Note on Local Peace Processes in the Syrian Conflict
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Child Soldiers Continue to Be Deployed to Libya
www.stj-sy.org Child Soldiers Continue to be Deployed to Libya More than 55 minor Syrian children spotted in a military camp in Tripoli, despite demands to expel mercenaries from the conflict Page | 2 www.stj-sy.org Despite an October 2020 ceasefire agreement and repeated international calls to expel all foreign forces and mercenaries from the Libyan conflict, recruitment operations continue to enlist and transfer Syrian mercenaries into Libya – including children under the age of 18. In 2021, the recruitments have largely been carried out by Russia and Turkey. In July 2021, Syrians for Truth and Justice (STJ) obtained new testimonies on the deployment of new groups of children to Tripoli, Libya’s capital, since March 2021. Notably, we heard from a 16-year-old child soldier, a fighter in the al-Hamza/al-Hamzat Division, and a medical worker who treated a number of recruited children in a hospital in Tripoli. We contacted sources via phone and through encrypted online applications. Sources confirmed the spread of 55 new Syrian child recruits in areas overseen by the Government of National Accord (GNA), including makeshift camp near Mitiga International Airport, al-Sahbah camp, Hadaba project and al-Na’am camp. Image 1 – A map of locations where Syrian child soldiers have been observed in Libya. Military Groups Recruiting Children Sources provided STJ with the names of military groups formed by the opposition-Syrian National Army (SNA) who are confirmed to have children serving among their ranks in Libya. The groups include the Auxiliary Forces/al-Quwat al-Radifa, Front and Alert Units, and Special Intrusion Units. -
The Syrian National Council: a Victorious Opposition?
THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES IMES CAPSTONE PAPER SERIES THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? JARED MARKLAND KRITTIKA LALWANEY MAY 2012 THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES THE ELLIOTT SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY COPYRIGHT OF THE AUTHOR(S), 2012 THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? Jared Markland & Krittika Lalwaney Introduction The Syrian National Council (SNC) emerged as an opposition movement representing the democratic uprisings in Syria calling for regime change. The Assad regime’s forceful measures against Syrians have delegitimized the government and empowered the revolution. The success of the revolution, in overthrowing the regime hinges on the Syrian opposition’s ability to overcome its deficiencies. This paper analyzes the performance of the SNC by determining SNC success or failure to launch a successful opposition movement against the regime. The SNC’s probability of success in the overthrow of the regime is contingent on its ability to unify internally, obtain financial capacity, establish international recognition, and build internal popular support. Methodology The methods used to examine the prospects for success of the SNC as a viable opposition movement consist of comparative case studies and qualitative field research. We examined four case studies, including Nicaragua, Libya, El Salvador and Guatemala. These cases establish a set of core factors necessary for an opposition movement to succeed. The utilization of these factors allows us to create a comparative assessment of the overall performance of the SNC. Our qualitative fieldwork entailed a total of 32 interviews with current SNC members, Syrian activists, refugees, Free Syrian Army members, academic experts, and government officials. -
Syria: "Torture Was My Punishment": Abductions, Torture and Summary
‘TORTURE WAS MY PUNISHMENT’ ABDUCTIONS, TORTURE AND SUMMARY KILLINGS UNDER ARMED GROUP RULE IN ALEPPO AND IDLEB, SYRIA Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2016 Cover photo: Armed group fighters prepare to launch a rocket in the Saif al-Dawla district of the Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons northern Syrian city of Aleppo, on 21 April 2013. (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. © Miguel Medina/AFP/Getty Images https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2016 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 24/4227/2016 July 2016 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 METHODOLOGY 7 1. BACKGROUND 9 1.1 Armed group rule in Aleppo and Idleb 9 1.2 Violations by other actors 13 2. ABDUCTIONS 15 2.1 Journalists and media activists 15 2.2 Lawyers, political activists and others 18 2.3 Children 21 2.4 Minorities 22 3. -
The Peace Vs. Justice Debate and the Syrian Crisis
American University Washington College of Law Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law Articles in Law Reviews & Other Academic Journals Scholarship & Research 2018 The Peace vs. Justice Debate and the Syrian Crisis Paul Williams Lisa Dicker C. Danae Paterson Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/facsch_lawrev Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, International Humanitarian Law Commons, International Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons THE PEACE VS. JUSTICE PUZZLE AND THE SYRIAN CRISIS Paul R Williams,' Lisa K Dicker," C. Danae Paterson I. INTRODUCTION........................................... 418 II. THE "PEACE-FIRST" APPROACH ........................ ..... 420 A. PrioritizingEnding the Conflict. .................. ....... 421 B. Benefits of the Peace-FirstApproach.............. ............ 422 1. Saving Lives...................................... 422 2. Ending Harm to the Environment and Infrastructure ..................... 422 3. Promoting Reconciliation ....................... ..... 423 C. Achieving Peace-Firstin Practice........................ 423 1. Singular Objective of Ending the Conflict............ ..... 423 2. Negotiating with the Guys with Guns ...... ....................... 424 3. Accommodation and Appeasement................ ......... 424 4. Minimizing Justice .............. ................... 425 5. Amnesty ........................................ 426 D. Case Studies ............................... ........ 426 * Rebecca -
War Economy in Syria Study
War Economy in Syria Study 1 War Economy in Syria Study 1 War Economy in Syria Study .................................................................................................................. ............................ .......... ......................................... ............................ .................................................................................................................... ........................................ ................................................................................................................................... .................................................................................................... ........................................................................................................... ........................................................................................................ ....... ............................................................................................................. .................................................. .................................................................................................... .......................................................................................... ...................... ...................................................................... .............................................................................................. ..................................................................................................... -
Print This Article
ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Vol 8 No 6 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) Social Sciences November 2017 Research Article © 2017 Osaretin Idahosa and Harrison C. Ajebon. This is an open access article licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/). As the Beat Goes on in Syria, is There an Exit Route? Osaretin Idahosa, PhD Department of Political Science, University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria Harrison C. Ajebon Department of Political Science, University of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria Doi: 10.1515/mjss-2017-0041 Abstract The UN Security Council unanimous Resolution 2254 (2015) endorsed a Peace Process for Syria on December 18, 2015. By this token the global body called on President Bashar-al- Assad and opposition groups to sheath their swords and allow a political settlement in the country. In context of the dynamics of the Syrian conflicts, this study looks at the workability of the resolution meant to reduce the cost of the war and deterioration of humanitarian conditions. The study reveals that after over half a decade of brutal mutual carnage (by both government and opposition forces) a top-bottom imposed peace process has lost its appeal. Rather, a bottom-top remedy that uses the cultural assets of the Syrian people to create a movement for peace and reconciliation in the country is urgently needed. Keywords: Syria, Global, Humanitarian, Opposition, Peace, Resolution, War 1. Introduction Resolution 2254 (2015) adopted by the Security Council of the United Nations at its 7588th meeting, on 18 December 2015 reaffirms the commitment of the global body to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Syria. -
Weekly Conflict Summary | 9 - 15 March 2020
WEEKLY CONFLICT SUMMARY | 9 - 15 MARCH 2020 WHOLE OF SYRIA SUMMARY • NORTHWEST | Conflict levels in the northwest remained low the week following a Russian/Turkish ceasefire agreement on 5 March. Protesters blocked a joint Russian/Turkish patrol on the M4 Highway. In Operation Euphrates Shield areas, attacks increased against Turkish-backed opposition armed groups. In the southeast corner of Aleppo Governorate, four alleged ISIS attacks occurred, the first in the area in over 2 years. • SOUTH & CENTRAL | Following Government of Syria (GoS) re- enforcements arriving to southern Syria, attacks against GoS personnel in Daraa Governorate decreased. For the second time in the month, an explosive device detonated in Damascus. In Homs Northern Countryside, gunmen opened fire against a GoS military officer. • NORTHEAST | In addition to shelling exchanges between SDF forces and Turkish-backed opposition groups around Operation Peace Spring area, ACLED reported increases in explosive attacks and looting activity. Attacks against Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) personnel and oil infrastructure along the Euphrates River Valley included a suicide attack, only the third in the preceding 12 months. Israeli airstrikes targeted the Abu Kamal area. Figure 1: Dominant actors’ area of control and influence in Syria as of 15 March 2020. NSOAG stands for Non-state Organized Armed Groups. Also, please see the footnote on page 2. Page 1 of 5 WEEKLY CONFLICT SUMMARY | 9 -15 March 2020 NORTHWEST SYRIA1 Conflict levels in northwest Syria decreased in the week following the implementation of a Turkish/Russian ceasefire agreement reached on 5 March. ACLED data recorded no GoS/Russian airstrikes in the northwest this week, and just 13 GoS shelling bombardments on eight locations.2 Hayyat Tahrir al Sham (HTS)-dominated opposition shelled two GoS locations; Qardaha town in Latakia Governorate and the Russian operated Hmeimim Airbase. -
PRISM Syrian Supplemental
PRISM syria A JOURNAL OF THE CENTER FOR COMPLEX OPERATIONS About PRISM PRISM is published by the Center for Complex Operations. PRISM is a security studies journal chartered to inform members of U.S. Federal agencies, allies, and other partners Vol. 4, Syria Supplement on complex and integrated national security operations; reconstruction and state-building; 2014 relevant policy and strategy; lessons learned; and developments in training and education to transform America’s security and development Editor Michael Miklaucic Communications Contributing Editors Constructive comments and contributions are important to us. Direct Alexa Courtney communications to: David Kilcullen Nate Rosenblatt Editor, PRISM 260 Fifth Avenue (Building 64, Room 3605) Copy Editors Fort Lesley J. McNair Dale Erikson Washington, DC 20319 Rebecca Harper Sara Thannhauser Lesley Warner Telephone: Nathan White (202) 685-3442 FAX: (202) 685-3581 Editorial Assistant Email: [email protected] Ava Cacciolfi Production Supervisor Carib Mendez Contributions PRISM welcomes submission of scholarly, independent research from security policymakers Advisory Board and shapers, security analysts, academic specialists, and civilians from the United States Dr. Gordon Adams and abroad. Submit articles for consideration to the address above or by email to prism@ Dr. Pauline H. Baker ndu.edu with “Attention Submissions Editor” in the subject line. Ambassador Rick Barton Professor Alain Bauer This is the authoritative, official U.S. Department of Defense edition of PRISM. Dr. Joseph J. Collins (ex officio) Any copyrighted portions of this journal may not be reproduced or extracted Ambassador James F. Dobbins without permission of the copyright proprietors. PRISM should be acknowledged whenever material is quoted from or based on its content. -
Reforming the Syrian Arab Army: Russia’S Vision Yury Barmin, RIAC
Discussion Paper (4) Reforming the Syrian Arab Army: Russia’s vision Yury Barmin, RIAC Discussion paper for the workshop on: “The emerging security dynamics and the political settlement in Syria”, Syracuse, Italy, 18-19 October 2018 1 The Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP) The Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP) is an international foundation established in 1995, with 52-member states, for the primary purpose of promoting peace, security and international cooperation through executive education, applied policy research and dialogue. The GCSP trains government officials, diplomats, military officers, international civil servants and NGO and private sector staff in pertinent fields of international peace and security. Omran for Strategic Studies An independent think tank and policy centre focusing on presenting an objective understanding of Syria and the region to become a reference for public policies impacting the region. Omran began in November 2013 in Istanbul, Turkey. It publishes studies and policy briefs on Syrian and regional affairs in the areas of politics, economic development and local administration. Omran also conducts round-table discussions, seminars and workshops that promote a more systematic and methodical culture of decision making among the future leaders of Syria. Omran’s work supports decision-making mechanisms, provides practical solutions and policy recommendations to decision-makers, identifies challenges within the Syrian context, and foresees scenarios and alternative solutions. Yury Barmin Yury Barmin, is the Director for the Middle East and North Africa at MPG, a Moscow-based political consulting firm. He is a fellow at the Russian International Affairs Council covering the Middle East and North Africa, Moscow’s policy towards the region as well as the conflict in Syria. -
Syrian Armed Opposition Powerbrokers
March 2016 Jennifer Cafarella and Genevieve Casagrande MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 29 SYRIAN ARMED OPPOSITION POWERBROKERS Cover: A rebel fighter of the Southern Front of the Free Syrian Army gestures while standing with his fellow fighter near their weapons at the front line in the north-west countryside of Deraa March 3, 2015. Syrian government forces have taken control of villages in southern Syria, state media said on Saturday, part of a campaign they started this month against insurgents posing one of the biggest remaining threats to Damascus. Picture taken March 3, 2015. REUTERS/Stringer All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2016 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2016 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 www.understandingwar.org Jennifer Cafarella and Genevieve Casagrande MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 29 SYRIAN ARMED OPPOSITION POWERBROKERS ABOUT THE AUTHORS Jennifer Cafarella is the Evans Hanson Fellow at the Institute for the Study of War where she focuses on the Syrian Civil War and opposition groups. Her research focuses particularly on the al Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al Nusra and their military capabilities, modes of governance, and long-term strategic vision. She is the author of Likely Courses of Action in the Syrian Civil War: June-December 2015, and Jabhat al-Nusra in Syria: An Islamic Emirate for al-Qaeda. -
Syrian War at the Crossroads
\ POLICY BRIEF 4 \ 2020 Syrian war at the crossroads Curbing arms flow, imposing a no-fly zone and opening al-Yarubiyah border crossing Lena Schellhammer, Marius Bales \ BICC Policy recommendations to EU member states \ Impose a comprehensive arms embargo \ Establish a UN-mandated no-fly zone in to secondary conflict parties northern Syria Suspend the transfer of weapons, ammunition and To stop the cycle of mass displacement and attacks military equipment to secondary conflict parties, such against civilians, a UN-mandated no-fly zone must be as Turkey and Saudi Arabia, to stop illegal re-transfers established in northern Syria. If a no-fly zone is not to the Syrian war zone. Existing national agreements successful in protecting civilians in northern Syria, a to suspend certain arms exports to Turkey (2019) by UN-mandated safe zone must also be considered and Norway, Finland, the Netherlands, France, the United ultimately implemented. Kingdom and Germany, as well as the export moratoria of limited duration for Saudi Arabia (2018), should be \ Extend humanitarian cross-border aid extended to a comprehensive, not time-limited EU (UNSCR 2165) and reopen the al-Yarubiyah arms embargo. border crossing EU member states must call on the UN Security Council \ Buy and destroy the still existing stocks to vote for continuing humanitarian cross-border aid of former Yugoslav weapons (UNSCR 2165) and to reopen the al-Yarubiyah border Many of the weapons that are re-exported to Syria are crossing with Iraq in north-eastern Syria to prevent old arms, produced in former Yugoslavian countries or the humanitarian situation from deteriorating further. -
I. the Middle East and North Africa: 2016 in Perspective Dan Smith
armed conflict and instability in the middle east 75 I. The Middle East and North Africa: 2016 in perspective dan smith Introduction The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) remained at the heart of global security concerns throughout 2016. Events in the region continued to have a major impact on neighbouring areas and on the world stage, while the influence and actions of outside powers in turn had a crucial impact on the region. Because of its strategic location and natural resource wealth in oil and gas, it is an arena in which external powers compete for power, both directly and through local alliances. The region’s strategic significance for world peace and security thus remains as great and as troubling as ever. No single factor can explain its seemingly chronic insecurity and persistent susceptibility to armed conflict. A variety of factors need to be understood and addressed to help the region achieve greater stability and security for its people. These factors include governance failures in most Arab countries and the anger and resentment this has provoked, which led to a surge of popu- lar mobilizations in 2011 that at the time seemed set to transform the Arab world. Other factors relate to the still-unfolding consequences of the 2003 invasion of Iraq by the United States-led coalition and the complex relations and rivalries between regional powers, most notably between Iran and Saudi Arabia. There is also an increasing tendency for the regional powers to intervene in the affairs of other countries in the region. In 2016 at least 7 of the 16 countries in the region used military force in combat on their own territory, and 11 on the territory of other countries (see table 3.1).