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ESSAY on the GENERATIVE PRINCIPLE of POLITICAL CONSTITUTIONS Joseph De Maistre

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ESSAY on the GENERATIVE PRINCIPLE of POLITICAL CONSTITUTIONS Joseph De Maistre Joseph De Maistre ESSAY ON THE GENERATIVE PRINCIPLE OF POLITICAL CONSTITUTIONS Joseph De Maistre Essay on the Generative Principle of Political Constitutions New Direction | OMP Essay on the generative principle of political constitutions is based on the edition published: Boston, Little and Brown, 1847. MMXX CONTENTS Founded by Margaret Thatcher in 2009 as the intellectual hub of European Conservativism, New Direction has established academic networks across Europe and research partnerships throughout the world. Introduction: Tomasz Poręba MEP 7 Preface: Jacek Kloczkowski 11 Essay on the Generative Principle of Political Constitutions 29 Notice by the Translator 31 Preface 33 New Direction is registered in Belgium as a not-for-profit organisation and is partly funded by the European Parliament. Registered Office: Rue du Trône, 4, 1000 Brussels, Belgium President: Tomasz Poręba MEP Executive Director: Witold de Chevilly Essay on the Generative Principle of Political Constitutions 43 The European Parliament and New Direction assume no responsibility for the opinions expressed in this publication. Sole liability rests with the author. 7 INTRODUCTION Tomasz Poręba MEP onservatism is primarily associated with opposition to sudden political changes. Such an image is undoubtedly influenced C by the fact that its origins, as a separate ideological-political trend, are commonly sought in the actions against the slogans and practices of the French Revolution of 1789, especially in the criticism of the radicalization of revolutionary governments after they were taken over by the Jacobins. Indeed, it was then that with both great talent and extraordinary power of persuasion, the revolutionary theories and practices were attacked by high-class thinkers, like Edmund Burke, Joseph de Maistre, and Louis de Bonald, who laid the foundations for a conservative reflection on reality. Since then, conservatism has been recognized – although for this reason it is assessed in different ways – as the most expressive alternative to radicalism striving to destroy the existing orders, and to the abstract political and social theories ignoring both tradition and experience advocated by radicals. Nonetheless, this is far too narrow a view of what conservatism is and what role it can and should play. Not only in times of revolutions or other disturbances and violent upheavals political community finds useful the conservative moderation, protection of traditional, evolutionarily developed customs, local colour and diversity – and the common sense associated with these values. Even in times of stability, when there are no signs of major threats to the current order, it is worthwhile to prophylactically protect what is valuable. After all, it is better to avoid acute crises than to fight them later. 8 9 But it is also a mistake to equate conservatism only with reluctance Old conservative books do not contain ready-made solutions on to change or defending a given status quo. Such an understanding how to deal with these modern threats. To the modern reader, who would lead to the conclusion that conservatives should protect also wishes to find recipes for now, this lack of simple answers may seem the orders that are fully non-conservative as well as threatening to disappointing. A conservative, however, if he has learnt well the lessons all which conservatives consider valuable in politics, culture or social of the classics of conservatism, is perfectly aware that as the political, life. There are situations when a conservative must even be focused cultural, and social conditions change, various political forms gain or on a thorough change of the status quo, although carried out with lose their value. Therefore, both the dogmatic attachment to certain appropriate caution and the awareness of his own limitations, which solutions or the imposition of them on countries and nations that his opponents often lack. It is not worth defending a given state of have followed a different path is often a dangerous mistake. On the affairs at all costs, if there are elements which need improving. Neither other hand, a conservative should look for inspiration in the heritage does it make sense to idealize the past by force. Though, it is always of conservative thought as well as treat it as a great lesson in political worth drawing conclusions from it. The legacy of the conservative thinking. He should also popularize this heritage in order to combat the thought of the past centuries gives a lot of room for expression here, long-lingering myth that there is no alternative to left-liberal ideas that and can still become an excellent inspiration in dealing with the have largely dominated the political and academic ‘mainstream’ of the current dilemmas. Western world. Conservatives are facing many such challenges and dilemmas in the Based on this belief, New Direction – The Foundation for European present times. In many countries of the Western world, they are pushed Reform of Brussels and the Centre for Political Thought of Krakow to the margins of both political and intellectual life, and those who wish undertook the initiative to publish selections of the classics of to place them there transform reality in a way that not only disregards the conservative thought. It includes diverse authors who took different lessons of the past, but is directly dangerous to the harmony of freedom and positions on many issues. As this is how conservatism has always been – order, without which the continued successful development of political also before the French Revolution when it was still unnamed. It always communities would be difficult. Political correctness certainly limits the drew on different national traditions, emphasized various principles, and freedom of public debate. Opinions, until recently treated as ordinary referred to various practical experiences. In order to better understand voices in a discussion, are now stigmatized as inappropriate. Those who the nature of politics and the cultural processes taking place before our preach them not only face ruthless criticism, but often are eradicated from eyes, it is precisely this ambiguity and the wealth of experiences captured many media, including those introducing themselves as objective and by the classics of conservative thought that can be especially inspiring. pluralistic. There are attempts to marginalize them also in the academia. And it is exactly this decent, reasonable inspiration which, among other The arbitrariness of solutions enforced by the political ‘mainstream’ things, the Western world needs so very much right now. is often clearly visible also within the European Union, the evolution of which towards left-liberalism is legitimately causing concern among conservative circles. At the same time, the crisis currently affecting the Western world increases the risk of growing popularity of various radical ideas, in facing which this political ‘mainstream’ and its media are either helpless or even naively favourable. In such a situation, conservatives must present a clear alternative to these trends and phenomena – which they need to try to consistently promote and implement wherever possible. 11 PREFACE Jacek Kloczkowski e was accused of the worst political inclinations, starting from being almost a precursor of fascism(1), he was called “a H wild absolutist, a furious theocrat, an implacable legitimist, an apostle of the monstrous trinity of the pope, king, and execution- er”(2). It was admitted that he “liked and knew how to provoke bril- liantly”, but on the same breath it was added that “he used anathema with fierce cruelty”, creating “a work full of monstrosities, a system that continues to enslave us and make us quail”(3). Others, on the oth- er hand, emphasized the virtues of his writing, such as the outstand- ing style of this “great, incomparable master of words”, who wrote works containing “pages [...] which, in terms of comparable strength, imagination, poetry, are hard to find in any literature”(4). They argued (1) Isaiah Berlin described de Maistre as “a kind of protagonist of the militant anti-rational fascism of modern times”, also adding that this is exactly “what makes him so interesting”. I. Berlin, Introduction, [in:] J. de Maistre, Considerations on France, translated and edited by R. L. Lebrun, Cambridge 2003, p. XXXII. See also, I. Berlin, Joseph de Maistre and the Origins of Fascism, “The New York Review of Books”, 27 September 1990, 11 and 25 October 1990. (2) É. Faguet, Politiques et moralistes du dix-neuvième siècle, Première Série, Paris 1891, p. 1. (3) E. Cioran, Joseph de Maistre. Esej o myśli reakcyjnej [Joseph de Maistre. An Essay on Reactional Thought], [in:] idem, Ćwiczenia z zachwytu. Eseje i portrety [Exercises in delight. Essays and Portraits], transl. J. M. Kłoczowski, Warszawa 1998, p. 5. (4) J. Klaczko, Listy włoskie [The Italian Letters], [in:] idem, Wędrówki włoskie [The Italian Wanders], Kraków 2014, p. 35. The Polish conservative – once a star of European political journalism – who as- sessed de Maistre extremely highly, and yet once made a comparison that said a lot about how the Savo- yard was perceived also in the circles very much inclined to him: “De Maistre must become aware here, because the German chancellor was able to speak cruelly just like him, when he elicited “iron and fire” with undeniable rudeness.” This remark was a commentary to one of Otto von Bismarck’s statements (“the decision will come from God, but from the God of wars, when he throws the iron dice of destiny from his hand!”) – thus to a symbol of a blunt and ruthless policy (idem, Dwaj kanclerze i inne studia dyplomatyczne [The Two Chancellors and other studies in diplomacy], Kraków 2009, p. 51). 12 13 that “he constructed aphorisms which, despite the exaggeration in- Joseph de Maistre, not only with his language and style, but also with herent in man’s nature, would remain the great norms of societies, his mind, aspiration, and even with his philosophical view of humanity which [...] in critical times are always referred to by journalists, ap- and its history, was a true son of France: one could boldly take him for parently these the most hostile towards him”(5).
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