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Anarchism and Chinese Political Culture

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Anarchism and Chinese Political Culture died, his anarchism was remembered, if at all, as a brief phase of “extreme socialism” before his great and puzzling betrayal of the revolution.13 But the year he died also saw a great wave of Chinese enthusiasm for anarchism,14 which was directly indebted to his political work. Anarchism and Chinese Political Culture And what of Liu’s intellectual life? Before he was an anar- chist, Liu had become at least superficially familiar with much Western thought. When he was only twenty, Liu coauthored the Essence of the Chinese Social Contract with Lin Xie, the Peter Zarrow Shanghai-based revolutionary from Fukien who had founded the Chinese Vernacular Journal.15 In the introduction they tell of reading Yang Tingdong’s translation of Rousseau; what appears to have impressed them most was not the power of Rousseau’s argument but the effect the book had on European history. They were taken by the idea that the ruler’s rights are limited by the people’s. For this treatise, Liu and Lin simply scoured the literary heritage of China for reasonably democratic-sounding passages and added sometimes lengthy annotations to each. They made stops at the Zuozhuan and other commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals, Confu- cius, Mencius, Laozi, Zhuangzi, Xunzi, Mozi, Dong Zhongshu, Sima Qian, Ban Gu, the Cheng brothers and Zhu Xi, Wang 13 Although the thread of scholarship obviously runs through Liu’s life more consistently than his political views, Qian Xuantong thought that 1908 marked a great change in Liu’s scholarship as well as in his politics. Accord- ing to Qian, as Liu moved in terms of his fundamental beliefs from “pursuing truth in facts” (shishi qiushi, an old slogan of the school of Han Learning), to Buddhism and the past, from reformism to conservatism, so in his scholar- ship he turned away from some flexibility and support of language reform, use of colloquial Chinese, the creation of new terms, and unification of the language (see Xu [Preface] in Liu Shenshu xianshengyishu, zhuan 1). 14 See Arif Dirlik, “The New Culture Movement Revisited.” 15 The Zhongguo minyue jingyi may be found in zhuan 16 of Liu Shenshu xiansheng yishu. This work has been analyzed by Onogawa Hidemi, “Ryu Shibai to museifushugi,” and Bernal, “Liu Shi-p’ei and the National Essence.” 1990 I will not discuss it in detail; it is only indirectly related to anarchism. 72 to what was already great disarray among revolutionary ranks. Already by 1908 hardly any two notable revolutionaries were on speaking terms with each other. Liu’s subsequent life in China was peripatetic. He traveled with Duanfang to Sichuan, taught school, and wrote articles about Chinese studies, and when Duanfang was killed in the course of the revolution in November 1911, Liu fled to Chengdu, where he again taught school and wrote for a Chinese studies journal. Tongmenghui stalwarts in Sichuan were prepared to kill Liu at this time, but Zhang Binglin heard of their plans and urged them to reconsider in a telegram. (Wang Gongquan had been killed earlier by the Tongmenghui in Shanghai.) Liu had a stint with Yan Xishan, a 1911 revolutionary who be- came military governor of Shanxi in 1912 and remained there to become a major warlord of the northwest; there, Liu started yet another journal of Chinese studies. Liu moved to Beijing in 1914 as a supporter of Yuan Shikai’s attempt to make him- self emperor, becoming one of Yuan’s “six gentlemen,” along with the old liberal Yan Fu. He moved again to Tianjin when Yuan died in 19x6. The efforts of Cai Yuanpei (then president of Beijing University) and Zhang Binglin kept Liu out of serious political trouble and he became a professor at Beijing Univer- sity, although already ill with tuberculosis, in 1917. He taught in the Chinese department with Zhou Zuoren, who considered him the second most eccentric teacher at the university.12 Having pursued through teaching and writing his interests in the Chinese classics and philology without interruption, Liu died in the winter of 1919, a political embarassment to his friends and disciples but leaving an important legacy to Chinese studies of the early twentieth century. When Liu 12 Gu Hongming was Beida’s chief eccentric in Zhou’s estimation. Gu (1857–1928) promoted Confucian values, refused to cut off his queue, and during his brief tenure at Beida taught Latin. 71 disillusioned with the behavior of his comrades and disgusted by the infighting and what he perceived as selfishness and corruption. He did not find “universal principles” being put into practice in Tokyo.11 Apparently some revolutionaries had to flee Shanghai be- Contents cause of the information Liu gave Duanfang, but the greatest harm Liu did the revolutionary cause probably lay not with any specific information he was able to give Duanfang, but inthe PREFACE. Apologia and Acknowledgments 7 effect on the revolutionaries of such a prominent young stal- wart’s abandoning the movement. In this act, Liu was adding CHAPTER I. Antecedents and Auguries of Anar- chism in Traditional Chinese Thought 11 lution movement.” (See also Bernal, “Liu Shih-p’ei and the National Essence,” ANARCHISM IN CHINESE THOUGHT . 19 p. 92.) But the evidence for this is circumstantial at best. I have not found THE BREAKDOWN OF IMPERIAL LEGITI- any indication in Duanfang’s memorials of early plotting with Liu. It seems likely that Liu turned against the revolution and met with MACY: THE SETTING FOR ANARCHISM 41 Duan- fang during his trip to China in December 1907, if the letters allegedly HISTORIOGRAPHICAL CONSIDERATIONS . 55 unearthed between Liu and Duanfang are reliable evidence. Originally pub- lished by Hong Weilian in Dagong bao (Tianjin) (2 November 1934) on the CHAPTER 2. The Route to Anarchism Through Tokyo 63 weekly historical page under the title “Qingmo geming shiliao zhi xinfax- THE EDUCATION OF LIU SHIPEI . 64 ian: Liu Shipei yu Duanfang shu” (A new discovery in historical materials on the late Qing revolution: The letters from Liu Shipei to Duanfang), the ZHANG JI AND ZHANG BINGLIN . 86 letters were apparently undated. Nor did Hong provide any explanation of CHINESE AND JAPANESE RADICALS . 97 their discovery. If they are valid, it can be deduced from the internal refer- ences that Liu was at least making overtures to Duanfang by the end of 1907, CHAPTER 3. The Route to Anarchism Through Paris107 though he still may not have submitted to Duanfang until the following year, THE EDUCATION OF WU ZHIHUI . 108 cf. Gao Liangzuo, “Lun Liu Shipei yu Duanfang shu,” Jianguo yuekan (Nan- THE GOLDEN BACKGROUNDS OF LI SHIZENG jing) no. 4 (10 April 1935). Aside from self-serving statements, the material in the letters was a general report on the student scene in Japan andcon- AND ZHANG JINGJIANG: tained little that Duanfang would not have already known; indeed, someof FOUNDING NEW CENTURY . 129 the “facts” Liu reported were downright misleading, such as the claim that PARIS: CAPITAL FOR A NEW CENTURY . 136 Zhang Binglin was not really dedicated to a nationalist revolution but pre- ferred the study of Buddhism. CHAPTER 4. Utopian Visions and Social Analysis 144 11 Mori Tokihiko concludes that Liu’s anarchism was itself essentially antirevolutionary, representing a rejection of nationalism and people’s LIU SHIPEI AND THE UTOPIA OF EQUALITY 145 rights— “Minzokushugi to museifushugi,” pp. 175–176. Therefore, Liu’s be- WU ZHIHUI AND A FREE-AND-EASY UTOPIA 166 trayal of the revolutionary movement was consistent with his stance of oppo- sition to Sun Yat-sen. Mori would appear to be correct insofar as he focuses CHAPTER 5. Revolution and Social Change 172 on Liu’s disdain for narrow-minded anti-Manchu nationalism, but Liu’s an- ANARCHISM AND THE CHINESE REVOLUTION 173 archism rested precisely on a doctrine of human rights and, whatever its inconsistencies, had an obvious revolutionary thrust. It is even more absurd CLASS STRUGGLE AND REVOLUTION . 183 to equate opposition to Sun with counterrevolutionary activities. ENLIGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTION . 194 70 3 CHAPTER 6. Women’s Liberation and Anarcho- nephew Wang Gongquan to Tokyo, joined the Tongmenghui Feminism 219 and worked for The People’s Journal. The official organ of WOMEN: DEPENDENCY AND LABOR . 220 the Tongmenghui soon became more historical and abstruse, CONFUCIANISM, FAMILY, AND SEXUALITY . 227 and more anarchistic and socially aware. Liu and He Zhen LIBERATION AND ANARCHISM . 240 also established the anarchist Tianyi Bao (Journal of Natural THE ANARCHIST CONTRIBUTION TO CHI- Justice or Journal of Heaven’s Righteousness), its successor NESE FEMINISM . 248 Hengbao (Journal of Equality), and, with Zhang Ji, the Society for the Study of Socialism. In Tokyo, Liu and He Zhen lived CHAPTER 7. Culture and Nation 258 with Zhang Binglin and the revolutionary “Chinese Byron” Su SCIENCE, HUMAN NATURE, AND MORALITY 259 Manshu, with whom He Zhen was said to have had an affair.9 HISTORY AND NATION . 272 Liu became close to Japanese socialists and also supported WESTERN IMPERIALISM AND CHINESE NA- Zhang Binglin and the veteran revolutionary Tao Chengzhang TIONALISM . 285 in an unsuccessful move to oust Sun Yat-sen as head of the WU ZHIHUI VERSUS ZHANG BINGLIN . 299 Tongmenghui. As it turned out, Liu stayed less than two full years in CHAPTER 8. Old Anarchists in a Brave New World 304 Japan, returning to China and betraying the revolution to the SOCIAL ACTION IN A NEW CHINA . 307 Manchu governor-general Duanfang by the winter of 1908. MOVING TO THE RIGHT . 320 Duanfang, who had served as governor-general of Hunan, Hubei, and Jiangxi, was a reform-minded member of the gov- CHAPTER 9. The Second Generation of Chinese An- ernment’s elite, who nevertheless had no mercy in pursuing archists 339 revolutionaries.
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