Sekkyô and the Tale of Terute in Oguri Hangan : Authorizing the Role of Women (Part 1)
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宇都宮大学国際学部研究論集 2013 第35号, 9−21 9 Sekkyô and the Tale of Terute in Oguri Hangan : Authorizing the Role of Women (Part 1) Barbara S. Morrison, Ph.D. …until sekkyô-bushi, images of such brave, strong C.E. on the occasion of a request by Emperor Shôtoku women had never been presented before. Taishi and notes that four years later, an entry in Nihon Muroki, Katarimono no Kenkyû 317. Shoki records that Shôtoku Taishi had another sekkyô performed from the Lotus Sutra. From these earliest This paper is Part One of a two part series that beginnings, Sekiyama follows the development of concerns the role of females and female spirituality sekkyô through the Heian period, when sekkyô was a in the sekkyô canon and in particular, in the sekkyô profession not only for men but also for women who known as Oguri or Oguri Hangan. In this paper were affiliated with religious institutions and who (Part One) I will discuss sekkyô, the formation of were required to “master waka with a beautiful voice” the sekkyô canon and the role that women played (64). He notes a frequently quoted passage from in the development of the genre as well as in the Makura no Sôshi (1002 C.E.) where the summoning formulation of the sekkyô narrative Oguri Hangan. I of a sekkyô-shi (説経師) is recorded. The character will demonstrate through a review of the literature shi is important, and would indicate the presence that female religious entertainers were instrumental of a religious affiliation. Both Sekiyama, and Ishii in creating and promulgating significant portions of Nobuko, in her article in Monumenta Nipponica the narrative of Oguri Hangan. Having established (1989), note that the term, sekkyô-sha (者), is a much that women were indeed responsible for the creation later designation. Ishii points out that during the and circulation of significant portions of the tale (and Edo period, sekkyô-shi specifically denotes a priest, in so doing I do not mean to rule out the presence of whereas sekkyô-sha, as the term first appears in Edo men, but to indicate the participation of women) in period chronicles, indicates an itinerant chanter with Part Two I will read the figure of the female hero of no religious affiliation. The term sekkyô-shi becomes Oguri Hangan as a fictional representation of female confusing when discussed in an historical context, as spiritual practice in medieval Japan. In doing so I will Ishii maintains – in contradistinction to Sekiyama - rely on the work of Dee Dyas to explore the interesting that sekkyô-shi in the Heian period (784-1185) were and surprising ways in which the dynamic of interior, not priests at all, but laymen who performed sekkyô as moral and place pilgrimage are integrated into Terute’s secular entertainment. From Sekiyama’s point of view, spiritual practice. all sekkyô performers are ‘shi’; i.e. priests, though The Genre of Sekkyô some may be considered artists, and others considered In 1973, Sekiyama Kazuo [who was born and as religious missionaries. raised in a temple and was a proponent of sekkyô The term sekkyô can be written as: 説経; literally, (sermon ballads) from the point of view of religious explanation/sutra, or 説教; literally, explanation/ history,] published an account of institutional sermon teaching. While the former is translatable specifically ballads titled Sekkyô no Rekishi-Bukkyô to Wagei. as sutra explanations and maintains a strong religious Sekiyama takes the reader through the development connection, the latter is translatable as a broader of sekkyô from the first known performance in 598 term for teaching explanations that may or may not 10 Barbara S. Morrison, Ph.D. include religious dogma. According to Sekiyama, the faiths which are based on intoning the nenbutsu as latter version was introduced and became prevalent a vehicle for salvation. Sekiyama maintains that it in the Meiji period (1868-1912) though he uses was Shinran, under the influence of sekkyô and in both terms interchangeably. For the purposes of his efforts to promulgate his religious teachings to this article I will propose that sekkyô-shi (説経師) the masses, who attached fushi (chant patterns in the maintained strong religious affiliations and performed historically effective pattern of five and seven syllables sekkyô (説経) while sekkyô-sha (説教者), as found in waka poetry,) to wasan (four line stanzas) in itinerant artists, performed sekkyô (説教), reflecting order to aid his listeners in remembering True Pure a later development in the history of sekkyô; from Land doctrine. religious sermon to dramatic literature. However, This innovation; i.e. the addition of rhythmic the distinction between laymen and clerics is often elements as mnemonic devices to religious teachings, difficult to maintain in Medieval Japan, and sekkyô- had a profound effect on the history of sekkyô, and shi, particularly in the Heian through the Kamakura engendered a new development, that of fushizuke (1185-1333) and Muromachi periods (1333-1573), sekkyô, or fushidan sekkyô. For Sekiyama, the in all likelihood had no formal religious affiliation. development of fushidan sekkyô in the late Kamakura Sekkyô-sha, on the other hand, are invariably laymen (1185-1333) early Muromachi period (1333-1573) or laywomen who appeared in the Edo period, and was born of a marriage between the practical needs probably existed before that time. of gaining religious adherents, and the dissemination According to Sekiyama, sermon ballads began of religious teachings, particularly in the True Pure with tight religious affiliations to Tendai and Shingon Land tradition under Shinran. With the exception of sects in the Nara and Heian periods in Japan. With Sekiyama, many scholars use sekkyô as an inclusive the growth of Jôdo-shû (Pure Land Sect) under term which may, or may not, include sekkyô-bushi. Hônen (1133-1212) and Shin-shû (True Pure Land As the Muromachi period progressed, Sekiyama Sect) under Shinran (1173-1262), sekkyô grew notes that sekkyô-shi began to be influenced by increasingly important in promulgating religious artistic and performative elements in society at large, teachings to the general public. Within the history and the use of bells and drums while chanting, in of sekkyô, an important contributor, Chôken (1126- addition to the use of the sasara (small drum) and the 1203), was trained as a Tendai priest and noted for biwa (Japanese lute), became prevalent. Sekiyama the exceptional use of his voice. Chôgen married and maintains that sekkyô-bushi arose from fushidan moved to Kyôto, where he lived in Agui. Chôken had sekkyô, enduring throughout the Muromachi Period in an important influence on both Hônen and Shinran, Japan, and into the Edo period. Within sekkyô-bushi and Sekiyama notes the reported healing properties of there developed two more types of performance; the a sekkyô performance whereby Chôken is said to have first, an art of itinerant performers, and the second, cured Hônen of a serious illness by performing sekkyô an art of performers in a fixed location. Uta sekkyô at Hônen’s bedside in 1205. With Chôken, sekkyô and kado sekkyô were performed by wandering artists, became associated with Agui, and the Agui school while sekkyô-bushi were performed in shelters, and (Agui ryû) of sekkyô was established. Chôken’s son, incorporated the use of puppets. Interestingly, at Seikaku (1167-1235), carried on in the Agui tradition this point Sekiyama drops all reference to sekkyô- of sekkyô, and as a result of their relationship, as well shi, preferring to refer to those performers of sekkyô- as that of his father’s relationship with both Hônen bushi from the beginning in the early Muromachi and Shinran, sekkyô played an important role in the period as wandering artists, claiming that they simply dissemination of religious teachings of both the Pure imitated the sekkyô of sekkyô-shi and turned it into Land and True Pure Land faiths; i.e. those Buddhist a profession, intimating that we have left the elite Sekkyô and the Tale of Terute in Oguri Hangan : Authorizing the Role of Women (Part 1) 11 purvey of sekkyô proper, and digressed into a popular surmise that sekkyô may have enjoyed a great deal of (and degenerate) art form. The samisen (a stringed popularity long before the middle of the 17th century. instrument resembling a banjo), a popular new import In her 1989 article in Monumenta Nipponica, from Okinawa, replaced the sasara in approximately titled “Sekkyô-bushi,” Ishii discusses sekkyô from the 1631, and there developed what had now become a point of view of dramatic literature, and consequently fully secularized form of sekkyô. maintains a very different perspective from that of Jôruri (浄瑠璃) or ballad dramas, as a genre Sekiyama. While Sekiyama maintains that sekkyô of chant intoned to the music of the samisen existed prior to the Kamakura period in a purely incorporating the use of puppets, began to eclipse religious context, Ishii outlines a very different picture sekkyô in popularity by about 1660, primarily, for the history of sekkyô and sekkyô-bushi, claiming according to Iishi in her 1989 article, because the that as early as the late Heian period, the term sekkyô formulaic compositional devices of orally based was used to “denote interesting, and often humorous, narratives of the sekkyô repertoire were unable to sermons or anecdotes about priestly teaching” (296). adopt techniques of literary composition incorporated She bases her conclusions on references found in by jôruri, and were therefore unable to sustain the Chûyûki, Ôkagami, Konjaku Monogatari, Shaseki- interests of an increasingly literate audience. Though shû, and Uji Shûi Monogatari. Ishii concludes that sekkyô and sekkyô-bushi are often called sekkyô-jôruri, these early references to the entertaining character they are not the same genre of performance. The of sekkyô indicate that sekkyô had developed into a confusion exists, in part, perhaps, because both genres popular form in the Heian period, and that during the adopted the use of puppets and existed concurrently in Kamakura period, sekkyô was used to denote secular the 17th century.