I. the Middle East and North Africa: 2016 in Perspective Dan Smith
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Turkey and Pakistan's Foreign Policy Congruence
DISCUSSION PAPER Turkey and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Congruence: A Co-orientation Analysis of Political Messaging Ravale Mohydin DISCUSSION PAPER Turkey and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Congruence: A Co-orientation Analysis of Political Messaging Ravale Mohydin Turkey and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Congruence: A Co-orientation Analysis of Political Messaging © TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED WRITTEN BY Ravale Mohydin PUBLISHER TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE November 2020 TRT WORLD İSTANBUL AHMET ADNAN SAYGUN STREET NO:83 34347 ULUS, BEŞİKTAŞ İSTANBUL / TURKEY TRT WORLD LONDON PORTLAND HOUSE 4 GREAT PORTLAND STREET NO:4 LONDON / UNITED KINGDOM TRT WORLD WASHINGTON D.C. 1819 L STREET NW SUITE 700 20036 WASHINGTON DC www.trtworld.com researchcentre.trtworld.com The opinions expressed in this discussion paper represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. 4 Turkey and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Congruence: A Co-orientation Analysis of Political Messaging Introduction urkey and Pakistan have a The paper will first introduce the co-orientation longstanding relationship, model of communication and outline its evolu- dating back to even before tion that eventually explained how to measure 1947 when Turkey was the an individual’s or group’s congruence with an- second country to recognise other on a particular issue. Then, it will explain Pakistan’s sovereign status, its applicability in evaluating the relationship Tto when Muslims of the Indian Subcontinent between states and operationalise it by defining supported the Ottoman Empire as part of the the research methodology based on framing Khilafat Movement1. -
Protest and State–Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa
SIPRI Policy Paper PROTEST AND STATE– 56 SOCIETY RELATIONS IN October 2020 THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra (Algeria) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Protest and State– Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa SIPRI Policy Paper No. 56 dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil October 2020 © SIPRI 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. Contents Preface v Acknowledgements vi Summary vii Abbreviations ix 1. Introduction 1 Figure 1.1. Classification of countries in the Middle East and North Africa by 2 protest intensity 2. State–society relations in the Middle East and North Africa 5 Mass protests 5 Sporadic protests 16 Scarce protests 31 Highly suppressed protests 37 Figure 2.1. -
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated May 19, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21534 SUMMARY RS21534 Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy May 19, 2021 The Sultanate of Oman has been a strategic partner of the United States since 1980, when it became the first Persian Gulf state to sign a formal accord permitting the U.S. military to use its Kenneth Katzman facilities. Oman has hosted U.S. forces during every U.S. military operation in the region since Specialist in Middle then, and it is a partner in U.S. efforts to counter terrorist groups and other regional threats. In Eastern Affairs January 2020, Oman’s longtime leader, Sultan Qaboos bin Sa’id Al Said, passed away and was succeeded by Haythim bin Tariq Al Said, a cousin selected by Oman’s royal family immediately upon Qaboos’s death. Sultan Haythim espouses policies similar to those of Qaboos and has not altered U.S.-Oman ties or Oman’s regional policies. During Qaboos’s reign (1970-2020), Oman generally avoided joining other countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates , Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) in regional military interventions, instead seeking to mediate their resolution. Oman joined but did not contribute forces to the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State organization, nor did it arm groups fighting Syrian President Bashar Al Asad’s regime. It opposed the June 2017 Saudi/UAE- led isolation of Qatar and had urged resolution of that rift before its resolution in January 2021. -
Reforming the Syrian Arab Army: Russia’S Vision Yury Barmin, RIAC
Discussion Paper (4) Reforming the Syrian Arab Army: Russia’s vision Yury Barmin, RIAC Discussion paper for the workshop on: “The emerging security dynamics and the political settlement in Syria”, Syracuse, Italy, 18-19 October 2018 1 The Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP) The Geneva Centre for Security Policy (GCSP) is an international foundation established in 1995, with 52-member states, for the primary purpose of promoting peace, security and international cooperation through executive education, applied policy research and dialogue. The GCSP trains government officials, diplomats, military officers, international civil servants and NGO and private sector staff in pertinent fields of international peace and security. Omran for Strategic Studies An independent think tank and policy centre focusing on presenting an objective understanding of Syria and the region to become a reference for public policies impacting the region. Omran began in November 2013 in Istanbul, Turkey. It publishes studies and policy briefs on Syrian and regional affairs in the areas of politics, economic development and local administration. Omran also conducts round-table discussions, seminars and workshops that promote a more systematic and methodical culture of decision making among the future leaders of Syria. Omran’s work supports decision-making mechanisms, provides practical solutions and policy recommendations to decision-makers, identifies challenges within the Syrian context, and foresees scenarios and alternative solutions. Yury Barmin Yury Barmin, is the Director for the Middle East and North Africa at MPG, a Moscow-based political consulting firm. He is a fellow at the Russian International Affairs Council covering the Middle East and North Africa, Moscow’s policy towards the region as well as the conflict in Syria. -
Middle East Brief, No
Judith and Sidney Swartz Director and Professor of Politics Islamists in Power and Women’s Rights: Shai Feldman Associate Director The Case of Tunisia Kristina Cherniahivsky Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor Carla B. Abdo-Katsipis of Middle East History and Associate Director for Research Naghmeh Sohrabi uch scholarship has been devoted to the question Myra and Robert Kraft Professor Mof Islamist governance, its compatibility with of Arab Politics Eva Bellin democracy, and its sociopolitical implications for women. Henry J. Leir Professor of the Some assert that Islamists cannot be in support of Economics of the Middle East democracy, and women who support democracy would not Nader Habibi support Islamists, as traditional Muslim law accords women Renée and Lester Crown Professor 1 of Modern Middle East Studies fewer rights than men. In the context of the 2010-11 Jasmine Pascal Menoret Revolution in Tunisia, many asked whether Tunisian Senior Fellows women would lose rights, particularly those concerning Abdel Monem Said Aly, PhD 2 Kanan Makiya personal status and family law, when the Islamist political party Ennahda won 41 percent of the votes in the 2011 Goldman Senior Fellow Khalil Shikaki, PhD Constituent Assembly elections and maintained a significant 3 Research Fellow proportion of seats in subsequent elections. Monica Marks David Siddhartha Patel, PhD elaborates on this concern, explaining that those opposed Marilyn and Terry Diamond to Ennahda believed that it would “wage a war against Junior Research Fellow Mohammed Masbah, PhD women’s rights, mandate the hijab, and enforce a separate Neubauer Junior Research Fellow sphere ethos aimed at returning Tunisia’s feminists back to Serra Hakyemez, PhD their kitchens.”4 Junior Research Fellows Jean-Louis Romanet Perroux, PhD This Brief argues that Ennahda’s inclusion in Tunisia’s government has had Ahmad Shokr, PhD a counterintuitive impact on gender-based progress in the country. -
READ Middle East Brief 101 (PDF)
Judith and Sidney Swartz Director and Professor of Politics Repression and Protest in Saudi Arabia Shai Feldman Associate Director Kristina Cherniahivsky Pascal Menoret Charles (Corky) Goodman Professor of Middle East History and Associate Director for Research few months after 9/11, a Saudi prince working in Naghmeh Sohrabi A government declared during an interview: “We, who Senior Fellow studied in the West, are of course in favor of democracy. As a Abdel Monem Said Aly, PhD matter of fact, we are the only true democrats in this country. Goldman Senior Fellow Khalil Shikaki, PhD But if we give people the right to vote, who do you think they’ll elect? The Islamists. It is not that we don’t want to Myra and Robert Kraft Professor 1 of Arab Politics introduce democracy in Arabia—but would it be reasonable?” Eva Bellin Underlying this position is the assumption that Islamists Henry J. Leir Professor of the Economics of the Middle East are enemies of democracy, even if they use democratic Nader Habibi means to come to power. Perhaps unwittingly, however, the Sylvia K. Hassenfeld Professor prince was also acknowledging the Islamists’ legitimacy, of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies Kanan Makiya as well as the unpopularity of the royal family. The fear of Islamists disrupting Saudi politics has prompted very high Renée and Lester Crown Professor of Modern Middle East Studies levels of repression since the 1979 Iranian revolution and the Pascal Menoret occupation of the Mecca Grand Mosque by an armed Salafi Neubauer Junior Research Fellow group.2 In the past decades, dozens of thousands have been Richard A. -
Reimagining US Strategy in the Middle East
REIMAGININGR I A I I G U.S.S STRATEGYT A E Y IIN THET E MMIDDLED L EEASTS Sustainable Partnerships, Strategic Investments Dalia Dassa Kaye, Linda Robinson, Jeffrey Martini, Nathan Vest, Ashley L. Rhoades C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RRA958-1 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0662-0 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. 2021 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover composite design: Jessica Arana Image: wael alreweie / Getty Images Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface U.S. -
The Syrian Conflict: a Systems Conflict Analysis
The ARK Group is a network of stabilisation and conflict transformation The Syrian conflict: consultancies that provides research- KDF Documents informed analysis and policy recommendations, as well as evidence- A systems conflict analysis based interventions in conflict-affected states on behalf of public and private sector clients. Working with and through local communities, we seek to understand and then mitigate the negative effects of conflict and instability to enhance community safety and promote human security, development and economic opportunity. Cover © Lens of a Young Damascene Back-cover © Lens of a Young Damascene ARK Group DMCC February 2016 The Syrian conflict: A systems conflict analysis ARK Group DMCC February 2016 ARK is a consultancy company specialising in the provision of policy-relevant research and the design and management of conflict prevention and transforma- tion programmes to prevent and mitigate instability and promote positive social change and development. For more information about ARK or this paper, please contact: [email protected]. Copyright © 2016 ARK GROUP DMCC CONTENTS 4 Acronyms 5 Acknowledgements 6 Executive summary 8 Introduction 8 Understanding the Syrian conflict 10 Analytical framework and report structure 11 What is a systems conflict analysis? 11 How to read this report 3 12 Brief contextual overview 16 Stakeholders analysis: conflict actors and interests 16 Local stakeholders: pro-regime 19 Local stakeholders: pro-opposition 22 Local stakeholders: the Islamic State in Iraq and the -
A Century of Revolutionary Arab Art | Middle East Eye
5/26/2021 A century of revolutionary Arab art | Middle East Eye Français (/fr) (https://www.facebook.com/MiddleEastEye)No Searw ch Gaza Under Attack (/topics/gaza-under-attack) (https://www.twitter.com/MiddleEastEye) Al-Aqsa Attack (/topics/al-aqsa-attack) 48 (https://www.instagram.com/middleeasteye) Palestinians (/topics/palestine-48) (https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCR0fZh5SBxxMNYdg0VzRFkg) News (/news) Opinion (/opinion) Video (/video) The Big Story (/thebigstory) Discover (/discover) (/) (/) Features (/Features/All) | Culture (/Topics/Culture) Algeria (/countries/algeria) A cBahrainentury of revolutionary Arab art (/countries/bahrain) A neEgyptw exhibition in east London from a collection in the UAE is a real eye opener on the work of some of the Arab world’s most renowned artists (/countries/egypt) Iran (/countries/iran) Iraq (/countries/iraq) Israel (/countries/israel) Jordan (/countries/jordan) Kuwait (/countries/kuwait) Lebanon (/countries/lebanon) Libya (/countries/libya) Mauritania (/countries/mauritania) Morocco (/countries/morocco) Oman (/countries/oman) Palestine (/countries/palestine) Qatar (/countries/qatar) Saudi Arabia (/countries/saudi- arabia) Sudan (/countries/sudan) Syria (/countries/syria) Tunisia (/countries/tunisia) Turkey (/countries/turkey) United Arab Emirates (/countries/united- arab-emirates) Yemen (/countries/yemen) Kadhim Hayder's Fatigued Ten Horses Converse with Nothing, 1965, oil on canvas. Now on display at the Whitechapel Gallery, Aldgate, East London Joe Gill (/users/joe-gill) Published date: 23 September 2015 15:45 UTC | Last update: 5 years 8 months ago 1310 The Barjeel Art Foundation has brought a selection of its art collection from Sharjah in the United Arab Emirates to east London’s Whitechapel Gallery. While the exhibition is deceptively modest, taking up only one room in the gallery, there are remarkable treasures here by some of the last century’s most influential Arab artists. -
The Khashoggi Crisis: a Blessing in Disguise for Pakistan's Imran Khan
The Khashoggi Crisis: A Blessing in Disguise for Pakistan’s Imran Khan by Dr. James M. Dorsey BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 991, October 30, 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: The death of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi is proving to be a blessing in disguise for cash-strapped Pakistani PM Imran Khan. Khan’s blessing is also likely to offer Saudi Arabia geopolitical advantage. Pakistani PM Imran Khan struck gold on his second visit to the Saudi kingdom since coming to office in August. He was rewarded for having attended Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman’s investors’ conference in Riyadh, a showcase dubbed Davos in the Desert. The event was shunned by numerous CEOs of Western financial institutions, tech entrepreneurs, and media moguls as well as senior Western government officials because of the Khashoggi affair. In talks with King Salman and the crown prince, Khan managed to secure a promise from Saudi Arabia to deposit $3 billion in Pakistan’s central bank as balance of payments support and to defer up to $3 billion in payments for oil imports for a year. On his first visit to the kingdom in September, Saudi Arabia declined Khan’s request for financial aid. It was willing to consider investing billions of dollars in a refinery in the Chinese-operated Arabian Sea port of Gwadar as well as in mining, but was reluctant to acquiesce to Pakistani requests for financial relief. Riyadh’s subsequent agreement to provide financial aid is likely to help Khan reduce the size of the $8-12 billion bailout he is negotiating with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). -
The Qatar-Gulf Crisis the Attack on Media Freedom and the West’S Loss of Moral Authority
JOURNALISM UNDER DURESS IN ASIA-PACIFIC SPECIAL REPORT The Qatar-Gulf crisis The attack on media freedom and the West’s loss of moral authority Abstract: Four Gulf states led by Saudi Arabia in mid-2017 launched a brazen attack on media freedom by demanding that Qatar shut down the Al Jazeera television network, as part of a list of demands prompted by a diplomatic crisis. The standoff has not ended although the immediate threat to Al Jazeera appears to have abated. The world’s media responded to the threat to Al Jazeera by convening in Doha for a conference in July 2017 and by issuing a statement containing recommendations for the protection of freedom of expression. Keywords: Al Jazeera, freedom of expression, Gulf States, journalism, human rights, media freedom, Qatar, television JOSEPH M. FERNANDEZ Curtin University, Perth Figure 1: Al Jazeera’s newsroom in Doha—target of repeated threats by the four- 158country PACIFIC Saudi JOURNALISM Arabia bloc REVIEW demanding 24 (2) close 2018 of the satellite television network. JOURNALISM UNDER DURESS IN ASIA-PACIFIC Introduction N mid-2017 four Gulf states led by Saudi Arabia severed ties with its neigh- bour Qatar and imposed a blockade accusing it of, among other things, ‘back- Iing extremism’ (Agencies, 2017, p. 1); and supporting ‘terrorism’ (Al Jazeera News, 2018a). Qatar has repeatedly denied these allegations. The bloc, com- prising Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt, issued a list of demands and gave Qatar 10 days to comply (Wintour, 2017). The bloc, collectively known as the Anti-Terror Quartet (Al-Jaber, 2018), cut off land, sea and air links to Qatar (Tribune News Network, 2017, p. -
The "Tunisian" Spring: Women's Rights in Tunisia and Broader Implications for Feminism in North Africa and the Middle East John Hursh Mcgill University
University of Baltimore Law Review Volume 46 | Issue 2 Article 5 2017 The "Tunisian" Spring: Women's Rights in Tunisia and Broader Implications for Feminism in North Africa and the Middle East John Hursh McGill University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/ublr Part of the International Law Commons, Law and Gender Commons, and the Law and Politics Commons Recommended Citation Hursh, John (2017) "The "Tunisian" Spring: Women's Rights in Tunisia and Broader Implications for Feminism in North Africa and the Middle East," University of Baltimore Law Review: Vol. 46 : Iss. 2 , Article 5. Available at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/ublr/vol46/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Baltimore Law Review by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE “TUNISIAN” SPRING: WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN TUNISIA AND BROADER IMPLICATIONS FOR FEMINISM IN NORTH AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE EAST John Hursh* I. INTRODUCTION More than six years have passed since the tumultuous weeks that comprised the key moments of the Arab Spring.1 Although initially greeted with great optimism, most results of these remarkable events ultimately have been discouraging.2 In Egypt, a “democratic coup * LL.M., McGill University Faculty of Law; J.D., Indiana University Maurer School of Law. I would like to thank the University of Baltimore School of Law and the Center on Applied Feminism for inviting me to its outstanding Feminist Legal Theory Conference in 2016.