The Situation in Israel and Its Impact on the Role of the Professional

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Situation in Israel and Its Impact on the Role of the Professional THE SITUATION IN ISRAEL AND ITS IMPACT ON THE ROLE OF THE PROFESSIONAL DANIEL S. MARIASCHIN Executive Vice President of B'nai B'ritii International, Washington, DC American Jewish organizations have mobilized to address the increasingly vocal pro- Palestinian campaign against Israel. New hasbara approaches, taking into account new technologies and the sophistication of Israel's adversaries, are being implemented, as are traditional methods such as letter-writing campaigns and solidarity rallies. "Resistance will move forward, jihad will represendng various points of view across a continue, and martyrdom operations will new peace process spectrum. continue until the full liberation of The Al-Aqsa Intifada, the Palesdnian re­ Palestine. The Zionist entity will fall within sponse to the breakdown at Camp David, the first quarter of this century. " began a process that affected the thinking of many in our community. Frustration and dis­ Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, spiritual leader illusionment set in over the fact that major of Hamas, at a rally marking the group's Israeli concessions (including negodations IS* anniversary, Gaza City, over the status of the Temple Mount) at December 29. 2002 Camp David (and later, in January 2001 at Taba) were met by a riptide of violence against Israelis. Added to the violence was he roller coaster known as the Oslo the anti-Israel/anti-Semitic campaign un­ TPeace Process has seen its highs and leashed by the Palesdnians and their allies at lows in the nearly ten years since the hand­ the United Nadons Conference on Racism in shake on the White House lawn in Septem­ Durban, South Africa in August, 2001. Tele­ ber 1993. Then, even hard-nosed skeptics vision footage of Palestinians celebrating in saw some prospects for peace. But since July the wake of the 9/11 attacks on the World 2000, when the Palestinians rejected an Trade Center and the Pentagon only added to American attempt at brokering a resolution the feelings that the years since Oslo had of the conflict, the process has steadily un­ brought us full circle to the Arab-Israeli con­ raveled, pushed over the edge by a series of flict that existed pre-Oslo. suicide bombings and drive-by shootings of The proliferation of cable television and Israelis that have caused even ardent opti­ the growth of pan-Arab television networks mists to rethink the entire exercise. most notably the Qatar-based Al-Jazeera, Since 1993, the American Jewish commu­ compounded Israel's image problem. Cable nity has been divided into several camps networks often buy footage and reportage over exactly how to achieve peace. Some from other networks and news organiza­ groups advocated proactive concessions by tions. Suddenly, the Palestinian perspec­ Israel, including a dismantling of the settle­ tive—mostly biased from the point of view ments; some stressed "reciprocity" measures of many in our community—was popping on both sides; and others expressed disbelief up on TV screens everywhere, from the in Palestinian intentions and suggested a Middle East, to Europe, to our own screens continuation of the status quo. The decades- here at home. Adding to the challenge has old consensus on Israel that had bound most been the sophistication of pro-Palestinian American Jewish organizations was replaced spokesmen from the Arab-American com­ by a mixture of stop, go, and caution lights munity and the inclination of TV networks 92 The Situation in Israel and Its Impact on The Role of the Professional I 93 to be "even-handed" in their coverage of the peace process were also going nowhere: the conflict. visits to the region by Gen. Anthony Zinni, Beyond the media, new problems were the special American envoy, were met with developing. On university campuses across suicide bombings and other violence. the country, pro-Palestinian groups, often From this low point, both the American joined by sympathetic opponents of global­ Jewish and Israel community's response ization, began to organize anti-Israel and an­ moved from despair and frustration to re­ ti-Semitic demonstrations. One of the most solve and a heightened sense of activism. In notorious was held at San Francisco State April, more than 200,000 Jews and other University in May, 2002. A pro-Israel rally supporters of Israel gathered on the Mall in on campus was met by a counter-demonstra­ Washington, DC in the largest demonstration tion, led by Palestinians and others, in which ever for Israel in the United States. Orga­ "Go back to Russia," "Hitler did not finish nized by the Conference of Presidents of the job," and "get out of here or we will kill Major American Jewish Organizations and you" were among the epithets and threats the United Jewish Communities, together directed at the Jewish students. The campus with a broad group of Jewish organizations, police claimed they were not to arrest any­ the rally featured speeches by Israeli leaders, one, lest "it start a riot." The campus admin­ top Administration officials, members of the istration's initial reaction was passive. U.S. Senate and House of Representatives, Since then, the anti-Israel movement on Christian friends of Israel, and leading campus has taken on a life of its own. Most American Jewish spokesmen. The demon­ noteworthy is the effort at divestiture, a call stration energized the community and on universities and colleges to divest their brought about, if not a consensus of how to portfolios of stock in companies that do busi­ proceed in the peace process, a general ness with Israel, patterned after a similar agreement that the Palestinian leadership campaign against the apartheid regime in was, at best turning a blind eye to the vio­ South Africa in the 1970s and 1980s. To lence and, at worst, encouraging it as a date, most universities have rejected the call, means of advancing its own objectives. but the comparison of Israel to the apartheid- In a speech delivered on June 24, 2002, era regime in South Africa recalls the Zion­ President George W. Bush provided impor­ ism-Racism equation spawned by the infa­ tant support to the views held by many in our mous UN Resolution adopted in 1975, which community, when he called for the replace­ was as invidious then as it is now. ment of Yasir Arafat as head of the Palestin­ Perhaps the nadir of this year of difficulty ian Authority (PA), an end to corruption in came in March, April, and May of 2002. A the PA, and the democratization of the Pal­ series of suicide bombings, including one at estinian political process. He stated "There the Park Hotel in Netanya on the evening of cannot be a Palestinian state through vio­ the first Passover seder, led many to believe lence." The President said that only after that the Palestinian strategy was to seek Is­ these changes he advocated occurred could rael's destruction, suicide bombing by sui­ such a state—first provisional and then per­ cide bombing. Indeed, Farouk Kaddoumi, manent— come about. once known as the "Foreign Minister of the From the beginning of the second Inti­ Palestinians," who decided not to return, fada, and especially over the past year, Jew­ from Tunis to the West Bank/Gaza after ish organizations have become mobilized to Oslo, boasted that the destruction of Israel meet the threats posed by the actual, as well was underway. As evidence, he claimed Is­ as the propaganda assaults directed at Israel raelis were leaving their country and Israel's and Israelis and supporters of Israel every­ economy was being destroyed as a result of where. the bombings. Diplomatic efforts to restart Here are but a few examples: Two media WINTER/SPRING 2003 Journal of Jewish Communal Service I 94 watchdog groups, MEMRI (Middle East Me­ the Yom Kippur War? During the oil em­ dia Research Institute) and CAMERA (Com­ bargo of the 1970s? After the first Intifada in mittee for Accuracy in Middle East Report­ the late 1980s? ing in America) work endlessly to reveal Indeed, each of those, and other crisis what the Arab media actually says about periods necessitated a community response. Israel and Jews, and to call attention to dis­ Creating better hasbara approaches—writ­ tortions and reporting imbalance on Ameri­ ing letters-to-the-editor, holding community can and foreign media outlets. Hillel: The rallies in support of Israel—have always Foundation for Jewish Campus Life and been an imperative within the organized AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Jewish community. What is different this Committee) do advocacy training on the col­ time is that the stakes are far higher than ever lege campus. The American Jewish Commit­ before, as are our doubts that a resolution of tee has run television ads highlighting Israel the conflict can be as easily effectuated as we as a vibrant democracy in region otherwise thought less than a decade ago. devoid of democratic values. The Anti-Def­ No matter where one finds oneself on the amation League surveys public opinion on Israeli political spectrum—Labor, Likud, re­ issues affecting Israel and anti-Semitism. ligious, left, right, or center—certain nag­ B'nai B'rith has published studies on Pales­ ging questions remain. Can an agreement be tinian and Syrian textbooks, which contain reached when Palestinian schoolchildren are hate-filled teachings about Jews and Israel taught that martyrdom against the "Zionist similar in style to that which appeared in enemy" is the ultimate sacrifice a Muslim Germany in the Nazi era. The Jewish Coun­ can make and that it will be rewarded in the cil on Public Affairs assists local Jewish after-life? Or that Jews are "treacherous and community councils to interpret Israel's case deceitful?" Can it be reached when the logo to both the Jewish and non-Jewish commu­ of a host of mainstream Palestinian organi­ nities.
Recommended publications
  • Western Europe
    Western Europe Great Britain National Affairs J_ HE YEAR 1986 WAS marked by sharply contrasting trends in political and economic affairs. Notable improvement took place in labor-industrial relations, with the total of working days lost through strikes the lowest in over 20 years. By contrast, the total of 3.2 million unemployed—about 11 percent of the working population—represented only a slight decline over the previous year. Politically, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's Conservative government made a remarkable late-year recovery, following some early disasters. The year began with two cabinet resignations, first that of Defense Secretary Michael Heseltine, soon after that of Secretary of Trade and Industry Leon Brittan. The two ministers had clashed over conflicting plans for saving the ailing Westland helicopter company. Following this controversy, the government retreated, in the face of opposition on patriotic grounds, on plans to sell Leyland Trucks to the General Motors Corpora- tion and Leyland Cars to the Ford Motor Company. Another threat to the govern- ment was the drop in the price of North Sea oil from $20 a barrel in January to $10 in the summer, although it recovered to $15 by the end of the year. Early in the year, public-opinion polls showed the Conservatives having 33 per- cent support, compared to Labor's 38 percent, and the Social Democratic/Liberal Alliance's 28 percent. By the end of the year the respective percentages were 41, 39, and 18. Although several Tory victories in local elections in September and October appeared to signal an upward trend, the recovery was perhaps due less to the Conservative party's achievements than to opposition to the defense policies of Labor and the Social Democratic/Liberal Alliance.
    [Show full text]
  • No. ICC-01/18 16 March 2020 Original: English
    ICC-01/18-95 17-03-2020 1/32 NM PT Original: English No.: ICC-01/18 Date: 16 March 2020 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Péter Kovács, Presiding Judge Judge Marc Perrin de Brichambaut Judge Reine Adélaïde Sophie Alapini-Gansou SITUATION IN THE STATE OF PALESTINE Public Document Amicus Curiae in the Proceedings Relating to the Prosecution Request Pursuant to Article 19(3) for a Ruling on the Court’s Territorial Jurisdiction in Palestine Source: Professor Eyal Benvenisti Whewell Professor of International Law Jesus College, University of Cambridge No. ICC-01/18 1/25 16 March 2020 ICC-01/18-95 17-03-2020 2/32 NM PT Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence Fatou Bensouda, Prosecutor James Stewart, Deputy Prosecutor Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants (Participation/Reparation) The Office of Public Counsel for Victims The Office of Public Counsel for the Paolina Massidda Defence States’ Representatives Amicus Curiae The competent authorities of the • Professor John Quigley State of Palestine • Guernica 37 International Justice Chambers REGISTRY • The European Centre for Law and Justice • Professor Hatem Bazian • The Touro Institute on Human Rights and the Holocaust • The Czech Republic • The Israel Bar Association • Professor Richard Falk • The Organization of Islamic Cooperation • The Lawfare Project, the Institute for NGO Research, Palestinian Media Watch, and the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs • MyAQSA Foundation • The Federal Republic of Germany • Australia • UK Lawyers for Israel, B’nai B’rith UK, the International Legal Forum, No.
    [Show full text]
  • 40Th Year (1985)
    •• ST/LIB/SER.B/S.22 ST/LIB/SER.B/S.22 Index to Proceedings Indexof thetoSecurityProceedingsCouncil of the Security Council Fortieth Year -1985 Fortieth Year -1985 Dag Hammarskjold Library New York, 1986 United Nations Dag Hammarskjold Library New York, 1986 United Nations DAG HAMMARSKJOLD LIBRARY Bibliographical Series, No. S.22 DAG HAMMARSKJOLD LIBRARY Bibliographical Series, No. S.22 ST/LIB/SER.B/5.22 ST/LIB/SER. B/8.22 UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION Sales No. E.86.I.9 00950 UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION ISBN 92-1-100293-1 Sales No. E.86.I.9 ISSN 0082-8408 00950 ISBN 92-1-100293-1 ISSN 0082-8408 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ••••••••••••••••••• •• v CONTENTS ABBRE VI AT IONS ••••••••••••••••••• •• v1I SESS IONAL INFORMATiON. •••••••••••••• •• Ix INTRODUCTION ••••••••••••••••••• •• v CHECKLIST OF MEETINGS. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• xl ABBRE VI AT IONS ••••••••••••••••••• •• vII AGENDA •••••••••••••••••••••••• x l t t SESS IONAL INFORMATiON ••••••••••••••• •• Ix SW JECT I NOEX ••••••••••••••••••••• CHEO<L 1ST OF MEETINGS. •••••••••••••• •• xl INDEX TO SPEECHES ••••••••••••••••• •• 45 AGENDA •••••••••••••••••••••••• x, t I NUMER ICAL L 1ST OF OOCUMENTS •••••••••••• •• 81 SIB JEeT I NOEX ••••••••••••••••••••• RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THE SECURITY COUNCIL, 1985 • •• 83 INDEX TO SPEECHES ••••••••••••••••• •• 45 VOT I NG CH,AR T OF RE50LUT IONS, 1985 ••••••••• ., 85 NUMER ICAL L 1ST OF OOaJMENTS •••••••••••• •• 81 RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THE SEaJRITY COUNCIL, 1985 • •• 83 VOTING CHI'RT OF RESOLUT IONS, /985 •••••••••• , 85 -I"- -11 1- This page intentionally left blank INTRODUCT ION The security Council Is the United Nations The Voting Chart Indicates the voting for organ which has primary responsibility for the resolutions adopted by the Council. maintenance of InternationalINTRODUCTpeaceION and security of the Charter of th& United Nations.
    [Show full text]
  • ~Ii~Ii B 2 C E D a 3 E * Pre-Election Assessment West Bank & Gaza
    Date Printed: 11/03/2008 JTS Box Number: lFES 5 Tab Number: 31 Document Title: Pre-Election Assessment West Bank & Gaza Document Date: 1994 Document Country: West Bank and Gaza IFES ID: R01671 1111 ~II ~II~II B 2 C E D A 3 E * PRE-ELECTION ASSESSMENT WEST BANK & GAZA KEITH KLEIN ADILA R. LAmI MAY 10,1994 This project was made possible by a grant from the U.S. Agency for International Development. Any person or organizations is welcome to quote information from this report if it is attributed to IFES. This report is also available in Arabic. BOARD OF DIRECTORS Barbara Boggs Peler Kelly leon J. Weil Directors Emer;ti Dame Eugenia Charles Maureen A. Kindel James M. Cannon Charles T. Manan Patricia Hular Randal C. Teague Chairman Secretary Frank J. Fahrenkopl Jr. Jean-Pierre Kingsley Counsel Richard M. Scammon Judy Fernald Peler McPherson David R. Jones Joseph Napolitan Richard W. Soudrielte Vice Chairman Treasurer Viclor. Kamber William A. Sweeney, Jr. President TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................ II. INTRODUCTION ...................................... 3 III. BACKGROUND...... .. 5 I I A. Historical Context .................................. 5 B. Actors Shaping Democratization. .. 7 I. The Palestinians . .. 7 2. The PLO .................................... 8 3. Israel. .. 10 4. Jordan 11 IV. POLITICAL MOVEMENTS ......................... ".' . .. 12 A. Fatah. .. 12 B. FIDA .......................................... 13 C. PFLP .......................................... 14 I D. DFLP. .. 14 J E. PPP . .. 15 F. Hamas. .. 15 II G. Other political panies . .. 16 I V. CIVIL SOCIETY. .. 18 II I I VI. ELECTION ISSUES . .. .. 21 I I I A. The DOP and Elections . .. 21 1. General Provisions of the DOP ..................... 21 I 8.
    [Show full text]
  • Camp David's Shadow
    Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 © 2015 Seth Anziska All rights reserved ABSTRACT Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska This dissertation examines the emergence of the 1978 Camp David Accords and the consequences for Israel, the Palestinians, and the wider Middle East. Utilizing archival sources and oral history interviews from across Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, the United States, and the United Kingdom, Camp David’s Shadow recasts the early history of the peace process. It explains how a comprehensive settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict with provisions for a resolution of the Palestinian question gave way to the facilitation of bilateral peace between Egypt and Israel. As recently declassified sources reveal, the completion of the Camp David Accords—via intensive American efforts— actually enabled Israeli expansion across the Green Line, undermining the possibility of Palestinian sovereignty in the occupied territories. By examining how both the concept and diplomatic practice of autonomy were utilized to address the Palestinian question, and the implications of the subsequent Israeli and U.S. military intervention in Lebanon, the dissertation explains how and why the Camp David process and its aftermath adversely shaped the prospects of a negotiated settlement between Israelis and Palestinians in the 1990s. In linking the developments of the late 1970s and 1980s with the Madrid Conference and Oslo Accords in the decade that followed, the dissertation charts the role played by American, Middle Eastern, international, and domestic actors in curtailing the possibility of Palestinian self-determination.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gaza Strip and Jericho
    February 1995 Vol. 7, No. 2 THE GAZA STRIP AND JERICHO HUMAN RIGHTS UNDER PALESTINIAN PARTIAL SELF-RULE CONTENTS SUMMARY........................................................................................................................ 2 MAP.................................................................................................................................... 2 RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................................................................... 8 To the Palestinian Authority................................................................................... 8 To the Israeli Authorities........................................................................................ 8 To the Israeli and Palestinian Authorities ............................................................ 9 To Militants on All Sides ....................................................................................... 9 To the International Community ............................................................................ 9 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................ 10 THE INTERNATIONAL LAW FRAMEWORK............................................................. 11 THE LEGAL OBLIGATIONS OF THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY ....................... 13 THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY'S VIOLATION OF RIGHTS IN THE SELF-RULE AREAS ................................................................................................................ 14 The Need to
    [Show full text]
  • Whither the Peace Process?
    POUCY FOCUS NEWSLETTER OF THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ISSUE NUMBER TWO W- APRIL 1986 Whither the Peace Process? The Local Leadership Option by Martin Indyk "No Palestinian moderates al- Some will argue that if only we now providing its Soviet ally with ample op- lowed." endorsed "self-determination" for the portunity for troublemaking in the That is the meaning of Yassir Ara- Palestinians, Arafat would be prepared Middle East heartland. fat's recent rejection of King Hussein's to meet our terms. But if that in fact terms for entering peace negotiations happened, we would have presided Option 2; The and the message behind the subse- over the resurrection of Arafat at King quent murder of Zafir al-Masri on the Hussein's expense; and, by bringing International Conference West Bank. Where does this leave the PLO into the process, we would Second, we could pursue that other U.S. efforts to advance the Middle have succeeded in forcing Israel out. illusion that always presents itself East peace process by involving Pales- We would in effect be placing our- when the peace process appears to tinians in negotiations with Jordan and selves at loggerheads with Israel and have reached a roadblock—the inter- Israel? Jordan, our partners in the peace pro- national conference. Some will argue cess. We would immediately have that an international conference which Option 1: Punish Hussein, achieved direct negotiations between brought the Syrians into the process the U.S. and the PLO but, in the pro- would obviate Hussein's need for the Resurrect Arafat cess, we would have destroyed the PLO.
    [Show full text]
  • Yale-UN Oral History Project Said Kamal Jean Krasno, Interviewer •1 .,'~ March 12, 1998 •
    ST/DPI ORAL HISTORY (02)/K15 Yale-UN Oral History Project Said Kamal Jean Krasno, Interviewer March 12, 1998 Cairo, Egypt NOTICE This is a transcript of a tape-recorded interview conducted for the United Nations. A draft of this transcript was edited by the interviewee but only minor emendations were made; therefore, the reader should remember that this is essentially a transcript of the spoken, rather than the written word. RESTRICTIONS This oral history transcript may be read, quoted from, cited, and reproduced for purposes of research. It may not be published in full except by permission of the United Nations, Dag Hammarskjöld Library. 1 1)~..1. Yale-UN Oral History Project Said Kamal Jean Krasno, Interviewer •1 .,'~ March 12, 1998 •. Cairo, Egypt Index: Middle East 1956 War 13 • 13, 16-18 1967 War Alexandria University 1 Arab League 2-4,9-10,16-17,21-24,26 • Ba'athist Paliy 1, 12 Central Council 6 Cold War 19 • Egyptian Delegation 3 .i Fatah Movement 12-13, 17-18,27,34 I General Union of Palestinian Students 1, 12 • Gulf War 32 j International United Students (ruS) 12 Iran-Iraq War 30-32 • " Islamic Conference 3 Jewish American Committee 32 Jewish Defense League (JDL) ; 32 • Non-Aligned Movement 3 .J Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) 2-3,6-7, 13-21,23-32,34 Palestinian National Council (PNC) 19 Refugees 8-9, 11,22-23 • Resolution 242 28, 32 Resolution 338 28,32 UN Emergency Force (UNEF) 16-17 • UN General Assembly 2,6, 19 UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) 26 World Jewish Organization 32 •I I I I I I I Yale-UN Oral History Said Kamal Jean Krasno, Interviewer March 12, 1998 Cairo, Egypt Jean Krasno: To begin, for the record, Ambassador Kamal, could you explain something about your background, where you were born and educated, and something about your diplomatic career? Said Kamal: Well, thank you very much, I will arrange for you a copy in English here, but I can tell you now that I was born in Nablus City, in the West Bank, in 1938, and I graduated from the School for the Young, Najah, which is now a university, Najah College.
    [Show full text]
  • An Elusive Opportunity | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds An Elusive Opportunity by Dennis Ross Apr 11, 2005 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Dennis Ross Dennis Ross, a former special assistant to President Barack Obama, is the counselor and William Davidson Distinguished Fellow at The Washington Institute. Articles & Testimony ith upcoming visits by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to W see President Bush, it is a good time to take stock of the Israeli-Palestinian situation. If my recent discussions in Jerusalem, Ramallah, and Gaza are any indication, the current trends are not encouraging. While Sharon and Abbas share a common desire for calm, they are operating on two different assumptions. Sharon believes there is little more he can do to ease freedom of movement for Palestinians absent Palestinian reorganization of their security forces and the disarming of some 500 fugitives from the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, Hamas, and Islamic Jihad -- fugitives who the Israelis believe are still planning attacks. Abbas, for his part, feels that he has produced calm and that now Israel must respond by lifting the checkpoints that bottle up Palestinians and their economy. To complicate matters, both leaders are contending with fractious domestic settings. Sharon must overcome opposition from his own Likud party and its traditional settler constituency to implement his plan to withdraw settlers from Gaza and parts of the West Bank. In such circumstances, his tolerance for acts of terror against Israelis and his inclination toward making further concessions to help Abbas are low. But Abbas's situation is also difficult. He has inherited a largely inept, corrupt Palestinian Authority.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestinian Conflict Back to Basics*
    Building the Positive Peace: The Urgent Need to Bring the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Back to Basics* Kobi Michael and Joel Fishman It is generally accepted that the peace process, launched in 1993, went off the tracks and failed to meet the expectations of the interested parties: the state of Israel, the Palestinian Authority, and the international community. The international discourse plays down the historical depth of the dispute and everything which pertains directly to the Jewish religious, national, and cultural heri- tage that dates back more than three millennia in the Land of Israel. Also absent from the international discourse is an awareness of the rich academic and theoretical foundation of knowledge with regard to peacemaking. Concepts such as the positive peace, reconciliation, “ripeness,” “stable peace”or“hurting mutual stalemate” have not been integrated into the discourse. The condition of positive peace can be created when social justice mitigates struc- tural land cultural violence. Cultural violence occurs when the political leadership of a movement or state incorporates continuous incitement to hatred and violence into a society’s public discourse. In contrast to negative peace, positive peace is not limited to the idea of getting rid of something but includes the idea of establishing something that is missing and changing the societal and political structure. A valid discussion of reviving the peace negotiations should adopt the goal of creating the positive peace and taking the necessary intermediate steps for its imple- mentation. Otherwise, the presence of structural violence will occasion more physical violence, and cultural violence will provide both the justification and psychological infrastructure for its continued application.
    [Show full text]
  • Fatah Congress: a Victory for Abbas | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1568 Fatah Congress: A Victory for Abbas by Mohammad Yaghi Aug 13, 2009 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Mohammad Yaghi Mohammad Yaghi is a research fellow and program manager at the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, specializing in social and Islamic movements and the Gulf states. Brief Analysis olicyWatch #1568 is the first in a two-part series examining the political and organizational implications of P Fatah's recently concluded General Congress. This part examines Fatah's internal dynamics, particularly in regard to its top leader Mahmoud Abbas. PolicyWatch #1569 explores Fatah's external dynamics, specifically how the group's new political program will affect its relations with Israel, Hamas, and the Palestinian Authority. On August 10, Fatah concluded its sixth congress, the first in twenty years. Although media attention has focused on some of the summit's disturbing pronouncements, significant political developments have occurred. Over the span of seven days, Fatah leaders discussed the key issues and challenges facing the party, including organizational and political issues affecting its unity, the role of its power centers, the peace process, and the group's relationship with Hamas and the Palestinian government. Whether Fatah is now able to overcome its organizational deficits and restore its popularity and leadership among the Palestinian people remains to be seen. But Palestinian Authority (PA) president Mahmoud Abbas has undoubtedly emerged stronger, competing powers within Fatah seem to have accepted coexistence, and the conflict between Fatah and Hamas is expected to escalate. Background The General Congress is the highest institution in Fatah, laying out the party's political platform and electing the Fatah Central Committee (FCC), the organization's highest elected institution comprising its top leadership, and the Fatah Revolutionary Council (FRC), a 128-member body that ensures the FCC's activities are in accordance with congressional decisions.
    [Show full text]
  • Fatah Congress: a Victory for Abbas
    PolicyWatch #1568 Fatah Congress: A Victory for Abbas By Mohammad Yaghi August 13, 2009 PolicyWatch #1568 is the first in a two-part series examining the political and organizational implications of Fatah's recently concluded General Congress. This part examines Fatah's internal dynamics, particularly in regard to its top leader Mahmoud Abbas. PolicyWatch #1569 explores Fatah's external dynamics, specifically how the group's new political program will affect its relations with Israel, Hamas, and the Palestinian Authority. On August 10, Fatah concluded its sixth congress, the first in twenty years. Although media attention has focused on some of the summit's disturbing pronouncements, significant political developments have occurred. Over the span of seven days, Fatah leaders discussed the key issues and challenges facing the party, including organizational and political issues affecting its unity, the role of its power centers, the peace process, and the group's relationship with Hamas and the Palestinian government. Whether Fatah is now able to overcome its organizational deficits and restore its popularity and leadership among the Palestinian people remains to be seen. But Palestinian Authority (PA) president Mahmoud Abbas has undoubtedly emerged stronger, competing powers within Fatah seem to have accepted coexistence, and the conflict between Fatah and Hamas is expected to escalate. Background The General Congress is the highest institution in Fatah, laying out the party's political platform and electing the Fatah Central Committee (FCC), the organization's highest elected institution comprising its top leadership, and the Fatah Revolutionary Council (FRC), a 128-member body that ensures the FCC's activities are in accordance with congressional decisions.
    [Show full text]