extravagance and excess Blacktown Mosque Encouraging reconciliation between people Lakemba Mosque Avoiding conflict by practicing Islam UNSW Spending our time wisely Parramatta Mosque Taking advantage of five blessings before they disappear Lakemba Mosque Reflecting on your deeds Quakers Hill Mosque Characteristics of wisdom and faith Revesby Avoiding the steps that lead to haram UNSW Conducting ourselves according to the ethics of Islam after Ramadan UNSW Conducting ourselves according to the ethics and morals of Islam Auburn Gallipoli Mosque Acting in accordance with Allah's pleasure Auburn Gallipoli Mosque Virtues of obedience; Eid Spiritual belief and action Masjid Noor Success in Islam (heaven) Lakemba Mosque Firm belief in Allah Masjid Noor Punishment of hell Masjid Noor Turning to Allah Parramatta Mosque Understanding the purpose of our creation Quakers Hill Mosque Significance and value of surahs Falaq and Nas Quakers Hill Mosque Supplicating to God and asking with faith Islamophobia Auburn Gallipoli Mosque Responding to current events peacefully Darul Imaan Masjid Responding to ignorance with a rational response Darul Imaan Masjid Knowledge and action Revesby The impact of knowledge

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Mosque Topic Christmas Anonymous22 1 Understanding Jesus from an Islamic perspective Anonymous 2 Historical background of Christmas Anonymous 3 Christmas, New Year and avoiding imitation Martin Place Siege Artarmon Mosque Tolerance and dealing with non-Muslims Blacktown Mosque Consequences of killing according to Islam Penshurst Mosque Killing and terrorism in Islam Parramatta Mosque Reacting to the Martin Place siege ISIS – the new Kharijites Ahl Bayt Mosque The re-emergence of the kharijites in contemporary times and how Muslims should respond State of the ummah Blacktown Mosque Righteousness and leadership Parramatta Mosque Explaining the state of the ummah (consequences of our actions) Extremism Lakemba Mosque Practicing moderation and avoiding extremism Guildford Mosque Easiness of practicing Islam Penshurst Mosque Living a balanced life

6.2 Duration of Sydney mosque sermons, 2014

Muhammad’s sermons are said to have been short, ranging from 5 to 10 minutes

(Alkhairo, 1998). Varying from the tradition set by Muhammad (the proto-p for the role performed by the imam) most sermons fell within the range of 20 to 40 minutes.

On a limited number of occasions, the sermons exceeded 50 minutes in length. This is likely to have negative implications for the way the audiences receive and respond to the sermon, which will be investigated in more detail in Chapter 8.

22 Source not mentioned due to the sensitive nature of the content

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Table 6-3: Mosque sermons of Sydney: Time taken for delivery

Sermon timing Percentage 10-19 3.5 20-29 28 30-39 29 40-49 23 50+ 15 Total 100

6.3 Target audience

The target audience for the sermons was primarily men, who were addressed directly on 101 occasions with the word ‘brother.’ Women were addressed directly on 31 occasions. The number of sermons that made direct references to men were also significantly higher compared to women. Table 6-4 shows, of the 48 mosque sermons recorded, 34 addressed men directly and 14 addressed women directly.

Moreover, the ‘implied audience’ for the sermons was also mostly men. The term

‘implied reference’ is used to refer to cases where the imam provides advice specific to the roles commonly performed by men. For example, some imams delivered advice specific to the role of the father and husband (see sections 7.3.1 and 7.3.2). In this context, the implied target audience was men. The reason for this discrepancy may be that women were largely absent (see section 8.1.1) or occupied spaces that were not visible to the imam. For example, Figure 6–1 shows the women’s section of

Ahl Bayt Mosque, which is upstairs, while the imam was delivering a sermon in the main area downstairs. The imam may have not been aware that women had attended the congregational prayers.

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Figure 6–1: Bayt Mosque: Women’s space

Source: Fieldwork

Some words used such as ‘we’, ‘Muslims’ and ibad-Allah (servants of God), which are gender neutral, and spoke generally to the Muslim community or certain categories of people, such as parents.

Table 6-4: Target audience in the sermons of Sydney, 2014

Directly addressed Number of sermons Number of references made Reference percentage Men 34 101 37.7 Women 14 31 11.6 Implied audience I General 20 41 15.3 Men 18 28 10.4 Parents 13 46 17.2 Women 6 6 2.2 Youth 10 15 5.6 Total 48 268 100

6.4 Language of delivery in the mosques of Sydney

Muhammad delivered his sermons in Arabic. As such, some schools of thought (such as the Maliki school) consider it a fixed aspect of Friday’s congregational prayers for

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the sermon to be delivered in Arabic (Zarabozo, 1994). Conceivably catering for members of the audience who may be following this school of thought, 37% of the sermons were delivered first in Arabic and then in English.

Imam Shafi (who founded the Shafi’i school of thought) was of the opinion that, provided the introduction, beginning with praises and glorification of God, and the supplication at the end are in Arabic, the sermon may be delivered in any other language (cited in Zarabozo 1994). Conceivably following this school of thought, some imams delivered their sermon (excluding the introduction and conclusion) exclusively in English (33%), Farsi and English (9%), English and Turkish (7%),

English and Bosnian (9%), or exclusively in Turkish (2%). One of the drawbacks of sermons delivered exclusively in certain languages (such as Farsi, Arabic and

Turkish) is that it may prevent sections of the audience from accessing the content.

This issue has been examined in section 8.1.6.

Table 6-5: Language used during the delivery of the Sydney mosque sermons, 2014

Language Numbers Percentage Only Turkish 1 2 Only English 14 33 English and Turkish 3 7 Only Arabic 1 2 Farsi and English (brief translation) 4 9 Arabic and English 16 37 English and Bosnian 4 9

6.5 Characteristics of the sermon

Section 3.3.4 presented the conceptual framework to assess and analyse the sermons delivered in the mosques of Sydney. This conceptual framework was applied to

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examine the sermons that were delivered prior to the audiences being surveyed.

Table 6-6 presents the outcome of this process, followed by detail about the content and style of presentation, thereby justifying the ratings given to the sermons.

Table 6-6: Evaluation of the characteristics of the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques, 2014

variety

Clearly stated purpose Clearly content Clear Logical sequence of tone in Variations voice ofRate speech Volume ofUse pause Articulation Language Time in minutes Highly Large Ahl Bayt 7 8 6 5 5 6 Yes 50+ articulate variety Highly Large Arncliffe 9 9 9 6 6 8 No 40-49 articulate variety Highly Large Auburn Gallipoli 9 9 9 4 7 5 No 20-29 articulate variety Large Blacktown 9 9 6 9 6 8 Yes Basic 50+ variety Frequent Basic Granville 1 6 9 7 10 7 10 Yes 20-29 mistakes variety Highly Large Granville 2 8 8 9 4 6 4 No 40-49 articulate variety Basic Guildford 5 7 5 5 7 5 No Basic <10 variety Frequent Basic Lakemba 9 9 9 7 6 9 No 30-39 mistakes variety Large Parramatta 9 9 9 5 7 8 No Basic 40-49 variety Basic Penshurst 9 9 9 4 4 4 No Basic 30-39 variety Highly Large Quakers Hill 9 9 9 5 8 5 No 20-29 articulate variety Highly Large Revesby 10 10 10 9 5 8 No 20-29 articulate variety Frequent Basic UNSW 4 4 4 1 5 4 No 30-39 mistakes variety

Note: the scale ranges from unclear (1) to clearly stated (10)

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6.5.1 Ahl Bayt Centre

The sermon delivered at Ahl Bayt Mosque was entirely in Arabic and exceeded 50 minutes in length. As Chapter 8 reveals, a significant proportion of people attending this mosque did not understand Arabic (see Table 8-22). The language barrier, combined with the length of time taken to deliver the sermon, may have had a significant impact on the way the audience received and responded to the sermon, which will be investigated further in Chapter 8. The translator who transcribed the sermon was of the opinion that the imam used academic jargon, which made it difficult even for him to comprehend the message being communicated. As such, while the sermon was highly articulate and used a wide range of vocabulary, some audience members may have found it difficult to access the content.

6.5.2 Darul Imaan Masjid

Standing on the plastic mats and facing the direction of the audience, the imam delivered an articulate sermon using a diverse, but basic range of words. The topic of the sermon was dealing with Islamophobia and he called for audiences to respond to their negative experiences in a calm and rational manner (see section 7.3.13). The sermon was 40 minutes in length and, save for the introduction and conclusion, delivered entirely in English. The imam made the purpose of his sermon clear in the introduction and presented a sermon that had a clear focus and was logically sequenced. The sermon was delivered at a relatively high volume; standing outside the mosque, my research assistants and I were able to hear the sermon clearly. The imam spoke at a moderate pace and using a moderately authoritative tone. The imam had a piece of paper before him with an outline of the points to be made (he showed this to me). However, during the delivery of the sermon, he did not read or refer to these notes; as such, the sermon appeared to be eloquent and freestyle.

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6.5.3 Auburn Gallipoli Mosque

The sermon at Auburn’s Gallipoli Mosque was delivered by two imams. As presented in Chapter 5, sermons are delivered in two parts with a short break between. The first part of the sermon at Auburn was delivered in Turkish, taking approximately 10 minutes to deliver. This was followed by a translation in English.

The imams delivered their sermons in a standard manner, as they both read a pre- written sermon from a piece of paper. This may have implications for the way audience received the message, as studies have shown that reading from a paper can be taken by audiences to be a sign the presenter does not care (Carrell, 2009). As the sermon was read at a relatively fast pace, it was short, concise, using a diverse, but basic range of words. The sermon was presented at a moderate volume. Standing outside the mosque, I was able to hear the mosque sermon clearly. As the sermons were being read, the tone of the imams’ voices had minor variations. The imam who delivered the sermon in English read the transcript of his sermon fluently with minimal grammatical errors.

6.5.4 Blacktown Mosque

The sermon at Blacktown Mosque was delivered entirely in Farsi and exceeded 50 minutes in length. The topic of the imam’s sermon was righteousness and leadership

(see section 7.3.9), and related to the politics of Afghanistan. At the close of the sermon (marked by supplications), a member of the mosque committee presented a brief and inaccurate translation of the sermon. Consequently, a significant number of people who were not Afghans complained about not having accessed the content of the sermon owing to language barriers. The topic of the sermon was presented clearly in the introduction, but the points made in the main body did not follow a logical sequence and, on occasions, the imam diverged to speak of unrelated issues.

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The sermon was presented at a moderately high volume and pace. The imam varied the tone of his voice significantly, presumably to create an effect and maintain his audience’s interest, particularly when he wanted to emphasise a point.

6.5.5 Masjid Noor

Emulating the traditions of Muhammad, the imam at Granville’s Masjid Noor wore a white thobe and cap, and delivered a sermon of 20-30 minutes in Arabic with an

English translation. Both languages were allocated approximately equal amounts of time. The imam’s sermon focused on the wonders of paradise, closing with a general message that entering paradise requires a person to conduct themselves according to the ethics and morals of Islam. The imam did not provide a clear statement of purpose at the beginning of his sermon, but the content maintained focus on the topic of paradise. It has been narrated that Muhammad spoke very loudly when he delivered his sermons. The imam presented his sermon at a high volume and varied the tone of his voice dramatically to stress certain points.

When this sermon finished and participants left the mosque, another imam, who operated on a rotating roster and was allocated to Masjid Noor for the purpose of delivering the sermon that day, started a second session. Also following the tradition of Muhammad, he wore a white thobe and cap, and delivered his sermon in Arabic and English. The length of the sermon was considerably shorter compared to the first session and the topic was also completely different as he spoke about the importance of transferring religious knowledge to children (see section 7.3.1). The sermon was concise and presented in a fluent English, using a basic variety of words. The imam presented a statement of purpose at the beginning of the sermon and delivered the main body of his sermon in a clear and logically sequence, drawing evidence from

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hadith. The sermon was delivered at a moderate pace and relatively low volume. The tone of the imam’s voice had mild variations throughout the delivery of the sermon.

6.5.6 Guildford Mosque

The sermon at Guildford mosque was delivered entirely in Turkish. The imam presented a talk before the start of Friday’s congregational prayers and the length of his sermon fell below 10 minutes. The translated transcript of the sermon revealed the topic to be the easiness of practicing religion. The sermon used a basic range of words and carried a clear message that practicing religion should not cause hardship

(see section 7.3.7). However, the introduction did not provide a clear statement of purpose. The sermon was presented at a relatively fast pace and moderate volume.

Standing at the front gate of the mosque, I was able to hear the imam deliver his sermon.23

6.5.7 Ali ibn Abu Talib Mosque – Lakemba

The imam at Lakemba’s Ali ibn Abu Talib Mosque delivered a sermon in Arabic and

English, giving approximately equal amounts of time to both languages. The portion of the sermon delivered in English employed a basic range of words. However, the portion delivered in Arabic was highly articulate. The sermon focused on the topic of extravagance and excess (see section 7.3.7). The sermon had a clear statement of purpose at the beginning and followed a logical sequence. The imam spoke at a moderately high volume and used an authoritative tone, which some studies have found is preferred by audiences (Keeler, 1998). The imam also varied the tone of his voice, presumably to maintain the interest of his audience and leave a lasting effect with the points he wanted to emphasise.

23 I was not able to enter the mosque and therefore cannot comment on the standing position and outward appearance of the imam

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6.5.8 Parramatta Mosque

The imam who delivered the sermon at Parramatta was relatively young, falling within the range of 20 to 30 years of age. His sermon was simple, but clearly articulated and delivered within the frame of 40 to 49 minutes. He spoke at a moderate pace and at a relatively high volume. The tone of his voice had moderate variations. The content of his sermon had a clear statement of purpose and followed a logical sequence. The sermon used a diverse, but basic range of words, conceivably making it accessible to audiences of a diverse range of intellectual and English skills.

6.5.9 Penshurst Mosque

The imam at Penshurst mosque delivered a very simple message about the etiquette of participating in Friday’s congregational prayers The sermon was delivered in three languages, Arabic, Bosnian and English, all carrying the same content and taking approximately equal amounts of time to deliver. His sermon had a clear introduction and followed a logical sequence. The imam used a basic variety of words to deliver the sermon in English. The sermon was delivered at a relatively slow pace and mellow tone of voice.

6.5.10 Quakers Hill Mosque

The Australian born imam at Quakers Hill delivered a sermon in Arabic and English, giving equal time to each. The imam spoke fluent English, but the entire content of his sermon was read from a piece of paper. Thus, while the sermon was delivered in a relatively monotonous tone of voice, the content had a clear statement of purpose and followed a logical sequence. The topic of the sermon was about the benefits of reading certain passages of the Qur’an. The sermon was delivered at a moderate volume, but at a relatively fast pace.

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6.5.11 Revesby Community Centre

The imam at Revesby appeared to be relatively young, falling within the range of 30 to 40 years of age. His sermon was delivered in Arabic and English, giving approximately equal portions of time to each. The imam spoke highly fluent English using a large, but basic range words to deliver his sermon in a highly articulate manner. The sermon fell within the range of 20 to 29 minutes and was delivered with a clear statement of purpose. The content was clear and delivered in a logical sequence. The imam spoke at a relatively high volume and moderate pace. There were significant variations in the tone of his voice depending on the point being emphasised. The topic of the sermon was about teaching children about minor sins

(see section 7.3.1) with reference to the story of Luqman as narrated in the Qur’an.

6.5.12 University of New South Wales

The imam at UNSW delivered a sermon entirely in English. The sermon was delivered within 30 to 39 minutes and carried a general message about the importance of conducting oneself ethically and morally. The imam used a basic variety of words and made frequent grammatical errors, such that, for the purpose of this study, it was difficult to transcribe the sermon delivered. The purpose of the sermon was not clear and the imam diverged from the central theme. The sermon was presented in a monotonous tone and moderate volume and pace.

6.6 Conclusion

Based on the content analysis of the 46 mosque sermons delivered in the mosques of

Sydney, this chapter presented an outline of the basic characteristics of the sermons delivered in Sydney; a detailed understanding of the content is presented in Chapter

7. The chapter highlighted that the sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques are

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generally of social and spiritual orientations, covering topics such as Islamophobia and Christmas, which are highly relevant to the lives of Muslim Australians.

The sermons were delivered mostly in English or in Arabic and English. The other languages sermons were delivered in reflected the ethnic backgrounds of Muslim

Australians, such as Farsi (Afghan) and Turkish. This information is vital to examining whether the language of delivery has a bearing on how audiences receive and respond to the sermon, which will be examined in section 8.3.4.1.

Focusing specifically on the sermons that were delivered on occasions when audiences were surveyed, the chapter presented an analysis of the characteristics of the sermons using the conceptual framework presented in section 3.3.4. The sermons were delivered by the imams largely while standing and following inflexible aspects of the script, such as the position where the imam stands and basic elements the sermon should contain. However, there were variations in the nature of the content covered by the imam and style of his delivery. This information is the vital first step to examining the relationship between the characteristics of the sermon to its reception by audiences, which will be investigated in Chapter 8.

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7 METHODS OF SOCIALISATION AND INFLUENCE USED

One of the main objectives of this study was to examine whether imams are agents of social influence and control. This question was investigated through content analysis of the mosque sermons from the lens of social and structural and/or social interactionist methods of socialisation. In this chapter, I present the outcome of this process. The analysis found imams employed methods of socialisation. The first part of this chapter presents the outcome of the research process aimed at examining whether structural functional methods of socialisation were employed. From social interactionist and functional perspectives, roles are social constructs that affect the way that people act. Thus, any attempt on the part of the imams to socialise would involve defining and interpreting what it means to be a Muslim. In view of this position, I have conducted a thematic analysis aimed at analysing how imams construct, structurally enforce and present role models for audiences to follow.

7.1 Structural functional methods of socialisation

From a structural functional perspective, while the roles people perform are defined by a set of behavioural expectations, people are believed be socially pressured or coerced into adhering to these expectations through a system that offers formal and informal rewards. This includes approval for acts and behaviours that conform to behavioural expectations, or conversely punishment or disapproval for behaviours that deviate from expectations. Based on this understanding and adopting the methods explained in section 4.3.2, the sermons were found to rely heavily on this

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method of socialisation. Detailed information about the ways in which structural regulatory measures were applied to encourage audiences to conform to role expectations given in the sermon will be presented in section 7.3. In this section, I present an overview of the broader patterns that prevail with reference to Table 7-1.

Table 7-1 shows the most widely employed regulatory measures to include spiritual rewards or spiritual consequences, related mostly to the core belief in Islam that life is a test and, when people die, they will be brought back to life and asked to account for their actions. Related to this belief, every person is believed to have an angel sitting on their right and left shoulders (referred to as kiraman katibin – the noble scribers writing down their good and bad deeds). When people die and are resurrected, it is held that their book of deeds as recorded by the angels will be laid open for them to be to held accountable for their good and bad actions. This is the point when a person is either rewarded and sent to heaven or punished and sent to hell where they can expect to be tormented (Murata & Chittick, 1994). .The content analysis of the sermons found 71 references to positive spiritual rewards and 62 negative consequences, mostly related to these beliefs.

Another regulatory measure applied involves references to positive (25 occasions) and negative (35 occasions) social consequences of acts. The positive social benefits or ‘rewards’ for conformity and compliance for actions being called for include better relationships with non-Muslims, living in a healthy community and better interpersonal relations with other members of society. On the other hand, the consequences of deviation included disunity and corruption in society, being labelled a misguided person, the breakdown of families and social exclusion from the community.

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Table 7-1: Social structural mechanisms of socialisation used by the imams in Sydney

Percentage from Number of Number of total number of References Consequences sermons references references word count Positive spiritual Hereafter 9 21 29.5 2114 Personal development 9 13 18 725 Rewards and relationship with Allah 15 37 52 2804 Total 33 71 100 5643 Negative spiritual Hereafter 15 37 60 2718 Other 9 24 40 1846 Total 24 61 100 4564 Positive social Better relations with non-Muslims 1 2 6 140 Guidance 7 8 25 615 Healthy community 5 11 35 579 Healthy personal relations 8 10 32 665 Total 21 31 100 1999 Negative social Disunity, corruption and disharmony in the community 6 13 37 1568 Family 3 7 20 738 Misguidance 6 7 20 599 Punishment 3 3 8 135 Total 18 30 100 3040

7.2 Sources of knowledge used

From a functional perspective, another way that people learn to perform their social responsibilities associated with their role is by observing others. Role models play an important part in demonstrating how particular roles should be performed. The content analysis of sermons delivered in Sydney found evidence to support that imams, while not necessarily ‘role models,’ rely heavily on references to role models to demonstrate the acts called for.

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The two most extensively used sources of information, as presented in Table 7-2, were the hadith and verses from the Qur’an. For Shi’a Muslims, the statements of Ali bin Abi Talib form a major source of knowledge and it is assumed would be widely used in the sermons delivered in their mosques. However, only three recordings were taken in Shia mosques and two of these were removed from the study. As presented in Chapter 1, these are the most widely accepted sources of knowledge for Muslims and are important in understanding how role models are used to influence behaviour.

As presented in Chapter 5, Muhammad is the role model and director for the acts performed during Friday’s congregational prayers. However, this applies not just to the acts performed during the congregational prayers, but most aspects of life. It is not always obligatory to follow his model, but for a Muslim, his behaviours provide the best example to be followed. Therefore, the imams in Sydney mosques made frequent references to him to demonstrate how a Muslim should act (see Table 7-2).

The other prophets the Qur’an mentions also hold important positions in Muslims’ view as they were the role models sent to humanity before Muhammad. Thus, other role models presented to demonstrate behavioural expectations included Yusuf

(Joseph), Jesus (Esa), Zakariah and Jaqub (Jacob), and the close companions of

Muhammad, whom for Sunni Muslims are Umar bin Khatab and Abu Bakr and for

Shia Muslims, Ali bin Abi Talib. The ways in which these figures were used to demonstrate how a Muslim should behave will be examined in section 7.3.

In relation to sources of knowledge used, the most frequently referenced sources were verses from the Qur’an and the hadith of Muhammad. The way these sources of information were used will be explained in section 7.3, but they were frequently used as ‘speech acts,’ presented either to convey to audiences that the perspective is

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Islamically valid or to denote that acting upon the expectations is important as it represents the instructions of Muhammad or commandments of God, as inscribed in the Qur’an.

Table 7-2: Sources of information in the mosque sermons of Sydney, 2014

Number of Total number of Sources of knowledge sermons references Hadith of Muhammad 37 113 Verses from the Qur'an 29 105 Narratives of Muhammad 12 17 Narratives of the prophets mentioned in the Qur'an 13 20 Narratives of the sahaba (companions of the Prophet) 8 15 Islamic scholars 9 13 Imam Mahdi 1 1

7.3 Thematic analysis

As presented in Chapter 3, structural functionalists such as Durkheim (1915) and

Parson (cited in Fulcher & Scott, 2007) believe that most human behaviours can be understood to involve the performance of socially constructed roles. However, the idea that a person’s role plays an important part in guiding their behaviours is not limited to a structural functional understanding, as social interactionists such as

Goffman (2002) have also presented that the norms and expectations associated with a role are central to understanding human behaviours. In this section, I present a thematic analysis of the ways that the imams in Sydney’s mosques socially construct and adopt the methods identified above to influence and control behaviours.

7.3.1 The role of Muslim parents

The sermons delivered at Auburn and Granville were directed to the parents in the audience – “the best of you are those who learn (religion) and teach it” – with the

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hadith given as a speech act to denote it is the responsibility of the parent to teach their children about their religion. The sermon at Auburn’s Gallipoli Mosque presented that parents should start teaching their children about the values and practices of Islam at a very early age to ensure they continue to practice their religion when they get older. The school holiday period, parents were informed, should not be wasted, but used to get involved in acts such as bringing their children to the mosque. Having presented these behavioural expectations, conformity was structurally enforced as parents were informed that the positive consequences of conformity to role expectations is that “they shall have a great reward.” The employment of verses from the Qur’an in this context denotes the statement is

Islamically valid. The verse in this context is also a perlocutionary speech act as it is presented to encourage parents to conform to their role expectations. Conversely, parents were discouraged from deviating from the behavioural expectations with reference to a verse from the Qur’an and associated warning that they shall be “held accountable before Allah (on the day of judgement).”

The imams at Granville and Revesby also emphasised that it is part of a parent’s responsibility to teach their children about the basic beliefs and practices of Islam. In these contexts, however, the imams presented a role model to demonstrate how the behavioural expectation should be performed. The role model was Luqman, whom some consider to be a prophet, while others say he was a wise man. Irrespective,

Luqman’s story as narrated in the Qur’an was presented to illustrate how parents should teach their children about Islam. The presentation of Luqman as a role model is a speech act as it is intended to influence parents’ behaviours. The imam at Masjid

Noor stated Luqman provides a good example of how and what parents should teach their children about Islam:

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We can derive from this story that the pillars of raising our children in a righteous way are three: first thing we should concentrate on is giving them the right belief of Islam – that we teach them as soon as they reach puberty about the beliefs in Islam. That Allah (swt)24 is one and that he has no partner. He is just and loves. Teaching them that Allah (swt) has created us for a great and noble reason. Then we teach them about our Prophet, who he was and where he was born, when he received revelation, his migration and when he passed away. Then we teach him things that are obligatory, like prayer and sawn and muharamat25 like teasing, swearing, lying and cheating; all these things are wajib upon your child to teach before they reach puberty. The third thing we should teach our children is how to have good conduct with other people; just like Luqman (as) taught his son not to raise his voice. If we follow these guidelines, with the permission of Allah (swt) this child shall be religious and be a continuous means of charity on your behalf on the day of judgment. (Granville)

Also in relation to using a role model as a perlocutionary speech act with the intention of influencing the behaviours of parents, the imam used Luqman’s model to indicate that parents should teach their children about good and bad, and they should be patient:

Then he says to him [Luqman says to his son] … ‘enjoin the good and forbid the evil’ … Then Allah says [to Luqman] … ‘verily, that is the most noble of deeds.’ What is it referring to? It is referring to patience. That is the noblest deed you could do. (Revesby)

Overall, the content of the sermons relating to the role of parents evidently employed a diverse range of structural functional and interactionist methods of socialisation as they not only define, but also structurally enforce the associated expectations. In this context, verses of and significant figures mentioned in the Qur’an, such as Luqman,

24 Swt stands for subhanahu wa ta’ala, a term used to denote respect and glorification of God. The literal translation of the word is ‘Glory be to Him, the Most High.’ 25 Meaning prohibited acts.

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are employed, not only as sources of knowledge, but speech acts to encourage conformity to role expectations.

7.3.2 The role of the husband

The sermon delivered at Arncliffe focused on the topic of marital relations with specific interest in defining and regulating the behaviours of men (husbands). The emphasis on the role of the man in marital relations is presumably because, in this mosque, women were largely absent. The imam began with verses from the Qur’an to explain that men and women were made to complement and support each other and, if they are polite, respectful and courteous to each other, they will find the rewards of peace and tranquillity:

Mutual respect of each other’s rights, courteousness, politeness in dealing with each other and widening our families and our own horizons, Ya ibadAllah26 (swt). Couples, when they do this they find pure sakina,27 peacefulness and calmness. (Darul Imaan Masjid)

This statement demonstrates the deployment of structural methods of socialisation as the imam implicitly presents the outcome of conformity to role expectations to be that they will find peace and tranquillity. The statement in this context is a perlocutionary speech act as it is intended to influence the behaviours of audience members. Further shifting focus specifically to the role of the husband, and drawing evidence from the Qur’an not only to demonstrate the validity of his claims, but also influence the behaviours of his audience, he admonished that, if a husband sees something he does not like in his wife, he should focus on the positive aspects of her personality. For the husband, conformity to these behavioural expectations were also

26 Oh servants of God 27 Meaning tranquillity

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negatively reinforced as the imam stated that divorce, while permissible, is an act that God dislikes. The single men in the audience were presented with a different set of expectations; that is, they should get married. Conformity to this behavioural expectation was also structurally enforced as the imam presented to his audiences that Muhammad said, whoever does not follow his Sunnah is not from him (i.e. from the Muslim community). The statement in this case is used to denote disapproval for non-compliance to the behavioural expectation, but is also a perlocutionary speech act as the imam is calling for single men to marry.

7.3.3 Gambling

The imam at Auburn’s Gallipoli Mosque made clear that a Muslim is not to gamble by presenting a verse from the Qur’an “O you who have believed, indeed, intoxicants, gambling, [sacrificing on] stone altars [to other than Allah], and divining arrows are but defilement from the work of Satan, so avoid it that you may be successful” (Qur’an, 5:10). Without letting the audience draw their own conclusions about the verse, the imam said “anyone who gambles has certainly rebelled against

Allah and his Messenger,” thereby disapproving of the act of gambling. The verses of the Qur’an in this context form a source of knowledge that validate the imam’s claim. Further, the imam adopted a structural method of social control by informing audiences that the consequences of the act of gambling may include losing their wealth, family and friendships, and become lazy, in this way discouraging gambling.

These warnings not only disapprove and thereby structurally enforce that gambling should be avoided, but are also perlocutionary speech acts intended to discourage the act of gambling.

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7.3.4 Music

The imam at Penshurst Mosque stated it is not haram (prohibited) for Muslims to listen to music, provided it does not contain obscene language, is not associated with alcohol or involve inappropriate interactions with the opposite gender. To demonstrate that a Muslim can listen to halal music, the imam provided the example that Muhammad allowing daf28 to be played at his daughter’s wedding, the statement being a speech act in this context to convey that a Muslim can listen to music. He said to his audience:

Aisha (ra)29 narrated that on the days of Meena and the days of Eid al-Adha,30 two girls were with her singing and playing a hand drum. The Prophet (sws31) was present and listening to them with his head under a shawl. Abu Bakr32 scorned the girls and the Prophet (sws) uncovered his face and told him, “let them be Abu Bakr; these are the days of Eid, the days of happiness.” (Penshurst Mosque)

This imam also presented that many of Muhammad’s companions and the second generation of scholars used to listen to singing, as they did not see anything wrong with it. The sources of information used by the imam served the very important function of not only legitimising the position he presented, but also providing role models to demonstrate that a Muslim can listen to music and singing on festive occasions, in this way attempting to regulate the behaviours of audience members as they relate to music.

28 A round drum commonly used in classical Middle Eastern and Persian music. 29 Aisha was Muhammad’s youngest wife and ra stands for radhi Allah, which means may God be pleased with her. 30 Eid al Adha, also referred to as the ‘Festival of the Sacrifice,’ is the second of the two holidays celebrated by Muslims. It honours the willingness of prophet Ibrahim to sacrifice his son. 31 Sws stand for salla Allah alaihi wa sallam and means ‘may Allah’s peace and blessings be upon him’. It is an expression of respect for Muhammad. 32 A very close companion of Muhammad and the first person to become the leader of the Muslim community after his death.

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7.3.5 Attending the mosque

The imam at Granville Mosque stated it is essential for Muslim men to participate in the congregational prayers offered at the mosque (referring to the regular daily prayers). Presenting supporting evidence and illustrating how a Muslim should act, the imam stated “Muhammad never missed his prayer at the mosque.” This statement is a perlocutionary speech act as it is intended to convey to audiences that it is part of their role as a Muslim to participate in the congregational prayers. Further, he structurally enforces conformity to this role expectation by presenting it to be the opinion of the ulama (Islamic scholars) that people who miss their prayers at a mosque are hypocrites:

The ulama33 say, I can summarise if I look in your life your relationship with Allah by looking at your relationship with the house of Allah. If I see you in the masjid34 this is a very good sign, but if I see you neglecting the masjid, something is wrong … only the hypocrites, they neglected the prayer in the masjid. (Masjid Noor)

While this statement demonstrates that structural methods of socialisation in the form of disapproval are deployed to encourage conformity to role expectations, the statement below illustrates how approvals are adopted to encourage conformity. . As evident from the statement presented above, while those who do not participate in the congregational prayers are labelled hypocrites, participation and thereby conformity to role expectations are approved and encouraged through the stipulation of spiritual rewards:

33 Meaning the scholars. 34 Masjid is the term Muslims use to refer to the mosque.

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The Prophet (sws) says that salah in congregation is 27 times more rewarding than salah35 at home. If this was dunya,36 would you let it go? If I come to you and say to you, I have a job for you and will pay you 27x more for it. If it is worth 1000, I’ll pay you $27 000 for it. Would you reject this job? Will you ask if it is compulsory for you to jump? Wallahi,37 you will not ask. (Masjid Noor)

The statement above is also a perlocutionary speech act is it calls for audiences to participate in the congregational prayers offered in the mosque. Overall, the sermon delivered at Granville’s Masjid Noor demonstrates the ways in which structural methods of socialisation, involving approval and disapproval, are deployed to encourage the audience to act in line with the behavioural expectations associated with the role of a Muslim. It also demonstrates how words carry underlying meanings and can operate as speech acts calling people to action.

7.3.6 Etiquette of participation in Friday’s congregational prayers

As with the sermon presented at Masjid Noor, the imam at Penshurst Mosque encouraged participation in congregational prayers, but in this case, with focus specifically on Friday’s prayers. He presented to his audience that Friday is the best day of the week as it is the day Allah created Adam and if a Muslim asks for something from Allah on this day their prayer will be answered. These statements are speech acts as from the outset they are intended to encourage the act of participation in Friday’s congregational prayers. In this case, they are also approving and thereby structurally enforcing the act of participating, stipulating a reward for the act of participation. However, the imam also adopted another form of social

35 Salah refers to the daily prayers that Muslims are required to perform. 36 The direct translation of the word dunya is ‘the world.’ In this context, it is used to refer to worldly, as opposed to spiritual, concerns. 37 Meaning by God

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structural methods of socialisation – disapproval for non-compliance by warning his audience that if a person neglects to perform their prayers, their hearts will be sealed:

Attend Friday’s congregational prayers so that you may be successful (Qur’an) … The rasul38 says Allah will seal the heart of the man who misses three prayers out of negligence. (Penshurst Mosque)

In the case of the statement above, the imam presents a hadith of Muhammad, not only to validate his claim, but to also encourage participation in the congregational prayers. It is therefore a perloctionary speech act. Another perlocutionary speech act is the verse of the Qur’an the imam presented to his audience:

Oh you who believe when the call is recited for the Friday prayer, come to the remembrance of Allah (swt) and leave business and leave every other talk of you did but know and when the prayer has finished you may disperse from your lane, seek the bounty of Allah by working Allah (swt) so that you may be successful. (Penshurst Mosque)

The verse above serves a number of functions. It is a speech act calling for action, but with reference to the Qur’an validating that it is an inclusive aspect of the role of a Muslim to participate in Friday’s congregational prayers. Further, the imam called for conformity to behavioural expectations during Friday’s congregational prayers:

Participants must follow the instructions of Muhammad, be quiet and listen quietly to the sermon without talking to or distracting others ... Do not smile and shake hands, etc. Just remember Allah. (Penshurst Mosque)

Furthermore, the imam presented there are rewards be gained from participation:

Rasul Allah says, whoever does ghusl then comes to jum’ah, and prays as much as Allah decrees for him, then listens attentively until the khutbah is

38 Meaning messenger – referring to Muhammad

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over, then prays with him (the imam), will be forgiven for (his sins) between that and the next jum’ah. (Penshurst Mosque)

Thus, the sermon delivered at Penshurst Mosque provides evidence to demonstrate the ways in which structural methods of socialisation are deployed by imams to encourage, if not pressure, audiences to act in line with the social expectations associated with their role.

7.3.7 Moderation

The sermon delivered at Lakemba basically conveyed that a Muslim must avoid extravagance and excess when it comes to work, spending and interactions with the opposite gender. His sermon first explained that a Muslim should spend their time wisely, finding balance between work, home and religious duties. Further he presented that it contradicts the values of Islam, and associated with it the identity of a Muslim, for a person to work excessively, while neglecting to spend time with their families. This definition was in effect a perlocutionary speech act as the intended meaning was that audiences should live a balanced life. The imam also adopted structural methods of socialisation as he disapproved the actions of those who do not spend their time wisely, thereby placing pressure on audiences to act in line with the behavioural expectations associated with their roles as Muslims.

Second, he presented that a Muslim is moderate when it comes to spending – “they are not stingy and they don’t over-spend – they are moderate.” In this case, the call to action is that Muslims should spend their money moderately. Further, the imam adopted structural methods of socialisation by disapproving the act of over-spending using the example of a man who came to him complaining about his fiancé’s excessive financial demands by asking for items such as expensive furniture and appliances. The imam stated, when the man complained to his fiancé’s mother about

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the issue, he did not receive her support. The imam is presenting the example to convey that Muslims should exercise moderation when it comes to spending and thereby structurally enforcing not only that Muslims should not overspend, but that it is part of a Muslim parent’s role to teach their children that they should be moderate.

Validating his call for financial moderation, the imam turned to the Qur’an and strongly disapproved deviation from behavioural expectation by stating: “Allah (swt) says eat and drink, but not exceed limits as Allah (swt) does not like those who spend excessively.”

A third attempt at regulating the behaviours of the audience was made when the imam specifically admonished the men in the audience to be moderate when it comes to interacting with the opposite gender:

Allah has forbidden us from looking at women and to be sitting with them alone. It is OK to have professional dealings such as when you are teaching and working with them, but it is not OK to chat. It is not good to sit around chatting to each other. (Lakemba Mosque)

The statement above is a direct call (perlocutionary speech act) asking Muslim men to avoid having casual interactions with women. The imam’s reference to Allah as the source of knowledge is also a speech act as it gives his call to action religious legitimacy. The statement also disapproves deviation from call to action – in this case, interacting casually with women – thereby adopting structural methods of socialisation to pressure audiences to act in line with behavioural expectations.

Overall, the sermon delivered at Lakemba presents further evidence to demonstrate the ways imams construct the role of a Muslim and adopt speech acts to enforce behavioural expectations.

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7.3.8 Basic religious duties

The sermons delivered on one occasion related to the general topic of the basic roles and responsibilities. From a social structural perspective, the roles played by people in society and associated responsibilities are social constructs. One of the ways that social constructions gain durability is through consistent reiteration and reinforcement of pre-existing notions relating to various roles and how they should be performed. Some sermons delivered in Sydney’s mosques served the function of reiterating and reinforcing pre-existing understandings of the duties associated with the role of a Muslim. Muslims are mostly of the understanding that it is their religious responsibility – that is, an obligatory aspect of their role – to pray. The imam reinforced this understanding and behavioural expectation by asking his audience:

We should all think about what we have done during the year. Did you pray, fast and perform your duties as Allah (swt) has asked you? Did you avoid sins and haram? (Lakemba Mosque)

These statements are also a perlocutionary speech act as they not only reiterate and remind audiences of their religious duties, but also state they should be performed.

After reminding audiences of their basic duties, the imam employed structural methods of socialisation by warning his audience about the consequences of not performing their religious duties and reminding them that their records will be revealed to them on the Day of Judgment. In this way, he is pressuring the audience to perform their religious responsibilities.

Further to the regulatory measures being employed by the imam, he warned that, if they turn their backs on the Qur’an (i.e. the callings of the Qur’an), Allah will not be

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with them and plan for them like he did for the first group of Muslims.39 In this context, the statement is a speech act calling audiences to perform their religious duties. It is also further evidence of structural methods of socialisation as the imam pressures the audience to conform to role expectations by presenting there will be consequences for non-compliance; in this context, that God will abandon them.

Other sermons that reiterated and reinforced pre-exiting understandings of the acts a

Muslim should perform were delivered at Auburn Gallipoli and Blacktown mosques.

The sermons were delivered a few days prior to the beginning of Hajj, and associated with it, the festive occasion of Eid al Adha. It is generally expected for a Muslim to give charity and visit their relatives for Eid. These sermons reminded audiences of these responsibilities. The sermon delivered at Auburn encouraged conformity to role expectations by presenting that, if they act in accordance with Allah’s consent (by giving charity and visiting relatives), they can attain paradise. The imam is directly calling for audiences to act in line with the expectations associated with their roles as

Muslims (a perlocutionary speech act) and presenting paradise as a reward for conformity to role expectations, encouraging audiences to comply. The imam also disapproved of deviation from role expectations, thereby pressuring audiences to act in line with their role expectations, by warning them, if they do not comply with expectations, they will be punished:

Allah states [referring to the Qur’an], ‘say if your fathers, your sons, your brothers, your wives, your relatives, wealth which you have obtained, commerce wherein you fear decline are more beloved to you than Allah and his messenger and going to jihad for Allah in his cause, then wait until Allah

39 The first generation of Muslims are considered the best generation of Muslims. God is believed to have been on their side and planned for their successful victories, particularly during the early military battles, such as the battle of Badr.

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executes his command and Allah will not command the definitely disobedient people’. (Auburn Mosque)

Thus, the imam at Auburn’s Gallipoli mosque adopted functional methods of socialisation involving the offer of rewards for conformity and disapproval in the form of warnings about the consequences of non-compliance, pressuring audiences to conform to role expectations.

The sermons delivered at Blacktown also reiterated the importance of giving charity, but in this case focusing on the importance of slaughtering a sheep (qurbani40) and having it distributed among the ‘poor’ and ‘needy.’ The imam encouraged conformity to this role expectation by stating “Allah does not receive the flesh of an animal, but what he sees is your obedience.” In this case, compliance to role expectations was associated with the positive outcome of attaining the pleasure and approval of God. Further rewards were stipulated with the act of complying to role expectations as the imam presented to his audience:

The sahaba asked the Prophet about the slaughtering of an animal. What is there in this slaughter for us? The prophet said, for every strand of hair that the animal has, there is a reward for you. (Blacktown Mosque)

In the context of this statement, the imam validates his claim that there are rewards to be gained from offering qurban with reference to a hadith, which is a speech act as it suggests Muhammad said people will be rewarded if they comply.

Another act that was encouraged was fasting on the day of Arafat. Similar to the example presented above, the imam encouraged compliance to this expectation by using a similar approach, that of making reference to a hadith and presenting there are rewards to be gained for conformity to role expectations:

40 The literal translation of the word qurbani is sacrifice. In this context, it refers to the practice of slaughtering a sheep at the end of Hajj.

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It has been narrated …. that Allah forgives the sins of past year and the coming year if you fast on the day of Arafah (Blacktown Mosque)

Overall, the content of the sermons covered in this section demonstrates the ways in which imams reiterate the expectations associated with the role of a Muslim and structurally enforce them using a system that approves or rewards conformity to role expectations and disapproves or stipulates consequences for non-compliance, and so pressuring audiences to act in line with their role expectations.

7.3.9 The state of the ummah

A number of imams presented interpretations of the dismal state of the Muslim ummah. The topic was not directly focused on constructing or reiterating the expectations associated with the role of a Muslim; however, it provides evidence of the creative methods some imams employ to encourage conformity to the general ethics and moral codes of behaviour that define the role of a Muslim. For example, the sermon presented at Parramatta Mosque began with the following questions to audience members:

Many people ask themselves, why is this happening and why is that happening? Why is the ummah of Mohammad (sws) in such a state? Why do they have tyrants ruling their land? Why are there Muslims starving and why are there Muslims going through oppression? (Blacktown Mosque)

The answer to these questions, according to the imam, was because people were not adhering to sexual moral codes as prescribed by Islam. The imam presented that anyone who engages in adulterous acts or commits fornication can expect to be afflicted with plague, famine, poverty and disease:

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The Prophet(swt) said, ‘oh group of companions and muhajireen, there are five things that I seek refuge from Allah (swt) lest you encounter them.’ The prophet (sws) telling his companions to seek refuge from five things that has consequences … The first thing is zina.41 The prophet (sws) said, never are a people afflicted with zina except they are afflicted by a plague and famine such that was not sent to the people before them. (Parramatta Mosque)

Thus, the imam creatively uses the dismal state of the ummah to pressure conformity to sexual and moral ethics as prescribed by Islam. Adopting a similar approach, the imam also offered understanding of the reason why Muslims have been presented as tyrannical rulers (referring to Muslim majority countries) and the answer to this question is because they have committed deceptive acts:

What do we see these days, deception in trade; the most common form of problems that we see amongst Muslims is related to marriage issues or something related to business; someone deceived the other. What is the result? Allah (swt) will give you a tyrant ruler. (Parramatta Mosque)

The logic sees tyrannical leadership as a consequence of deceptive acts and necessarily implies if Muslims adhere to the morals and ethics of guidelines of Islam

– that is, not being deceitful – they will be granted just leaders. Furthermore, to discourage Muslims from committing deceptive acts, the imam presented a hadith:

The Prophet (sws) was walking in the market once and he saw a man selling barley. The prophet (sws) put his hand on it and felt that the pile at the bottom was rotten. The Prophet (sws) said to that man, what is this? He said, ya rasul Allah some of it was soiled by the rain. He asked, why do you not put the soiled barley on top so that people may see it. He said, whoever deceives a Muslim brother is not from me. (Parramatta Mosque)

41 Meaning adultery.

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The above statement denotes disapproval and discourages Muslims from engaging in deceptive acts by indicating they will not be considered a member of the Muslim community, which indirectly carries spiritual consequences as Muslims believe

Muhammad will intervene on their behalf on the Day of Judgment and not enter paradise until every Muslim has entered before him.

7.3.10 Conflict

A significant proportion of the political content, as presented in Table 6-1, was formed from the sermon presented in Blacktown mosque, as the imam demonstrated significant interest in political events unfolding in Afghanistan. One of his sermons was directed at the former President of Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai. The political situation in Afghanistan at the time was in a state of turmoil as the presidential elections had failed to deliver a clear indication of who was to be the next president of Afghanistan. The two highest ranked candidates became involved in public contestation and disputes, and the President whom the elections should have replaced, Hamid Karzai, did not intervene in the matter (according to the imam).

Thus, the imam used this situation to criticise Hamid Karzai and present to his audience, when a Muslim sees people disputing, they should intervene and act to resolve the conflict. The evidence drawn upon by the imam was a hadith:

The Prophet (sws) states that if you see wrongdoing, [Arabic], take action and if you don’t have the power to do anything against a powerful oppressor [Arabic] ‘tell him with your tongue and if you can’t do that, then dislike the actions of the oppressor in your heart and this is the weakest form of faith.’ A Muslim is not a spectator. (Blacktown Mosque)

From the frame of Austin’s (1975) this hadith represents a perlocutionary ‘speech act’ as the imam’s intention is to affect the behaviours of audience members. The

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hadith of the prophet is used to explain to the audience what they should do when they are faced with a powerful oppressor. Therefore, the statement is not just defining what just what it means to be a Muslim, but also regulating behaviours by explaining how a person should ‘act’ in certain contexts, providing further supporting evidence for the imams adoption of interactionist and functionalist methods of socialisation.

7.3.11 Extremism

The imams at Lakemba, Penshurst and Guildford mosques presented sermons focused on religious extremism. As presented in section 2.6.2, this issue is highly relevant to the lives of Muslim Australians, not because there is any substantial evidence to indicate they are violent extremists (Dunn, 2015), rather they are suspected of being vulnerable to it. Directly dealing with this issue, the imam at

Lakemba mosque provided the following description of a religious extremist:

Being an extremist means that you turn things that are allowed into an obligation. You turn the things that are disliked into major sins. The extremist will turn something that has not been made compulsory into something compulsory. (Lakemba Mosque)

The disapproving nature of the definition implies not only that a good Muslim is not an extremist, but it is also a perlocutionary speech act as it calls for audiences to be

‘moderate’. The imam confirmed this to be the case as he followed on to say that anyone following ‘true path of Islam’ cannot be an extremist:

My dear brothers, some people think that if they do something big; if they pray a lot for example or go in extreme in some way, they think they are close to Allah. You should understand that being close to Allah (swt) depends on

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understanding and following the path of Allah (swt), not your path. It is the path of the Prophet (sws), not your opinion. (Lakemba Mosque)

Further, the imam explained that being a ‘moderate’ Muslim means one should follow the guidance of the scholars of Islam (referring to jurists who have written the fiqh books that most Sunni Muslims follow).

The sermon delivered at Guildford mosque also focused on the topic of moderation and encouraging its practice. The imam centred his sermon on the point that Islam is easy to practice and people who make religion difficult to practice have deviated from the path of Islam. One of the points the imam made to his audience was:

Islam is easy to practice and should not be made hard. If a sick person can pray normally, he should pray normally; if he cannot he should pray while he or she is sitting; if he cannot pray while he or she sitting, he or she should pray while implying with her or his head; if they cannot do that too, he or she turn his or her head to kiblah and pray like that; if he or she cannot do that too, he or she would pray laying his or her leg to the kiblah. (Guildford Mosque)

The statement above is a direct perlocutionary speech act as it calls for audience members to exercise moderation when it comes to practicing religion. In addition, with a speech act discouraging the practice of religious extremism, the imam presented that Muhammad did not like religious extremism:

One day our Prophet stepped into a masjid and he saw a rope between two poles and he asked ‘what is this?’ The people in the masjid said this rope belongs to Zaynab. When she gets tired from praying she holds these ropes and continues her prayer. When our Prophet heard it, he said when someone feels good to pray go pray and when someone feels not good go sleep. (Guildford Mosque)

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The point about Muhammad being a moderate person was also mentioned at

Lakemba and Penshurst mosques:

The Prophet (sws) was angry about people who put Islam in their way. Three people came to the Prophet and asked him about his prayers and fasting. After that they said they under-estimated what they thought the Prophet was doing. The prophet said, “by Allah, I am the most righteous and fear Allah the most, but at the same time, I fast but at the same time, I break my fast, I pray but at the same time I sleep at night and I marry women”. (Lakemba Mosque)

Dear brothers, Rasul (sws), he was a human being and a messenger of Allah. As we understand from the holy Qur’an, he is an example of how we should behave and he is the perfect example. When he was in private he was devoted to his worship standing for hours, but he was also a human being, enjoying things, smiling and joking, yet never departing from the truth. (Penshurst Mosque)

These statements are speech acts calling for audiences to follow Muhammad’s role model by being moderate Muslims, but can also be interpreted to involve the application of structural methods of socialisation as they produce the effect of depicting a religious extremist in a negative light and the moderate as positive, thereby encouraging the practice of moderation.

Further to the application of structural methods of socialisation, some imams discourage religious extremism by presenting there are consequences to being an extremist. For example, the imam at Lakemba Mosque presented that extremism destroys people and their communities:

We need to wake up and understand how to deal with this. First we need to think about the hadith “ruined are those who go to extremes in their religion”; that going to the extreme, destroys you and ruins your community; why?

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Because you are not following the true path of Islam which is a religion of moderation. (Lakemba Mosque)

Another common structural method adopted to disapprove and thereby discourage the practice of religious extremism involved the exclusion of the extremist from belonging to the Muslim community. The imam at Guildford Mosque presented that

Muhammad said “he who turns away from my ‘Sunnah’ [by being a religious extremist] is not from me”; the statement made in this case to denote a religious extremist does not belong to the Muslim community. It is also a perlocutionary speech act calling for Muslims to be moderate and secure a place within the Muslim community.

The imam at Lakemba gave a similar message – that is, that extremists do not belong in the Muslim community – and called for Muslims to exercise moderation by presenting the following narration:

Once Khalid ibn Waleed42 killed one of the prisoners of war and told ibn Umar43 to do the same. Ibn Umar was a scholar and Khalid wasn’t and refused to follow the orders of Khalid even though he was the Amir because he understood from the Qur’an and the Prophet that he shouldn’t kill. When the Prophet heard the news, he said, “I disassociate myself from what Khalid did.” (Lakemba Mosque)

This narration communicates to audiences not only disapproval of religious extremism – a speech act – but also states religious extremists religious extremists do not belong in the Muslim community, thereby discouraging the practice of religious extremism.

42 A famous general who played in important role in the expansion of territories under Islamic rule in the immediate period after Muhammad’s death. 43 The son of one of Muhammad’s companion, Umar later became the second caliph.

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Of the structural methods of socialisation, some imams explicitly indicated religious extremism will be punished. The imam at Lakemba Mosque presented:

Indeed, in the messenger of Allah you have a good example [verses from the Qur’an]… remember Allah much. Allah (swt) says that whatever the messenger allows, take it and whatever he forbids, abstain from it and fear Allah for verily Allah is severe in punishment. (Lakemba Mosque)

This statement is a speech act warning audiences that, if they do not comply with role expectations – that is, being a moderate Muslim – they will be punished.

Overall, from an analysis of the sermons focused on the topic of religious extremism, it is clear that imams adopt structural methods of socialisation to disapprove and discourage religious extremism. These sermons, if effective in influencing the behaviours of their audiences, may have encouraged a moderate practice of Islam, thereby disqualifying the position that Australia’s mosques are in the hands of religious extremists or that imams are accountable for the purported rise in religious extremism (Bendle, 2008).

7.3.12 Christmas

Christmas is a major event in the Christian calendar and in Australia. However, though the occasion relates to Christian traditions and carries religious connotations, it has largely come to be recognised and celebrated as a secular event. For example, institutions such as universities that identify as being secular organise end of year

Christmas parties for their staff. However, this is not how Christmas was understood by the imams of Sydney.

Just as the event was widely celebrated in the broader Australian community, it became a topic of interest for three imams in Sydney whose sermons were content

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analysed. The analysis found these imams hold Christmas to be associated with

Christian beliefs. The Muslim theological position as it related to God strongly prohibits anthropomorphism. The first pillar of Islam, which is the declaration of faith referred to as the shahada, involves the declaration of the statement, ‘there is no

God, but God.’ The declaration implicitly rejects that any person, prophet or deity can be God.44 Presenting a position against the concept of Jesus being the son of

God, which is a core Christian belief, one sermon presented that Muslims love Jesus and his mother Mary is a “great woman.” However, as Muslims do not hold Jesus to be the son of God, they must not participate in events relating to Christmas:

We tell our young brothers and young sisters that every religion has its own days of celebration. Every religion has their own holy days. The Buddhist have their holy days, but do the Muslims celebrate it – no. When Muslims have their holy days, do other religions celebrate it – no. The position that we are finding ourselves in is that the Christians are celebrating this so-called holy day and we must not engage in anything according to this because by us celebrating these days and by us associating ourselves with this day, it is as if we are agreeing with the concept. It is as if we are agreeing with the concept behind this holy day. We all know that this holy day is based on the birth of Jesus and that he is the son of God. We are not allowed to bless this whole idea of Christmas. We do not believe in Christmas and certainly, we do not believe that Jesus was the son of God. (Anonymous)

Adopting structural methods of socialisation, the audience was informed that the acts of erecting a Christmas tree, giving people gifts to mark the occasion and wishing others ‘merry Christmas’ were also tantamount to agreeing with the concept of Jesus being the son of God. The statement was presented to imply disapproval for engagement in activities relating to Christmas.

44 It is for this reason that Muslims refrain from drawing images of Muhammad, as they believe this represents a risk that he may become the focus of worship instead of God.

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As presented in section 2.6.1, some parts of the Muslim community give significant importance to the maintenance of faith. The sermons delivered during the Christmas season made it evidently clear that Muslims should be tolerant of other religious beliefs and practices, but it is important for them to maintain their faith. For example, one imam presented the following statement to his audience:

Dear brothers and sisters in Islam, our religion Islam has respect for other religions and it gives people from other religions the right to follow their religion and this we can see in the life of the Prophet and in his teachings where he would practice his religion and if there were people from other religions he would let them practice their religion he would let them do what they want as long as they did not bother him he let them do what they wanted to do, this is the way of Islam we respect other peoples’ religions, but we have to follow our own religion we have to take priority to follow our own Islam, but you know sometimes when we live in environments which are mixing with other religions we find sometimes that we are in trouble sometimes because we have our religion and we have their religion and sometimes our religion might be the minority and their religion might be the majority such as in this country, so we as Muslims have to hold onto our religion and not follow the other religions. Specifically, we have to be careful during the coming days which are coming now which will be the celebrations of the Christian people being Christmas and New Year’s Eve. (Anonymous)

As evident from the quote above, while participation in Christmas-related events and activities was discouraged, audiences were reminded and encouraged to participate in

Islamic festivities. Two imams emphasised that Muslims have two festive occasions of their own to celebrate: Eid al Fitr and Eid al Adha.

While the above information indicates the method of socialisation used by imams relies heavily on the construction of Christmas as a celebration by the ‘other,’ the call for Muslims not to participate in the celebrations was on occasions structurally

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enforced, as some imams warned their audiences there will be consequences to participating in Christmas celebrations:

The Prophet (sws31) said do not imitate the Jews or the Christians so the Prophet (sws31) he who imitates a people he will be among them on the day of Judgment, so we as Muslims we need to be very careful during this time, this time of celebration where they celebrate the Christmas and the New Year’s Eve which is the beginning of the year which they base on the birth of Jesus Christ we as Muslims we do not celebrate these things. (Anonymous 1)

Allah says ‘O you who believe protect yourselves and your families from the fire whose fuel is people and stones.’ (Anonymous 2)

The statements presented above call for audiences to avoid participation in Christmas celebrations. Overall, from an analysis of the content relating to the topic of

Christmas it is clear imams adopt a diverse range of methods to discourage participation in Christmas celebrations. However, Christmas is perceived by imams to be a Christian celebration. In this case, it is conceivable that, in attempting to discourage Muslims from participation in Christmas celebrations, imams are discouraging Muslims from assimilating or converting to Christianity.

7.3.13 Islamophobia

An issue of significant importance with real life implications for Muslim Australians, as presented in chapter 2.6.2, is Islamophobia. Not surprisingly, sermons were found to make significant references to Islamophobia and on two occasions dedicated their entire sermon to the issue. The imams at Parramatta and Arncliffe spoke directly about dealing with Islamophobia (though other terms such as ‘ignorant behaviour’ were used). Mead’s (1934) theory holds that one of the most significant factors to influence how a person behaves is perceptions by others. Influenced by Mead’s

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theory, Goffman (2002) stated it is common for people to present a favourable image of their self. Supporting evidence for Mead’s and Goffman’s theories were found in the content of the sermons dealing with Islamophobia. This was particularly evident as some imams complained about how Muslims are represented by the media:

There are commentators out there that are scrutinising Islam spreading a lot

of lies about Islam knowingly or unknowingly. (Darul Imaan Masjid)

Another imam compared the media’s representation of Muslims and its effect on

Muslims to witchcraft or casting a spell on the attitudes of viewers. Imams presented there is a reason for this misrepresentation:

And they are trying to provoke some of us. They are looking for retaliation,

they are looking for something that we can do so that they can make it worse,

so that they can say more things. For example, a couple of years when that

short movie was made about the Prophet (sws), we all know it was a film

made that was all lies. We all know it was all lies. That film depicted

Muslims as violent. What was the reaction – some Muslims became violent.

(Darul Imaan Masjid)

In response to the negative media representations of Islam and Muslim, and its resultant effects on the lives of Muslim-Australians (the experiences of racism), imams stated Muslims should be ‘peaceful,’ ‘patient,’ ‘not hurt people,’ ‘not retaliate,’ ‘not respond to ignorance with anger,’ ‘not act resentfully,’ ‘walk on earth with humility’ and ‘if the ignorant say something stupid and ill-informed, say peace and keep walking.’ The method of socialisation relied upon here has a social interactionist orientation as it involves the construction of a Muslim being the opposite of how the media depicts them to be. Dunn (2001) calls this ‘counter-

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constructions.’ These counter-constructions present supporting evidence for Mead’s theory that people present an image of their self that conforms to the norms and values of society. In this case, imams are constructing an image of Islam and

Muslims that conforms to the norms and values of society and implicitly asking their audiences to present an image that counters the negative stereotypes associated with the identity of a Muslim. The following examples demonstrate this process. In the sermon content related to Islamophobia, imams used hadiths, which in these cases were perlocutionary speech acts, intended to affect the behaviours of audience members:

And the servants of Allah are those that walk upon the earth easily and when the ignorant address them harshly, they say words of peace (verse from the Qur’an recited at Auburn’s Gallipoli Mosque)

A Muslim is one from whose tongue and hand people are safe (Auburn Gallipoli Mosque)

And not equal are the good deed and the bad. Repel evil by that deed which is better; and thereupon the one whom between you and him is enmity will become as though he was a devoted friend. (Parramatta Mosque)

The strong person is not the one who can overpower others in physical strength, but rather the strong person is one that can control themselves when they become angry. (Darul Imaan Masjid)

Imams also presented statements that indicate there are benefits to be gained from acting peacefully:

Always resist through goodness, through doing something that is good. And

what will happen then is you’ll find any person that carries enmity towards

you may well become a very close and loyal friend. (Darul Imaan Masjid)

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The Prophet (sws) said ‘a Muslim does not suffer any mental or physical anguish or any distress, grief, pain or sorrow even from the prick of a thorn except that Allah (swt) reduces his mistakes and his sins.’ (Auburn Gallipoli Mosque)

Abu Darda once came to the prophet (sws) and said ‘direct me to a deed, direct me to something that I can do which will gain me entry into paradise.’ And the Prophet (sws) said to him the same advice, he said ‘don’t allow yourself to get angered.’ (Darul Imaan Masjid)

Those who were able to control their anger may be asked to pick from among the women of paradise. (Darul Imaan Masjid)

And our Prophet (sws) said that ‘there are four things, there are four traits that if you have, than you deserve Jannah45 … control desire, control anger, lust and stay calm and collected when something frightens you. (Darul Imaan Masjid)

The methods of socialisation being employed by imams involved using prophets such as Muhammad, Yaqub (Jacob) and Yusuf as models to be followed when they are angered or under attack, thereby attempting to influence the way their audiences respond to Islamophobia:

One day, a desert Arab came to him [the Prophet] and approached him, grabbing him and said, you owe me money. Most of us will say well, ask nicely, ask nicely first, but the Prophet (sws) didn’t say ask nicely. He said that the man is entitled to his money, gave it to him and smiled. End of story. No escalation, no problem. (Darul Imaan Masjid)

[A sahaba narrated], one day I was walking with the Prophet (sws) and he was wearing a garment that was very rough on the inside, and a desert Arab came to him and he grabbed him by this garment, grabbed him very harshly

45 Meaning heaven

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very roughly, and I looked at the Prophet (sws) and I still saw forbearance on his face, kindness and forbearance on his face. (Darul Imaan Masjid)

The Prophet is full of mercy and compassion. He showed patience in many stages of his life especially during the time of Taif when he was stoned and excluded, and even when his uncle Hazrat Hamza was martyred during Uhud. Muhammad (saw) made dua46 for his people as he said: “O Allah, give guidance to the people because they do not know. If they knew they would not do these behaviours.”(Parramatta Mosque)

What did the Prophet do when he was pelted and thrown out of a city. He prayed to Allah (sws). Yes, whinge, complain, but to Allah (swt). Remember the dua of Yaqub. Have hope in the victory of Allah. (Parramatta Mosque)

Another prime example for practicing sabr,47 forbearing and forgiving, is the behaviour of Yusuf (as) in response to his brothers’ wrongs.48

Overall, the sermons covering the topic of Islamophobia demonstrate not only the relevance of social interactionist approaches to understanding human behaviours, but they also play an important role in the way imams instruct Muslims to respond to

Islamophobia and its implications. A Muslim, as demonstrated above, is constructed and structurally enforced to respond in a peaceful and non-violent manner, thereby countering the stereotypes associated with their identity. This finding again suggests that imams, if effective in influencing the views and attitudes of audience members,

46 Meaning prayers 47 Meaning patience. 48 The story of Yusuf (Joseph, as mentioned in the Bible) is that his brothers planned to kill him but initially trapped him inside a well where he was found by a caravan and taken to Egypt and sold as a slave. He was purchased by the Pharaoh of his time. Yusuf grew up to be a handsome young man attracting the attention of the Pharoah’s wife, who subsequently tried to seduce him. When her husband found out, he imprisoned Yusuf for decades. Eventually, he was released and became second in command in Egypt. Some narratives hold he eventually married Zuleyha, the women who caused his imprisonment.

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may be regulating the ways Muslims respond to experiences of Islamophobia so they do not respond violently in response to the problem.

7.3.14 Martin Place siege

As presented in section 2.6.4, an incident now referred to as the Martin Place siege occurred while I was conducting the fieldwork recordings inside Sydney’s mosques.

Content analysis of the sermons delivered found the incident to be a topic of discussion in most of the mosques. Four imams delivered sermons that focused exclusively on the incident, while another four allocated some sections of their sermon to discussing the topic. The common feature of all these sermons was that they condemned the attack (Auburn, Artarmon, Blacktown, Parramatta, Penshurst,

Quakers Hill, Revesby and Lakemba) and emphasised it does not have any religious legitimacy.

The killing of innocent people has no relationship with Islam. (Revesby and Lakemba Mosque)

No one is following the teaching of Islam should even consider doing these things taking innocent people hostages we do not teach individuals about our religion violence. (Penshurst Mosque)

We as Muslims we do not support any act of violence or terrorism which you know is not part of our religion. (Quakers Hill Mosque)

Islam in no way shape or form approves or caters for chaos and anarchy (Auburn Gallipoli Mosque)

The perpetrator was described using terms such as a “mentally unstable person”

(Artarmon and Penshurst mosques). The imams portrayed the perpetrator in a

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negative light, thereby disapproving and discouraging their audiences from engaging in violent acts.

Further to the methods used to regulate behaviour, the imams presented that those who engage in violent acts and kill innocent people will be punished. The most cited source of information was a verse from the Qur’an: “whosoever kills an innocent person shall reside in hell forever” (Qur’an, 5:32, recited at Blacktown, Penshurst,

Parramatta and Lakemba). Through this, audiences are warned against killing innocent people.

Adopting another commonly used method of socialisation, imams presented how

Muhammad and his companions acted peacefully and compassionately, thereby encouraging audiences to follow their model.

Prophet Mohammad (sws), you all know the story, according to the story, there was a young Jewish boy, he used to come and do some chores for him from time to time and in some narrations, he used to see this Jewish boy playing in the streets every day. One day he wasn’t there and he heard that the boy was sick. This is a Jewish boy; Jewish, not Christian and you know how much persecution the Muslims suffered at the hands of some of the Jews at the time. When he heard he was sick, he went to his home and visited him and made du’a for him. If our role model is the Prophet (sws) this is the way we deal with people who are not Muslim. (Artarmon Mosque)

Another role model presented for audiences to follow was Abu Darda (one of

Muhammad’s companion). Abu Darda, as mentioned in the sermon, cared for his

Jewish neighbour out of respect for what Muhammad had said; therefore, audiences were encouraged to act tolerantly and compassionately with non-Muslims:

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Abu Darda was a great sahaba. He slaughtered a sheep and as you know those days, there were no fridges. They distributed the meat, usually and they keep a little for themselves. He was, ‘where should we start distributing the meat?’ He said, start with my Jewish neighbour. Someone said, how can we start with your Jewish neighbour – aren’t the Muslims more deserving. He said, this is my neighbour. The Prophet (sws) kept telling us about the rights of the neighbour until we thought he was going to give them a share in our estate; start with my Jewish neighbour. (Artarmon Mosque)

Other role models presented as supporting evidence for the claim that a Muslim must be tolerant were Khalid bin Waleed and Umar bin Khataab, both companions of

Muhammad. Regarding Khalid, the imam presented to his audience:

Khalid was perhaps the most enlightened general that the world has ever known, not just the Muslims. They teach his military strategies right until this very day. He was about to make a treaty with the Christians under his governance and he saw that some Christians were unable to work; they were too old, so he gave them a pension from the Muslim treasury. He didn’t say become a Muslim or anything of that nature. He gave them a pension. He gave them the means of livelihood. (Revesby Mosque)

The imam also presented Umar bin Khattab49 as evidence and a role model to show that a Muslim should be tolerant and compassionate toward non-Muslims:

During the khilafa of Umar bin Khataab (ra), he saw a blind old man [a non- Muslim] begging for money. He came and put his hand on the blind man’s shoulders and asked, why are you asking for money? Umar in Khataab was the kind of man who used to go into the street and check on the welfare of people and he saw this old man asking for money. He said he was asking for it so that he could pay the jizaya 50for this family. Umar bin Khataab took him to his house and he gave him whatever he could from his home and then he

49 From the Sunni perspective, one of the most beloved companions of Muhammad who became the second caliph after his death. 50 The annual tax that certain non-Muslims had to pay to the government.

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took him to his treasury and he said this man is never to pay the jizaya and in fact you should pay him a pension, and he was paid a pension. (Artarmon Mosque)

7.4 Conclusion

This chapter provides evidence to show that imams adopt social structural and interactionist methods to influence and regulate behaviour. The analysis demonstrates that imams interpret and provide ‘constructions’ of what it means to be a Muslim in response to various circumstances and events. The imams also reiterate the expectations associated with the ‘role’ of a Muslim. The sources of knowledge, the Qur’an and hadith, play vital roles in forming these constructions and reiterations. Implicitly, by defining how a Muslim should be and ‘act,’ imams are attempting to influence their audiences, thereby presenting the possibility they are agents of socialisation. Evidence was also found of the imams’ use of functional methods of socialisation, as what is appropriate and inappropriate were defined and behaviours regulated through various methods to denote approval and disapproval.

Moreover, facilitating the type of socialisation, which relies on seeing models for how a ‘role’ should be performed, imams presented Muhammad, prophets mentioned in the Qur’an and his companions to illustrate how a Muslim should ‘act,’ thereby facilitating the process of socialisation.

Overall, while this chapter concludes that imams adopt various methods of socialisation to influence their audience members, a conclusive answer to whether they are agents of socialisation can only be reached with an investigation of how audiences receive, respond to and were influenced by the sermon, which will be examined in the next chapter.

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8 AUDIENCE RECEPTION

Chapter 3 highlighted there were 13 mosques where audiences were surveyed immediately after they had listened to a sermon that was being recorded. This chapter provides an overview of the results of the 745 surveys collected and analysed using the audience reception theories presented in section 3.3. The first part of the chapter details the background characteristics of survey participants. This is followed by an analysis of how they received and responded to the sermon. The next part of the chapter examines the relationship between the background characteristics of survey participants to the way they received, responded to and were affected by the sermon. Lastly, the chapter analyses whether there is a significant relationship between the characteristics of the sermon, as they relate to the content and style of presentation, and the extent to which audiences receive the message and were affected by the sermon.

8.1 A description of the audiences

8.1.1 Gender

Results relating to the gender of survey participants are presented in Table 8-1.

Mosque audiences were primarily men (93.9%). This is not a reflection of the gender balance within the community, as ABS statistics indicate there are approximately equal numbers of Muslim men and women living in Sydney. However, it does reflect that, during Friday’s congregational service, mosques are mainly single gendered spaces. Of the 13 mosques surveyed, women were present in only seven and their

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numbers were relatively small. Nevertheless, women constituted above 10% of the congregation in some of the major mosques, such as Blacktown, Lakemba and

Parramatta. This statistic is dramatic considering, in most Muslim majority countries, women do not attend the Friday prayers at all and indicates that women who wish to attend congregational prayers have been somewhat successful at negotiating a place for themselves.

Table 8-1: Survey results: Mosque by gender

Gender Mosque Male Female Total Number Percentage Number Percentage Ahl Bayt Centre 48 96.0 2 4.0 50 Darul Imaan Masjid 53 100.0 0 0.0 53 Auburn Gallipoli Mosque 74 98.7 1 1.3 75 Blacktown Mosque 40 87.0 6 13.0 46 Masjid Noor (session 1) 1 30 96.8 1 3.2 31 Masjid Noor (session 2) 23 100.0 0 0.0 23 Guildford Mosque 20 100.0 0 0.0 20 Lakemba Mosque 79 82.3 17 17.7 96 Minto Mosque 36 100.0 0 0.0 36 Parramatta Mosque 60 88.2 8 11.8 68 Penshurst Mosque 24 100.0 0 0.0 24 Quakers Hill Mosque 28 93.3 2 6.7 30 Revesby Mosque 27 100.0 0 0.0 27 UNSW 30 100.0 0 0.0 30 Total 572 93.9 37 6.1 609

8.1.2 Age of survey participants

The results of the survey as they relate to the age of participants has been presented in Table 8-2. As the information presented in the table makes clear, survey participants were relatively young, with 68% falling between the ages of 18 and 40.

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This reflects ABS’ figures that indicate Sydney’s Muslims are mostly below the age of 44. Sydney’s mosques are generally not segregated by age as individuals of all age brackets were scattered throughout the mosques surveyed. A few exceptions can be observed, as the number of individuals below the age of 40 exceeded 80% at

Revesby, Guilford, UNSW and Granville (1 & 2). On the other hand, the proportion of people falling within the range of 55–70 was slightly higher at suburban mosques such as Arncliffe, Blacktown, Minto, Penshurst and Quakers Hill.

Table 8-2: Survey results: Age of survey participants by mosque

Age 18-25 26-40 41-54 55-70 71+

Mosque Total

age age age age age Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Ahl Bayt Centre 19 34.5 13 23.6 14 25.5 5 9.1 4 7.3 55 Darul Imaan Masjid 12 20.3 23 39.0 13 22.0 10 16.9 1 1.7 59 Auburn Gallipoli 24 28.2 47 55.3 10 11.8 4 4.7 0 0.0 85 Mosque Blacktown Mosque 6 10.9 23 41.8 18 32.7 8 14.5 0 0.0 55 Masjid Noor 12 29.3 21 51.2 3 7.3 3 7.3 2 4.9 41 (session 1) Masjid Noor 7 29.2 14 58.3 1 4.2 2 8.3 0 0.0 24 (session 2) Guildford Mosque 9 34.6 12 46.2 2 7.7 3 11.5 0 0.0 26 Lakemba Mosque 24 20.3 52 44.1 27 22.9 15 12.7 0 0.0 118 Minto Mosque 9 20.5 14 31.8 14 31.8 7 15.9 0 0.0 44 Parramatta Mosque 13 16.7 42 53.8 14 17.9 9 11.5 0 0.0 78 Penshurst Mosque 2 7.4 10 37.0 6 22.2 6 22.2 3 11.1 27 Quakers Hill 5 15.2 11 33.3 7 21.2 10 30.3 0 0.0 33 Mosque Revesby Mosque 16 43.2 15 40.5 5 13.5 1 2.7 0 0.0 37 UNSW 19 57.6 14 42.4 0 0.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 33 Total 177 24.8 311 43.5 134 18.7 83 11.6 10 1.4 715

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Table 8-3: Sydney Muslim Australians by age categories (2011)

Age 18-24 18.2 25-34 31.4 35-44 21.6 45-54 14.9 55-64 8.6 65+ 5.2 Total 99.9

Source: Sydney Muslims, Census 2011

8.1.3 Marital status

Survey results as they relate to the marital status of audience members has been presented in Table 8-4 and suggest that married and single men were present at all of the mosques. However, the sample population was primarily married (66.9%). The majority of those who were single were 18-25 years of age followed by those between the ages of 26-40. These figures are consistent with national statistics that indicate the median age of marriage for the Australian population is 31.8 for males and 29.8 for females (ABS, 2015). Relatively higher concentrations of single men were present at locations where higher concentrations of people below the age of 40 were present.

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Table 8-4: Survey results: Marital status of survey participants by mosque

Marital status Mosque Married Single Total Number Percentage Number Percentage Ahl Bayt Centre 30 62.5 18 37.5 48 Darul Imaan Masjid 39 72.2 15 27.8 54 Auburn Gallipoli Mosque 42 58.3 30 41.7 72 Blacktown Mosque 31 75.6 10 24.4 41 Masjid Noor (Session 1) 20 66.7 10 33.3 30 Masjid Noor (session 2) 12 60.0 8 40.0 20 Guildford Mosque 8 40.0 12 60.0 20 Lakemba Mosque 72 78.3 20 21.7 92 Minto Mosque 28 82.4 6 17.6 34 Parramatta Mosque 47 67.1 23 32.9 70 Penshurst Mosque 21 87.5 3 12.5 24 Quakers Hill Mosque 24 85.7 4 14.3 28 Revesby 15 55.6 12 44.4 27 UNSW 6 20.0 24 80.0 30 Total 395 66.9 195 33.1 590

8.1.4 Levels of education Survey results as presented in Table 8-5 presents that survey participants were highly educated with the majority holding a degree. A relatively high cluster of individuals with university degrees were present in the mosque located on the university campus

(UNSW), the CBD of Parramatta and the two major mosques in Auburn and

Lakemba. At the opposite end of the spectrum, higher concentrations of individuals with high school certificates or equivalent were found at Guildford, Revesby and

Granville – the same mosques that were highlighted earlier for their large concentration of youths. Low levels of education were also prevalent at Ahl Bayt, where some members of the audience who completed the survey were Afghan-born and had recently arrived in Australia as asylum seekers. Some of the recent arrivals were illiterate or only had a grade 10 or primary school certificate. These individuals

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did not state their qualifications or ticked the lowest level of education on the survey, which was high school level.

Table 8-5: Survey results: Levels of education by mosque

Education

degree Mosque Total or equivalent Master's degree Master's Some college or college Some technical school; school; technical Bachelor's degree Bachelor's associate's High school certificate school High Doctoral degree (PhD) Doctoral N % n % n % N % n % Ahl Bayt Centre 19 35.8 9 17.0 16 30.2 9 17.0 0 0.0 53 Darul Imaan Masjid 9 15.5 15 25.9 19 32.8 11 19.0 4 6.9 58 Auburn Gallipoli 18 21.4 4 4.8 36 42.9 24 28.6 2 2.4 84 Mosque Blacktown Mosque 13 24.1 14 25.9 17 31.5 9 16.7 1 1.9 54 Masjid Noor 11 26.8 9 22.0 10 24.4 10 24.4 1 2.4 41 (session1) Masjid Noor (session 7 29.2 4 16.7 6 25.0 6 25.0 1 4.2 24 2) Guildford Mosque 12 46.2 3 11.5 7 26.9 4 15.4 0 0.0 26 Lakemba Mosque 25 21.6 20 17.2 36 31.0 30 25.9 5 4.3 116 Minto Mosque 3 6.8 10 22.7 17 38.6 12 27.3 2 4.5 44 Parramatta Mosque 4 5.0 9 11.3 32 40.0 32 40.0 3 3.8 80 Penshurst Mosque 8 28.6 5 17.9 6 21.4 8 28.6 1 3.6 28 Quakers Hill Mosque 4 12.1 6 18.2 10 30.3 11 33.3 2 6.1 33 Revesby Mosque 17 45.9 5 13.5 11 29.7 4 10.8 0 0.0 37 UNSW 4 12.1 1 3.0 19 57.6 7 21.2 2 6.1 33 Total 154 21.7 114 16.0 242 34.0 177 24.9 24 3.4 711

8.1.5 Place of birth A significant proportion of the participants who were surveyed were Australian-born

(18%, see Table 8-6). Despite constituting the largest birth group, the figure is significantly lower compared to NSW’s total figure of 38% for Australian-born

Muslims (ABS, 2011, see Figure 8–3). This discrepancy may be attributed to the selection of the University of NSW for the survey of young Muslim Australians, as

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audience members who completed the survey at this location were mostly international students (see Figure 8–1). Other universities in Sydney, such as

Western Sydney University, which is located in suburbs with higher concentrations of Muslim Australians, receive greater numbers of enrolments from locals.

Australian-born Muslims are generally the children of immigrants who arrived in

Australia after the 1970s, as explained in section 2.3. As such, they can generally be expected to fall within working age brackets. As Friday is a workday, it is possible that significant numbers are not able to participate due to work commitments and studies have shown the struggle Muslim men experience balancing their religious duties while at work (Sav, Sebar & Harris, 2010). It may also be possible that some sections of the Australian-born population are choosing not to attend.

Bangladesh-, Pakistan- and Afghan-born Muslims formed the next largest categories and were over-represented in the sample from mosques compared to NSW’s figures.

While, Turkish- and Iran-born were under-represented. The Turks were among the first groups of Muslims to have migrated to Australia in large numbers, so this statistic is not an accurate reflection of the size of Turkish participation in NSW’s mosques by ancestry. Nevertheless, it is also conceivable that a significant proportion are not practicing Muslims or do not attend Friday prayers (Saeed, 2007; Hopkins,

2011).

The results of the survey found that most mosques are visited by people of a diverse range of ethnic backgrounds (see Figure 8–3). Nevertheless, concentrations of individuals from certain countries of birth can be found (see Table 8-6). The majority of those who attend Blacktown Mosque are Afghan-born; a concentration of

Bangladesh-born was found at Minto and Quakers Hill; large concentrations of Iran-

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and Iraq-born were present at Auburn’s Ahl Bayt mosque; and a large concentration of Pakistan-born were at Quakers Hill and Granville. Survey results found Lebanese-

, Pakistan- and Bangladesh-born were the most widely dispersed throughout

Sydney’s mosque compared to Turkish- (concentrated in Auburn’s Gallipoli mosque) and Afghan-born (concentrated in Blacktown and Auburn’s Shia mosque).

Figure 8–1: Survey results: Place of birth by mosque

100%

80%

60%

40%

20% Overseas Australia 0%

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Table 8-6: Survey results: Place of birth by mosque

Total Sydney

Muslims,

Total Census, Country of birth 2011 code Ahl Bayt Arncliffe Auburn Gallipoli Blacktown Granville 1 Granville 2 Guildford Lakemba Minto Parramatta Penshurst Quakers Hill Revesby UNSW Afghanistan Count 12 0 4 35 1 1 1 0 0 6 0 1 0 0 61 % 21.8 0.0 4.7 67.3 2.4 4.2 4.0 0.0 0.0 7.8 0.0 3.0 0.0 0.0 8.8 4.1 Australia Count 6 0 16 3 15 10 13 25 5 7 5 2 21 0 128 % 10.9 0.0 18.8 5.8 36.6 41.7 52.0 21.7 11.1 9.1 17.9 6.1 55.3 0.0 18.4 43.8 Bangladesh Count 0 12 1 2 1 0 1 10 25 21 5 15 1 3 97 % 0.0 26.1 1.2 3.8 2.4 0.0 4.0 8.7 55.6 27.3 17.9 45.5 2.6 9.4 13.9 6.9 Bosnia Count 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 6 0 2 0 11 % 0.0 0.0 1.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 4.0 .9 0.0 0.0 21.4 0.0 5.3 0.0 1.6 India Count 2 2 24 0 3 0 0 5 0 10 2 1 2 0 51 % 3.6 4.3 28.2 0.0 7.3 0.0 0.0 4.3 0.0 13.0 7.1 3.0 5.3 0.0 7.3 2 Iran Count 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 % 10.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 .9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.0 2.3 Iraq Count 22 0 1 1 3 0 3 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 33 % 40.0 0.0 1.2 1.9 7.3 0.0 12.0 1.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.6 0.0 4.7 3.4 Lebanon Count 1 2 0 0 6 2 2 26 0 4 3 1 5 0 52 % 1.8 4.3 0.0 0.0 14.6 8.3 8.0 22.6 0.0 5.2 10.7 3.0 13.2 0.0 7.5 11.9

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Total Sydney

Muslims,

Total Census, Country of birth 2011 code Ahl Bayt Arncliffe Auburn Gallipoli Blacktown Granville 1 Granville 2 Guildford Lakemba Minto Parramatta Penshurst Quakers Hill Revesby UNSW Pakistan Count 0 8 12 5 5 5 1 7 3 9 1 10 2 1 69 % 0.0 17.4 14.1 9.6 12.2 20.8 4.0 6.1 6.7 11.7 3.6 30.3 5.3 3.1 9.9 5.4 Turkey Count 0 0 15 0 0 0 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 20 % 0.0 0.0 17.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 8.0 .9 2.2 1.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.9 4.4 Other Arab Count 5 6 0 2 5 3 0 25 1 9 4 0 2 10 72 countries % 9.1 13.0 0.0 3.8 12.2 12.5 0.0 21.7 2.2 11.7 14.3 0.0 5.3 31.3 10.3 Indonesia Count 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 6 14 % 0.0 10.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.2 1.3 0.0 3.0 0.0 18.8 2.0 1.8 Malaysia Count 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 2 5 % 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.3 0.0 0.0 5.3 6.3 .7 0.5 Brunei Count 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 9 % 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 28.1 1.3 Other Count 1 11 11 4 2 3 1 12 9 8 2 2 0 1 67 % 1.8 23.9 12.9 7.7 4.9 12.5 4.0 10.4 20.0 10.4 7.1 6.1 0.0 3.1 9.6 Total Count 55 46 85 52 41 24 25 115 45 77 28 33 38 32 696

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Figure 8–2: Survey results: Mosque visitors’ countries of birth

Malaysia Brunei Afghanistan 1% 1% 9% Indonesia Other 2% 10% Other Arab Countries Australia 10% 18% Turkey 3% Pakistan Bangladesh 10% 14%

Iraq India 5% 7% Lebanon Bosnia Iran 7% 2% 1%

Figure 8–3: NSW Muslims countries of birth

Other 23% Australia India 38% 2% Indonesia 3% Iran 3% Iraq 3% Bangladesh 5% Turkey Lebanon 5% Afghanistan Pakistan 7% 5% 6%

Source: ABS, 2011

8.1.6 Language

After Arabic (30%), 24% of the respondents considered English to be their first language. The figures obtained are not far from ABS figures for languages other than

English spoken, except in the case of individuals who considered Arabic and Dari to be their first language. Arabic speakers were under-represented and Dari speakers

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were over-represented. It is conceivable the low numbers for Arabic speakers were compensated in the English as a first language category as migrants from Arabic speaking countries such as Lebanon arrived relatively early compared to the Afghans who still consider Dari as their first language. The second largest group was Urdu

(13.1%), followed by Dari (11.4%) and Bengali (7.5%).

Figure 8–4: Survey results: Main languages in Sydney’s mosque

Other 4%

Urdu Turkish 13% Arabic 5% 30% Hindi 3%

Bengali English 8% 24% Dari 11% Bosnian 2%

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Table 8-7: Survey results: First language by mosque

Mosque

Sydney

Total Muslims, Census 2011 First Language Ahl Bayt Arncliffe Auburn Gallipoli Blacktown Granville 1 Granville 2 Guildford Lakemba Penshurst Quakers Hill Revesby Arabic Count 33 5 2 3 12 9 4 69 6 1 11 155 % 60.0 14.7 2.4 6.7 29.3 39.1 17.4 60.0 22.2 3.4 30.6 30.4 42.8 Bengali Count 0 6 1 1 1 0 1 7 5 15 1 38 % 0.0 17.6 1.2 2.2 2.4 0.0 4.3 6.1 18.5 51.7 2.8 7.5 8.3 Bosnian Count 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 6 0 2 11 % 0.0 0.0 1.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 4.3 0.9 22.2 0.0 5.6 2.2 1.8 Dari Count 13 0 3 39 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 58 % 23.6 0.0 3.7 86.7 2.4 4.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.4 0.0 11.4 4.2 English Count 7 12 17 0 17 6 14 25 6 0 17 121 % 12.7 35.3 20.7 0.0 41.5 26.1 60.9 21.7 22.2 0.0 47.2 23.7 Hindi Count 0 1 10 0 0 0 0 2 0 1 0 14 % 0.0 2.9 12.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.7 0.0 3.4 0.0 2.7 Turkish Count 0 0 20 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 24 % 0.0 0.0 24.4 0.0 2.4 4.3 4.3 0.9 0.0 0.0 0.0 4.7 8.7

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Mosque

Sydney

Total Muslims, Census 2011 First Language Ahl Bayt Arncliffe Auburn Gallipoli Blacktown Granville 1 Granville 2 Guildford Lakemba Penshurst Quakers Hill Revesby Urdu Count 1 6 19 2 8 5 1 8 4 10 3 67 % 1.8 17.6 23.2 4.4 19.5 21.7 4.3 7.0 14.8 34.5 8.3 13.1 14.551 Other Count 1 4 9 0 1 1 1 2 0 1 2 22 % 1.8 11.8 11.0 0.0 2.4 4.3 4.3 1.7 0.0 3.4 5.6 4.3 17.5 Total Count 55 34 82 45 41 23 23 115 27 29 36 510

Note: Minto and Parramatta are not included in this table as the question relating to language was added after fieldwork for these mosques had been completed.

51 Urdu and Hindu combined

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8.2 Participation in Friday’s congregational prayers

The results of the survey questions relating to the reasons why audience members attend Friday’s congregational prayers (presented in Table 8-10) found supporting evidence for the UG theory, as over 90% of survey participants indicated they attend the congregational prayers because it is a religious obligation. This implies they participate for the purpose of performing the acts associated with their ‘role’ as

Muslims. Further evidence to suggest congregational prayers are attended for the prime purpose of performing religious responsibilities can be found in that most participants attend a mosque located either in the same suburb they were in when the time for congregational prayers arrived (36.7%) or 10 kilometres from it (43.8%).

This implies audiences prefer performing their responsibilities rather than attending a specific mosque or listening to a favourite imam. However, some may prefer going to mosques that are ‘owned’ by their own community (as represented by ethnic background). This may be the case with many of the visitors at Blacktown Mosque where the mosque committee and dominant group present for Friday’s congregational prayers are Afghan-Australians. Thus, this statistical finding can be taken to conclude that Friday’s congregational prayers and associated sermon are services ‘used’ by audiences for the purpose of expressing their identity as a Muslim.

For those opting to perform their congregational prayers with people of their ‘own’ ethnic background, it is also possible that participation in the congregational prayers is associated with social benefits.

As presented in Chapter 3, there are two social structural perspectives that offer an understanding to how conformity to role expectations is achieved. While Durkheim argues that conformity to role expectations occurs as a consequence of social pressure in the form of approval and disapproval of other members of society, Parson

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(cited in Fulcher & Scott, 2007) argues that conformity to role expectations occurs when people internalise the expectations associated with their role, considering it an obligatory aspect of their identity. An investigation of the survey results with interest in understanding the mechanisms responsible for conformity to role expectations in the context of Friday’s congregational prayers found supporting evidence for

Durkheim’s proposition as over 50% of audience members indicated someone with their position and background is expected to attend, while 40% indicated their family members expect them to attend, implying there is social pressure associated with participation in Friday’s congregational prayers. Furthermore, 42% indicated they would feel embarrassed if they stopped coming and others were to find out, implying that disapproval from other members of society for not fulfilling their role expectations may play an important role in pressuring individuals to participate.

However, stronger evidence was found for Parson’s theory as over 87% indicated they would feel guilty if they did not attend, implying the ‘role’ and responsibility of participating in the congregational prayers is not just mechanically ‘performed;’ it has been internalised.

Aside from facilitating the performance of acts associated with audience members’ religious identity, survey results found the other important functions of the congregational prayers to include the maintenance of cultural and religious beliefs and practices, as 70.3% indicated participation in congregational prayers is an important way of keeping in touch with their cultural roots and 52.8% indicated it is an important way of maintaining their family traditions. This supports Dunn et al’s

(2015) findings that Muslim Australians place significant importance on maintaining their religious beliefs and practices. As for those with children, 92% expressed that participation in Friday’s congregational prayers is an important opportunity for them

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to be a role model for their children to follow. These findings provide further supporting evidence for the UG theory as audience members ‘use’ the congregational prayers for the purpose of maintaining their religious identity.

Finally, participation in Friday’s congregational prayers may serve the function of enhancing a person’s sense of social solidarity and belonging to a community as 84% of audience members agreed that attending congregational prayers gives them a sense of familiarity and 86% agreed it felt good to be surrounded by fellow Muslims.

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Table 8-8: Survey results: Reasons for attending Friday's congregational prayers

Disagree Neutral/Unsure Agree

n % N % n % I want to be a good role model for my children 33 6.40 7 1.3 468 92.1 It is a religious obligation to pray on Fridays 30 5.7 16 3.5 579 90.7 I would feel guilty if I do not attend 60 9.07 31 3.9 505 87.1 It feels good to be surrounded by fellow Muslims 33 5.3 70 8 583 86.7 Attending Friday prayers give me a sense of familiarity 40 6.2 59 9.4 576 84.4 The mosque is at a convenient location for me to attend 80 11.3 68 9.6 536 79.9 It is a good way to keep myself updated with everything that is happening in the Muslim community 2.5 9.1 103 14.2 520 76.5 It is a good way of keeping in touch with my cultural roots 87 14.2 99 15.4 462 70.3 It is part of my weekly routine 153 23.3 71 11.8 425 64.8 I have family and friends who attend this congregation 137 19.6 102 14.7 452 64.8 It gives me a reason to take a break from worldly affairs 164 22.7 114 17.6 369 58.9 The Friday prayer is a good opportunity for me to network 138 17.2 140 21 407 54.7 It is a tradition in my family to attend Friday prayers and I want to continue this tradition 180 24.4 123.3 17.6 378 52.8 Someone with my position and background is expected to attend Friday prayers 198 30.4 131 19 336 50.6 I would feel embarrassed if I stopped attending and my family and friends were to find out 307 45.5 90 12.4 271 42.1 My family members expect me to attend 327 46.8 88 12.7 283 40.5 I can spend some time away from work 273 42.4 87 14.45 212 33.74

Table 8-9: Survey results: Religious obligations by gender

It is a religious Disagree Neutral/unsure Agree Total obligation to pray on Fridays N % N % N %

Male 26 5.0 18 3.4 482 91.6 526 Gender Female 1 2.9 1 2.9 33 94.3 35 Total 17 4.8 19 3.4 515 91.8 561

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Table 8-10: Survey results: Distance travelled to participate in the congregational prayers

Distance travelled N % Same suburb as the mosque 226 36.7 Within 10km from the mosque 270 43.8 with 10km-20km from the mosque 71 11.5 Within 20km-30km from the mosque 33 5.4 30+km from the mosque 16 2.6 Total 616 100.0

8.3 Audience reception and impact

8.3.1 Reception of the message delivered

The precondition for receiving and being affected by the message delivered through a sermon is, predictably, paying attention and understanding the content. Fulfilling this condition, 86.6% of audience members agreed they paid attention and 84.3% affirmed they maintained interest. Furthermore, 86.6% agreed they understood what was being said. However, analysis of the section of the survey that asked audiences to explain the key message of the sermon found discrepancies between the proportion of people who indicated they understood the sermon and those who were able to adequately demonstrate their understanding, as a relatively smaller percentage

(48%) appeared to have understood and interpreted the key message correctly. A further 16.6% demonstrated they understood the key message delivered, but interpreted the message in a way that reflected their own world view. While the proportion of participants who were able to demonstrate their understanding of the sermon message was relatively lower than the percentage who perceived to have understood the key message, both figures provide evidence to suggest audiences mostly understood the message delivered. Conversely, only 4% offered an interpretation that deviated from the message and significant numbers (16.4%) left

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the survey blank without offer any insight into how they received and interpreted the sermon (see Table 8-12).

Overall, while audiences can be seen to have received the message delivered, as demonstrated by the levels of attention paid to the sermon and understanding demonstrated, the position taken in respect to the message received was that it was mostly accepted. Thus, from the frame of Hall’s ED communication model, audiences mostly received the ‘preferred’ message and accepted it. In this context, the ‘encoder,’ the imam, and ‘decoders,’ the audience members, share a common religious background. Thus, the finding that most (48%) of the audience members were able to ‘read’ the preferred meaning and accept the message presents supporting evidence for Hall’s (1974) proposition that cultural commonalities between the encoder and decoders increases the likelihood that audiences will decode the preferred meaning and accept the message.

8.3.2 Impact

One of the best predictors of the level of impact felt by audiences listening to a presentation is their ability to relate the talk to their personal lives (Carrell, 2009).

The survey results indicated that audiences found the sermons delivered to be highly relevant as they were able to relate the sermon to the world around them (82.6%), their daily activities (81%) and their daily life (85.5%), and were motivated to come back and hear more sermons (86.3%).

The perceived impact of the sermon on the views and attitudes of audience members included that they developed a better relationship with Allah (89%), felt like they were being called to be a better person (87%) and made a decision to take their religion more seriously (82%). Chapter 7 revealed that imams employed structural

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functional methods of socialisation, including the application of negative reinforcements in the various forms. Though a direct connection cannot be drawn, survey results revealed most audience members felt they were being warned about the consequences of their actions (79%). Furthermore, audience members indicated being encouraged to continue a religious practice they started for themselves (84%), make changes in their life to be better Muslims (82%), and were encouraged to continue a religious practice they had started for others, such as giving charity (85%).

These results imply that audiences were highly affected by the sermon, providing supporting evidence for the HDST and denoting the methods of socialisation adopted by the imams to have been effective in influencing the attitudes and behaviours of audience members. However, on questions designed to examine the long-term impacts of the sermon relatively lower percentages (68%) indicated they would reflect on the content of the sermon or agreed they had been emotionally moved

(51%).

In response to the question about being motivated to participate in a political movement, 30% of audience members agreed. However, this may not be directly related to the sermon content as audience members who responded affirmatively to the question were mostly not present where imams discussed political topics.

Table 8-11: Survey results: Audience reception and impact Disagree Neutral/Unsure Agree

N % N % N % Focus I paid close attention 32 4.2 59 9.3 597 86.6 I maintained interest in the khutbah's theme 39 5.9 68 9.8 571 84.3 I was waiting for the salah to begin 310 45.6 119 17 256 37.5 Understanding I understood what was being said 46 6.7 43 6.5 633 86.8

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Disagree Neutral/Unsure Agree

N % N % N % The language of the khutbah was difficult for me to 494 71.1 80 11.7 140 17.6 understand Relevance I was able to relate the content to the world around 60 8.3 61 8.9 583 82.8 me I was able to relate the content to my daily activities 42 6.7 77 12.3 575 81 I did not learn anything new from today's sermon 529 77.4 58 7.7 106 14.7 I have gained information that is useful to me in my 27 4% 66 9.7 586 86.3 daily life Reception I accept and agree with the message of the sermon 28 3.8 40 4.9 649 91.3 I am motivated to come back and hear more 29 4.89 66 8.47 562 86.3 sermons Imam I like the style in which the imam delivers his 70 10.5 135 38.2 462 69.3 sermon The imam of this mosque makes me think 56 8.3 96 14.3 520 77.4 The imam of this mosque is a good role model 35 4.2 132 19.7 504 75.1 Impact I felt that I was being warned about the 46 6.6 83 13.1 584 79.7 consequences of my actions I felt that I was being called to be a better person 37 4.4 49 7.8 621 87 I am encouraged to continue a religious practice 25 4.5 66 10.8 555 84.6 that I have started for myself I am inspired to do more than just the obligatory 36 5.6 83 12.3 538 82.1 acts of worship I have made a decision to take my religion more 44 6.4 74 10.3 562 82.8 seriously I will spend time this week reflecting on the 47 7 103 17.1 470 68.8 meaning of this khutbah I have gained insight into developing a better 21 3.7 41 6.93 607 89.3 relationship with Allah I was moved emotionally 125 18.7 196 30.08 331 51.2 The content of the khutbah made me think 40 7 86 12.9 550 80.1 The content of today's khutbah made me realise that I need to make some changes in my life to be a 46 7.6 67 9.5 583 82.9 better Muslim I am encouraged to continue a religious act that I 30 4.6 67 34.95 576 85.4 have started for others I am inspired to participate in a political movement 251 41 164 28.1 176 30.1

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Table 8-12: Survey results: Decoding the message of the sermon

Decoding the message of the sermon N % Decoded the intended meaning 362 48.6 Decodes a meaning from their own frame of reference 124 16.6 Deviates from the intended meaning 32 4.3 Blank 122 16.4 Could not make an assessment 67 9.0 Arrived late – did not hear the sermon 10 1.3 Language barriers 28 3.8 Total 745 100

8.3.3 Factors that make a difference to the reception and effect of the sermon As presented in section 3.3.3, Hall’s ED communication model posits that the social position of audience members, as defined by age, gender, marital status and educational backgrounds, can make a difference to how audiences receive, interpret and respond to a message delivered. In view of this proposition, the following sections present an analysis of the relationship between age, gender, marital status and educational background to the way audiences received, interpreted and were affected by the sermon delivered.

8.3.3.1 Age

A statistical examination of the relationship between age and measures of reception and level of impact felt did not find there to be a significant relationship as audiences across all age categories received and responded to the sermon positively. However, overall, one can observe a pattern with those aged over 80 responding mildly less favourably to the sermons compared to those in other age brackets.

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Table 8-13: Survey results: Levels of agreement by mosque

Age and levels of agreement 18-25 26-40 41-54 55-70 71+ Total P Chi N % N % N % N % n % N %

I paid close attention 145 83 257 85 116 91 73 92 8 80 599 87 .003 35.685 I maintained interest in the khutbah's theme 143 82.2 255 85.3 109 86 70 91 7 77.8 584 85.1 .059 25.674a I was waiting for the salah to begin 60 43.9 87 30 50 40.3 42 55.3 2 28.6 241 36 .000 49.073 I understood what was being said 148 85.1 264 87.7 116 91.3 74 94.3 8 80 610 88.4 .002 36.548 The language of the khutbah was difficult 26 15.1 52 17.5 29 23.4 16 20.5 0 0 123 18.1 .416 16.5444 for me to understand I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to 134 77.9 249 83 107 86.3 66 88 6 66.7 562 82.6 .012 31.343 my daily activities I felt that I was being warned about the 132 77.2 246 82.8 100 81.3 68 87.2 5 62.5 551 81.4 .257 19.234 consequences of my actions for my afterlife I felt that I was being called to be a better 144 85.2 266 89.9 109 85.8 70 90.9 8 80 597 87.9 .027 28.530 person I accept and agree with the message of the 158 91.9 273 82.2 115 89.1 72 92.3 8 80 626 91.4 .002 36.990 khutbah I have gained information that is useful to 142 86.1 251 86.9 106 87.6 62 83.8 6 85.7 567 86.4 .752 11.885a me in my daily life I was moved emotionally moved 80 47.6 149 51 59 48.4 42 59.2 5 62.5 335 50.7 .040 27.181 The content of the khutbah made me think 142 83 241 82 92 72.4 66 88 4 50 545 80.7 .016 30.475

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Age and levels of agreement 18-25 26-40 41-54 55-70 71+ Total P Chi N % N % N % N % n % N %

The content of today’s khutbah made me realise that I need to make some changes 139 81.3 253 86.3 100 79.4 68 89.5 3 37.5 563 83.5 .002 37.423 in my life to be a better Muslim I am motivated to come back to hear more 145 87.9 242 83.7 105 87.5 64 87.7 6 85.7 562 85.9 .715 12.410 khutbahs I have gained insight into developing a 137 83 259 89.6 113 92.6 71 97.3 5 83.3 585 89.3 .048 26.490 better relationship with Allah I am inspired to do more than just the 128 78 238 83.8 94 80.3 62 83.8 5 83.3 527 81.7 .000 44.854 obligatory acts of worship I am encouraged to continue a religious practice (e.g. salah, voluntary fasting, etc.) I 131 79.9 247 86.7 103 85.8 64 88.9 6 85.7 551 85 .174 21.124 have started for myself I am encouraged to continue a religious act I have started for others (e.g. giving charity, 135 82.8 250 87.1 102 84.3 66 90.4 6 85.7 559 85.9 .803 11.105 being more patient and forgiving, etc.) I am inspired to participate in a political 60 37 62 21.9 41 35 18 26.1 0 0 181 28.5 .000 44.857 movement

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Table 8-14: Survey results: Age and decoding the intended meaning

Age 18-25 26-40 41-54 55-70 71+ Total Value Significance Decoded the intended N 90 151 63 38 5 347 25.372a 0.60753196 meaning % 50.8 48.6 47.0 45.8 50 48.5 Decodes a meaning from N 27 58 22 15 0 122 their own frame of reference % 15.3 18.6 16.4 18.1 0 17.1 Deviates from the N 6 14 8 4 0 32 intended meaning % 3.4 4.5 6.0 4.8 0 4.5 Other N 53 87 41 26 5 212 % 29.9 28.0 30.6 31.3 50.0 29.7 Total Total N 177 311 134 83 10 715 Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100 % within decoding 24.8 43.5 18.7 11.6 1.4 100.0

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8.3.3.2 Gender

Statistical examination of the relationship between gender and measures of reception and impact did not find there to be a significant relationship as men and women received and responded positively to the sermon, affirming that they paid attention and understood the content delivered. Furthermore, both genders had ‘decoded’ the preferred meaning and accepted the message.

While an examination of the relationship between age and measures of reception and impact does not present a significant relation, there appears to be a pattern with women receiving and responding to the sermons mildly more favourably compared to men. This is surprising given the language used during the mosque sermons is mostly directed at men (see section 6.3) and studies indicate there is a relationship between the use of inclusive language and reception by audience members (Greene

& Rubin, 1991). It is conceivable that, as women are not obliged or socially expected to participate in the congregational prayers, their participation may be more driven by the desire to listen to the sermon; therefore, they are more interested and motivated to receive and be affected by the message delivered.

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Table 8-15: Survey results: Levels of agreement by gender

Gender Male Female Total P Chi N % N % N % I paid close attention 481 86.7 32 94.1 513 87.1 .484 3.461 I understood what was being said 490 88.6 32 91.4 522 88.8 .474 3.529 I maintained interest in the khutbah's theme 463 84.2 33 94.3 496 84.8 .405 4.010 I was not able to maintain interest in the khutbah's theme 106 20 7 21.2 113 20.1 .810 1.592 I was waiting for the salah to begin 191 35.7 10 31.3 201 35.4 .127 7.168 I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to the world around me 459 83.3 28 82.4 487 83.2 .571 2.922 I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to my daily activities 448 82.4 30 88.2 478 82.7 .799 1.654 I felt that I was being warned about the consequences of my actions for my afterlife 447 81.7 27 84.4 474 81.9 .143 6.865 I felt that I was being called to be a better person 480 88.2 31 88.6 511 88.3 .452 3.675 I have gained insight into developing a better relationship with Allah 470 88.5 31 91.2 501 88.7 .852 1.356 I will spend time this week reflecting on the meaning of this khutbah 372 70.6 28 82.4 400 71.3 .466 3.579 I have made a decision to take my religion more seriously 433 81.7 33 94.3 466 82.5 .307 4.809 I am inspired to do more than just the obligatory acts of worship 420 80.3 28 84.8 448 80.6 .909 1.008 I am encouraged to continue a religious practice (e.g. salah, voluntary fasting, etc) I have started for myself 445 84.3 30 93.8 475 84.8 .618 2.649 I am encouraged to continue a religious act I have started for others (e.g. giving charity, being more patient and forgiving, etc.) 448 84.8 32 91.4 480 85.3 .604 2.730 I am inspired to participate in a political movement 144 27.9 11 34.4 155 28.2 .353 4.409

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Table 8-16: Survey results: Gender and decoding the intended meaning

Male Female Total Value Significance Decoded the N 281 18 299 2.736a 0.908 intended meaning % 49.1 48.6 49.1 Decodes a meaning N 92 8 100 from their own frame of reference % 16.1 21.6 16.4 Deviates from the N 26 2 28 intended meaning % 4.55 5.41 4.60 Other N 172.0 9.0 181.0 % 30.1 24.3 29.7 Total Total N 572 37 609 Total % 93.9% 6.1% 100.0%

8.3.3.3 Marital status

Examination of the relationship between marital status and measures of reception and impact did not reveal a significant relationship, except in a number of cases. For example, Pearson’s chi-square tests revealed there is a significant relationship between gender and the level of attention paid to the sermon and understanding of it, with married men paying slightly more attention compared to those who are single.

Moreover, chi-square tests revealed a significant relationship between marital status and the extent to which participants were emotionally moved by the sermon, with married men slightly more emotionally moved by the sermon compared to single men. Overall, there appears to be a pattern with married men receiving and responding to the sermon mildly more favourably. This may conceivably be related to the strong desire those with families have expressed to being a role model and passing on an understanding of their faith to their children.

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Table 8-17: Survey results: Levels of agreement by marital status

Marital status Married Single Total N % N % N % Chi P I paid close attention 341 90 158 83 499 87 .000 25.743 I understood what was being said 352 92 158 83 510 89 .000 32.359 I maintained interest in the khutbah's theme 327 87 153 80 480 85 .005 14.704 I was not able to maintain interest in the khutbah's theme 76 21 36 19 112 21 .057 9.160 I was waiting for the salah to begin 133 37 63 34 196 36 .102 7.714 I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to the world around me 314 84 157 82 472 82 .440 3.756 I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to my daily activities 314 84 148 78 462 82 .015 12.397 I felt that I was being warned about the consequences of my actions for my afterlife 306 82 152 80 458 81 .127 7.165 I felt that I was being called to be a better person 334 89 161 86 495 88 .005 14.752 I accept and agree with the message of the khutbah 349 92 170 90 519 91 .005 14.676 The language of the khutbah was difficult for me to understand 66 18 31 16 97 17 .073 8.578 I did not learn anything new from today’s khutbah 59 16 23 12 82 15 .121 7.307 I was moved emotionally 181 50 89 48 270 49 .004 15.207 The content of the khutbah made me think 296 80 152 80 448 80 .220 5.737 The content of today’s khutbah made me realise that I need to make some changes in my life to be a better Muslim 312 85 155 82 467 84 .185 6.197 I am motivated to come back to hear more khutbahs 308 85 160 87 468 86 .756 1.891 I have gained information that is useful to me in my daily life 314 86 154 84 468 85 .599 2.756 I have gained insight into developing a better relationship with Allah 331 91 153 84 484 88 .028 10.907 I will spend time this week reflecting on the meaning of this khutbah 266 74 120 65 386 71 .073 8.563 I have made a decision to take my religion more seriously 309 85 140 77 449 82 .149 6.760

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Marital status Married Single Total N % N % N % Chi P I am inspired to do more than just the obligatory acts of worship 290 81 145 79 435 81 .625 2.611 I am encouraged to continue a religious practice (e.g. salah, voluntary fasting, etc.) I have started for myself 315 87 148 80 463 85 .208 5.883 I am encouraged to continue a religious act I have started for others (e.g. giving charity, being more patient and forgiving, etc.) 309 85 154 84 463 85 .114 7.448 I am inspired to participate in a political movement 91 26 57 31 148 28 .000 27.656

Table 8-18: Survey results: Marital status and decoding the intended meaning

Marital status Married Single Total Value Significance Decoded the N 203 93 296 10.971a 0.139885839 intended meaning % 51.4 47.7 50.2 Decodes the N 1 0 1 intended meaning % 0.3 0.0 0.2 but rejects it Decodes a meaning N 66 30 96 from their own % 16.7 15.4 16.3 frame of reference Deviates from the N 14 10 24 intended meaning % 3.5 5.1 4.1 Other N 111.0 62.0 173.0 % 28.1 31.8 29.3 Total Total N 395 195 590 Total % 100 100 100 % within decoding 66.9 33.1 100.0

8.3.3.4 Education Studies examining the influence of education levels on audience reception have presented conflicting results, with certain types of messages being received more positively by the well-educated compared to those with lower educational levels, and vice versa (Howden, 1989). An examination of the relationship between education

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and measures of reception and impact did not find a significant relationship as the results of the survey revealed audiences falling into a diverse range of age brackets to have received and responded to the sermon favourably. However, overall, those with doctorates appear to have responded mildly less favourably compared to those from other educational brackets.

In view of the information presented above, it can be stated that the social position of audience members as represented by age, marital status, gender and educational levels makes a minor difference to how audiences receive and respond to the sermon.

However, these differences do not provide sufficient evidence to support Hall’s proposition that an audience will receive and respond to a message differently depending on their socio-economic background.

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Table 8-19: Survey results: Levels of agreement by education

I paid close attention 124 84.9 99 91.7 202 85.6 156 89.1 18 75 599 86.9 .136 22.238 I understood what was being said 124 84.9 99 91.7 207 88.1 158 90.3 21 87.5 609 88.5 .721 12.333 I maintained interest in the khutbah's theme 124 85.5 97 90.7 199 84.3 144 83.7 20 83.3 584 85.4 .478 15.641 I was not able to maintain interest in the khutbah's theme 25 17.7 27 26.2 58 25.6 26 15.6 3 13 139 21 .178 21.024 I was waiting for the salah to begin 48 34 36 35 86 37.7 63 36.8 5 20.8 238 35.7 .031 28.110 I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to the world around me 121 83.4 87 82.9 193 83.5 142 82.1 18 75 570 83.2 .096 23.693 I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to my daily activities 126 85.1 86 79.6 197 84.9 144 83.2 17 70.8 570 83.2 .076 24.683 I felt that I was being warned about the consequences of my actions for my afterlife 116 80 89 84 187 81.7 138 80.7 20 83.3 550 81.5 .014 30.809 I felt that I was being called to be a better person 131 90.3 97 89.8 199 87.3 149 86.6 20 83.3 396 88 .127 22.516 I accept and agree with the message of the khutbah 137 92.6 100 91.7 212 92.2 154 90.1 21 87.5 624 91.5 .032 27.979

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Education and levels of agreement Some college or High school technical school; certificate or associate's Bachelor's Doctoral degree equivalent degree degree Master's degree (PhD) Total Chi P n % n % N % N % n % N % The language of the khutbah was difficult for me to understand 25 17.1 17 15.5 48 21.1 29 17 2 8.3 121 17.8 .103 23.413 I did not learn anything new from today’s khutbah 21 14.6 14 13 41 18.4 23 13.5 2 8.3 101 15.1 .271 18.962 I was moved emotionally 87 60.8 57 53.8 107 48.2 74 44 10 41.7 335 50.5 .114 23.003 The content of the khutbah made me think 127 86.8 87 79.8 190 83.3 130 76.9 15 62.5 547 81.2 .006 33.582 The content of today’s khutbah made me realise that I need to make some changes in my life to be a better Muslim 124 86.1 96 88.9 183 81 142 84 17 70.8 562 83.8 .000 42.610 I am motivated to come back to hear more khutbahs 123 91.1 91 86.7 184 83.3 144 86.2 20 87 562 86.3 .015 30.540 I have gained information that is useful to me in my daily life 123 91.1 93 88.6 188 84.3 143 85.6 19 82.6 566 86.7 .013 31.240 I have gained insight into developing a better relationship with Allah 121 89.6 99 94.3 195 87.4 147 88 21 91.3 583 89.3 .016 30.371 I will spend time this week reflecting on the meaning of this khutbah 103 76.9 82 78.1 150 68.2 121 72.9 13 56.5 469 72.4 .012 30.371 I have made a decision to take my religion more seriously 118 88.7 96 90.6 178 80.2 137 82 13 56.5 542 83.3 .000 49.463

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Education and levels of agreement Some college or High school technical school; certificate or associate's Bachelor's Doctoral degree equivalent degree degree Master's degree (PhD) Total Chi P n % n % N % N % n % N % I am inspired to do more than just the obligatory acts of worship 112 84.2 89 84.8 177 81.2 132 80.5 16 69.6 526 81.8 .449 16.063 I am encouraged to continue a religious practice (e.g. salah, voluntary fasting, etc) I have started for myself 117 88 98 91.6 181 82.6 137 83.5 17 73.5 550 85.1 .171 21.193 I am encouraged to continue a religious act I have started for others (e.g. giving charity, being more patient and forgiving, etc) 117 87.3 98 92.5 186 84.2 138 83.6 19 82.6 558 86 .069 25.058 I am inspired to participate in a political movement 54 40.9 28 27.2 61 28.1 34 20.9 5 23.8 182 28.6 .010 31.979

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Table 8-20: Survey results: Levels of education and decoding the intended meaning

Education Some college or High school technical school; certificate or associate's Bachelor's Master's Doctoral equivalent degree degree degree degree (PhD) Total Value Significance Decoded the intended N 68 54 128 84 14 348 24.576a 0.65078218 meaning % 44.2 47.4 52.9 47.5 58.3 48.9 Decodes the intended N 1 0 0 1 0 2 meaning but rejects it % 0.6 0.0 0.0 0.6 0.0 0.3 Decodes a meaning from N 25 15 41 37 2 120 their own frame of reference % 16.2 13.2 16.9 20.9 8.3 16.9 Deviates from the intended N 8 6 8 9 1 32 meaning % 5.19 5.26 3.31 5.08 4.17 4.50 Other N 52 39 65 46 7 209 % 33.8 34.2 26.9 26.0 29.2 29.4 Total Total N 154 114 242 177 24 711 Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100 % within 21.7 16.0 34.0 24.9 3.4 100.0 decoding

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8.3.4 Characteristics of the sermon

While the preceding section of this chapter presented an analysis of the relationship between the characteristics of the audience members to how the sermon was received, the following section examines the relationship between the characteristics of the sermon to the way it is received and responded to by audience members.

8.3.4.1 Language of the sermon

The language in which a sermon is delivered can make a strong difference to the way it is received and the level of impact felt by audiences. Survey results found that sermons delivered exclusively in Turkish, Arabic or Farsi were exclusionary, making it difficult for certain sections of the audience to understand the messages delivered.

When the sermon was delivered exclusively in Arabic, large sections of the congregation who indicated their first language was Farsi found it difficult to understand the sermon. When the sermon was delivered exclusively in Turkish, large proportions of people who indicated their first language was English or Arabic found it difficult to understand the sermon. Furthermore, when the sermon was delivered exclusively in Farsi, sections of the population from South Asian backgrounds found it difficult to understand the sermon. Experiencing difficulty understanding the content of a sermon has a direct bearing on the way it is received and the level of impact felt, as those who experience difficulties understanding the language of the sermon received it moderately less favourably.

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Table 8-21: Survey results: Agreement by language difficulties

The language of the sermon was Average levels Difference P Chi difficult for me to understand of agreement Agree N % % % I understood what was being said 94 74 86.6 -12.6 .000 256.951 I maintained interest in the khutbah's theme 98 77.2 84.3 -7.1 .000 189.441 I was waiting for the salah to begin 78 63.4 37.5 25.9 .000 167.571 I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to the world around me 93 73.2 82.8 -9.6 .000 155.566 I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to my daily activities 95 75.4 81 -5.6 .000 159.882 I felt that I was being called to be a better person 99 81.8 87 -5.2 .000 141.837 I accept and agree with the message of the khutbah 103 81.7 91.3 -9.6 .000 126.907 I felt that I was being warned about the consequences of my actions 97 78.9 79.7 -0.8 .000 132.285 I was moved emotionally 64 52 51.2 0.8 .000 102.829 The content of today’s khutbah made me realise that I need to make some 95 76.6 82.9 -6.3 .000 91.300 changes in my life to be a better Muslim I am motivated to come back to hear more khutbahs 90 80.4 86.3 -5.9 .000 116.695 I have gained information that is useful to me in my daily life 87 77 86.3 -9.3 .000 116.189 I have gained insight into developing a better relationship with Allah 88 77.9 89.3 -11.4 .000 144.283 I have made a decision to take my religion more seriously 92 81.4 82.8 -1.4 .000 I will spend time this week reflecting on the meaning of this khutbah 69 61.1 68.8 -7.7 .000 103.995 I am inspired to do more than just the obligatory acts of worship 89 79.5 82.1 -2.6 .000 89.529

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The language of the sermon was Average levels Difference P Chi difficult for me to understand of agreement Agree N % % % I am encouraged to continue a religious practice (e.g. salah, voluntary fasting, 89 79.5 82.9 -3.4 .000 101.963 etc) I have started for myself I am encouraged to continue a religious act I have started for others (e.g. giving 85 76.6 85.4 -8.8 .000 109.863 charity, being more patient and forgiving, etc)

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Table 8-22: Survey results: Language of the sermon and difficulty understanding

Language of the sermon was difficult for me to understand Language of the sermon N % Turkish 12 48 Farsi 24 43 Turkish and English 24 29 Arabic 11 22 Arabic and English 38 15 Bosnian, English and Arabic 4 15 English 13 8 Total 126 19 P value .000 Chi-square 95.636

Table 8-23: Survey results: Difficulty understand the language by mosque and first language of audience members

The language of the sermon was difficult for me to understand Disagree Neutral/Unsure Agree Total First language n % N % n % N Arabic 27 84.4 2 6.3 3 9.4 32 Ahl Bayt Dari 0 0.0 2 25.0 6 75.0 8 Centre - sermon English 5 71.4 1 14.3 1 14.3 7 delivered in Urdu 1 100.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 Arabic Other 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 100.0 1 Blacktown 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 100.0 1 Blacktown Bengali 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 100.0 1 Mosque - sermon Dari 22 59.5 1 2.7 14 37.8 37 delivered in Arabic 1 33.0 0 0.0 2 66.7 3 Farsi Urdu 0 0.0 0 0.0 2 100.0 2 Arabic 2 50.0 0 0.0 2 50.0 2 Guildford Bengali 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 100.0 1 Mosque - sermon Bosnian 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 100.0 1 delivered in Turkish Turkish 1 100.0 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 Guildford 0 0.0 0 0.0 1 100.0 1

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Table 8-24: Survey results: Levels of agreement regarding clear content

Clear content rating Total Chi- 4 7 8 9 10 P square N % n % n % N % N % N % I paid close attention 22 67 21 84 65 87 447 89 31 86 586 87 .001 39.056a I understood what was being said 27 82 17 68 61 82 455 91 32 89 592 88 .000 64.245a I felt that I was being warned about the consequences of my 25 78 12 50 53 73 423 86 29 81 542 82 .000 44.370a actions for my afterlife I felt that I was being called to be a better person 30 91 20 80 59 79 445 90 31 86 585 89 .003 36.270a I accept and agree with the message of the khutbah 30 91 21 84 64 85 458 92 36 100 609 91 .002 37.557a The language of the khutbah was difficult for me to understand 3 9 12 48 12 16 94 19 5 14 126 19 .001 41.023a The content of today’s khutbah made me realise that I need to 27 84 14 56 54 75 425 87 32 89 552 84 .000 48.230a make some changes in my life to be a better Muslim I have gained information that is useful to me in my daily life 26 79 17 74 52 77 427 88 32 94 554 86 .004 34.795a I have gained insight into developing a better relationship with 26 79 18 78 57 85 440 91 32 94 573 90 .002 37.125a Allah I will spend time this week reflecting on the meaning of this 13 39 14 61 43 65 359 75 27 84 456 72 .000 46.084a khutbah I am encouraged to continue a religious act I have started for 25 76 18 78 55 80 418 87 28 88 544 86 .002 37.866a others (e.g. giving charity, being more patient and forgiving, etc.) I am inspired to participate in a political movement 5 16 11 48 26 39 100 22 11 36 153 25 .000 41.215a I like the style in which the imam delivers his sermon 13 41 15 68 48 73 331 69 27 84 434 69 .000 55.158a The imam says things which make me think during the week 18 56 15 68 50 75 382 79 28 85 493 78 .001 47.031a

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Table 8-25: Survey results: Decoding intended meaning by clear content

Content rating 4 7 8 9 10 Total Value Significance Decoded the intended N 11 4 32 294 21 360 104.723a .000 meaning % 33.3 14.8 40.5 56.5 55.3 51.6 Decodes a meaning from N 10 1 15 91 7 124 their own frame of reference % 30.3 3.7 19.0 17.5 18.4 17.8 Deviates from the intended N 2 5 3 22 0 32 meaning % 6.1 18.5 3.8 4.2 0.0 4.6 Other N 10 17 29 113 10 179 % 30.3 63.0 36.7 21.7 26.3 25.7 Total Total N 33 27 79 520 38 697 Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100 % within decoding 4.7 3.9 11.3 74.6 5.5 100.0

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8.3.4.2 Clear statement of purpose, clear content and logical sequence

Statistical analysis of the relationship between the clarity level of the sermon (as defined by the ratings given for clear content) and measures of audience reception and impact found a significant relationship as the highest levels of agreement on measures of reception and impact were associated with sermons that received the highest ratings for clear content. Conversely, the lowest level of agreement, most specifically as it relates to measures of reception, involving paying attention and maintaining interest, were associated with sermons that received relatively low ratings for clarity. Analysis of the relationship between the audience’s ability to

‘decode,’ understand and interpret the intended meaning and the level of clarity found in the content of the sermon found a positive correlation. These findings present strong evidence of there being a relationship between the characteristics of the sermon and the reception and impact by audiences, thereby supporting the perspectives of those who place high value on the characteristics of the content in determining how audience receive and are affected by a given presentation.

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Table 8-26: Survey results: Levels of agreement by clearly stated purpose

Purpose Chi- 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 P square N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % I paid close attention 22 66.7 21 84.0 38 90.5 42 82.4 23 95.8 409 88.3 31 86.1 586 86.9 .006 44.890a I understood what was being said 27 81.8 17 68.0 37 88.1 38 76.0 23 95.8 418 90.7 32 88.9 592 88.2 .000 74.799a I was waiting for the salah to 11 34.4 11 44.0 15 36.6 27 55.1 5 21.7 157 35.3 10 27.8 236 36.3 .102 33.088a begin I felt that I was being warned about the consequences of my 25 78.1 12 50.0 40 95.2 35 71.4 18 75.0 383 84.7 29 80.6 542 82.2 .000 57.210a actions for my afterlife I felt that I was being called to be 30 90.9 20 80.0 37 90.2 39 76.5 20 83.3 408 90.5 31 86.1 585 88.5 .002 48.816a a better person I accept and agree with the 30 90.9 21 84.0 40 97.6 42 82.4 22 91.7 418 91.5 36 100.0 609 91.3 .000 63.218a message of the khutbah The language of the khutbah was 3 9.1 12 48.0 5 12.2 11 22.4 1 4.2 89 19.6 5 14.3 126 19.1 .001 50.613a difficult for me to understand I was moved emotionally 14 42.4 9 37.5 33 84.6 22 45.8 11 50.0 219 49.4 25 69.4 333 51.6 .003 47.617a The content of the khutbah made 26 78.8 16 64.0 36 90.0 33 70.2 21 87.5 371 81.9 33 91.7 536 81.5 .001 51.309a me think The content of today’s khutbah made me realise that I need to 27 84.4 14 56.0 37 92.5 33 68.8 21 87.5 388 86.0 32 88.9 552 84.1 .000 64.100a make some changes in my life to be a better Muslim

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Purpose Chi- 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 P square N % N % N % N % N % N % N % N % I have gained information that is 26 78.8 17 73.9 38 92.7 34 73.9 18 81.8 389 88.0 32 94.1 554 86.4 .004 46.266a useful to me in my daily life I will spend time this week reflecting on the meaning of this 13 39.4 14 60.9 33 80.5 25 56.8 18 81.8 326 74.6 27 84.4 456 72.2 .000 58.980a khutbah I have made a decision to take my 22 68.8 19 82.6 35 85.4 36 78.3 19 86.4 370 83.9 30 93.8 531 83.4 .322 26.620a religion more seriously I am inspired to do more than just 22 66.7 17 73.9 35 89.7 32 71.1 20 90.9 360 82.8 29 90.6 515 81.9 .025 39.285a the obligatory acts of worship I am encouraged to continue a religious practice (e.g. salah, 26 78.8 15 65.2 36 90.0 40 85.1 19 86.4 373 85.9 29 90.6 538 85.3 .217 29.073a voluntary fasting, etc.) I have started for myself I am encouraged to continue a religious act I have started for 25 75.8 18 78.3 37 92.5 36 76.6 19 86.4 381 87.0 28 87.5 544 85.7 .014 41.771a others (e.g. giving charity, being more patient and forgiving, etc.) I am inspired to participate in a 5 16.1 11 47.8 9 23.7 22 48.9 4 18.2 91 21.3 11 35.5 153 24.8 .001 51.354a political movement I like the style in which the imam 13 40.6 15 68.2 29 76.3 31 67.4 17 85.0 302 68.6 27 84.4 434 68.9 .000 delivers his sermon The imam says things which 18 56.0 15 68.2 35 87.5 32 68.1 18 90.0 347 78.7 28 84.8 493 77.6 .003 make me think during the week

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Table 8-27: Survey results: Decoding intended meaning by clearly stated purpose

Purpose rating 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Total Value Significance Decoded the intended N 11 4 26 16 16 268 21 362 130.337a .000 meaning % 33.3 14.8 60.5 29.1 66.7 56.2 55.3 51.9 Decodes a meaning from N 10 1 5 13 2 86 7 124 their own frame of reference % 30.3 3.7 11.6 23.6 8.3 18.0 18.4 17.8 Deviates from the intended N 2 5 0 1 2 22 0 32 meaning % 6.1 18.5 0.0 1.8 8.3 4.6 0.0 4.6 Other N 10 17 12 25 4 101 10 179 % 30.3 63.0 27.9 45.5 16.7 21.2 26.3 25.7 Total Total N 33 27 43 55 24 477 38 697 Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 % within 4.7 3.9 6.2 7.9 3.4 68.4 5.5 100.0 decoding

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Table 8-28: Survey results: Levels of agreement by logical sequence

Logical sequence ratings Chi- 4 5 6 7 9 10 P square N % N % N % N % N % N % N % I paid close attention 22 67 21 84 88 82 38 91 386 90 31 86 586 87 .002 43.422a I understood what was being said 27 82 17 68 85 80 37 88 394 92 32 89 592 88 .000 68.773a I maintained interest in the khutbah's theme 24 73 18 72 82 78 35 85 379 89 32 91 570 86 .002 43.117a I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to the world 27 82 20 80 83 76 37 88 362 85 33 92 562 84 .321 22.365a around me I felt that I was being warned about the 25 78 12 50 83 79 40 95 353 84 29 81 542 82 .001 44.411a consequences of my actions for my afterlife I felt that I was being called to be a better person 30 91 20 80 84 78 37 90 383 92 31 86 585 89 .003 41.857a I accept and agree with the message of the khutbah 30 91 21 84 89 82 40 98 393 93 36 100 609 91 .001 45.888a The language of the khutbah was difficult for me to 3 9 12 48 35 33 5 12 66 16 5 14 126 19 .000 58.952a understand I was moved emotionally 14 42 9 38 47 46 33 85 205 50 25 69 333 52 .000 49.669a The content of the khutbah made me think 26 79 16 64 73 70 36 90 352 84 33 92 536 82 .000 53.380a The content of today’s khutbah made me realise that I need to make some changes in my life to be a better 27 84 14 56 78 74 37 93 364 87 32 89 552 84 .000 63.091a Muslim I have gained information that is useful to me in my 26 79 17 74 75 76 38 93 366 89 32 94 554 86 .003 41.900a daily life I will spend time this week reflecting on the meaning 13 39 14 61 62 65 33 81 307 75 27 84 456 72 .000 55.717a of this khutbah

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Logical sequence ratings Chi- 4 5 6 7 9 10 P square N % N % N % N % N % N % N % I like the style in which the imam delivers his sermon 13 40.6 15 68.2 29 76.3 31 67.4 302 68.6 27 84.4 434 68.9 .001 The imam says things which make me think during 18 56 15 68.2 35 87.5 32 68.1 347 78.7 28 84.8 493 77.6 .001 the week

Table 8-29: Survey results: Decoding intended meaning by logical sequence

Sequence 4 5 6 7 9 10 Total Value Significance Decoded the intended N 11 4 23 26 277 21 360 180.237a 0.000 meaning % 33.3 14.8 20.2 60.5 62.7 55.3 51.6 Decodes a meaning from N 10 1 33 5 68 7 124 their own frame of reference % 30.30 3.70 28.95 11.63 15.38 18.42 17.79 Deviates from the intended N 2 5 15 0 10 0 32 meaning % 6.1 18.5 13.2 0.0 2.3 0.0 4.6 Other N 10 17 43 12 87 10 179 % 30.3 63.0 37.7 27.9 19.7 26.3 25.7 Total Total N 33 27 114 43 442 38 697 Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 % within decoding 4.7 3.9 16.4 6.2 63.4 5.5 100.0

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8.3.4.3 Time

The proportion of people waiting for the salah35 was significantly high for sermons that took over 50 minutes to deliver. This was particularly the case with those falling in the working age categories. Being a weekday, it is conceivable that large numbers of those who participate in Friday’s congregational prayers are doing so during their lunch break and are expected to return to work. Therefore, they may be waiting for the salah to begin to finalise their religious responsibilities. Conversely, sermons that were delivered in less than 20 minutes, often in two languages with 10 minutes or less allocated for each language, also received relatively low ratings on measures of reception and impact. Audiences were less able to decode the intended message when the sermon was delivered in less than 20 minutes or more than 50 minutes.

This information indicates the optimum time for delivering a sermon is 20 to 49 minutes (in one language only).

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Table 8-30: Survey results: Levels of agreement by time

Time taken to deliver the sermon Total Chi- 10-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 50+ P value square n % N % N % n % N % N % I paid close attention 21 84.0 165 82.9 183 88.8 152 94.4 88 81.5 609 87.1 .000 45.953a I understood what was being said 17 68.0 167 84.3 191 92.3 155 96.9 85 80.2 615 88.4 .000 88.431a I maintained interest in the khutbah's 18 72.0 162 83.1 184 88.9 144 90.6 82 78.1 590 85.4 .000 46.734a theme I was waiting for the salah to begin 11 44.0 70 35.7 65 33.2 41 26.5 62 59.6 249 36.8 .002 37.709a I was able to relate the khutbah’s 20 80.0 161 82.1 175 85.8 143 89.4 83 76.1 582 83.9 .004 35.366a content to the world around me I felt that I was being warned about the consequences of my actions for my 12 50.0 165 83.8 167 83.5 135 85.4 83 79.0 562 82.2 .003 35.964a afterlife I felt that I was being called to be a 20 80.0 170 87.2 189 94.0 143 91.1 84 77.8 606 88.3 .001 38.561a better person I accept and agree with the message of 21 84.0 179 91.8 192 94.1 151 94.4 89 82.4 632 91.3 .005 34.202a the khutbah The language of the khutbah was 12 48.0 35 18.0 36 17.8 11 6.9 35 33.3 129 18.8 .000 67.299a difficult for me to understand The content of the khutbah made me 16 64.0 161 82.6 165 83.3 137 86.2 73 69.5 552 80.9 .001 38.496a think The content of today’s khutbah made me realise that I need to make some 14 56.0 166 86.0 172 87.3 144 90.0 78 73.6 574 84.3 .000 47.983a changes in my life to be a better Muslim

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Table 8-31: Survey results: Decoding intended meaning by time

Time <10 20-29 30-39 40-49 50+ Total Value Significance Decoded the N 4 104 118 113 23 362 221.210a 0.000 intended meaning % 14.8 50.5 55.4 68.9 20.2 50.0 Decodes a N 1 38 29 23 33 124 meaning from their own % 3.7 18.4 13.6 14.0 28.9 17.1 frame of reference Deviates from N 5 4 5 3 15 32 the intended % 18.5 1.9 2.3 1.8 13.2 4.4 meaning Other N 17.0 60.0 61.0 25.0 43.0 206.0 % 63.0 29.1 28.6 15.2 37.7 28.5 Total Total N 27 206 213 164 114 724 Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100 % within 3.7 28.5 29.4 22.7 15.7 100.0 decoding

8.3.4.4 Voice – tone and volume A statistical examination of the relationship between the volume and tone of voice

(as defined by the ratings the sermons were given for these characteristics) and measures of reception and impact found a significant relationship. Sermons that were delivered at a relatively high volume and with a varied tone of voice to emphasise points were received relatively more favourably compared to those delivered in a monotone and at a low volume. This suggests the imam’s speaking manner can make a significant difference to how the sermon is received.

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Table 8-32: Survey results: Levels of agreement by volume

Volume rating Total Chi- 4 5 6 8 10 P square N % n % n % N % n % N % I paid close attention 72 85.7 117 80.1 42 82.4 317 90.3 38 90.5 586 86.9 .002 37.187a I understood what was being said 76 90.5 115 79.3 38 76.0 326 93.1 37 88.1 592 88.2 .000 53.719a I maintained interest in the khutbah's theme 72 85.7 113 78.5 41 80.4 309 89.3 35 85.4 570 85.6 .001 40.254a I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to the world 70 83.3 111 77.6 39 76.5 305 87.1 37 88.1 562 83.9 .002 37.500a around me I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to my daily 64 77.1 108 75.5 39 78.0 309 89.0 33 80.5 553 83.3 .002 37.362a activities I felt that I was being warned about the 67 80.7 108 75.5 35 71.4 292 85.4 40 95.2 542 82.2 .001 41.041a consequences of my actions for my afterlife I felt that I was being called to be a better person 77 91.7 122 85.3 39 76.5 310 90.6 37 90.2 585 88.5 .000 41.774a I accept and agree with the message of the khutbah 78 94.0 124 86.7 42 82.4 325 93.1 40 97.6 609 91.3 .000 56.321a The language of the khutbah was difficult for me to 8 9.6 37 25.9 11 22.4 65 18.8 5 12.2 126 19.1 0.001 38.358a understand I did not learn anything new from today’s khutbah 8 9.9 28 19.9 11 23.4 47 13.7 5 12.2 99 15.2 .000 42.857a I was moved emotionally 37 46.3 58 41.4 22 45.8 183 54.1 33 84.6 333 51.6 .000 43.240a The content of the khutbah made me think 68 82.9 108 75.0 33 70.2 291 84.3 36 90.0 536 81.5 .003 36.309a The content of today’s khutbah made me realise that I need to make some changes in my life to be a better 71 86.6 111 78.2 33 68.8 300 87.2 37 92.5 552 84.1 .001 38.508a Muslim

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Volume rating Total Chi- 4 5 6 8 10 P square N % n % n % N % n % N % I am motivated to come back to hear more khutbahs 72 87.8 114 82.6 38 82.6 289 87.0 38 92.7 551 86.2 .005 34.271a I will spend time this week reflecting on the meaning 55 67.1 82 59.9 25 56.8 261 79.6 33 80.5 456 72.2 .000 44.592a of this khutbah

Table 8-33: Survey results: Decoding intended meaning by volume

Volume 4 5 6 8 9 10 Total Value Significance Decoded the intended N 48 61 16 125 86 26 360 97.749a .000 meaning % 55.8 40.1 29.1 52.7 69.4 60.5 51.6 Decodes a meaning from N 12 27 13 48 19 5 124 their own frame of reference % 14.0 17.8 23.6 20.3 15.3 11.6 17.8 Deviates from the intended N 4 9 1 15 3 0 32 meaning % 4.7 5.9 1.8 6.3 2.4 0.0 4.6 Other N 22.0 55.0 25.0 49.0 16.0 12.0 179.0 % 25.6 36.2 45.5 20.7 12.9 27.9 25.7 Total Total N 86 152 55 237 124 43 697 Total % 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 % within decoding 12.3 21.8 7.9 34.0 17.8 6.2 100.0

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8.3.5 Mosque variations

Table 8-34 presents evidence to indicate there were strong differences between the mosques in the way audiences received and were affected by the sermon. While the demographic characteristics of audience members does not explain these differences, it is clear they were related to the characteristics of the sermon. Sermons that received lower ratings on measures of reception and impact had one or more of the following characteristics:

a) They were excessively lengthy

b) They were delivered in a language other than English with no or limited

translation

c) They did not have a clear statement of propose; the content was not clear or

logically sequenced. In these cases, the imam appeared to be rambling

without establishing a clear sense of the core message of the sermon

d) The sermon was relatively monotone

At the opposite end of the spectrum, sermons that received the highest levels of agreement on measures of reception and impact had the following characteristics:

a) Delivered in a clear, logically sequenced manner and with a clear statement

of purpose

b) Delivered in a relatively loud volume and with varied tones

c) Fell within the range of 20-49 minutes

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d) Accommodated for the diverse backgrounds of audience members by

ensuring a significant proportion of the sermon is delivered in English

Supporting evidence for the position presented above can be found in Table 8-34, which shows the average levels of agreement for the statements presented in the survey. The table also shows the range (highest and lowest levels of agreement) and standard deviation (differences) between the mosques in the average levels of agreement to the statements posed in the survey. Figure 8–5 presents a more detailed understanding of these variations by giving the average levels of agreement for every mosque where audiences were surveyed. Table 8-34 shows there were significant variations in the average levels of agreement between mosques. The levels of agreement in response to the statement, ‘I paid close attention to the sermon’ ranged between an average of 66.7% of people agreeing to the statement in one mosque to

100% levels of agreement in another mosque.

Table 6-6 presented an overview of the characteristics of the sermons as they relate to content and style. Examination of this table, combined with the information in

Table 8-34 and Figure 8–5, reveals a clear relationship between the characteristics of the sermon and average levels of agreement in relationship to the variables being tested. The following sections present a detailed analysis of this relationship.

8.3.5.1 Content and style of presentation

Table 6-6 shows the sermons delivered at Revesby and Penshurst had characteristics of what communication experts and educators would regard as a good quality presentation. More detailed information about the characteristics of the sermons delivered in Penshurst and Revesby can be found in sections 6.5.11 and 6.5.9. On the

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other hand, the sermon delivered at the UNSW exhibited characteristics of a poorly organised and delivered presentation, see section 6.5.12.

Figure 8–5 shows the sermon delivered at Revesby was received and rated more favourably compared to the sermon delivered in the UNSW. For example, while

66.7% of people at the UNSW agreed to paying attention, at Penshurst and Revesby significantly higher proportions of 100% and 86.6% of people agreed to paying attention. Moreover, on variables relating to impact (see Figure 8–5), UNSW received significantly lower levels of agreement compared to Revesby and Penshurt.

8.3.5.2 Language

The language a sermon is delivered in, as presented in section 6.4, can make a significant difference to how audiences receive and are affected by a sermon.

Information presented in section 6.4 revealed that sermons delivered exclusively in

Arabic, Farsi or Turkish have consequences for people who do not understand these languages, impairing their capacity to access the content and reducing the level of impact felt.

Figure 8–5 reveals sermons delivered exclusively in languages other than English were generally not received as favourably by audiences compared to those that facilitated access to a wider group of Muslim Australians owing to delivery in a combination of languages or exclusively in English. The sermons delivered at

Blacktown, Ahl Bayt and Guildford were delivered exclusively in Farsi, Arabic and

Turkish. Table 6-6 indicates these sermons were not necessarily what can be considered a ‘bad quality’ presentation as they had a statement of purpose, followed by a logical sequence and delivered at a moderate volume. However, the sermons were received relatively less favourably with audience responses to variables

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designed to examine reception and impact generally receiving lower levels of agreement. For example, at Blacktown Mosque, the imam delivered a sermon that had the general characteristics of an effective presentation (see section 6.5.4); however, as it relates to some measures of impact, average levels of agreement were relatively low compared to sermons that had similar characteristics, but were delivered in an inclusive manner.

8.3.5.3 Timing

Another factor that can have negative consequences to how audiences receive and are affected by a sermon is the length of time for delivery. This was discussed in section 8.3.4.3. The sermons that exceeded 50 minutes in length were delivered at

Ahl Bayt and Blacktown mosques. With reference to Figure 8–5, it is important to observe these mosques were overall received less favourably, but these mosques received the highest levels of agreement as it relates to whether audiences were waiting for the sermon to end. Figure 8–5 shows 63.7% of people were waiting for the prayers to begin (i.e. the sermon to finish) at Ahl Bayt Mosque and 55% of people were waiting at Blacktown.

Overall, the variations in audience levels of agreement to the variables examining reception between mosques can somewhat be explained by the length of time the imam took to deliver the sermon, with sermons that were excessively lengthy being received relatively less favourably and having less impact on audiences compared to those that were timed appropriately.

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Table 8-34: Survey results: Variations between mosques

Standard Average deviation Min Max P Chi I paid close attention 86.6 8.8 66.7 100 .000 105.812 I understood what was being said 86.8 8.5 68 100 .000 136.444 I maintained interest in the khutbah's theme 84.3 8.5 72 100 .000 101.493 I was waiting for the salah to begin 37.7 11.9 20.8 63.7 .001 90.954 I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to the world around me 82.8 6.6 72.1 95 .000 92.886 I was able to relate the khutbah’s content to my daily activities 81 7.7 68 94.9 .007 80.297 I felt that I was being warned about the consequences of my actions for my afterlife 79.7 11 50 95.2 .002 85.830 I felt that I was being called to be a better person 87 7.1 76.5 100 .000 108.691 I accept and agree with the message of the khutbah 91.3 6.2 82.4 100 .000 108.098 The language of the khutbah was difficult for me to understand 17.6 13.9 2.9 48 .000 133.397 I did not learn anything new from today’s khutbah 14.7 8.5 2.8 29.2 .000 96.872 I was moved emotionally 51.2 12.8 39 84.6 .000 97.282 The content of the khutbah made me think 80.1 8.02 68.9 91.6 .000 106.161 The content of today’s khutbah made me realise that I need to make some changes in my life to be a better Muslim 82.9 10.1 68.8 95 .000 114.578 I am motivated to come back to hear more khutbahs 86.3 5.8 79 96.3 .004 83.174 I have gained information that is useful to me in my daily life 85.7 8.8 73.9 100 .000 94.894 I have gained insight into developing a better relationship with Allah 89.3 7.3 78.2 100 .000 95.698 I will spend time this week reflecting on the meaning of this khutbah 68.8 11 55 88.8 .000 107.484 I have made a decision to take my religion more seriously 82.8 6.1 68.7 93.7 .018 75.617 I am inspired to do more than just the obligatory acts of worship 82.1 8.5 66.7 93.1 .012 77.735 I am encouraged to continue a religious practice (e.g. salah, voluntary fasting, etc.) I have started for myself 84.6 5.7 74 94.8 .007 80.499 I am encouraged to continue a religious act I have started for others (e.g. giving charity, being more patient and forgiving, etc.) 85.4 6.3 75.1 92.5 .015 76.438

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Figure 8–5: Survey results: Levels of agreement by mosque

120

100

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

Ahl Bayt Masjid Darul Imaan Masjid Auburn Gallipoli Mosque Blacktown Mosque Majid Noor (1) Masjid Noor (2) Guildford Moqsue Lakemba Mosque Minto Mosque Parramatta Mosque Penshurst Mosque Quakers Hill Mosque Revesby UNSW

Key 1. I accept and agree with the content 8. I felt I was being warned about the 13. I have gained insight into developing a 18. I am encouraged to continue a religious 2. I paid close attention consequences of my actions 9. I felt I better relationship with Allah act that I have started for others 3. I understood what was being said was being called to be a better person 14. I am motivated to come back and hear 19. I was waiting for the salah to begin 4. I maintained interest in the theme 10. I did not learn anything new from today's more sermons 20. I was moved emotionally 5. Not able to maintain interest in the sermon 15. I am inspired to do more than just the 21. The content of the khutbah made me theme 11. The language of the khutbah was obligatory acts of worship think 6. I was able to relate the content to the difficult for me to understand 16. I have made a decision to take my 22. The content of today's khutbah made world around me 12. I have gained information that is useful religion more seriously me realise that I need to make some 7. I was able to relate the content to my to me in my daily life 17. I am encouraged to continue a religious changes in my life to be a better Muslim daily activities practice that I have started for myself 23. I will spend time this week reflecting on the meaning of this khutbah

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8.4 Conclusion

This chapter has presented an analysis of the audience surveys that were collected from some of the mosques where recordings took place. After examining the background characteristics of audience and how audiences receive and respond to the sermon, it was concluded there is some relationship, but it is not strong or sufficient enough to support Hall’s ED theory, which suggests audience members’ characteristics have significant implications for the way they receive and respond to a message delivered to them.

However, examination of the relationship between the characteristics of the sermon as they relate to content and style of presentation provided strong evidence to suggest the way a sermon is delivered makes a significant difference to how audiences receive and respond to it. Sermons that exhibit characteristics of a good quality presentation – that is, they are delivered clearly, in a logically sequenced manner, timed appropriately and in a language accessible to most sections of the audience – are received more favourably compared to those that exhibit weaknesses in these areas. Overall, however, audiences attend the congregational prayer for the purpose of performing their religious obligations and maintaining their faith.

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9 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

The primary aim of this investigation was to examine whether the imams of Sydney are agents of socialisation. Taking the literal meaning of the word imam, the study focused on sermons delivered during Friday’s congregational prayers. For purpose of achieve this overarching aim, set to achieve following objectives:

1. Understand the acts performed during Friday’s congregational prayers

2. Examine whether imams adopt any methods of socialisation during the

delivery of the sermon

3. Investigate how audiences receive, respond to and are affected by the

sermons

4. Evaluate the functions served by Friday’s congregational prayers

Having adopted the theoretical framework and methodological approaches outlined in Chapters 3 and 4 of this thesis, this study has made the following contributions to knowledge:

1. Approaching the analysis from the frame of Goffman’s ‘dramaturgy’ and

Schechner’s ‘Studies Performance’ theories, the study established that

Friday’s congregational prayers are similar to a play that is directed, designed

and produced by a source external to the actors, and follows a series of rules

and regulations, referred to as the fiqh. The fiqh for Friday’s congregational

prayers can be compared to a ‘script’ containing detailed instructions about

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the acts to be performed, how the stage and setting are to be arranged and the

costumes to be worn by the actors, with indicators as to how important it is to

follow the instructions provided.

Following the fiqh for Friday’s congregational prayers, the actors, in effect,

‘restore’ the acts performed by Muhammad and the first community of

Muslims. The concept of ‘restorations’ was relevant to understanding not just

the roles performed by the actors during Friday’s congregational prayers, but

also the ‘stage,’ ‘setting’ and ‘costumes,’ as these also represent, to a

significant degree, ‘restorations’ of the first mosque in Islam and the sacred

space where congregational prayers were performed. During the performance

of Friday’s congregational prayers, one of the roles performed is that of the

imam, which was originally performed by Muhammad. The responsibilities

of the person performing the role of the imam primarily involve ‘restoring’

the acts performed and statements made by Muhammad. There is, however,

some scope for the actor to make variations to some aspects of the role, which

pertains to the topics they discuss with their audience in the main body of the

sermon. In Sydney’s mosques, it is largely the imams who decide the topic to

be discussed. This aspect of the sermon presents Sydney’s imams with the

possibility to socialise their audiences.

2. Through an investigation of the content of 48 sermons, the study has

established that most of the topics covered inside Sydney’s mosques have an

ethical, moral or spiritual orientation, covering topics such as the role of a

husband, responsibilities of parents, gambling, music, avoiding prohibited

acts and the importance of participating in the congregational prayers offered

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at the mosque. These findings reiterate what Albayrak (2012) found in his

study of Melbourne’s mosques. However, while Albayrak relied on gathering

data from only two mosques, this study has collected data from 15 mosques,

thereby being a broader and relatively more reliable indicator of the topics

covered inside mosques. The contribution this study has made to

understanding the content covered in Sydney’s mosques may be considered

complementary to Albayrak’s, as the focus of his study was Melbourne.

Contrary to the view that imams are out of touch with current issues and

realities that Muslim Australian encounter, the sermons were to be highly

relevant, covering topics such Christmas, Islamophobia and the Martin Place

siege, giving guidance to Muslims as to how they should act in response to

significant current events.

3. The study has established that imams employ a diverse range of methods to

influence and control audience members. These involved the construction of

what it means to be and ‘act’ like a Muslim in response to various

circumstances and events such as Islamophobia and Christmas. The sermons

also reiterated pre-existing notions and constructions of how a Muslim should

‘act.’ Thus, interactionist methods of socialisation were employed

complementary to structural methods of socialisation, relying on the

classification of certain behaviours as appropriate or inappropriate, good or

evil, and through the application of approval and disapproval, and rewards

and punishments. Moreover, the study found the sources of information used

by imams provided evidence of methods of socialisation as they presented

Muhammad and prophets mentioned in the Qur’an as role models to

demonstrate how a Muslim should act in various circumstances. Overall, the

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evidence presented in this study indicates imams use interactionist and

structural functional methods of socialisation to influence the behaviours of

audience members. Nonetheless, a conclusive answer as to whether imams

are agents of socialisation can only be made after examining whether

audiences understood accepted and were affected by the sermon’s message,

intending to act upon its teachings.

4. The results of the 745 audience surveys collected from 13 of Sydney’s

mosques, found audiences largely ‘decoded’ – that is, understood the

message as conveyed – and accepted the message delivered, providing

supporting evidence for Stuart Hall’s ED theory. Moreover, audiences were

generally found to be highly affected by the sermons delivered. An

examination of the relationship between the background characteristics of

audiences to the way they received, responded to and were affected by the

sermon did not find sufficient evidence to support Stuart Hall’s position that

audience reception can vary depending on audience members’ background

characteristics, except as it relates to sharing a common cultural background

as the imams and their audiences were Muslims. However, strong evidence

was found to support that the characteristics of the sermon, as they relate to

content and presentation style, can make a significant difference, with these

being the strongest variables to explain variations found between mosques in

the extent to which audiences were able to decode and accept the message

conveyed and were affected by it. Sermons that were received positively and

had a potent impact on audience members were primarily those that were:

279

a) Delivered in a clear, logically sequenced manner and with a clear

statement of purpose

b) Delivered in a relatively loud volume and in varied tones

c) Delivered within the range of 20-49 minutes

d) Accommodated for the diverse backgrounds of audience members by

ensuring a significant proportion of the sermon was delivered in

English

On the contrary, sermons that received the lowest levels of agreement on

measures of reception and impact had the following characteristics:

a) Did not have a clear statement of propose; the content was not clear or

logically sequenced. In these cases, the imam appeared to be rambling

without establishing a clear sense of the core message of the sermon

b) Was relatively monotone

c) Was excessively lengthy

d) Delivered in a language other than English or with no or limited

translation

5. Analysing the results of the audience survey from the frame of the UG and

Durkheim’s functionalist view of religious rituals, the study found evidence

to support the strongest reasons for participation in the congregational prayers

included the desire to maintain faith, performing religious duties (i.e.

performance of expectations associated with their ‘role’ as Muslim men). The

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study also found strong social benefits to participating in the congregational

prayers.

9.1 Are imams agents of socialisation?

The simple answer to the main question of this thesis is “yes,” but the extent to which imams can ‘socialise’ their audiences in the context of Friday’s congregational prayers largely depends on the quality of their sermon.

Relating these findings to the differing perspectives about mosques and imams, this study supports the positions that imams have the capacity to influence Muslim

Australians, thereby contesting the view they are ‘out of touch’ and not able to influence attitudes and behaviours (Akbarzadeh, 2009).

The findings of this study also provide reasonable grounds to question the position that sees it necessary for funds to be allocated for the purpose of ‘training’ imams, as they are generally qualified, able to deal with issues and encourage integration of

Muslims into mainstream Australian society. Imams emphasised non-violent and peaceful approaches to dealing with issues, such as experiences of Islamophobia.

This finding, from some theoretical perspectives, presents issues of its own as contrary as imams may be seen to be pacifying Muslims, by emphasising that being a

Muslim is to be ‘nice’ even if one is faced with injustices such as Islamophobia.

The position presented above may be challenged with reference to the sermons that discussed the topic of Christmas, as they generally asked audiences not to participate in associated activities. Examined with consideration to sermons that emphasised compassion and tolerance toward non-Muslims (in the week after the Martin Place siege, for example), it can be concluded that Sydney’s imams discourage

281

participation in activities relating to Christmas as they understand it to be an event associated with Christian beliefs. In effect, audiences were not being asked to disengage from society, but they should avoid religious assimilation.

Relating the findings of this study to the points mentioned in Chapter 1, the institutional affiliations of the mosque and imam can make a significant difference to the nature of the content delivered. Most of the mosques that were included in the investigation process were owned and run by community institutions and organisations. However, this study did not include groups with highly charged political ideologies, such as Hizb-Tahrir. The group made a number of sermons available on YouTube that directly criticised the government’s counter-terror legislations, indicating that the internet may present a challenge to the integration of

Muslims into mainstream society. However, this topic was outside of the scope of this investigation and should be included in further studies.

Also needing further investigation is the potential that some imams may play an important role in facilitating a stronger sense of citizenship felt by practicing

Muslims (Dunn et al, 2015). Some evidence to support that imams promote active citizenship was found in the content of the sermons relating to topics such as

Islamophobia and events such as the Martin Place siege, where they placed significant emphasise on the importance for Muslims to actively engage with members of the wider Australian society to counter the stereotypes associated with

Islam and Muslims.52

52 In the American context, Bagby (2009) and Dana (2011) conducted investigations that showed a positive correlation between mosque attendance and a stronger sense of belonging. Dana (2011) found that mosque visitors were also more involved and interest in America’s political institutions, thereby concluding that mosque participation is a strong indicator of integration into American society. In view of the findings presented in this thesis, a similar pattern may prevail in Australia.

282

9.2 Limitations of the study

One of the major limitations of this study is that it is focused primarily on Sunni mosques. I am Sunni and this may have affected my choices for the mosques I selected for inclusion. The mosques that were involved in the study are representative of the majority of Muslims living in Sydney who are Sunni and Shia, but including mosques representative of the smaller groups of Muslims, such as the

Ahmadiyya school of thought, may have added value to this project.

Another limitation of the study is that it focuses specifically on the sermons delivered by the imams during Friday’s congregational prayers. The study of the sermon delivered during Friday’s congregational prayers is important as it attracts large groups of listeners for reasons explained. I am aware that imams do offer and present talks outside Friday’s service. Some of these talks may conceivably be broadcast on

Youtube. Though outside the scope of this study, an investigation of the presentations delivered outside congregational prayers may have potentially shed more insight into the nature of the discussions taking place inside Sydney’s mosques.

Lastly, it is important to note that while mosques and imams are given significant importance in influencing the views and attitudes of Muslims, for those eager to learn or act upon religious teachings, the sermons delivered in the mosque may not the only source of knowledge. In Sydney alone, there has emerged a plethora of institutions directed at teaching about Islam to Muslims. Some examples of these include institutions such the Islamic Sciences and Research Academy and Al-

Ghazzali Centre., n my observation and membership of some of these organisations,

I have sensed that they may be playing an important role in promoting that Muslims should integrate and make positive contributions to the Australian society. Therefore, though I have posited that the sermons delivered in the mosques may be playing an

283

important role in facilitating the stronger sense of citizenship felt by practicing

Muslims, it is conceivable that organisations such as these may also be playing a fundamental role in the process. The topics was however not directly related to this study, nor did time and resource constraints allow me to investigate the nature of the lessons delivered in these organisations.

Finally, the thesis could have benefitted greatly from the inclusion and investigation of gender related issues and topics as they are the focus scholarly discussions (Ingrid,

2008; Woodlock, 2010) and extremely important to developing an understanding of the place and involvement of women in the mosque and their participation in

Friday’s congregational prayers. However, it was beyond the scope of this research to investigate these topics in much detail without diverging away from the main topic of the thesis.

Despite the limitations outlined above, thus study has contributed knowledge that is vital addressing not only some misconceptions focused Australia’s on mosques and imams, but also shedding insight the complex nature of communication. It is not simply the case that an imam will deliver a message and it will be automatically received by the listener. As this study has found, Muslim-Australians may be in the audience of an imam for the purpose of fulfilling their religious duties and taking advantage of the social benefits of participating in the social nature of congregational prayers. The extent to which audiences are affected by a sermon may also vary depending on the quality of the sermon. These findings disqualify and question simplistic narratives that still rely on the simplistic Hypodermic Syringe Theory in explaining how Muslim-Australians are influenced by their imams.

284

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GLOSSARY

Adhan Call to prayer Eid al-Adha Religious holiday that occurs at the end of the Hajj pilgrimage Eid al-Fitr Religious holiday that marks the end of Ramadan fard Religious obligation fiqh rules and regulations fitr End of Ramadan festive charity ghusl Ritual bath haram Forbidden iftar When Muslims break their fast Illocutionary A true ‘speech act’ as it is made with the intention of utterance interacting with the receiver imam The prayer leader of a mosque itikaf Spiritual retreat during the last 10 days of Ramadan. janaza Funeral services jubbah Cloak with wide sleeves jum’ah Derivative from the word jumm’ah, which means a gathering or congregation. Also refers to Fridays khatib Orator khutbah Derivative of the word khitab, which means a speech. In English, a khutbah can be translated to mean a sermon Locutionary A string of words that carry a certain meaning, but do not utterance constitute a ‘speech act’ minbar Raised platform muezzin A man who calls Muslims to prayer

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Perlocutionary A ‘speech act’ to affect the feelings, thoughts and behaviours utterance of the receiver qurban Annual charity sacrifice rakah Unit of prayer Ramadan The ninth month of the Islamic calendar. It is observed by Muslims worldwide as a month of fasting to commemorate the first revelation of the Quran to Muhammad sahaba Companions of Prophet Muhammad salah/salat Daily prayers surah Chapter of the Qu’ran taqwa God conscious tarawih Additional prayers performed during the month of Ramadan. thobe/galabiya Long shirt or robe ulama Religious scholars or learned men ummah The Muslim community vaaz A talk before the start of Friday’s congregational prayers waqf Religious endowments wudu Ritual cleansing prior to prayer zakat Annual alms or charity

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APPENDIX A: LIST OF MOSQUES AND MUSALLAHS IN NSW

Table A-1: List of mosques and musallahs in NSW

1. Albury North 32. Bonnyrigg - Bibby's Road Masjid 2. Annangrove Road (s) 33. Brighton Le Sands - Bay Street Musallah 3. Arncliffe - Al Zahra (s) 34. Broken Hill North - William Street and Buck Street 4. Arncliffe - Darul Imaan Wolli Creek Masjid 35. Burwood Musallah - Wilga Street 5. Armidale New England Mosque 36. Cabramatta West - Uthman Bin Affan Masjid 6. Artarmon - Hampden Road Mosque 37. Callaghan - Newcastle University Faith Centre 7. Ashfield - Holden Street Musallah Musallah 8. Ashfield - Liverpool Road Hume Highway 38. Carringbah Musallah Musallah 39. Campbeltown - Watsford Road (s) 9. Asquith - Hornsby Mussallah 40. Campbelltown - UWS Macarthur Musallah 10. Asquith Community Centre 41. Campbelltown Minto - Campbelltown Youth 11. Auburn Road - Bukhari House Mussallah Centre 12. Auburn - Chisolm Rd - IDCA Musalla 42. Camperdown - Sydney University 13. Auburn - Gallipoli Mosque 43. Campsie - Wilfred Lane Mussallah 14. Auburn Harrow Road Islamic Centre 44. Charmhaven - Lowana Anenue Musallah 15. Auburn - Town Hall Civic Centre - Jummah 45. Central Coast (Wyong) 16. Auburn South Parade 46. Central Coast (San Remo) – Brava Avenue 17. Auburn - Ahlulbayt Islamic Centre Musallah [Jummah only] 18. Bankstown - 1 Viny Street 47. Chester Hill - Banool Street 19. Bankstown - Saarbaan' Meredith Street Mosque 48. Coffs Harbour – Musallah 20. Bankstown - Adnum Lane Musallah 49. Coffs Harbour Community Centre(Jummah only) 21. Bankstown-Darr Iban Abbas College 50. Coffs Harbour Southern Cross University 22. Bankstown - Fitya Centre Musallah 51. Cringilia - Bilal Mosque 23. Bankstown - PCYC Bankstown (Jummah only) 52. Dee Why - Manly Warringah Mosque 24. Bankstown - Winspear Avenue Mosque 53. Dubbo - Kotku Masjid 25. Bankstown - UWS Musallah 54. Dural - Old Northern Road 26. Baulkham Hills -HDMS 55. Earlwood (s) 27. Bathurst - Al Sahaba Masjid 56. Erskineville - John Street Mosque 28. Belmore - Al Azhar Masjid 57. Ermington Community Centre 29. Blacktown - Al-Madinah Islamic Centre 58. Granville - Spring Garden Street Masjid 30. Blacktown UWS Musallah - Eastern Road 59. Granville South - Youth Association (GYA) 31. Blacktown - Afghan Osman Mosque 60. Granville South Street Musallah (Town Hall)

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61. Granville South - Ferndell Street 100. Liverpool - Rose Street Musallah 62. Granville - Nabi Akram Centre (s) 101. Liverpool - Liverpool Hospital 'Don Everitt Musallah 63. Green Valley - Wilson Road Mosque 102. Macquarie Fields (Musallah) - Islamic Education 64. Greenacre - Anzac St Musalah Centre 65. Greenacre - Boronia Rd Musalah 103. Macquarie Field - Community Hall 66. Greenacre - Darul Arqam - Waterloo Road 104. Marrickville - Station Street Musallah 67. Gosford Greenview Musallah 105. Mascot - Botany Road Musallah 68. Griffith - Benerembah Lane - Kotku Riaz Masjid 106. Merrylands - Miller Street Community Centre 69. Guilford - Bursill Street - Jummah Musallah 70. Guilford Musallah - Marian Street 107. Milperra - UWS Bankstown Musallah – Bullecourt 71. Guilford - Old Guilford Railway Street Masjid 108. Minchinbury - Eddie Road MCYAS Musallah 72. Guilford - Mountford Ave Masjid 109. Minto - Ingleburn Islamic Centre 73. Gwynneville - University of Wollongong Musallah 110. Mount Druitt - Nepean Masjid 74. Harris Park - Grand Avenue North 111. Mt Druitt - Mt Druitt Village Musallah 75. Harris Park - Marion Street Musallah 112. North Ryde - Macquarie University Musallah 76. Harris Park - Tramway Avenue Musalah 113. North Sydney - McMahons Point Community Centre (Jummah only) 77. Heatherbrae - Pacific Highway 114. Newcastle - Metcalfe Street 78. Hillsdale - Beauchamp Rd 115. Newcastle Mosque - Mayfield Mosque 79. Hurstville Musallah 116. Parramatta - Marsden Street Mosque 80. Kellyville HDMS - Adventist Church in Baulkham Hills (Jummah Only) 117. Parramatta - UWS Rydalmere Musallah 81. Kensington - Anzac Parade Musallah 118. Penshurst - Forest Road Mosque 82. Kensington - University of NSW Musallah 119. Prospect - Blacktown Rd Musallah 83. Kingswood - Bringelly Neighbourhood Centre 120. Punchbowl - AIDA Masjid (Jummah only) 121. Punchbowl Musallah - Mathews Street 84. Kingswood - UWS Napean Musallah 122. Pyrmont Community Centre - John Street 85. Kingsgrove - Arrahman (s) (Jummah only) 86. Kogarah Musallah - Queen Street 123. Quakers Hill - Brocas Place Musallah 87. Lakemba - ASWJ Musallah 124. Redfern - Regent St Musallah 88. Lakemba - Ali ibn Abu Taleb Mosque 125. Redfern Cleveland Street Mosque 89. Lakemba - UMA Centre - Croydon St 126. Regents Park - Amy Street Musalah 90. Lakemba - Ernest Street Mosque 127. Revesby - Mavis Street Musallah 91. Lakemba - Railway Parade Musallah 128. Revesby - Endeavour Hall (Jummah only) 92. Lailor Park - Community Hall 129. Richmond - UWS Hawkesbury Musallah 93. Leumeah - Kingsclare Street Campbelltown 130. Riverwood - Thurlow Street Musallah 94. Lidcombe - Vaughan Street Al Taqwa Musallah 131. Rockdale - Kogarah Frederick Street Masjid 95. Lismore - Leycester Street BP Musallah 132. Rockdale - Railway Parade Musallah 96. Lismore - Southern Cross University Musallah 133. Rockdale - Senior Citizens Club (Jummah only) 97. Liverpool - Edmondson Park - Islamic House 134. Rooty Hill Mosque Masjid 135. Rydalmere - Primrose Avenue Masjid 98. Liverpool - Global Islamic Youth Centre 136. Ryde - Blaxland Road - Ryde Islamic Centre 99. Liverpool - Whitlam Leisure (jummah only)

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137. Sefton Mosque - Helen Street 138. Smithfield - Bourke Street Mosque 139. St Clair - Banks Drive Musallah 140. St Marys - Forester Road IPDS Centre 141. St Marys - Forthorn Place NSW (s) 142. Strathfield - Albert Road Musallah 143. Strathfield Town Hall 144. Strathfield Masjid 145. Surry Hills - Kind Faisal Mosque 146. Sydney City - Darling Harbour Musallah 147. Sydney City - Darlinghurst Musallah (Jummah only) 148. Sydney City - Millers Point Musallah - Abraham Mott Hall (Jummah only) 149. Sydney City - Ultimo Aspire Hotel (Jummah only) 150. Sydney City - York Street 151. Sydney City - Pitt Street (Jummah only) 152. Sydney City - University of Central Queensland Musallah 153. Sydney City - University of Technology Musallah 154. Tamworth (Oxley Vale) - Coolamon Close 155. Tempe - Al Hijrah Mosque 156. Ultimo - TAFE Prayer Room on Mary Ann Street 157. Wagga Wagga - Boorooma Street 158. Warwick Farm - Hume HIGHWAY Musallah 159. Wentworthville Musallah - Lower Mount Street Musallah 160. Westmead hospital Musallah 161. Wiley Park - Edge Street Musallah 162. Willoughby North - Warrane Road Community Centre (Jummah only) 163. Wollongong North - Essence of Life 164. Yagoona - Hume Highway - Fitya Centre 165. Young - Moppity Rd Masjid 166. Yenorra - Ellis Parade 167. Zetland - Bourke Street Mosque

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APPENDIX B: MOSQUES OF SYDNEY

Figure B–1: Darul Imaan Masjid: Simple rectangular structure with flat roof

Source: Fieldwork

Figure B–2: Quakers Hill Mosque: Church building converted into a mosque

Source: Fieldwork

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APPENDIX C: INFORMATION LETTER

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APPENDIX D: COPY OF THE SURVEY IN ENGLISH

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APPENDIX E: LETTER OF SUPPORT

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APPENDIX E: ETHNICITY OF IMAM AND MOSQUE VISITORS

Table G–1: Mosques of NSW: Ethnicity of the imam and mosque visitors

Largest ethnic group Second largest Ethnicity of Imam Sect Ethnicity Percentage Ethnicity Percentage Afghanistan Sunni Afghan 65 Subcontinent 30 Afghanistan Sunni Subcontinent 79 Other groups 21 Bosnian Sunni Bosnian 25 Subcontinent 25 Lebanese and Bosnian Sunni Bosnian 60 subcontinent 40 Egyptian Sunni Subcontinent 70 Lebanese 10 Egyptian Sunni Lebanese 40 Subcontinent 20 Egyptian Sunni Lebanese 30 Arab 20 Egyptian Sunni Lebanese 80 Arab 10 Lebanese and Indonesian Sunni Southeast Asian 66 subcontinent 20 Indonesian Sunni SEA 50 Subcontinent 25 Iraqi, Irani and Iranian Shi'ite Lebanese 70 Afghan 30 Iraqi Shi'ite Lebanese 40 Iraqi 35 Iraqi Shi'ite Afghan 50 Iraqi 40 Iraqi Sunni Subcontinent 50 Lebanese 30 Iraqi Shi'ite Iraqi 40 Afghan 40 Jordan Sunni Lebanese 50 Arab 28 Lebanese Sunni Lebanese 10 Subcontinent 8 Lebanese Sunni Lebanese 70 Arab 10 Lebanese Sunni Lebanese 90 Arab 6 Lebanese Shi'ite Lebanese 70 Other groups 30 Lebanese Sunni Lebanese 90 Arab 6 Lebanese Sunni Lebanese 80 Subcontinent 10 Lebanese Sunni Subcontinent 56 Lebanese 20 Lebanese Mixed Subcontinent 20 Afghan 15 Lebanese Sunni Lebanese 60 Arab 20 Lebanese Sunni SEA 50 Subcontinent 20

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Largest ethnic group Second largest Ethnicity of Imam Sect Ethnicity Percentage Ethnicity Percentage Lebanese Sunni Subcontinent 50 Lebanese 30 Lebanese- Palestinian Sunni Lebanese 80 Arab 10 Pakistan Sunni Subcontinent 50 Turkish 40 Pakistan Sunni Subcontinent 90 Other groups 10 Pakistan Sunni Subcontinent 60 Afghan 10 South African Sunni Subcontinent 50 Lebanese 25 Turkish Sunni Turkish 50 Lebanese 30 Turkish Sunni Turkish 90 Afghan 10 Turkish Sunni Turkish 50 Subcontinent 15 Turkish Sunni Lebanese 40 Turkish 8 Turkish Sunni Turkish 65 Subcontinent 10 SEA and Turkish Sunni Turkish 70 Subcontinent 20 Turkish Sunni Turkish 60 Lebanese 30 N/A Mixed Lebanese 40 Subcontinent 15 N/A Mixed SEA 30 Subcontinent 25 N/A Mixed Subcontinent 30 SEA 30 Lebanese, others N/A Mixed Subcontinent 20 Arabs and SEA 45 N/A Sunni Gulf 70 Subcontinent 20 N/A Sunni SEA 60 Subcontinent 10 N/A Sunni Lebanese 50 SEA and Turkish 20 N/A Sunni Subcontinent 70 Other groups 30 N/A Sunni Lebanese 60 Subcontinent 40 Source: Underabi, 2014

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APPENDIX F: NSW IMAMS

Table H-1: NSW imams: Employment status and qualifications

Payment of Ethnicity of imam imam Islamic qualifications Location Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a BA Turkey Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Lebanese equivalent to a BA Lebanon Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a BA Turkey Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Indonesian equivalent to a BA Indonesia Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a BA Turkey Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Egypt equivalent to a BA Medina Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a BA Turkey MA in Islamic-related field from an Australian Full-time paid Lebanese university France PhD in Islamic-related field from an Australian Full-time paid Lebanese university Australia Lebanese- Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Palestinian equivalent to a BA Syria Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a Masters or PhD Turkey Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid South African equivalent to a Masters or PhD Medina Full-time paid Lebanese No formal training Lebanon Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Jordan equivalent to a BA Jordon Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Bosnian equivalent to a Masters or PhD Al-Azhar Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a BA Turkey Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Pakistan equivalent to a Masters or PhD Pakistan Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Bosnian equivalent to a BA Bosnia

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Payment of Ethnicity of imam imam Islamic qualifications Location Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Pakistan equivalent to a Masters or PhD Pakistan Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time paid Turkish equivalent to a Masters or PhD Turkey Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time unpaid Iraqi equivalent to a Masters or PhD Iraq Full-time unpaid Iraqi No formal training Not applicable Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time unpaid Iraqi equivalent to a Masters or PhD Iraq Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time unpaid Palestinian equivalent to a BA Medina Full-time unpaid Iraqi Other Iraq Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time unpaid Lebanese equivalent to a BA Lebanon Certificate from a madrasah that is equivalent to less Full-time unpaid Egypt than a BA No response MA in Islamic-related field from an Australian Full-time unpaid Egyptian university Australia Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time unpaid Lebanese equivalent to a BA Medina Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Full-time unpaid Iranian equivalent to a BA Iran Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Part-time paid Afghanistan equivalent to a BA Afghanistan Certificate from a madrasah that is equivalent to less Part-time paid Pakistan than a BA Pakistan Certificate from a madrasah that is equivalent to less Part-time paid Afghanistan than a BA Australia Part-time unpaid Lebanese No formal training Not applicable Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Part-time unpaid Indonesia equivalent to a Masters or PhD Saudi Arabia Part-time unpaid Iraq No formal training Not applicable Part-time unpaid Pakistan No formal training Not applicable Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Part-time unpaid Lebanese equivalent to a BA Australia Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Part-time unpaid Egyptian equivalent to a BA Egypt Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Part-time unpaid Lebanese equivalent to a BA Lebanon Part-time unpaid Lebanese No formal training Not applicable Islamic degree from an overseas institution that is Guest Imam No response equivalent to a Masters or PhD Australia Guest imam 0 0 0

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Payment of Ethnicity of imam imam Islamic qualifications Location Guest imam 0 0 0 Guest imam 0 0 0 Guest imam 0 0 0 Guest imam 0 0 0 No response 0 0 0 No response 0 0 0 Source: Underabi, 2014

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