Montenegro: Overview of Political Corruption
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Assessment of the National Integrity System of Montenegro
ASSESSMENT OF THE NATIONAL INTEGRITY SYSTEM OF MONTENEGRO This project is supported by the European Union. The content of this does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the report lies entirely with the author ASSESSMENT OF THE NATIONAL INTEGRITY SYSTEM OF MONTENEGRO Title: ASSESSMENT OF THE NATIONAL INTEGRITY SYSTEM OF MONTENEGRO Publisher: Network for affirmation of NGO sector - MANS Monitoring and Analytic Programme Authors: Vanja Ćalović, Executive Director Vuk Maraš, Monitoring and Analytic Programme Director Aleksandar Maškovic, Analytic Programme Coordinator Veselin Radulovic, MANS’ Legal Advisor Print: 3M - Makarije Edition: 30 copies Contact: Dalmatinska 188, Podgorica, Montenegro Phone: +382 20 266 326 Fax: +382 20 266 328 E-mail: [email protected] www.mans.co.me CONTENTS I INTRODUCTORY NOTE ........................................................................................................................... 7 II EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ........................................................................................................................... 11 III ABOUT THE NATIONAL INTEGRITY SYSTEM ASSESMENT .............................................. 21 IV COUNTRY PROFILE OF MONTENEGRO ..................................................................................... 27 V CORRUPTION PROFILE ......................................................................................................................... 31 VI ANTI-CORRUPTION ACTIVITIES ..................................................................................................... -
Development Ofmonitoring Instruments Forjudicial and Law
Background Research on Systems and Context on Systems Research Background Development of Monitoring Instruments for Judicial and Law Enforcement institutions in the Western Balkans Background Research on Systems and Context Justice and Home Affairs Statistics in the Western Balkans 2009 - 2011 CARDS Regional Action Programme With funding by the European Commission April 2010 Disclaimers This Report has not been formally edited. The contents of this publication do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of UNODC or contributory organizations and neither do they imply any endorsement. The designations employed and the presentation of material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNODC concerning the legal status of any country, territory or city or its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Comments on this report are welcome and can be sent to: Statistics and Survey Section United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime PO Box 500 1400 Vienna Austria Tel: (+43) 1 26060 5475 Fax: (+43) 1 26060 7 5475 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.unodc.org 1 Development of Monitoring Instruments for Judicial and Law Enforcement Institutions in the Western Balkans 2009-2011 Background Research on Systems and Context 2 Development of Monitoring Instruments for Judicial and Law Enforcement Institutions in the Western Balkans 2009-2011 Background Research on Systems and Context Justice and Home Affairs Statistics in the Western Balkans April 2010 3 Acknowledgements Funding for this report was provided by the European Commission under the CARDS 2006 Regional Action Programme. This report was produced under the responsibility of Statistics and Surveys Section (SASS) and Regional Programme Office for South Eastern Europe (RPOSEE) of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) based on research conducted by the European Institute for Crime Prevention and Control affiliated with the United Nations (HEUNI) and the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD). -
Why Montenegro's Protests Are Unlikely to Spell the End for Milo
blogs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2015/11/20/why-montenegros-protests-are-unlikely-to-spell-the-end-for-milo-dukanovic/ Why Montenegro’s protests are unlikely to spell the end for Milo Đukanović Starting in late September, Montenegro has experienced a stream of protests, with police at times resorting to the use of force to disperse protesters. Mirko Bošković writes that initially the protests were driven by an opposition party, the Democratic Front, and were perceived to be largely pro- Russian and anti-NATO in nature. While this ensured a substantial part of the country’s civil society did not participate in the demonstrations when they first began, the situation changed dramatically following the authorities’ attempts to repress the movement. The anti-government character of the demonstrations has now taken centre stage, with protesters calling for ‘the first free and fair elections in the history of Montenegro’ and the end of Milo Đukanović‘s 26-year-long rule. The ongoing protests that are taking place in Montenegro’s capital Podgorica started on 27 September, when the Democratic Front (DF), a composite coalition of opposition parties with different ideologies, placed tents on the boulevard in front of the Parliament, in an act reminiscent of the recent protests in neighbouring Macedonia. The demonstrations were directed against the government but also against Montenegro’s NATO membership. Officially, the goal of the protesters was not only to stop Montenegro’s advance toward joining NATO, whose invitation is expected to come on 1 December, but the timing of the demonstrations and the way in which the protesters have acted could not hide that objective. -
1998 Montenegro R01761
Date Printed: 11/03/2008 JTS Box Number: IFES 8 Tab Number: 11 Document Title: Republic of Montenegro: Voter Awareness Assessment Legal Review, Nov 1997-Feb Document Date: 1998 Document Country: Montenegro IFES ID: R01761 A L o F \ o REpUBLIC OF MONTENEGRO VOTER AWARENESS ASSESSMENT LEGAL REVIEW NOVEMBER 1997 - FEBRUARY 1998 PREPARED By: CATHERINE BARNES, PROJECT TEAM LEADER ALEXANDRA LEV ADITIS, PROGRAM ASSISTANT DANIEL FINN, LEGAL ADVISOR IFES ~ International Foundation for Election Systems 1l0115th Street, NW, Third Floor Washington, DC 20005 This Report was made possible by a grant/rom the United States Agency for International Development (USA/D). The opinions expressed in this Report are solely of the International Foundation/or Election Systems (IFES). This material is in the public domain and may be reproduced wilhout permission, citation is appreciated. REpUBLIC OF MONTENEGRO VOTER AWARENESS ASSESSMENT LEGAL REVIEW NOVEMBER 1997-FEBRUARY 1998 ISBN 1-879720-48-5 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................•................................................... :.................................................... 1 VOTER AWARENESS ASSESSMENT I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................5 A. MISSION BACKGROUND .......................................................................................5 B. MISSION OBJECTIVES ...........................................................................................5 C. SCOPE OF MISSION ...............................................................................................6 -
Montenegro, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 22 April 2001
CG/CP (8) 5 REV Standing Committee Report on the observation of the early parliamentary elections in Montenegro, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia 22 April 2001 Rapporteur : Mr Tomas JIRSA (Czech Republic) Adopted by the Standing Committee on 31 May 2001 --------------------------- At the invitation of Mr Svetozar Marovic, President of the Montenegrin Parliament, and of the Yugoslav authorities, through their Consul General in Strasbourg, the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe (CLRAE) was invited to observe the early parliamentary elections held on 22 April 2001. The elections were called by the President of the Republic of Montenegro on 20 February, following the People's Party's withdrawal from the governing coalition and the Montenegrin Parliament's decision to dissolve itself. At its meeting of 7 March 2001, the Bureau of the Congress decided to send an observer delegation comprising Mr Tomas JIRSA (Czech Republic, L, Head of the delegation), Mrs Ayse Bahar CEBI (Turkey, L), Mr Fabio PELLEGRINI (Italy, L), Mr Constantinos TATSIS (Greece, R) and Mrs Lea TOLONEN (Finland, R), accompanied by Mr Alessandro MANCINI and Miss Sylvie AFFHOLDER (Congress Secretariat). Meanwhile, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe had appointed six observers: Mr Andreas GROSS (Switzerland, SOC), Mrs Vera SQUARCIALUPI (Italy, SOC), Mr Lauri VAHTRE (Estonia, EPP), Mr Claude FREY (Switzerland, LDR), Mr Cevdet AKÇALI (Turkey, EGD) and Mr Pierre GOLDBERG (France, UEL), accompanied by three members of its Secretariat. The Council of Europe delegation worked closely with the election observation mission appointed by the OSCE/ODIHR and wishes to thank Mr Vulchanov, Head of the Mission, and his team for their assistance and logistical support. -
Corruption in Montenegro: BRIBERY AS EXPERIENCED by the POPULATION
Vienna International Centre, PO Box 500, 1400 Vienna, Austria Tel.: (+43-1) 26060-0, Fax: (+43-1) 26060-5866, www.unodc.org CORRUPTION IN MONTENEGRO BRIBERY AS EXPERIENCED BY THE POPULATION BRIBERY Corruption in Montenegro: BRIBERY AS EXPERIENCED BY THE POPULATION Co-fi nanced by the European Commission UNITED NATIONS OFFICE ON DRUGS AND CRIME Vienna CORRUPTION IN MONTENEGRO: BRIBERY AS EXPERIENCED BY THE POPULATION Copyright © 2011, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime Acknowledgments This report was prepared by UNODC Statistics and Surveys Section (SASS) and Prism Research Research supervision and report preparation: Enrico Bisogno (SASS) Felix Reiterer (SASS) Michael Jandl (SASS) Serena Favarin (SASS) Philip Davis (SASS) Field research and data analysis: Dino Djipa (Prism Research) Adana Celik (Prism Research) Cover design: Suzanne Kunnen (STAS) Drafting and editing: Jonathan Gibbons Supervision: Sandeep Chawla (Director, Division of Policy Analysis and Public Affairs) Angela Me (Chief, SASS) The precious contribution of Milva Ekonomi for the development of survey methodology is gratefully acknowledged. This survey was conducted and this report prepared with the financial support of the European Commission and the Government of Norway. Sincere thanks are expressed to Roberta Cortese (European Commission) for her continued support. Disclaimers This report has not been formally edited. The contents of this publication do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of UNODC or contributory organizations and neither do they imply any endorsement. The designations employed and the presentation of material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion on the part of UNODC concerning the legal status of any country, territory or city or its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. -
Download This Publication
CMIREPORT Corruption in Montenegro 2007: Overview over Main Problems and Status of Reforms Marijana Trivunovic Vera Devine Harald Mathisen R 2007: 9 Corruption in Montenegro 2007: Overview over Main Problems and Status of Reforms Marijana Trivunovic Vera Devine Harald Mathisen R 2007: 9 CMI Reports This series can be ordered from: Chr. Michelsen Institute P.O. Box 6033 Postterminalen, N-5892 Bergen, Norway Tel: + 47 55 57 40 00 Fax: + 47 55 57 41 66 E-mail: [email protected] www.cmi.no Price: NOK 90 ISSN 0805-505X ISBN 978-82-8062-208-2 This report is also available at: www.cmi.no/publications Indexing terms Corruption Montenegro Project number 27072 Project title Sida: Study of Corruption in Montenegro Contents 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................................... 5 2. INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................... 10 3. OVERVIEW AND CONTEXT ................................................................................................................. 13 3. 1 DATA, PERCEPTIONS, AND EXPERIENCE OF CORRUPTION....................................................................... 13 3.2 HISTORIC AND STRUCTURAL FACTORS.................................................................................................... 14 4. POLITICAL CORRUPTION................................................................................................................... -
IFES Faqs Elections in Montenegro 2020 Parliamentary Elections
Elections in Montenegro 2020 Parliamentary Elections Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org August 20, 2020 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 What is at stake in these elections? ............................................................................................................. 1 What is the electoral system? ....................................................................................................................... 1 What is the campaign timeline and expenditure limit? ............................................................................... 2 Who is eligible to run as a candidate? .......................................................................................................... 2 Who is eligible to vote and how many registered voters are there? ........................................................... 3 What provisions are in place to guarantee equal access to the electoral process for women, persons with disabilities and other marginalized groups? ................................................................................................. 3 What is the election management body? What are its powers? ................................................................. 4 What are election authorities doing to safeguard the elections -
Montenegro's Contested Identity and the Failure of Yugoslavia
23 ZuZana Poláčková – Pieter C. van Duin independence lost and regained: Montenegro’s contested identity and the failure of Yugoslavia (1918-2006) This article examines the political evolution of Montenegro during the era of Yugoslavia (1918- 1992) and the subsequent years of political conflict that eventually led to the regaining of Montenegrin independence in 2006. The First World War and the formation of the Yugoslav state not only meant the end of independent Montenegro but also the emergence of a new political context in which internal Montenegrin antagonisms were played out. While a considerable proportion of Montenegrin Orthodox Slavs supported the multinational but Serb-dominated Yugoslav state, there was also a growing number of Montenegrins who wanted to restore the country’s autonomous or even independent status. This was implemented to some degree in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia but then was endangered again during the crisis of Yugoslavia in the 1980s and 1990s. In addition there was growing unrest among the Muslim minorities and civil protests against Montenegro’s participation on the side of the Serbs in the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. The final result was a stronger anti-Serbian stance not only among a part of the general population but also among a significant section of the old political elite. This eventually led to Montenegro regaining independence through a referendum in 2006. However, achieving independence meant that Montenegro’s other serious problems, including corruption, uneven economic development and deficient democratisation, came even more emphatically to the fore. key words: Montenegro; Yugoslavia; national identity; political conflict; religious friction; demo- cratic change introduction ‘The national question permeated every aspect of Yugoslavia’s public life after 1918. -
Party Outcomes in Hybrid Regimes in the Western Balkans and Beyond
Party Outcomes in Hybrid Regimes in the Western Balkans and Beyond By Ivan Vuković Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Supervisor: Professor Zsolt Enyedi Budapest, May 2014 Abstract Most political parties that had been ruling in hybrid regimes lost power as these regimes ceased to exist i.e. democratized. Yet, some of these parties remained politically dominant notwithstanding the regime change. This PhD thesis aims to offer a plausible explanation of their different political fates (here defined as party outcomes). Its main focus is on the incumbent parties in hybrid regimes that existed in Serbia, Croatia, and Montenegro during the last decade of the 20th century. In addition, the thesis looks at a larger population of similar cases with the ambition to contribute to a better general understanding of the diverging party outcomes. The thesis puts forward a theoretically innovative model explaining the party outcomes, founded upon the two assumptions: (1) the diverging fates of dominant parties in hybrid regimes are determined by these parties’ (lack of) institutionalization; (2) (the lack of) their institutionalization is determined by the salience of the national question in the process of political mobilization leading to the regime establishment. Process tracing method is employed to test the presence in the three cases under observation of the thus constructed causal mechanism linking the hypothesized conditions (nationalist mobilization and the lack of party institutionalization) and party outcome (the loss of power). The theoretical relevance of the results of the analysis, supported by numerous causal process observations (including, among others, 27 in-depth interviews), is subsequently assessed within a broader empirical domain. -
Serbia and Montenegro - OECD Republic of Montenegro
Sigma Public Management Profiles No. 6 Serbia and Montenegro - OECD Republic of Montenegro https://dx.doi.org/10.1787/5kmk186gh6hl-en SIGMA Support for Improvement in Governance and Management A joint initiative of the OECD and the European Union, principally financed by the EU PUBLIC MANAGEMENT PROFILES OF WESTERN BALKAN COUNTRIES SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO REPUBLIC OF MONTENEGRO (as of November 2003) For easier reference, separate Profiles have been established for the State Union level of Serbia and Montenegro, the Republic of Montenegro, and the Republic of Serbia. The province of Kosovo is governed, since June 1999, by the UN Interim Mission to Kosovo. A separate Profile of Kosovo follows the three Profiles of Serbia and Montenegro. 1 THE SIGMA PROGRAMME The Sigma Programme — Support for Improvement in Governance and Management — is a joint initiative of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the European Union, principally financed by the EU. Sigma supports partner countries in their efforts to improve governance and management by: • Assessing reform progress and identifying priorities against baselines which reflect good European practice and existing EU legislation (the acquis communautaire); • Assisting decision-makers and administrations in building institutions and setting up legal frameworks and procedures to meet European standards and good practice; • Facilitating donor assistance from the EU and other donors inside and outside Europe by helping to design projects, ensuring preconditions and supporting implementation. Sigma’s working partners are governments in: • Most EU candidate countries — Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia and Turkey. • Western Balkan countries — Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and Serbia and Montenegro / Montenegro, Serbia and Kosovo. -
Prepared Statement of Amb. Vesko Garcevic
THE US SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE: RUSSIAN INTERFIRENCE IN EUROPEAN ELECTIONS Russia and Montenegro Testimony of Ambassador Vesko Garčević Professor of the Practice of International Relations The Frederick Pardee School of Global Studies Boston University June 28, 2017, Washington DC Dear Mr. Chairman Burr, Dear Vice Chairman Warner, Distinguished Members of the Senate Committee on Intelligence. Thank you very much for giving me the opportunity to speak to you today on continuous Russia’s interference in Montenegro’s home affairs over the past few years. Introduction For years, the Balkans has slipped out of the attention of the EU and the US. Not being fully integrated into the European and Euro-Atlantic structures, it has become an ideal target for Russia that found its way to influence regional Governments and sway them to more favorable position for Moscow. Russian politicians, MPs, representatives of various Russian “institutes” and groups are frequently visiting the Region. Semi-official Russian cultural and religious organizations have been flourishing in the recent past. They are established to provide necessary political and financial support to Reginal political parties, leaders, intellectuals, media outlets with a solid Russian connection. In the Western Balkans1, Russia has a plenty of soft power means at its disposal. Cultural closeness, historic ties, identical religious roots make Russia and the Russian people close to ordinary citizens in the Balkans, which Russia smartly utilizes to expand its political and economic influence. Montenegro has a particularly interesting position in Moscow’s eyes. Its geographical location makes this country far more relevant in given European security and political context than one may conclude judging its size.