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Underclass, Overclass, Ruling Class, Supernova Class1
EIGHT Underclass, overclass, ruling class, supernova class1 Danny Dorling Introduction One man in his mid-thirties hoped that his six-figure income would grow rapidly, and admitted that his assets would be valued at nearly a million pounds. He held strong views about poverty. “There is no poverty. Now you can get money from the state. People don’t even have to go to work. You don’t have to put up with working in an unrewarding situation.” He strongly disagreed with the propositions that the gap between rich and poor was too wide and that the rich should be more highly taxed. He strongly opposed the idea of putting limits on “some people’s expensive way of living” to reduce poverty and disagreed with the statement that a lot of people entitled to claim benefits do not claim them. Finally, he strongly agreed that cuts in public services like health and education could be made without increasing the number of people in poverty and that, if there was any poverty, it was more likely to be reduced by increasing Britain’s wealth than by making incomes more equal. (Peter Townsend, describing the views of one of the new overclass of London, recorded in 1985-86; see Townsend, 1993, p 109) By 2010 one in ten of all Londoners had the wealth of the man who Peter had described some 25 years earlier as being part of a tiny elite 155 fighting poverty, inequality and social injustice (see Hills et al, 2010). The Hills inquiry into inequality revealed that one in ten Londoners now have wealth of nearly a million pounds, some 273 times the wealth of the poorest tenth of today’s Londoners. -
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Downloaded from https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781400001444 474 Journal of the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era / October 2009 Who Were the Gilders? And Other Seldom-Asked Questions about https://www.cambridge.org/core Business, Technology, and Political Economy in the United States, 1877- 1900 . By Richard K John, Columbia University Columbia University - Law Library Historians of the United States have for many decades termed the late nineteenth century the "Gilded Age." No consensus exists as to when this period began and ended, or how it might best be characterized. Most textbook authors place the origins of the Gilded Age around 1877 and its demise around 1900. Few would deny that this period witnessed a host of epochal , on innovations that included the rise of the modern industrial corporation, 03 Sep 2019 at 14:52:04 the building of large-scale technical systems, including the electric power grid, and the creation of governmental institutions that were conducive to rapid industrialization. Yet the significance of these innovations remained a matter of dispute. This essay contends that no synthetic account of the late nineteenth-century United States that aspires to be at all comprehensive , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at can ignore these innovations—innovations that have come to be known by various names such as the "managerial revolution," the "Second Industrial Revolution," and "modernization."1 It further contends that the reluctance of some of the most respected historians of business, technology, and political economy to embrace the Gilded Age construct raises questions about its utility as a periodizing device.2 'Robert J. -
Drainage on the Grand Prairie: the Birth of a Hydraulic Society on the Midwestern Frontier
Journal of Historical Geography xxx (2011) 1e14 Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect Journal of Historical Geography journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jhg Drainage on the Grand Prairie: the birth of a hydraulic society on the Midwestern frontier Samuel J. Imlay and Eric D. Carter* Grinnell College, 1118 Park St., Grinnell, IA 50112, United States Abstract The Grand Prairie of east central Illinois was notorious for a marshy environment that prevented dense agricultural settlement until late in the nineteenth century. While recent historicalegeographical scholarship has focused on innovations in drainage technology, drainage-related laws and institutions, and the ecological impacts of wetland reclamation, it has largely failed to account for the persistence of agrarian structure, and its key component, land tenure, on the Grand Prairie. Late-nineteenth-century reclamation efforts were not quite so transformative as previously believed. The same landed elite that dominated in the pre-drainage era quickly emerged atop a system of public drainage that held the key to the region’s economic future. In this paper, we extend Karl Wittfogel and Donald Worster’s theorizations about ‘hydraulic civilizations’ from the realm of irrigation to that of drainage. While drainage was indeed important in shaping the history of east central Illinois, we argue that a distinctive social order in east central Illinois emerged from, and was shaped by, an older agrarian structure that had developed in response to marshy, unpredictable conditions before drainage began in the late 1800s. The beneficiaries of the old order did not yield power easily, and instead skillfully capitalized on the new opportunities presented by drainage enterprises, to create a ‘hydraulic society’ on the prairie. -
The Politics of Poverty: Elites, Citizens and States
The Politics of Poverty: Elites, Citizens and States Findings from ten years of DFID-funded research on Governance and Fragile States 2001–2010 A Synthesis Paper Acknowledgements This paper was written by DFID Research and Evidence Division Staff, with help and advice from Graeme Ramshaw of IDS and from the directors and staff of the four Re search centres. Disclaimer: This synthesis presents some key findings of DFID-funded research and the resulting policy recommendations of the researchers: it does not necessarily reflect DFID policy. Cover Photo: Justice and Peace Commissioners, Masisi, DR Congo. © Sarah MacGregor / DFID The Politics of Poverty: Elites, Citizens, and States EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Executive Summary Evidence shows that in order to deliver sustainable international development we must be able to understand and work with its politics. Governance describes the way countries and societies manage their affairs politically and the way power and authority are exercised. For the poorest and most vulnerable, the difference that good, or particularly bad, governance, makes to their lives is profound: the inability of government institutions to prevent conflict, provide basic security, or basic services can have life-or-death consequences; lack of opportunity can prevent generations of poor families from lifting themselves out of poverty; and the inability to grow economically and collect taxes can keep countries trapped in a cycle of aid-dependency. Understanding governance, therefore, is central to achieving development and ending conflict. During the 1990s donors came to realise that development required better ‘governance’, and DFID recognised early on the need to work with the research community to identify ways of improving governance for better development outcomes. -
Inside the Middle Class
Inside the Middle Class: Bad Times Hit the Good Life FOR RELEASE WEDNESDAY APRIL 9, 2008 12:00PM EDT Paul Taylor, Project Director Rich Morin, Senior Editor D'Vera Cohn, Senior Writer Richard Fry, Senior Researcher Rakesh Kochhar, Senior Researcher April Clark, Research Associate MEDIA INQUIRIES CONTACT: Pew Research Center 202 419 4372 http://pewresearch.org ii Table of Contents Foreword…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...3 Executive Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………5 Overview……………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7 Section One – A Self-Portrait 1. The Middle Class Defines Itself ………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………………..28 2. The Middle Class Squeeze………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………..…….36 3. Middle Class Finances ……………………………………………………………………………………………….…………….……………………..47 4. Middle Class Priorities and Values………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………….53 5. Middle Class Jobs ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………….65 6. Middle Class Politics…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………………71 About the Pew Social and Demographic Trends Project ……………………………………………………….…………………………….78 Questionnaire and topline …………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………………..79 Section Two – A Statistical Portrait 7. Middle Income Demography, 1970-2006…………………………………………………………………………………………………………110 8. Trends in Income, Expenditures, Wealth and Debt………………………………………..…………………………………………….140 Section Two Appendix ……………………………………………………….…………………………………………………………………………………..163 -
Butterfly Effects: the Possibilities of Law Teaching in a Democracy*
Duke Law Journal VOLUME 41 FEBRUARY 1992 NUMBER 4 BUTTERFLY EFFECTS: THE POSSIBILITIES OF LAW TEACHING IN A DEMOCRACY* PAUL D. CARRINGTON** INTRODUCTION New legal institutions are being formed at an astonishing pace in 1992. From Cambodia to Croatia, from Pretoria to Bogota, in the for- mer territory of the Soviet Union, and the federation taking shape in western Europe, the work of constructing new polities proceeds apace. It would be far too much to say that all of these developments are proceeding along the lines of our American model; others, of course, think for themselves. Yet it is clear that many of the ideas embraced by Americans in the late eighteenth century are finding favor with many, perhaps most, of the plentiful founders of 1992. Political accountability of the governors to the governed and government limited by law seem, for example, to be generally accepted premises of contemporary govern- mental reform. The tradition of American law teaching had its origins in precisely these premises. It seems not unlikely, therefore, that the subject of legal education will reach the agendas of today's founders as well. This Arti- cle is therefore written to assist the thinking of those in distant places who may in 1992 or soon thereafter consider the possible role of law teaching as a foundation of restrained democratic government. * Some of this Article appears in a shorter piece prepared especially for English readers. See Paul D. Carrington, Aftermath, in ESSAYS FOR PATRICK ATIYAH 113 (1991). ** Chadwick Professor of Law, Duke University. The author is grateful for comments on earlier drafts by Francis Allen, Barbara Babcock, David Barnhizer, George Christie, John Frank, Walter Gellhorn, Martin Golding, Erwin Griswold, Stanley Hauerwas, Wythe Holt, Kenneth Karst, Richard Maxwell, Jeffrey O'Connell, Jefferson Powell, Thomas Rowe, Theodore St. -
State and Ruling Class in Corporate America
STATE AND RULING CLASS IN CORPORATE AMERICA G. William Domhoff On top of the gradually-merging social layers of blue and white col- lar workers in the United States, there is, a very small social upper class which comprises at most 1% of the population and has a very diVerent life style from the rest of us. Members of this privileged class, accord- ing to sociological studies, live in secluded neighborhoods and well- guarded apartment complexes, send their children to private schools, announce their teenage daughters to the world by means of debutante teas and debutante balls, collect expensive art and antiques, play backgam- mon and dominoes at their exclusive clubs, and travel all around the world on their numerous vacations and junkets. There is also in America, an extremely distorted distribution of wealth and income. Throughout the twentieth century, the top 1% or so of wealth-holders have owned 25–30% of all wealth and 55–65% of the wealth that really counts, corporate stock in major businesses and banks. But even that is not the whole story, for a mere .1% have at least 19% of all the wealth in the country—190 times as much as they would have if everyone had an equal share. As for income, well, the maldis- tribution is not quite as bad. But one recent study argues that if income from capital gains is included, the top 1.5% of wealthholders receive 24% of yearly national income. And, as all studies on matters of wealth and income are quick to point out, these estimates are conservative. -
The American Middle Class, Income Inequality, and the Strength of Our Economy New Evidence in Economics
The American Middle Class, Income Inequality, and the Strength of Our Economy New Evidence in Economics Heather Boushey and Adam S. Hersh May 2012 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG The American Middle Class, Income Inequality, and the Strength of Our Economy New Evidence in Economics Heather Boushey and Adam S. Hersh May 2012 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 9 The relationship between a strong middle class, the development of human capital, a well-educated citizenry, and economic growth 23 A strong middle class provides a strong and stable source of demand 33 The middle class incubates entrepreneurs 39 A strong middle class supports inclusive political and economic institutions, which underpin growth 44 Conclusion 46 About the authors 47 Acknowledgements 48 Endnotes Introduction and summary To say that the middle class is important to our economy may seem noncontro- versial to most Americans. After all, most of us self-identify as middle class, and members of the middle class observe every day how their work contributes to the economy, hear weekly how their spending is a leading indicator for economic prognosticators, and see every month how jobs numbers, which primarily reflect middle-class jobs, are taken as the key measure of how the economy is faring. And as growing income inequality has risen in the nation’s consciousness, the plight of the middle class has become a common topic in the press and policy circles. For most economists, however, the concepts of “middle class” or even inequal- ity have not had a prominent place in our thinking about how an economy grows. This, however, is beginning to change. -
THE USE of the FRENCH LANGUAGE in LEO TOLSTOY's NOVEL, WAR and PEACE by OLGA HENRY MICHAEL D. PICONE, COMMITTEE CHAIR ANDREW
THE USE OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE IN LEO TOLSTOY’S NOVEL, WAR AND PEACE by OLGA HENRY MICHAEL D. PICONE, COMMITTEE CHAIR ANDREW DROZD MARYSIA GALBRAITH A THESIS Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Modern Languages and Classics in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2016 Copyright Olga Henry 2016 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT This study comprises an inventory and an analysis of the types of code-switching and the reasons for code-switching in Leo Tolstoy’s novel, War and Peace. The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in Russia were marked by multilingualism among the nobility. The French language, in particular, was widely known and used in high society. Indeed, French was considered expressively superior to Russian (Offord, Ryazanova-Clarke, Rjéoutski & Argent, 2015). Then as now, code-switching was a common phenomenon among bilinguals. There were subjects discussed specifically in French, and others in Russian, in Tolstoy’s novel, which represents the life in Russia between 1807 and 1812, and which was constructed to reflect the nature of the time period and its characteristics. In this paper, using the theoretical model proposed by Myers-Scotton (1995) based on markedness, an identification is made of reasons for using code-switching. This is correlated with René Appel and Pieter Muysken’s (1987) five functions of code-switching; and Benjamin Bailey’s (1999) three functional types of switching. A delineation is also made of the types of topics discussed in the French language by the Russian aristocracy, the types of code-switching used most frequently, and the base language of code- switching in Tolstoy’s novel. -
Beyond an Underclass: an Essay on Up-Front Politics
The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare Volume 20 Issue 1 March Article 3 March 1993 Beyond An Underclass: An Essay on Up-Front Politics Paula L. Dressel Georgia State University Jeff Porterfield Georgia State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/jssw Part of the Politics and Social Change Commons, and the Social Work Commons Recommended Citation Dressel, Paula L. and Porterfield, Jeff (1993) "Beyond An Underclass: An Essay on Up-Front Politics," The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare: Vol. 20 : Iss. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/jssw/vol20/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you by the Western Michigan University School of Social Work. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Beyond An Underclass: An Essay on Up-Front Politics PAULA L. DRESSEL & JEFF PORTERFIELD Georgia State University Department of Sociology Debate about underclass conceptualization has once again forced sociol- ogists to acknowledge the political context and implications of our work. This article extends the criticalexamination of underclass conceptualiza- tion to relatively undeveloped but politically important areas of concern. Initially we discuss the political economic context of conceptual contro- versies surrounding poverty. With a preference for structural analysis, we call for the return of class to economically marginalized people and suggest how that goal might be enhanced by a focus on relations of distribution as well as production. Valuing subjects' vantage points, we recommend how sociologists' work can return agency and diversity to economically marginalized people. Finally, acknowledging the agency of sociologists, we call for greater attention to the implications of our class positions for how we, too, make history, either by intention or default. -
The Dangerous Class: the Concept of the Lumpenproletariat
Review The dangerous class: The concept of the lumpenproletariat Clyde W. Barrow, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 2020, xii+196pp., ISBN: 978-0472132249 Contemporary Political Theory (2021). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41296-021-00487-9 An oft-cited description of the lumpenproletariat comes from Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. The Parisian lumpenproletariat that Louis Bonaparte recruited during the French class struggles of 1848–1851 in order to defeat the proletariat and ultimately to seize state power consisted of the following: Alongside decayed roue´s with dubious means of subsistence and of dubious origin, alongside ruined and adventurous offshoots of the bourgeoisie, were vagabonds, discharged soldiers, discharged jailbirds, escaped galley slaves, swindlers, mountebanks, lazzaroni, pickpockets, tricksters, gamblers, ma- quereaus, brothel keepers, porters, literati, organ grinders, ragpickers, knife grinders, tinkers, beggars – in short, the whole indefinite, disintegrated mass, thrown hither and thither, which the French call la bohe`me (1963: 75). As self-interested hustlers whose services are for sale to the highest bidder, the lumpenproletariat – a term Marx and Engels created – is typically co-opted, as Bonaparte demonstrates, by reactionary movements. However, Marx’s taxonomy indicates the difficulty of locating a synthesized and explanatory definition for a term presented here as an ‘indefinite’ alterity with no clear framework of composition. The term has seemed, to some commentators, incoherent or reflective of scorn toward the disreputable or poor (Bussard, 1987; Draper, 1972; Hardt and Negri, 2004). Others – typically literary and cultural critics (Stallybrass, 1990; Mills, 2017) – have approached it as the discursive trace of a complex social scene that escapes full schematization by class relations. -
The Militarization of the Russian Elite Under Putin What We Know, What We Think We Know (But Don’T), and What We Need to Know
Problems of Post-Communism, vol. 65, no. 4, 2018, 221–232 Copyright © 2018 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1075-8216 (print)/1557-783X (online) DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2017.1295812 The Militarization of the Russian Elite under Putin What We Know, What We Think We Know (but Don’t), and What We Need to Know David W. Rivera and Sharon Werning Rivera Department of Government, Hamilton College, Clinton, NY This article reviews the vast literature on Russia’s transformation into a “militocracy”—a state in which individuals with career experience in Russia’s various force structures occupy important positions throughout the polity and economy—during the reign of former KGB lieutenant colonel Vladimir Putin. We show that (1) elite militarization has been extensively utilized both to describe and explain core features of Russian foreign and domestic policy; and (2) notwithstanding its widespread usage, the militocracy framework rests on a rather thin, and in some cases flawed, body of empirical research. We close by discussing the remaining research agenda on this subject and listing several alternative theoretical frameworks to which journalists and policymakers arguably should pay equal or greater attention. In analyses of Russia since Vladimir Putin came to I was an officer for almost twenty years. And this is my own power at the start of the millennium, this master narrative milieu.… I relate to individuals from the security organs, from the Ministry of Defense, or from the special services as has been replaced by an entirely different set of themes. ’ if I were a member of this collective. —Vladimir Putin One such theme is Putin s successful campaign to remove (“Dovol’stvie voennykh vyrastet v razy” 2011) the oligarchs from high politics (via prison sentences, if necessary) and renationalize key components of the nat- In the 1990s, scholarly and journalistic analyses of Russia ural resource sector.