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Constructing Melchior Lorichs's 'Panorama of Constantinople'

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Constructing Melchior Lorichs's 'Panorama of Constantinople' Constructing Melchior Lorichs's 'Panorama of Constantinople' Article Published Version Westbrook, N., Dark, K. R. and Van Meeuwen, R. (2010) Constructing Melchior Lorichs's 'Panorama of Constantinople'. Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 69 (1). pp. 62-87. ISSN 0037-9808 doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2010.69.1.62 Available at http://centaur.reading.ac.uk/17732/ It is advisable to refer to the publisher’s version if you intend to cite from the work. See Guidance on citing . To link to this article DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2010.69.1.62 Publisher: University of California Press All outputs in CentAUR are protected by Intellectual Property Rights law, including copyright law. Copyright and IPR is retained by the creators or other copyright holders. Terms and conditions for use of this material are defined in the End User Agreement . www.reading.ac.uk/centaur CentAUR Central Archive at the University of Reading Reading’s research outputs online Constructing Melchior Lorichs’s Panorama of Constantinople nigel westbrook The University of Western Australia kenneth rainsbury dark University of Reading rene van meeuwen The University of Western Australia elchior Lorichs’s Panorama of Constantinople of into the construction of the modern panorama and calcu- 1559, recently published as an excellent facsimile lated the relationship between horizon and topography, uti- with an introduction by Cyril Mango and accom- lizing an instrument of his own devising, called the “horizon M 3 panying commentary by Mango and Stéphane Yerasimos, is and radius.” This method of description was far from purely one of the most significant recordings of the Byzantine and objective, as Terry Comito has noted, and had the potential Ottoman capital, and is perhaps the earliest attempt to por- to transform the perception of reality for its viewer: “Once tray the city accurately (Figure 1).1 It depicts, in considerable the only limit is the horizon, one is forced to admit . that detail, both known and unknown structures, including many any ‘centre’ is merely subjective. Place itself (locus) becomes significant buildings, both Byzantine and Ottoman, which merely location (locatio), the mind’s determination for its own later disappeared or were substantially modified (Figures 2, ends.”4 3). It will be argued that the panorama, because of the appar- Melchior Lorichs’s Panorama of Constantinople is such a ent objectivity and relative veracity of its composition, may perspectival representation dating to the Renaissance period, be used to determine the actual location of such buildings, and may provide evidence that can be used to reconstruct the thus assisting archaeological and architectural research into city that Lorichs saw, with the surviving traces of its Byzan- the topography of the Byzantine and early Ottoman city. tine predecessor that were visible in the sixteenth century. If Although it is usual to associate panoramic representa- this should be so, the panorama would be a key graphic tion with the nineteenth-century fascination with the emerg- source for both the early Ottoman and Byzantine capitals. ing industrialized metropolis, the genre has a much longer Indeed it has previously been used in an attempt to recon- history.2 For example, Alberti’s method for surveying a city struct the architectural form of the first mosque erected by utilized perspective to focus on the significant urban ele- Mehmet II, the Ottoman conqueror of the city.5 However, ments and monuments—the places of worship, defining in order for it to be used as evidence, it must be determined walls, and river—working outward from the area defined as whether the drawing is an attempt to represent things pre- the most hierarchically central. Alberti introduced surveying cisely as they were, or whether Lorichs adopted conventions that lessen the evidential value of the representation: Can the Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 69, no. 1 (March 2010), 62–87. ISSN drawing be described as predominantly an empirical or an 0037-9808, electronic ISSN 2150-5926. © 2010 by the Society of Architectural Historians. allegorical composition?6 If it is both, can the boundaries All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’s Rights and Permissions web- between accurate representation and symbolic meaning be site, http://www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintInfo.asp. DOI: 10.1525/jsah.2010.69.1.62. defined? JSAH6901_05.indd 62 2/4/10 2:58 PM Figure 1 Melchior Lorichs (Lorck), Panorama of Istanbul, Byzantivm sive Costantineopolis, 1559; sheets I–XXI. See JSAH online for a zoomable image (University of Leiden, the Netherlands) Figure 2 Sebah and Joaillier, Panorama de Constantinople, pris de La Tour de Galata, ca. 1880, detail (Library of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division, Abdul Hamid II Collection, LOT 8931 no. 1 [H size]). See JSAH online for a zoomable image of the entire panorama Figure 3 Istanbul peninsula from top of Galata Tower, 2009 (author). See JSAH online for a zoomable color image C o n s t r u C t i n g M e l C h i o r lo r i C h s ’ s Pa n o r a M a of Constantino P l e 63 JSAH6901_05.indd 63 2/4/10 2:58 PM The first component of this inquiry, a prelude to ad- The Lorichs panorama is remarkable both for its rarity, dressing its value as a historical source, is to determine how as the earliest apparently reliable “prospective” document of Lorichs’s panorama was constructed. There are grounds for the urban form of Istanbul, and as one of the earliest perspec- arguing that it represents the reality of the view it purports tivally based urban panoramas, apparently produced through to show. To test this, it is necessary to place Lorichs’s pan- the assembly of field drawings, and corresponding to the orama in the context of earlier and contemporary representa- view from ground level, or from elevated structures, in con- tions of Constantinople; to consider the circumstances and trast to the earlier convention of the bird’s-eye view. The techniques of its production, in particular the drawing equip- panorama is 11.45 meters long and 45 centimeters high, and ment and Lorichs’s viewpoints and visual priorities; and, fi- comprises twenty one sheets joined together to show the en- nally, to discuss the viewing positions used to produce the tire urban vista of the peninsula of Istanbul, as viewed from panorama, in order to compare his depiction with the exist- locations along the northern shore of the Golden Horn.10 ing topography of the city center. The composite drawing forms a continuous image, stretch- Because the major cultural monuments of Istanbul were ing from Üskudar and Seraglio Point (Saray Burnu) on the the focal points for mapping and representation, they were extreme left, to the land walls and the landscape beyond to emphasized by topographers, and the interstitial urban fab- Eyüp, to the right. It is drawn with black and brown ink on ric was either left out, or in the case of the Lorichs pan- paper, with coloring added in water-based pigment. All over orama, was recorded in a relatively direct, non-symbolic the drawing, but concentrated in the central and western manner. Thus, the focus of the comparison of the actual and sections that depict to the old urban core, are a number of depicted cityscape will be the commonplace infrastructure Danish inscriptions, both simple titles of building features depicted in the vicinity of the major monuments. This and discursive topographical notes. Some inscriptions refer should minimize distortions resulting from the prejudices to features that are not shown in the drawing because they of the artist or cartographer. are hidden by the brow of the peninsula, but are nonetheless considered to be of topographical importance. These hidden features may have been examined by Lorichs, or perhaps he The Artist derived his knowledge of them from earlier representations In 1555 the artist Melchior Lorichs (b. 1526/7), a young no- such as that of Vavassore. bleman from Flensburg in the Duchy of Schleswig-Holstein— The sophisticated nature of the drawing raises questions then ruled by the Danish monarchy—was employed by the about the experience and training of the artist. Alexandrine ambassador of the Holy Roman Emperor, if not directly by St. Clair has noted, on the basis both of Lorichs’s letters, the emperor himself, to accompany the imperial ambassador autobiographical account, and encomia written during his to Istanbul as a member of his entourage. It is not known lifetime, that the artist started his career apprenticed to a whether he went of his own free will or if he was constrained goldsmith in Lübeck, a common training for artists who spe- to do so “to renew his coat of arms and noble status,” after his cialized in engraving and woodcuts, after which he obtained failure to honor a contract he had made with the king of Den- work as an artist with aristocratic patrons at the court of the mark, a relative of the emperor.7 In 1559, he was permitted Holy Roman Empire at the Diet of Augsburg and in Den- by the Ottoman Sultan Süleyman II (the Magnificent) to pre- mark. He also worked for a year in Nuremberg.11 He is pare a panoramic drawing of his capital, as viewed from loca- known to have traveled to the Netherlands and Italy (Venice, tions along the northern shore of the Golden Horn. This Bologna, Florence and Rome; a drawing after antique sculp- drawing recorded in unprecedented detail both the ancient tures in Rome is dated 1551).12 A survey of the collections of (that is, Byzantine) and modern, early Ottoman structures of his drawings and engravings in the Statens Museum for the city, surpassing in its verisimilitude earlier bird’s-eye de- Kunst in Copenhagen, the Flensburg Museum in Schleswig- pictions such as the so-called Vavassore view of the city (ca.
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