Princeton's Left Political Publication Masthead

Editor-in-Chief Beatrice Ferguson 21 Managing Editor Alec Israeli ‘21 Senior Editor Chaya Holch ‘22 News Editor Marc Schorin ‘22 Staff Editors Tori Gorton ‘21 Jane Markley ‘22 Joshua Judd Porter ‘21 Copy Editors Molly Cutler '23 Rebecca Han ‘22 Maryam Ibrahim '23 Design Editors Ameena Faruki ‘22 Emma Popham ‘21 Kai Tsurumaki '23 Digital Editor K Stiefel ‘20 Treasurer Chris Russo ‘20 Staff Writers JD Copeland '23 Cole Diehl ‘20 Joseph Feng '22 Braden Flax ‘21 Miguel Gracia-Zhang '23 Mary Alice Jouve '23 Liam Lonergan '23 Chase Lovgren ‘21 Rebecca Ngu ‘20 David Palomino ‘22 Tamica Perera ‘22 Nalanda Sharadjaya '21 Elliott Weil '23

Logo Design Maria Medrano '17 Cover Photo @user: Surreal artist rhodes / Wiki- media Commons / CC-BY-SA-3.0

www.theprincetonprogressive.com

2 The Prog Issue 23 - OctoberNovember 2019 2019 Table of Contents Politics of Space at Princeton 4 Liam Lonergan

Disaster Capitalism: The Highest 6 Stage of Imperialism Mary Alice Jouve

The Gaps in Princeton's Checks: How 7 Campus Jobs and Financial Aid Penalize Non-Nuclear Families K Stiefel

Climate Fires and the Green New 9 Deal: Naomi Klein and Keenaga- Yamahtta Taylor on the Impending Climate Crisis Maryam Ibrahim

In The Oven of YouTube, Bread 10 Rises Joseph Feng

Tweets for Transformation 11 Elliot Weil

Issue 32 - NovemberOctober 2019 2019 The Prog 3 Politics of Space at Princeton Liam Lonergan

rinceton, as an educational institution, leaders, and politicians that speak there—may public spaces can be less welcoming. The same cultural symbol, and source of research reinforce existing biases. If a student from an af- Gothic architecture, social prestige, and orienta- and economic growth, defines and is fluent background views themself and others like tion pageantry can contribute to imposter syn- defined by its spatialization. The Uni- them as somehow more suited to attend Prince- drome that is, in part, class-linked. In detailing a Pversity’s constructed environment—its grassy ton, especially if they come from a community poor French family’s perception of a new, opu- courtyards, ornate arches, and Gothic halls—in- with strong connections to the University or to lent cafe as exclusionary, Harvey describes them fluences how students interact with each other elite education in general, stepping onto campus as “internalizing the gold that has been appropri- and the outside world, as well as how they view and being greeted by Blair Arch may feel like ated from them.” This phrase equally describes the University, their fellow students, and them- confirmation of this sense of exceptionalism. how some students may feel when confronted selves. Few other universities, of course, have compa- by Princeton’s concentrated wealth, which has In “The Political Economy of Public rable architecture and museums, corporate re- strong historical connections to slavery, imperi- Space”, human geographer David Harvey ana- cruiting, and colleges with names like “Rocke- alism, and labor exploitation. In addition, a net- lyzes the impact of Haussmann’s redevelopment feller,” “Wilson,” and “Forbes”. Similar to how work of tacit traditions and expectations await of Paris in the late 19th century on class conflict Haussmann envisioned the imposition of an ex- students on campus, most notably Princeton’s and politics within the city. Haussmann, com- travagant capital onto a reconstructed Paris as eating clubs, with their quasi-independence missioned by Napoleon III, demolished ancient, promoting French nationalism and obscuring the from the University, various restrictions on entry crowded sections of the city to make space for city’s oppressed working class, the character of via passes on different nights, and contradictory elaborate gardens, upscale cafes, and wide bou- public space at Princeton nurtures both a belief posturing as both exclusive and accessible insti- levards to facilitate the transportation of peo- in exceptionalism and a tendency towards insu- tutions—particularly the bicker clubs. Bringing ple, capital, and troops. This new “spectacle,” larity. The spectacle of campus space is central students from a greater diversity of backgrounds Harvey notes, to campus does had myriad im- not necessarily plications for the ensure they are political fabric of truly included. the city—which While Princeton had been the site has made some of several vio- efforts to reme- lent uprisings just dy the problem years before. New through new spaces were de- orientation pro- signed to promote grams, resolution imperial power of the conflict re- and facilitate mil- quires more fun- itary and com- damental, radical mercial control, change in how we and cross-class view the histo- interactions were ries, politics, and reduced, chang- present-day class ing how Parisians dynamics of insti- of different class- tutions like Princ- es viewed each eton. other. At a first- Like that year event this of Paris, Princ- September ti- eton’s spatiality tled “Princeton, impacts how stu- Money and Me,” dents see them- University alum- selves in relation ni discussed the to others, includ- photos credit: Michael Hauge challenges of be- ing both other Princeton students and the mem- to Princeton’s exclusive mystique and promotes ing a low-income student on campus. This in- bers of the communities from which they come. buy-in to this mentality among applicants, stu- cluded the intersection of wealth with social life For some, the University’s prestige—physically dents, and the public. on campus and the strange situation some stu- embodied in the grandeur of structures like the For other students, especially first-gener- dents may find themselves in of having neces- 125-year old Richardson Auditorium, and ex- ation students or those from communities where sities on campus provided via financial aid but hibited by the array of media figures, business higher education is less accessible, Princeton’s knowing their family is struggling to make ends

4 The Prog Issue 23 - OctoberNovember 2019 2019 photos credit: Beatrice Ferguson

meet back home. The dialogue, however, avoid- communities do not, either because they are in social hubs on campus, continue to disadvantage ed looking at the underlying class politics and the workforce, at a two-year college, at a less low-income students who attempt to join. Princ- causes of this conflict in favor of surface-lev- affluent four-year college, or for some other rea- eton’s timeworn structures, which primarily tell el, feel-good remarks and a general sense that son. Being exposed to the wealth at Princeton, the narrow, whitewashed story of an elite, often low-income students would be alright by vir- including both the school’s wealth and the per- violent ruling class, carry forward their own pol- tue of lucrative careers that the Princeton brand sonal wealth of many of its students’ families, itics and history across the centuries, creating a would provide them in the future. One alumnus, may also prompt resentment. sense of dissonance when these intersect with for example, remarked that his community sees In discussing the politics of public space modern realities. his academic journey as impossible, and that he in Paris, Harvey focuses on the blending of pub- Space holds power. This is especially always tries to tell them that they too can work lic and private space. Whereas pre-renovation true of Princeton’s campus, which has such a hard and get to Princeton. The hard work of Paris was home to significant mingling between long, somewhat obscured history of violence. many students to overcome obstacles of class classes, who lived in the same buildings and Enslaved people were once auctioned in front and background to obtain spots at top universities shared the streets, Haussmann segregated much of Nassau Hall. A majority of students and like Princeton is certainly praiseworthy, howev- of the city and encouraged the construction of alumni who fought in the Civil War joined the er even offhand remarks like this contribute to cafes and department stores along major streets, Confederacy, and, as Richard Anderson of The a culture that places the onus of accessing col- turning much of this space over to private in- Princeton Slavery Project notes, the Universi- lege on poor youth, considers difficult-to-access terests. This newly commercialized space, reg- ty’s Civil War memorial omits the allegiances of higher education as acceptable, and lets wealthy ulated by owners and commercial institutions, the student-soldiers it records, implying a moral communities and institutions off the hook for created new tensions as the lower classes saw equivalency between the two armies. Princeton upholding barriers to economic and educational themselves being shut out and the upper class- has long maintained connections to a variety of mobility. es grew to expect class homogeneity. While the institutions that perpetuate wealth inequality In addition to feelings of reinforced su- space inside a store is public, it is public in a and labor exploitation. The resultant dynamics periority or of not belonging, resentment or guilt different way than a space owned by the peo- of space on campus can elicit feelings of resent- can also contribute to the complex personal re- ple is public. Much in the same way, Princeton’s ment, unworthiness, or degradation. Students actions that students have to Princeton’s spati- campus is an example of what Harvey describes should be empowered to more accurately exam- ality. The contrast between Princeton and other as contested public space, “where ambiguities ine the University and their place here. Only by spaces where students come from—and where of proprietorship, of aesthetics, of social rela- students and the University doing work to de- their friends may be attending school, working, tions… and the political economy of everyday construct these hierarchical spaces and the forc- or otherwise living—can induce new examina- life collide.” Only in 1991 did the Ivy Club and es behind them can these conflicts begin to be tions of oneself and where one comes from. Stu- Tiger Inn accept women, for example; the addi- resolved. dents may feel guilty of the resources that they tional cost and, in some cases, secretive applica- have access to but other young people from their tion processes of the eating clubs, which serve as

Issue 32 - NovemberOctober 2019 2019 The Prog 5 Disaster Capitalism The Highest Stage of Imperialism Mary Alice Jouve

n Naomi Klein’s renowned book The Shock Doctrine, she expounds upon capitalism’s newest advances. Through the use of eco- nomic shocks, natural disasters, and wars, Icompanies working in concert with govern- ments take advantage of the debilitating quality of crises, whether through creating or exploit- ing them. Putting Klein’s thesis in the context of Vladimir Lenin’s observations about the devel- opment of capitalism, as set out in his Imperial- ism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism, creates a fuller picture of the development of imperialism as it relates to capitalism in modern history. In 1916, Lenin wrote Imperialism to show that capitalism had entered a new phase, one that was no longer composed of many busi- nesses competing in a free market but instead one where large monopolies were controlling ever-increasing portions of economic sectors. To uphold the infinite growth that capitalism requires, monopolies began to use other nations as resources from which they can expropriate both labor and wealth. Monopolies also began to use the power of governments and financial photo credit: FEMA image library - public domain systems to take over both the land and wealth of of companies and nationalistic colonial super- has blocked exploitative foreign investments. other countries. This death of free trade in favor powers combined to create the excessive milita- of monopolies, banks, and governments con- rism present before the beginning of World War Increased social welfare programs and equi- trolling the world economy is the fundamental I. Through Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points table trade balances aren’t new to Western so- shift Lenin identified and the conditions which and the League of Nations, the further division cial democracies. However, capitalist nations create the development of what Klein calls “cor- and control of the world amongst imperialist fight hard against the creation of these policies poratist” tactics to further expropriate wealth powers was achieved. in the Global South because they decrease the from the Global South. Klein identifies how capitalists have ad- ability of corporations to exploit these nations Klein implicitly expands off of Lenin’s vanced past using the natural boom-bust cycle for labor and resources at the greatest profits. As thesis when she observes new developments in of the market to creating or taking advantage of Lenin details in Imperialism, concessions given the methods used by corporations, governments, crises that disorient the population to implement to workers in imperialist countries like a higher and financial institutions to uphold the domina- free market policies. After decades of Ameri- minimum wage or free healthcare are granted tion of global capitalism. The new tools Klein ca using contingencies placed on International at the expense of the global proletariat who are identifies she names “disaster capitalism” or the Monetary Fund loans to force countries to em- exploited for their labor. Even though popular “Shock Doctrine,” i.e. the use of crises to dis- brace the so-called free market, countries in the social democracies like the Nordic countries are orient people in order to implement neoliberal Global South have been much more reluctant to hailed as bastions of a more equitable society, policies. give up their social safety nets in favor the emp- they are merely benefitting from imperialist ex- Lenin identifies the origins of the Shock ty promise of the Washington Consensus. Coun- propriation. Doctrine when he refutes the idea that imperi- tries like Venezuela show that people can fight This truth that is uncovered by looking alism can create world peace and decrease eco- against the selling off of their natural resources at Klein and Lenin’s theses in concert should nomic crises because countries and corporations and the erosion of their standard of living. Now, inform how we think about national and inter- are too heavily invested in the global economy the corporatocracy is starting to rely more on national politics. We should not be afraid to cri- to risk causing strife. The tendency of capital to these aforementioned shocks in order to destroy tique politicians who want to make people's lives accumulate actually creates more instability as societies and remake them so that they are easy better in America but will do nothing to decrease overspeculation runs rampant. Lenin even asserts to exploit. the military-industrial complex or to help nations that as corporations caught onto the boom and As Klein painstakingly details, Western who are trying to escape the grips of predatory bust cycles that occurred in the late 19th century, Imperial countries have tried to thwart many multinational corporations. Without this global companies adapted by forming monopolies. Mo- nations in the Global South which attempt to perspective and solidarity with the workers of nopolies are better able to weather and profit off create mixed or planned economies. Allende, the world, no movement against imperialism or of financial downturns because they are too big the democratically elected president of Chile, monopoly capitalism could be successful. to be affected by certain sectors of the monopo- was executed in 1973 by the followers of Pi- ly not making profits. During depressions, they nochet in league with the CIA when he began are able to acquire failing companies and turn to implement socialist policies and stop foreign profits from them when the economy becomes corporations from extracting resources from his stronger again. country. The America backed opposition party In addition, Lenin acknowledges the in Venezuela has and is still trying to take pow- historical backdrop of his work by connecting er from the United Socialist Party of Venezuela World War I to imperialism. The profit motive because it has nationalized many industries and

6 The Prog IssueIssue 32 -- NovemberOctober 2019 2019 The Gaps in Princeton's Checks How Campus Jobs and Financial Aid Penalize Non-Nuclear Families K Stiefel

or the second time in my life, I needed mine and others’ experience, this need to work students can quit or lose their job(s) at any time to tell one of my bosses this semester sometimes arises out of the need to survive— without serious financial repercussions, the that I was working more hours than I in concrete terms, to have food and shelter and worst usually being that it might be harder to go could handle. While juggling four regu- healthcare in the present—despite the fact that to the movies or travel the world, and they may Flar sources of employment was not new and still Princeton has the financial resources at its dis- need to request additional funds from family hasn’t changed for me, I finally felt comfortable posal to ensure the financial stability of its stu- for their everyday expenses. Within this group, enough in my finances a few weeks ago to not dent population. For both students with compli- those who work because they would rather not work a job that was causing a scheduling con- cated family structures that resist a traditional ask their parents for money might believe they flict with my academics. A combination of my two-parent characterization and students who are unfairly grouped with the wealthiest working thesis advisor throwing shade at me for missing are disowned but not federally categorized as in- students; the fact that they can entertain ideas of our lab group meetings and my working hours dependent, the financial aid office is not able to “wanting” to work instead of “needing” proves exceeding thirty hours some weeks meant that I calculate the financial resources actually avail- their membership, though the range of socioeco- finally had the agency to switch up my schedule able to the student because of their rigid fami- nomic positions in this group should not be over- without the omnipresent fear of not being able to ly-based expectations. These gaps in its finan- simplified. The fourth group is one that should afford the next semester’s bill. If I had known in cial aid policies are then further exacerbated by arguably never exist at a well-funded institution my senior year of high school that I would not the gaps in its campus employment which is not such as Princeton: those who must work to sup- have been financially secure at the basic level suited to allow students to achieve and maintain port themselves or their (financial) dependents. for the majority of college despite Princeton’s economic independence, particularly because of “Work-study” students share significant overlap promises of generosity, I would have chosen the absence of jobs that have both high pay and with this group and, given the right combina- one of the many actually generous colleges that many available hours with some degree of flexi- tion of unexpected situations, are liable to join were offering me full financial aid with stipends ble scheduling. its ranks. This is the category that most workers that would have covered my expenses instead We can easily assign four core motiva- fall into in any given non-student workforce, but of choosing a place that was barely meeting my tions to students working on campus. The first in my experience makes up only a small popu- needs from the beginning. The layout of the let- group works for resume-building or research lation of student workers at Princeton. There is ter from the financial aid office made begging opportunities, ultimately impacting their finan- no formal data collected on student employment my non-custodial parent to fund my education cial situation through increased future earning except the raw number of workers: over 2,500 despite the terms of my parents’ divorce seem potential. However, their current situation is students or less than half of the enrolled under- like a reasonable choice for the education of my not directly correlated with their finances in this graduates. dreams. When I accidentally came out as trans- speculative capital if experience is the only mo- One reason that students shouldering gender to my family, however, my non-custodial tivation. The second group works because the serious financial responsibilities do not visibly parent decided to stop supporting me financial- university decided they must by offering them occupy space on this campus is that on-campus ly and left me with no legal recourse to secure “work-study” in their aid package. To clarify, jobs are not sustainable for them; they are best funds to continue my education without taking “work-study" aid is when the university notices suited to support students seeking disposable out loans. The series of events that choice trig- a financial need and, instead of allocating grant income. Many employers can offer students ei- gered led me to violently realize that campus money for that student, decides they should earn ther a job with many hours or a job with high employment is not sufficient for students who that money through campus employment. The wages, but it is rare to find an opportunity with must fully support themselves and that Prince- only benefit of being assigned “work-study” in both good compensation and as many hours as ton’s “generous” aid process is deeply flawed. your aid package is that you have priority in needed for financial independence. One of the Some students will graduate having nev- the student worker hiring process over those best paying jobs on campus at $14.80 per hour, er filed an I-9 form and others, like myself, will without the designation and may earn a wage tutoring through the McGraw Center, will ini- leave with upwards of a thousand hours of la- increase of fifty cents per hour. Working, even tially assign a maximum of six hours a week to bor. At an institution that often keeps students when designated as a "work-study" recipient, is those interested (with more hours potentially too busy to even reflect, the idea of expending not required by Princeton and the expenses may available) and employs roughly 100 students. precious hours washing dishes or finding books be covered by loans or alternative means. How This is barely comparable to one “work-study may seem counterproductive. The math is sim- the financial aid office (and the federal system eligible” job (ranked third-lowest in hourly pay ple: three hours you spend at McGraw tutoring at large) decides one student must work to meet at $12 per hour) which can usually offer around is three hours you cannot spend on your own their demonstrated need while others may re- ten hours a week per position with nearly ten psets and readings. The counterargument is also ceive stipends for the same expenses and the im- times the number of positions available. Those straightforward: professors don’t pay you for plications underlying their policies is an article who do not qualify for work-study may be paid doing well in their class. For every hour an un- unto itself. as low as $11 per hour, further lowering their dergraduate chooses to spend working at a paid The third class of student workers are earning potential. In an added layer, the physi- campus job, there is a financial situation, pres- those who do not need employment, but want to cal and mental demands of a job are not always ent or future, that has created the impetus. In work for a source of disposable income. These fairly compensated. Sweating in the dish room IssueIssue 332 -- NovemberOctober 2019 2019 The Prog 7 of Forbes during Sunday brunch offers the exact debt (which first appeared in the 2016-2017 year with the stipulation that the non-custodial par- same pay as sitting behind a desk in one of the li- and is persisting). If we make the (safe) assump- ent will not contribute to the child’s educational braries. This problem is exacerbated for students tion that students are not taking out frivolous expenses, does not prevent a financial aid officer with disabilities or visas whose prospects must loans, we quickly see that the decrease in se- from calculating what the non-custodial parent be further narrowed based on the availability of niors graduating without debt means an increase is expected to contribute. When these situations an accessible position. An obvious solution is in the number of seniors the university is unable occur and are brought to financial aid, I imagine to work multiple jobs with different employers, to adequately support despite their promises to they are given similar responses to what I was but many jobs overlap in their available hours meet their financial needs with grants. More im- told when I explained that my parent would not (especially for the evenings and weekends) and portantly, the university found the financial re- provide me financial support after coming out to are not able to be flexible when scheduling be- sources to expand admission without addressing them: “the contribution is what they can pay, not cause of the nature of shift work. On top of that, the current needs of its student body. This shows what they want to.” It might be surprising that a professor scheduling a midterm that overlaps that they undeniably have the funds they can re- more seniors do not graduate with student loans with evening employment, which has happened allocate to financial aid as-needed but avoid do- until we consider that the seniors who graduat- almost a dozen times in my own experience, is ing so to prevent enrolled students from taking ed with debt does not include those who spent just one instance in which the student is forced on debt. Why are seniors graduating with debt, significant amounts of time working to meet the to lose hours of work to support their academics then, if the university could readily prevent that? financial demands without taking out a loan. or to reschedule the exam to support themselves, Since Princeton “need-based” aid cal- In fact, Princeton has no way of estimat- usually taking it earlier than their classmates and culations are dependent on students coming ing how many of its students are working cam- losing precious studying time. As with any per- from supportive nuclear families, their calcula- pus jobs to support themselves or others and has vasive issue, we must uncover the root causes tions are not designed to recognize those who a vested interest in obscuring this reality. Having if we hope to find permanent solutions. Is the fall outside these normative family structures. this information would challenge the university lack of sustainable campus jobs, and by exten- Not every queer, trans, or abused student who to be accountable in their promise to meet “100 sion the financial situations that require them, no longer has a financial relationship with their percent of [students’] demonstrated financial an institutional oversight or a malicious policy? guardian(s) will be financially emancipated, need with grant aid,” as they advertise to pro- The answer lies in the university’s financial aid simply because they might not be able to pro- spective students. For now, the administration statistics. duce the correct documentation to qualify for a can shake their heads as they feign bewilderment While Princeton is slowly increasing the narrowly defined federal category. While Princ- at student debt at such a “generous” institution. amount of students admitted who require finan- eton might not directly impact the federal policy, We, however, see clearly that the failure of fi- cial aid, the percent of seniors graduating with they are clearly uninterested in either lobbying to nancial aid to meet the financial needs of - stu debt is rising faster as per their public statistics change the federal definition or creating an alter- dents, which is exacerbated by the working en- on the admissions website. During the 2015- native support network for those who need addi- vironment, straddles the line between oversight 2016 school year, only 60 percent of students tional support outside its bounds. Students who and malicious intent. While it may have been were on financial aid, while 84 percent of seniors come from a single-guardian household with- purely an oversight the first few times a situation graduated debt-free. This past academic year, out a non-custodial parent present in their lives like this arose, it became malicious through the there was a one percent increase in the percent likewise struggle to document their situation in administration's refusal to address it and inten- of students on financial aid compared with a two a way the financial aid office can understand tional ignorance of the reality they foster. percent decrease in seniors graduating without without its narrow framework. A divorce, even

photo credit: Paul VanDerWerf

8 The Prog Issue 23 - OctoberNovember 2019 2019 Climate Fires and the Green New Deal Naomi Klein and Keenaga-Yamahtta Taylor on the Impending Climate Crisis Maryam Ibrahim

photo credit: Richard Smith

s children, we may have heard about go forward within ten years. lum seekers and migrants impacted by climate climate change in middle school sci- This was the topic of the conversation change were sent to neighboring countries in ence class and felt pity towards the between Naomi Klein, Canadian journalist and Oceania). Klein further pointed out that the in- polar bears stranded in the melting author of No Logo and The Shock Doctrine, and creasing climate problem and the exclusionary AArctic. But as time goes on, issues relating to Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, author and assistant practices of oppressive regimes in powerful the climate crystallize and become personally professor in Princeton’s Department of African countries fuel one another. salient: the 2018 UN climate report stated that American Studies, which took place on October The last fire may be the most vital of the the global community has only 12 years to pre- 1 in Richardson Auditorium. Klein and Taylor three. As opposed to the other two, “our fire” vent the Earth’s temperature from increasing by are no strangers to criticizing capitalism; they is not destructive but “life giving”; it “clear[s] 2.7 degrees Fahrenheit, otherwise sea levels are spoke openly about workers’ oppression and the away debris.” What Klein means is the mobili- likely to rise by ten centimeters. In 2019, we are imperialist nature of the extraction of resources. zation of the youth, such as the Sunrise move- down to 11 years, and with our current White Specifically, they discussed Klein’s most recent ment—which challenged Democratic leaders to House administration, the number of years may book, On Fire: the (Burning) Case for the Green stop ignoring the climate debate—and the activ- now be even smaller. At this point, the UN can New Deal, which urges its readers to wake up to ism of Greta Thunburg. Klein believes that this only seek to slow down the process of climate the current climate crisis and uncovers the deep- new climate change movement’s insistence upon change, as it has already caused the destruction er level of harm wreaked by apathy. planning and the “building of infrastructure” of homes, lives, and communities, dislocating During her opening remarks, Klein spoke sets it apart from other waves of protest such as millions. The Green New Deal, a radical depar- of three fires that are affecting our world today: Occupy Wall Street. Professor Taylor agreed ture from the halfheartedness and blatant ap- climate change, politics, and “our fire.” Climate and spoke of past sentiments on climate change athy towards climate change seen within most change is responsible for the forced migration as a type of cognitive dissonance, where one was government institutions, is sponsored by Rep. of millions, a consequence of the dramatically aware of the crisis but was not sure how to fix it. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Sen. Ed Markey increasing amount of storms, wildfires, floods The Green New Deal epitomizes a new kind of and seeks to ensure not only that climate change and likely hundreds of millions to come. As a re- mindset of organized resistance. Regardless of is combatted through investment in low car- sult, a political fire is ignited, one that has world any specific legislation with the intent to solve bon activities, but also that American lives are powers isolating migrants and asylum seekers the climate issue, what is very clear to Klein and improved overall through policies like the im- through policies of displacement, such as ICE’s Taylor is that carbon taxes are not enough: we plementation of a livable minimum wage. The raids in America or Australia’s earlier “Pacific must act both quickly and radically. Green New Deal proposes all these changes to Solution” (a governmental policy whereby asy-

Issue 23 - OctoberNovember 2019 2019 The Prog 9 In The Oven of YouTube, Bread Rises Joseph Feng

hen Karl Marx published Das radicalization efforts of the alt-right shine. The Comparisons,” their videos find a home within Kapital, his pioneering critique YouTube videos they produce are often short, the clickbait-filled YouTube recommended list. of capitalism, it heralded a new professional, and easy to understand. They are And by responding directly to right-wing con- age in political theory. With its forward with their outreach efforts, campaign- tent creators, they can successfully manipulate Wdescriptions of class struggle and hope for a ing as hard as possible to convert anyone willing the algorithm into placing their responses next better future, Das Kapital spread, agitating rev- to give their arguments a chance. The right has to the original video. Furthermore, BreadTube olutionary fervor across Europe, and eventually even infiltrated previously non-political spheres, has countered the right’s debate fetish by using the world. Nearly 200 years later, Marx’s works fomenting anti-“political correctness” content well-sourced counterarguments and a healthy remain a centerpiece of modern leftism, provid- within the largely white and male online gam- dose of ridicule, making the right’s arguments ing critiques of capital that still ring true today. ing circles that feel threatened by a perceived seem downright incompetent. Faraday Speaks, Yet despite Marx’s sharp and seemingly timeless feminization of their hobby. They normalize the a BreadTuber who was recently de-radicalized insight, his texts are undoubtedly old, left behind more fringe sects of the right by platforming fas- from the alt-right, has ascribed much of his new by a modernizing language. And his more po- cists and racists like Stefan Molyneux on more left bent to ability of these response videos to lemic criticisms of an alienating, exploitative polished, professional channels. so roundly counter the arguments of the right, society are often buried under philosophical The right’s success on YouTube has exposing their performative “facts and logic” models and long-winded analyses of linens and largely been built on the back of the YouTube appeal. coats. algorithm. As a corporation, YouTube’s goal Additionally, BreadTube has expanded Despite the left’s focus on working class is simply to make as much money as possible the potential audience for leftist content. Before unity and strength, its contemporary efforts to through advertisement, and as such, it does its the rise of BreadTube, engaging with leftist theo- reach a broader audience have been spare. The best to keep you watching for as long as possi- ry took a more active effort, often one only those foundational leftist materials of the 19th and ble. YouTube does this most notably through its who were already developing class conscious- early 20th century can be quite difficult. Often “recommend” feature, where it will recommend ness would attempt. But by combining both po- only those with the education and the time nec- or even automatically play videos based on the litical and non-political content, BreadTubers essary will be able to parse dense theory on dia- user’s previous watch history. This system of have been able to stretch their reach to even the lectical materialism or the value of labor. While recommendation causes right-wing channels politically disengaged. HBomberguy and Shaun the left’s dedication to nuance and analysis is to feed into each other, continuously exposing have infiltrated the largely reactionary YouTube necessary for understanding the issues of mod- viewers to more radicalizing content. And be- gaming sphere, by producing content that an- ern society, its scholarly flair can be jarring to a cause YouTube often deems the extreme videos alyzes gaming culture from a leftist lens. Phi- broader audience that needs to understand it the of the alt-right engaging despite (or maybe even losophyTube creates informational videos on most. And this tendency towards the academic because of) their violent rhetoric, the videos are epistemology and philosophy, often diving into can often breed a sense of elitism against the ig- deemed worthy of promotion and rack up mil- Marxist and Hegelian concepts. But most impor- norant; even though much of the left’s failure to lions of views. tantly, BreadTube has made theory downright spread in America can be attributed to the active Yet despite the dominance of the right entertaining, with videos that are thought-pro- suppression of class consciousness, the move- on YouTube, the platform has also been the voking, professional, and genuinely funny. They ment’s propensity to treat ignorance and apathy left’s biggest break. In the past few years, left- refine dense leftist theory into digestible chunks with disdain can often make it hostile to poten- ist YouTube, affectionately called BreadTube by using simple language and strong arguments tial recruits. in reference to the anarchist text The Conquest that make leftism both understandable and com- This lack of modernization has rendered of Bread, has grown massively as a response to pelling. Fundamentally, BreadTube’s success is the left woefully inadequate in dealing with the the right’s dominance on the platform. Spear- derived from its ability to reach previously un- ascendant alt-right. In contrast with the slow- headed by YouTube channels like ContraPoints, receptive audiences, allowing leftism to grow ly adapting left, the right has been remarkably PhilosophyTube, and HBomberguy, BreadTube beyond its previously isolated core. successful in adopting new technologies to has created strong informational pipelines that BreadTube has, however, seen its fair spread their message. Despite their violent and combat those built by the right. Its videos are share of challenges. Its largest content creators hateful rhetoric, the far right has been undeni- diverse in form, with news analysis from the are all white, and its centralization around them ably successful in making their ideology easily Majority Report and Some More News, leftist has stirred controversy among its hierarchy-ad- accessible. In the lawless lands of internet me- theory from PhilosophyTube and BadMouse- verse audience. The heterogeneity of opinion dia platforms, the alt-right has found its home, Productions, and thought-out counterarguments within BreadTube still leads to large amounts of preying on the reluctance of companies to police to the online right-wing hegemony from Shaun infighting. And its reliance on viewer funding, their violent ideology. Targeting young, impres- and Three Arrows. And it has seen remarkable while morally correct, still leaves it an underdog sionable, white male audiences, the right has success in both deradicalizing right-wing view- against the astroturfed right. But BreadTube has produced a decentralized mass of propagandiz- ers and growing the leftist movement. demonstrated a strong ability to reflect critical- ing content that has spread with the assistance As a free-to-use platform, it seems nat- ly on its shortcomings. Larger content creators of 4Chan, Reddit, and YouTube. Over the years, ural that YouTube would enable a previously have made active efforts to promote smaller this infrastructure has been strengthened by the unseen level of accessibility for the left. How- channels. Leftist unity, while still not fully real- investments of right-wing conservatives. Den- ever, BreadTube’s success has not been un- ized, is a widely discussed and commonly shared nis Prager and the Koch brothers have utilized earned. They have learned from the right, adopt- goal. Meanwhile Patreon, a funding system that their vast wealth to fund a network of right-wing ing many strategies that directly challenge the relies on viewers, has been crucial in enabling YouTube channels, such as Steven Crowder, effectiveness of right-wing YouTube. Many BreadTube’s continued grassroots strength. Ul- Ben Shapiro, and Prager University. Aided by BreadTubers create detailed response videos to timately, BreadTube has revolutionized the left platforms designed to keep users’ attentions for alt-right propaganda, allowing them to reach and its outreach efforts. In its fight against the as long as possible, the alt-right has created a right-wing audiences through the YouTube algo- dominance of right-wing YouTube, BreadTube remarkably effective radicalization pipeline. rithm. With provocative titles like “Does the Left has made leftism more accessible than ever be- YouTube, in particular, is where the Hate Free Speech” and “Talking About: Racial fore.

10 The Prog Issue 23 - OctoberNovember 2019 2019 Tweets for Transformation Elliot Weil

his summer, as the Democrat- ic primary began to heat up, we saw a fair share of unique, memetic campaign strategies. TThese ranged from Andrew Yang’s use of bribery to get people to sign up for his mailing list, Marianne Williamson’s ram- blings about re-aligning the chakras of the spiritual nation, and Bernie Sander’s declaration that he “wrote the damn bill!” However, perhaps the most important moment for understanding the changing landscape of politics in the internet age was a presidential campaign that you may not have heard of. The pairing of Mike Gravel, an 89-year-old former US senator from Alaska, and a campaign leadership team of three teenagers—David Oks, Henry Williams, and Henry McGowan—may appear confusing. Gravel, a prominent voice in the anti-war left of the 70s, was for the most part forgotten by popular American history,and relatively unknown to most Gen-Zers. This was until the three boys, later dubbed the “Gravel Teens,” heard about his reading of the Pentagon Papers on the popular left-wing podcast Chapo Trap House. Within a week, they had called the senator, convinced him to anti-homelessness architecture, were all ideas break to save money. After reaching out to the run for president, launched an exploratory com- offered up by the campaign that have received creator, Isabella, for a comment, she stated that mittee, and started what would be the focal point virtually no attention in mainstream discourse she actually votes Republican and has no affilia- of the campaign: @MikeGravel on Twitter. Ex- However, when bluntly advocated for by the tion with the political left at all. So while content plaining that the bid was solely for the purpose Gravel Twitter account, they are presented as the like this may not show any actual translation to of pushing other candidates to the left on issues obvious ethical obligation of the state. realigning political identity, the video shows a like ending the American empire and expand- The Gravel campaign is just a taste of the massive shift in internet political discourse. This ing transgender rights, the end goal was simply greater left-wing Gen-Z movement online that is a shift towards a greater consideration of eco- putting these issues on the Democratic debate has democratized political expression. While nomic inequality and a questioning of the status stage. Four months later, the campaign amassed right-wing radicalization may have won-out on quo. over 65,000 unique donors, hitting the require- YouTube early on, (there has now been a slow Yes, the Gravel teens and their TikTok ment for the July debates. Gravel was even out- shift towards left wing content on that platform counterparts are trying to approach our political polling high profile candidates such as Kirsten as well) teens in high school or even younger are system with a more satirical sentiment, and no, Gillibrand. This was not the product of a fluke skeptical about the sort of edgy, alt-right rhet- they aren’t as serious as MSNBC pundits or oth- or something special about Gravel himself; the oric popular among the Ben Shapiro-esque on- er candidates more interested in compromise. Gravel Teens had merely tapped into a social line presence, and have turned to a more sincere This mockery is if anything, however, just mak- media strategy that is able to recruit Gen-Z and form of advocacy on even younger platforms ing transparent the presence of youth frustration Millennial voters to the left in an unprecedented like TikTok. Just this past summer, 16-year-old with the current state of affairs. Too long has way. Gillian Sullivan utilized TikTok to help organize the political establishment asked us to be polite Many have written the campaign off as a general strike among students in Clark County, when addressing those who treat human life as a a ploy for social clout due to the teens’ use of Nevada, in solidarity with teachers being denied traded commodity. We’ve tried everything else. memes and “extremely online” humor to propa- deserved raises. The video received over 36,000 If memes are what will get attention, urgency re- gate their vision. The Gravel Twitter timeline is likes on TikTok and attention from around the quires us to use them. Our political system is a populated with gems such as “trans-rights uwu” internet, sparking a national conversation among satire of itself, and the sincerest commentary on or “sOmE oF uS lIkE tHe CeNtEr.” While cer- students who sympathized with failing school this system, in many instances, is mockery. For tainly playful, the campaign shaped the political districts. Another TikTok user, @onlyjayus, re- better or for worse, memes are the future, and discourse, especially among those 25 and under. cently went viral for lamenting the exorbitant the youth reclaiming political discourse is essen- Their platform advocated for radical change, es- wealth of Bill Gates, listing off all of the ridicu- tial to its survival. pecially in the realm of foreign policy. Cutting lous things he could buy without making a dent military aid to Israel, bringing every troop home, in his fortune, before contrasting it with the real- establishing a robust reparations fund, outlawing ity that she decides not to buy food on her lunch

Issue 32 - NovemberOctober 2019 2019 The Prog 11 THE PRINCETON PROGRESSIVE IS GENEROUSLY SUPPORTED BY THE PRINCETON PROGRESSIVES (PPRO) ALUMNI GROUP.

OUR WORK IS MADE POSSIBLE BY DEDICATED SUPPORT FROM PRINCETONIANS COMMITTED TO PROGRESSIVE VALUES.

!

12 The Prog Issue 2 - October 2019