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Underclass, Overclass, Ruling Class, Supernova Class1
EIGHT Underclass, overclass, ruling class, supernova class1 Danny Dorling Introduction One man in his mid-thirties hoped that his six-figure income would grow rapidly, and admitted that his assets would be valued at nearly a million pounds. He held strong views about poverty. “There is no poverty. Now you can get money from the state. People don’t even have to go to work. You don’t have to put up with working in an unrewarding situation.” He strongly disagreed with the propositions that the gap between rich and poor was too wide and that the rich should be more highly taxed. He strongly opposed the idea of putting limits on “some people’s expensive way of living” to reduce poverty and disagreed with the statement that a lot of people entitled to claim benefits do not claim them. Finally, he strongly agreed that cuts in public services like health and education could be made without increasing the number of people in poverty and that, if there was any poverty, it was more likely to be reduced by increasing Britain’s wealth than by making incomes more equal. (Peter Townsend, describing the views of one of the new overclass of London, recorded in 1985-86; see Townsend, 1993, p 109) By 2010 one in ten of all Londoners had the wealth of the man who Peter had described some 25 years earlier as being part of a tiny elite 155 fighting poverty, inequality and social injustice (see Hills et al, 2010). The Hills inquiry into inequality revealed that one in ten Londoners now have wealth of nearly a million pounds, some 273 times the wealth of the poorest tenth of today’s Londoners. -
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Downloaded from https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781400001444 474 Journal of the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era / October 2009 Who Were the Gilders? And Other Seldom-Asked Questions about https://www.cambridge.org/core Business, Technology, and Political Economy in the United States, 1877- 1900 . By Richard K John, Columbia University Columbia University - Law Library Historians of the United States have for many decades termed the late nineteenth century the "Gilded Age." No consensus exists as to when this period began and ended, or how it might best be characterized. Most textbook authors place the origins of the Gilded Age around 1877 and its demise around 1900. Few would deny that this period witnessed a host of epochal , on innovations that included the rise of the modern industrial corporation, 03 Sep 2019 at 14:52:04 the building of large-scale technical systems, including the electric power grid, and the creation of governmental institutions that were conducive to rapid industrialization. Yet the significance of these innovations remained a matter of dispute. This essay contends that no synthetic account of the late nineteenth-century United States that aspires to be at all comprehensive , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at can ignore these innovations—innovations that have come to be known by various names such as the "managerial revolution," the "Second Industrial Revolution," and "modernization."1 It further contends that the reluctance of some of the most respected historians of business, technology, and political economy to embrace the Gilded Age construct raises questions about its utility as a periodizing device.2 'Robert J. -
Programmation De France Médias Monde Format
Mardi 14 mars 2017 RFI ET FRANCE 24 MOBILISEES A L’OCCASION DE LA JOURNEE DE LA LANGUE FRANCAISE DANS LES MEDIAS Lundi 20 mars 2017 Le 20 mars, RFI et France 24 s’associent à la troisième édition de la « Journée de la langue française dans les médias », initiée par le CSA, dans le cadre de la « Semaine de la langue française et de la Francophonie ». A cette occasion, RFI délocalise son antenne à l’Académie française et propose une programmation spéciale avec notamment l’annonce dans l’émission « La danse des mots » des résultats de son jeu « Speakons français » qui invitait, cette année, les auditeurs et internautes à trouver des équivalents français à des anglicismes courants utilisés dans le monde du sport. France 24 consacre reportages et entretiens à l’enjeu de la qualité de la langue française employée dans les médias qui, plus qu’un simple outil de communication, est une manière de comprendre le monde en le nommant. Les rédactions en langues étrangères de RFI sont également mobilisées, notamment à travers leurs émissions bilingues, qui invitent les auditeurs à se familiariser à la langue française. Celles-ci viennent appuyer le travail du service RFI Langue française, qui à travers le site RFI SAVOIRS met à disposition du grand public et des professionnels de l’éducation des ressources et outils pour apprendre le français et comprendre le monde en français. Enfin, France 24 diffusera, du 20 au 26 mars, les spots de sensibilisation « Dites-le en français » , réalisés par les équipes de France Médias Monde avec France Télévisions et TV5MONDE. -
Drainage on the Grand Prairie: the Birth of a Hydraulic Society on the Midwestern Frontier
Journal of Historical Geography xxx (2011) 1e14 Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect Journal of Historical Geography journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jhg Drainage on the Grand Prairie: the birth of a hydraulic society on the Midwestern frontier Samuel J. Imlay and Eric D. Carter* Grinnell College, 1118 Park St., Grinnell, IA 50112, United States Abstract The Grand Prairie of east central Illinois was notorious for a marshy environment that prevented dense agricultural settlement until late in the nineteenth century. While recent historicalegeographical scholarship has focused on innovations in drainage technology, drainage-related laws and institutions, and the ecological impacts of wetland reclamation, it has largely failed to account for the persistence of agrarian structure, and its key component, land tenure, on the Grand Prairie. Late-nineteenth-century reclamation efforts were not quite so transformative as previously believed. The same landed elite that dominated in the pre-drainage era quickly emerged atop a system of public drainage that held the key to the region’s economic future. In this paper, we extend Karl Wittfogel and Donald Worster’s theorizations about ‘hydraulic civilizations’ from the realm of irrigation to that of drainage. While drainage was indeed important in shaping the history of east central Illinois, we argue that a distinctive social order in east central Illinois emerged from, and was shaped by, an older agrarian structure that had developed in response to marshy, unpredictable conditions before drainage began in the late 1800s. The beneficiaries of the old order did not yield power easily, and instead skillfully capitalized on the new opportunities presented by drainage enterprises, to create a ‘hydraulic society’ on the prairie. -
Nineteenth-Century French Challenges to the Liberal Image of Russia
Ezequiel Adamovsky Russia as a Space of Hope: Nineteenth-century French Challenges to the Liberal Image of Russia Introduction Beginning with Montesquieu’s De l’esprit des lois, a particular perception of Russia emerged in France. To the traditional nega- tive image of Russia as a space of brutality and backwardness, Montesquieu now added a new insight into her ‘sociological’ otherness. In De l’esprit des lois Russia was characterized as a space marked by an absence. The missing element in Russian society was the independent intermediate corps that in other parts of Europe were the guardians of freedom. Thus, Russia’s back- wardness was explained by the lack of the very element that made Western Europe’s superiority. A similar conceptual frame was to become predominant in the French liberal tradition’s perception of Russia. After the disillusion in the progressive role of enlight- ened despotism — one must remember here Voltaire and the myth of Peter the Great and Catherine II — the French liberals went back to ‘sociological’ explanations of Russia’s backward- ness. However, for later liberals such as Diderot, Volney, Mably, Levesque or Louis-Philippe de Ségur the missing element was not so much the intermediate corps as the ‘third estate’.1 In the turn of liberalism from noble to bourgeois, the third estate — and later the ‘middle class’ — was thought to be the ‘yeast of freedom’ and the origin of progress and civilization. In the nineteenth century this liberal-bourgeois dichotomy of barbarian Russia (lacking a middle class) vs civilized Western Europe (the home of the middle class) became hegemonic in the mental map of French thought.2 European History Quarterly Copyright © 2003 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
'Resistance,' 'Cultural Radicalism,' and 'Self-Formation'
Popular Culture, ‘Resistance,’ ‘Cultural Radicalism,’ and ‘Self-Formation’ Comments on the Development of a Theory Kaspar Maase 1. PRELIMINARY COMMENTS This article follows up on the debate over the resistance potential of popular culture. The first part traces the historical constellation of ideas in which the question arose and remains to this day. The second part attempts to systematize different dimensions of ‘resistance.’ The third part examines the development and criticism of this approach in the field of Cultural Studies. This leads to the fourth part, which investigates the role “cultural radicalism” (Fluck, “Die Wissenschaft” 115) has played in this discussion. The fifth part introduces the concept of self-formation. The sixth discusses the ways in which the political relevance of popular culture has been evaluated, and how the ‘resistance’ approach can be further developed. ‘Resistance’ in a specific sense, namely that established in British Cultural Studies, forms the point of reference, framing the topic of this article in three ways. Firstly, the analysis will take place within the supposed context of a clash of interests between ‘the people’ and ‘the power bloc’; secondly, it will focus on the cultural dimension; and thirdly, it will investigate the cultural exercise of power and oppositional practices from the perspective of ‘the people’ with the intention of facilitating their empowerment. The thoughts of political and academic actors as to what exactly constitutes ‘resistance’ are as varied and contradictory as the concerns articulated by ‘the people.’ Nonetheless, there is a widespread expectation that research from the perspective of ‘the people’ has to promote 46 Kaspar Maase oppositional feelings, thoughts, and actions. -
Bibliothèque De L'institut De France Rapport D'activité
BIBLIOTHÈQUE DE L'INSTITUT DE FRANCE RAPPORT D’ACTIVITÉ 2016 par Françoise Bérard, conservateur général, directeur de la bibliothèque, avril 2017 SOMMAIRE Introduction. ....................................................................................................................................... 3 Principaux points 2016 ....................................................................................................................... 4 1. Moyens .......................................................................................................................................... 5 1.1 Budget ................................................................................................................................... 5 1.2 Personnel ............................................................................................................................... 6 1.3 Locaux .................................................................................................................................... 10 1.4 Équipement, fournitures, contrats, travaux .......................................................................... 12 1.5 Moyens informatiques .......................................................................................................... 12 2. Enrichissement des collections .................................................................................................... 14 2.1 Achats ................................................................................................................................... -
Krise Der Fortschrittsauffassung Und Strukturreflexion Auf Die Bürgerliche
HEINZ THOMA Krise der Fortschrittsauffassung und Strukturrefl exion auf die bürgerliche Formation: Aufklärung um 1900 in Frankreich I. Einleitung Das Rezeptions- und Wirkungsschicksal der Aufklärung war im 19. Jahrhundert noch wesentlich politisch vermittelt, Gegenstand direkter weltanschaulicher Ausei- nandersetzungen und bewegte sich in einem in der Regel national gefasstem Inter- pretationsparadigma. Nimmt man als Beispiel das Kernland der Aufklärung, Frankreich, so beginnt der Streit um die großen Orientierungen bereits im direk- ten Umfeld der Französischen Revolution. Hier wird sofort ein Zusammenhang dieser Ideen mit der gesellschaftlichen Umwälzung erörtert, so etwa in Madame de Staëls (1766–1817) De la littérature considérée dans ses rapports avec les institutions sociales (1800), eine erste große kulturgeschichtliche Bestandsaufnahme seit der Antike, die auch das Mittelalter einschloss. Dem Tableau littéraire de la France au XVIIIe siècle gilt eine Akademiepreisfrage (1805–1810) zum französischen 18. Jahrhundert, in deren Resultat ein Konglomerat aus Voltaire, Montesquieu und einem gereinigten Rousseau die Hauptlinie der auf Triumphalismus angeleg- ten Erbeaneignung der Mittelschichten bilden, und der einzige, dem Historismus zugeneigte, und anspruchsvollste Beitrag keine Chance auf angemessene Würdi- gung hat.1 Die Verbindung von Aufklärung und Revolution sehen ebenso, nur unter nega- tiven Vorzeichen, die französischen Th eoretiker der Konterrevolution, die, wie z. B. der Abbé Augustin Barruel (1741–1820) in seinen Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire du jacobinisme (1797–1799), in der Aufklärung eine Art Verschwörung mit dem Ziel des Umsturzes ausmachen, oder die, wie Louis de Bonald (1754– 1840) in Th éorie du pouvoir politique et religieux dans la société civile (1796) und schließlich Joseph de Maistre (1753–1821) in seinen Considérations sur la France (1797), die für die Kritik der Aufklärung als spezifi sch erachtete abstrakte Denk- weise am Beispiel von Rousseaus Contrat social für das Geschehen, speziell auch der Terreur verantwortlich machen. -
The Sixties Counterculture and Public Space, 1964--1967
University of New Hampshire University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository Doctoral Dissertations Student Scholarship Spring 2003 "Everybody get together": The sixties counterculture and public space, 1964--1967 Jill Katherine Silos University of New Hampshire, Durham Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.unh.edu/dissertation Recommended Citation Silos, Jill Katherine, ""Everybody get together": The sixties counterculture and public space, 1964--1967" (2003). Doctoral Dissertations. 170. https://scholars.unh.edu/dissertation/170 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. -
Alain Badiou France
Éloge des mathématiques L’auteur Zoom Alain Badiou est professeur émérite à l’École normale supérieure de la rue d’Ulm. Philosophe, dramaturge, essayiste, romancier, Platon, dans sa République, fait d’une longue éducation penseur politique dérangeant et polémiste, passionné de mathématique et de constants exercices de logique une mathématiques fondamentales et de logique formelle, il est condition impérative pour tout accès aux vérités. Seul celui qui l'auteur d'une œuvre riche et multiforme. abandonne son obéissance aux opinions dominantes pour ne se Il a signé nombre d'essais, aussi bien consacrés à des questions fier qu’aux vérités auxquelles sa pensée « participe » (c’est le ontologiques que politiques et métapolitiques comme La Théorie mot de Platon) peut parvenir au bonheur. du sujet, L'Être et l'événement - son ouvrage phare, publié en 1988 - ou Court traité d'ontologie transitoire. La pensée politique Cet éloge philosophique des mathématiques voudrait de cet ancien militant maoïste s'inscrit dans un engagement très s’interroger sur ce lien entre mathématiques, vérité et bonheur. marqué à gauche, comme en témoignent plusieurs ouvrages La voie est-elle dégagée pour quiconque est armé du savoir à pamphlétaires comme De quoi Sarkozy est-il le nom ? et la fois difficile et lumineux des mathématiques, de sorte que différentes réflexions autour de la réhabilitation du communisme la stratégie philosophique puisse dire à tout animal humain : dans des titres comme L'Hypothèse communiste, paru en 2009. « voici de quoi te convaincre que penser contre les opinions et Ces prises de position radicales suscitent régulièrement la au service de quelques vérités, loin d’être l’exercice ingrat et polémique et lui valent de recevoir de nombreuses critiques. -
Towards Cultural Democracy
University of Warwick institutional repository: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of Warwick http://go.warwick.ac.uk/wrap/36329 This thesis is made available online and is protected by original copyright. Please scroll down to view the document itself. Please refer to the repository record for this item for information to help you to cite it. Our policy information is available from the repository home page. TOWARDS CULTURAL DEMOCRACY: CONTRADICTION AND CRISIS IN BRITISH AND U.S. CULTURAL POLICY 1870 - 1990 CHRIS BILTON PH.D. THESIS UNIVERSITY OF WARWICK CENTRE FOR THE STUDY OF CULTURAL POLICY SCHOOL OF THEATRE STUDIES OCTOBER 1997 TABLE OF CONTENTS Summary (iv) Preface (v) Acknowledgements (vii) Notes (viii) Abbreviations (ix) Chapter 1: Introduction and Methodology: the Crisis of Cultural Democracy 1/ 1.1 The historical pattern: contradiction and crisis 1/ 1.2 The contradiction of cultural democracy 5/ 1.3 The origins of cultural democracy in Britain 12/ 1.4 Theoretical perspectives: the culturalist solution 17/ 1.5 Culturalism 2: culturalist optimikn and the new determinism 21/ 1.6 From theory to practice: culturalism and community arts 31/ Chapter 2: The Nineteenth Century Civilising Mission: A Study in Contradiction 40/ 2.1 The 'moment' of cultural reform 1870 - 1910 41/ 2.2 The conspiracy theory of cultural democratisation 44/ 2.3 Education and social class in the civilising mission 56/ 2.4 The settlement house: from 'useful culture' to 'neutral space' 64/ 2.5 Neutrality and sacrifice -
The Category of Violence in Modern Philosophy
Anna Szklarska Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny w Krakowie ORCID: 0000–0003–4424–2143 DOI 10.24917/20838972.16.1 The Category of Violence in Modern Philosophy Introduction: on violence research In this article, the author tries to present an outline of positions with- in the framework of modern and contemporary discourse on violence in a philosophical perspective. Following the most important violence theorists1, the author analyses the role of violence in shaping of culture and civilisation and tries to answer the question: why do people use vio- lence? How is it somehow inscribed in our condition? However, it is possible to propose various ways of defining and un- derstanding violence, and not just because there are various forms of violence, and there is a dispute among the thinkers themselves wheth- er it is of rational (Hannah Arendt)2 or irrational (Max Weber, Konrad Lorenz)3 nature. Violence is often perceived as a tool for exercising pow- er, and even as a method of settling a dispute over values. Through the centuries, the question was raised: is there a justified violence (e.g. as in the view of George W. Friedrich Hegel and Georges Sorel where it constitutes the condition and driving force of progress, or on the ba- sis of political realism, where it is legitimised by its relationship with law) as opposed to the one which is deprived of arguments? It is also a question about threats and hopes that we associate with violence. After all, the consequences of violence towards men and the world around them are various: such as the moral effects resulting from acceptance or denying violence.