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Notes Pour Une Évaluation Nouvelle De La Colonisation Des Contrées D’Occident Au Temps Des Han

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Notes Pour Une Évaluation Nouvelle De La Colonisation Des Contrées D’Occident Au Temps Des Han NOTES POUR UNE ÉVALUATION NOUVELLE DE LA COLONISATION DES CONTRÉES D’OCCIDENT AU TEMPS DES HAN PAR ERIC TROMBERT* L’historiographie chinoise nous a habitués à considérer l’expansion vers l’Ouest engagée par les Han à partir du 1er siècle avant notre ère comme un facteur de progrès décisif pour les populations autochtones vivant dans les régions situées à l’ouest du Fleuve jaune – le Corridor du Hexi 河西走廊 (actuel Gansu) et, au-delà, les contrées d’Occident (Xiyu 西域). Une telle valorisation de l’entreprise coloniale n’est pas sans rappeler les thèses «colonistes» des milieux politiques et intellectuels européens qui, au 19e siècle, justifiaient l’expansion outre-mer par ce «devoir supérieur de civilisation» qui incombait selon eux aux nations européennes1. Plus surprenant à première vue est le fait que les lettrés de l’époque impériale ont été rejoints sur ce terrain par de nombreux intellectuels de Chine popu- laire qui s’accordent avec leurs Anciens en dépit de ce qui peut les sépa- rer sur le plan idéologique. Le dynamisme décomplexé dont la Chine fait preuve à l’heure actuelle explique sans doute cela. Signe purement for- mel mais néanmoins révélateur de cette conjonction de vues, il se trouve aujourd’hui plus d’un historien pour reprendre les termes du mot d’ordre lancé par le gouvernement de Pékin dans les années 1990, «Ouvrir et développer le Nord-Ouest» (Xibei kaifa 西北開發), pour qualifier l’action entreprise dans les mêmes régions il y a deux mille ans par les Han2. * Centre de recherches sur les civilisations de l’Asie orientale (UMR 8155). 1 L’expression est tirée d’un discours de Jules Ferry prononcé à la tribune de la Chambre des députés le 28 juillet 1885 au moment de la conquête de l’Indochine. 2 C’est le cas de Yin Qing (2007, p. 66-67) qui détourne l’expression moderne pour l’appliquer à «l’ouverture des contrées d’Occident sous les Han» (Handai Xiyu kaifa 漢代西域開發). Ce même auteur – dont l’ouvrage cité ici est au demeurant l’une des Journal Asiatique 299.1 (2011): 67-123 doi: 10.2143/JA.299.1.2131060 94253_JA_2011/1_04_Trombert.indd 67 14/09/11 15:19 68 E. TROMBERT On se gardera bien ici d’entrer dans un débat de fond aux conclusions improbables. Le but de cet article est d’aborder la question coloniale de la manière la plus concrète possible, à travers quelques points présentant l’avantage d’être documentés par des données factuelles, techniques, voire chiffrées. À partir d’un constat – l’essor démographique que les contrées d’Occident semblent avoir connu pendant les deux dynasties des Han –, nous réévaluerons d’abord la portée des événements politiques et militaires déjà connus concernant la pénétration Han dans ces régions afin de tenter de déterminer jusqu’à quel point il est possible de mettre cet essor sur le compte de la présence chinoise comme le veut la tradition historiographique. Nous examinerons ensuite la réalité des implantations agricoles Han, leur impor- tance numérique, leur mode de fonctionnement et les techniques agraires mises en œuvre pour assurer leur existence. Cet aspect ne sera traité ici que dans ses grandes lignes bien qu’il mérite une analyse beaucoup plus fine car il a encore peu retenu l’attention des chercheurs, comme beaucoup d’autres questions relatives à la culture matérielle. Nous traiterons cependant dans le détail une innovation technique particulière, le semoir tracté, qu’il est d’usage de présenter comme emblématique de la contribution des Han au progrès agricole des contrées d’Occident. Ce n’est qu’en sortant des géné- ralités et des prétendues vérités admises une fois pour toutes qu’il sera possible de faire progresser la recherche historique, notamment sur des questions qui restent sensibles en raison des enjeux politiques actuels. 1. L’ESSOR DE L’ÉCONOMIE SÉRINDIENNE ET SON INTERPRÉTATION TRADITIONNELLE Dans un article publié en 1990, «Han Buddhism and the Western Region», Erik Zürcher avait abordé la question de la diffusion du bouddhisme en Chine sous un angle qui nous intéresse ici. Il remarquait avec pertinence meilleures synthèses sur l’histoire économique de ces régions – évoque, toujours à propos de l’expansionnisme Han, «la grande œuvre consistant à unifier la patrie» (ibid.). Il y aurait beaucoup à dire sur l’utilisation récurrente par les historiens chinois actuels du terme «unification» (tongyi 統一) employé en lieu et place de «conquête de nouveaux territoires». La pression politique exercée sur les intellectuels par le gouvernement de Pékin n’explique pas tout; elle s’exerce manifestement dans un contexte idéologique qui imprègne l’incons- cient collectif chinois depuis fort longtemps. Journal Asiatique 299.1 (2011): 67-123 94253_JA_2011/1_04_Trombert.indd 68 14/09/11 15:19 NOTES POUR UNE ÉVALUATION NOUVELLE DE LA COLONISATION 69 que, contrairement à certaines idées reçues, le cheminement de cette reli- gion depuis le monde indien jusqu’en Chine ne s’était pas fait par étapes, de proche en proche. Ce furent d’abord des missionnaires venus directe- ment de l’Ouest lointain, Indoscythes, Sogdiens, Parthes et Indiens, qui introduisirent la nouvelle doctrine au cœur de l’empire des Han. Et ce n’est que plus tard, à partir de la seconde moitié du 3e siècle de notre ère, qu’apparurent en Chine intérieure des religieux venus des royaumes-oasis de la Sérinde, autrement dit de l’actuel Xinjiang. Pour Zürcher, l’apparition tardive des Sérindiens sur la scène chinoise correspond vraisemblablement au moment où de véritables communautés monastiques furent fondées dans cette région. Or, de telles communautés ne peuvent généralement prendre leur essor que dans des économies et des sociétés prospères, urbaines et marchandes. C’est en suivant cette idée qu’il s’est intéressé à l’existence d’un «Grand Bond en avant» de l’économie sérindienne et à ses causes probables. On connaît mal l’état de l’économie des pays d’Occident à l’époque ancienne. Cependant, à côté de diverses informations fragmentaires et disparates, les sources chinoises fournissent deux séries de données qui renseignent valablement sur l’évolution de la situation démographique. La première série figure dans le chapitre sur les contrées d’Occident du Hanshu (n° 96), la seconde dans le chapitre homologue du Hou Han shu (n° 88), les deux textes donnant à peu près le même type d’informations chiffrées sur la plupart des États de la région – nombre de foyers, d’indi- vidus et de militaires actifs ou mobilisables. Les informations contenues dans le chapitre 96 du Hanshu proviennent des enquêtes effectuées sur le terrain par l’administration du Protectorat général des contrées d’Occident (Xiyu duhu 西域都護) qui ne fut opérationnelle qu’à partir de l’an 59 avant notre ère bien que l’organisme eût été créé nominalement quelques années plus tôt3. Ces données valent donc, grosso modo, pour la seconde moitié du 1er siècle avant notre ère. Elles sont relativement fiables, les fonc- tionnaires du Protectorat ayant eu tout intérêt à fournir au gouvernement 3 Il est fort possible que le titre de Protecteur général, attribué à Zheng Ji 鄭吉, ait existé dès l’an 68 avant notre ère comme l’indique à deux reprises le Hanshu (HS 19A/738 et 70/3032); voir également la fiche de Juyan 118.17, datée de l’an 64, qui mentionne le titre de duhu. Mais il ne fait pas de doute que l’installation effective de l’administration du Protectorat ne date que de 60 ou 59. Cf. Yu Taishan, 2006, p. 47-54. Journal Asiatique 299.1 (2011): 67-123 94253_JA_2011/1_04_Trombert.indd 69 14/09/11 15:19 70 E. TROMBERT impérial des chiffres fiables sur des questions qui étaient de la plus haute importance stratégique. La date des informations données dans le Hou Han shu est également claire bien que l’ouvrage n’ait été composé qu’au 5e siècle. Dans le préambule du chapitre consacré aux pays d’Occident, son auteur, Fan Ye 范曄, affirme s’être fondé en partie sur «les notices que Ban Gu 班固 avait écrites sur la configuration et les mœurs des divers royaumes»; et il ajoute que «pour les changements intervenus depuis l’ère Jianwu [25-55, c’est à dire depuis l’avènement des Han orientaux], toutes les informations utilisées pour composer le présent chapitre ont été prises dans ce que Ban Yong 班勇 a relaté à la fin du règne de l’empereur An [107-125]» (HHS 88/2912-2913). Effectivement, le chapitre ne men- tionne qu’un très petit nombre de faits postérieurs à Ban Yong, et l’on peut donc tenir pour certain qu’il présente les pays d’Occident tels qu’ils appa- raissaient à un témoin oculaire écrivant peu avant l’année 125 de notre ère4. Le général Ban Yong qui était le fils du célèbre Ban Chao 班超 et le neveu de Ban Gu, l’auteur principal du Hanshu, joua lui-même un rôle important dans la conquête et l’administration des pays d’Occident au début du 2e siècle. Pour reprendre les mots de Chavannes, nul n’était mieux placé que lui pour dresser un tableau bien informé de la situation locale. Une comparaison entre les deux séries de données est d’autant plus justifiée que la seconde série fut établie comme une sorte de mise à jour de la première. Or de l’une à l’autre, les chiffres font apparaître de manière indiscutable un accroissement considérable de la population. Si l’on consi- dère l’ensemble des pays pour lesquels les chiffres sont donnés dans les deux séries – il y en a dix, soit la plupart des pays du Xinjiang actuel –, la population passe de 14 311 foyers à 82 323, soit un accroissement de 575%.
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