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Home , Benjamin Mays, Henry McNeal Turner, Howard Thurman, John Hope (educator), Rayford Logan

Prophets of Black Progress: Benjamin E. Mays and Howard W. Thurman, Pioneering Black Religious Intellectuals By Zachery Williams

Black religious intellectuals have historically occupied a very important role in the black community. In the course of American history, religion has served as the centerpiece of African American life and its preachers, ministers and thinkers have functioned as the main spiritual and intellectual leaders. Historically, black religious intellectuals have also operated as progenitors of social and political change in various facets of American life. In the era of , Nat Turner and other preachers imbued many communities of blacks with the resolve and spiritual vision of resisting and surviving that system's evils. In the 19th century, such luminary black religious thinkers as Alexander Crummell and Henry McNeal Turner laid the intellectual and spiritual foundations for and the back to Africa movement. In the 20th century, visionaries such as Benjamin Elijah Mays, and , Jr. represented the prototype black religious thinker in their fusion of religious theology, philosophy, secular intellectual thought, and a strong measure of individuality. Interestingly, this existence among many black religious figures of a strong intellectual undercurrent and balance to their religious and spiritual selves has placed them in a position of critical importance vis-a vis the black community, American society writ large, and the world. In this article my focus is geared toward an understanding of the critical importance and representation of 20th century pre-World War II black intellectuals, namely and Howard Thurman. Here, I lay the groundwork for further examinations of their role as black religious intellectuals, symbols of black masculinity 1, and scholar/activists with respect to the problems of race as it related to the church and global relations. Through an initial examination of Mays's and Thurman's years at , their individual approaches to religion and masculinity and their involvement as social commentators and activists, imbued with a vision to eradicate racism in the church and society, I plan to situate these two figures as major models of black masculine intellectual leadership in America. In American popular culture, when most people think of black religious thought and leadership, the name that most comes to mind is that of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr, without any mention of other important figures. Due to this significant omission, it is also partly my intention here to demonstrate the central role that Mays and Thurman had in shaping the 20th century African American ministerial community, especially the conscious- ness and philosophy of leading figures such as King, and others. 2 In the 1930s and 1940s, the School of Religion at Howard University showcased some of the most capable black religious thinkers ever congregated at one institution at one particular time. It is not a coincidence that such a religious intellectual collective functioned at Howard, especially with the presence of a similar secular collective that simultaneously operated within a university-wide intellectual community. After obtaining his Ph.D. from the University of in 1934, Benjamin Elijah Mays took over the position as Dean of the School of Religion at Howard University. As dean, Mays in- creased both his own reputation as well as that of the school with a number of professional achievements. He began a tradition of excellence at the School of Religion that continued after his departure in 1940. Among Mays's many accomplishments at Howard, he brought national attention to the university, mainly through securing for it a class A rating from the American Association of Theological Schools. Both Mays and the School of Religion went hand in hand for he often promoted it and his own individual work both nationally and internationally. 3 By 1934, Howard University had achieved the designation as the capstone of Negro education. In 1926, Mordecai Johnson became the school's first black president and set out on a vision of building a great black intellectual community at Howard. This vision became a reality and was apparent as many noted black scholars of that time sought to teach and operate within this incredible intellectual milieu. The origins of this com- munity lay in the nature of , which left scholars such as Mays very few alternatives. In a real sense, an appointment at Howard represented the pinnacle of a black scholar's career. Like Mays, a number of other Howard intellectuals had received their advanced degrees from leading white universities in the North, and this fact was an attractive quality that acquired the attention of Mordecai Johnson. In Mays's case, as with a number of other scholars, chances for work after completion of graduate degrees in academia were based on three main choices: Fisk University, University, or Howard University. Prior to his appointment to Howard, Mays had accepted a similar offer from Fisk's president, Thomas Jones, but eventually chose Howard due to his deep personal respect for Mordecai Johnson. In his autobiography Mays recalled that Johnson "had made a tremendous impression on me when I first heard him speak while I was a teacher at Morehouse ....” It was this tremendous first impression that caused Mays to there- after intently follow Johnson's career. Reflecting back on his decision to come to Howard, Mays recollected: I was eager to go to Howard for several reasons. I felt the challenge to make the School of Religion outstanding, to lift it, if possible, from its stepchild role to a place of respect- ability in the institution. Moreover, I had great admiration for Mordecai Johnson.... I had more than a casual interest in Mordecai Johnson's success at Howard. I am basically a 'race' man. I believe in the black man's ability, and my heart leaps with joy when a Negro performs well in any field. For me, it was imperative that the first "Negro' President of Howard University be an unqualified and triumphant success. I was eager to help him build a great University by making the School of Religion a first-rate institution. 4 Mays understood all too well the difficult position that Johnson was assuming. Since its founding in 1867, Howard University had only been headed by a succession of white men. Now, here was Johnson, in the late 1920s, the first black man in that position. Mays commented that various questions were raised by "doubting Thomases," concerning the competency of Johnson to complete his duties as president. To his credit, Mays argued that there were a number of precedents indicating that black men demonstrated the capability to be successful presidents of institutions of higher learning. As examples, he cited Booker T. Washington and Robert Russa Morton's leadership at Tuskegee and at . A larger question Mays believed was whether Johnson could get appropriations from Congress due to the opposing stances of Southern congressmen, who blocked Howard's attempt to secure governmental funding. Even after Johnson's successful acquisition of appropriations for Howard, there were other barriers to contend with, such as Congressional interference with affairs at Howard, that would cloud his administration. In addition to pressures from white racism and main- stream society, Mays articulated what he believed to be an even greater obstacle facing Johnson's administration: that of "[s]ystematic undermining of self-confidence" by other black intellectuals at Howard. A small group of professors there were vehement in their dislike and opposition toward Johnson, many believing that he administered in too dictatorial a fashion. Never fully grasping the reasons for the intense animosity toward Johnson, Mays went so far as to suggest that Johnson, himself, had not fully comprehended the depth of the opposition against him. Mays admitted that he, himself, was somewhat caught be- tween divided loyalties since many of the dissenters were friends of him and his wife, Sadie. Seemingly, due to a keen sensitivity of the precarious position of black men in the academy, Mays found ways to stay above the fray and maintained good relationships with Johnson as well as his dissenters in the university community. In his numerous encounters with the president, Mays disclosed that not once did he experience the type of man that many others saw Johnson as. Instead, his assessment of Johnson depicted him as "a man of honor and integrity," being careful to add that he, as any other human being, possessed an imperfect nature. This favorable attitude toward Johnson by no means meant that Mays agreed with everything the president did. For instance, Mays believed that the School of Religion at Howard functioned in a marginal position in comparison to other schools such as medicine and law. All in all, even with the controversy, Mays operated well within this intellectual community and contributed mightily to its existence, maintenance, and ascendance. 5 Among the intellectuals who composed this community during Mays' tenure were educators Dwight W. O. Holmes and Charles H. Thompson; philosopher Alain Locke; historians , Charles Wesley and William Leo Hansberry; political scientist ; sociologist E. Franklin Frazier; economist Abram Harris; and religious intellectual Howard Thurman. Thurman's arrival at Howard, in 1933, preceded Mays' by about one year. Mays's and Thurman's relationship extended as far back as their days at Morehouse College where Mays served as one of Thurman's professors and mentors. Now that they were at Howard, they functioned more as contemporaries, exhibiting an air of tremendous respect toward one another. Thurman was equally as cognizant as Mays of President Johnson's vision of building Howard into an intellectual heavyweight. In his own autobiography, Thurman expressed that he too "was caught up in Mordecai Johnson's vision to create the first real community of black scholars." Hence, a close friendship existed between all three, Mays, Thurman and Johnson. Just as Mays had a great influence on Thurman's life, the same can be said of the influence of Johnson on Mays' development. Thurman and Johnson were graduates of Morehouse College, and Mays was a former instructor there. All three were former Baptist pastors, articulate debaters, and practitioners of the philosophy of before Martin Luther King Jr. For Mays, it was due mainly to the success he achieved as Dean at Howard, in addition to his relationship with Johnson, that earned for him the opportunity to become president of Morehouse College in 1940. For Thurman, the Howard years were equally as gratifying in that they proved critical to his evolution as an intellectual and human being. De- spite the turmoil that often visited Howard, in particular, and black intellectual life in general, these three black men retained the bonds that brought them together and remained on common ground.6 At the beginning of his tenure as Dean of the School of Religion at Howard, Mays instituted six major goals that he wanted to accomplish while there. In addition to increasing the enrollment, Mays wanted to improve the faculty, upgrade the physical plant, expand and improve the quality of the library, set up an endowment, and gain accreditation through the American Association of Theological Schools. Not surprisingly, Mays achieved much of what he set out to do. In terms of the development of the faculty, it can be argued that he intended to do for the school of religion's faculty what president Johnson envisioned doing for the entire university, and that was to assemble the best black minds around. In addition to himself, the Howard University School of Religion faculty boasted of a number of prominent black theologians and religious thinkers of the period before World War II. Among the other luminaries on the faculty during Mays's tenure were Howard Thurman, Rev. William E. Carrington, Mordecai Johnson, John Edward Bentley and Rev. Robert William Brooks. 7 Mays had a demanding schedule as a religious intellectual at Howard. He operated as an educator, teacher, preacher, social activist, and prominent scholar. Somehow, Mays functioned well, remaining heavily involved in university affairs and the School of Religion, as well as local, national and international affairs. Mays often traveled overseas to various nations, including and Africa. During his six-year tenure as Dean of the School of Religion, Mays attended world conferences in Europe and India. In addition, Mays was a sought-after public speaker and intellectual. Both through literary and oratorical means, Mays used the Howard years to promote a number of social causes, which further demonstrated his tremendous leadership as a religious intellectual. As an ardent social critic, he contributed substantive articles to many black newspapers, most notably the Pittsburgh Courier. Lastly, in these years, Mays established himself as a prolific scholar. His works, The Negro's Church (1933) with Joseph Nicholson and The Negro's God (1938) established him as a contributor to black theology and leading architect of the modem-day field of African American religious studies. 8 Both Benjamin Mays and Howard Thurman were instrumental in the organization of the School of Religion's Annual Convocation. Howard historian Rayford Logan argued that, "per- haps the most valuable contribution of the School of Religion was the Annual Convocation." The convocation showcased many of the most known Christian religious figures and "served as a clearinghouse for the exchange of ideas and as a power house for the generation of ideals." The convocation was also significant in that it provided for students of the School of Religion the chance to interact with some of the most influential religious minds of the day. Among the many speakers who attended this gathering were figures such as J. A. Martin, General Secretary of the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church, the Reverend Miles Mark Fisher, Pastor of White Rock Baptist Church, Rufus M. Jones, mystic and mentor to Howard Thurman, and the Reverend , Pastor of First Baptist Church in Charles- ton, West . Convocation speakers were also chosen from important areas outside the religious arena, including Ralph Bunche, professor of political science at Howard, and Robert C. Weaver, who served in the U.S. Department of the Interior. 9 In 1940, following Mays' departure to Morehouse College, many of the faculty at Howard continued their critical role in race leadership with the advent in 1944 of a series of dialogues, held annually through 1948, with other black religious intellectuals for the expressed purpose of determining their role and that of the Christian religion in proposing solutions to the race problem in America. His successor at Howard was William Stuart Nelson, another important black religious thinker and friend of Mays and Howard Thurman. Although Mays left to assume the presidency at Morehouse, he remained active in the Institute at Howard and often had essays published as a part of the annual proceedings. 10 Howard Thurman, born in Daytona Beach, Florida, has been characterized by some scholars as "the foremost African American religious philosopher in American history." Before King and Cornel West, Thurman represented a type of black religious philosopher who articulated a vision of a beloved community that eschewed racism and abhor-red segregation. Thurman functioned in numerous capacities and carved his own niche within each. As Baptist minister, university professor and intellectual, as well as dean of the chapel, Thurman constructed a careful bridge between the secular and sacred, synthesizing the two in a unique and balanced fashion. Thurman's impact can be felt in the foundations of pre-World War II, black religious intellectuals' critique of racial segregation and subsequent explications of the contradictory nature of Christian practice as well as his pioneering influence on black theology and studies. 11 Additionally, Howard Thurman represents a unique religious thinker who epitomized the scholar/activist model inherent in black intellectual life. By the scholar/activist model I am referring to the idea that black intellectuals have always been engaged, perhaps as a consequence of racism and partly due to the nature of black culture and community development, in activism while simultaneously doing significant scholarship. Thurman's scholarly bent is evidenced by the tremendous number of works he published. As an activist, he was so attuned to other cultures and so well-rounded as an individual that he served as a good model for other activists. In addition to his tutelage of civil rights leaders, Thurman's activism and vision were evidenced in the creation of the first interracial and interdenominational church in San Francisco. Although Thurman has had a tremendous influence on the philosophical construction of black liberation theology and black church studies, he was careful not to get encased in any particular theology or social category, making special effort to transcend constructions of race and religion without denying their critical importance in his formative vision. Thurman represents a black religious intellectual who worked to actualize the concept of unity in virtually every area of his life, from his theology to his identification as a black male and black American. Catherine Tumber and Walter Earl Fluker characterize Thurman as "a public intellectual who influenced some of the most important social movements of the mid-twentieth century.... ". For generations of social and religious activists following in his footsteps, Thurman supplied a viable mantle of social change and racial progress to emulate. 12 Thurman used his years at Howard University, 1933-1944, to hone his meditative and introspective style, emerging from this period as a giant philosopher and social theoretician. In addition to being appointed the first black Dean of the Andrew Rankin Memorial Chapel in 1932, Thurman also served as Professor of Theology and chairman of the Committee on Religious Life. His creative and pioneering sermonic styles attracted the attention of a broader religious and academic following, one larger than he had ever known before. Thurman instituted at Howard the tradition of inviting a plethora of diverse scholars and theologians to speak at Chapel services, a tradition that continues to this day. His tenure as Dean of Chapel reflected an evolving desire to transcend differences based on race, sex, religious orientation, and class. Like Mays, Thurman was an active participant in the intellectual community at Howard. Among the figures he associated with were Mays, Abram Harris, Alain Locke, E. Franklin Frazier and, of course, Mordecai Johnson. 13 In recent years, Thurman has received little attention out- side some theological circles. This oversight has partly been attributed to Thurman's contemplative and meditative mode of religious leadership. Although Thurman was not as publicly visible as many other black religious figures in terms of activism, often choosing to influence the and its leaders behind the scenes, his impact upon their activism and activities cannot be denied. Despite the apparent criticisms of being socially detached, Thurman epitomized a particular genius, both in his philosophy and in his representation as a religious thinker and activist. In terms of philosophy, Thurman's brilliance is evident as one sees how his own diverse life and experience served as a model for his theological vision. The maternal influences on Thurman's unique construction of masculinity and gender, especially within the bounds of religion and the church, served to shed light on his attempted unification of these areas on a global scale, much as he understood them in his own life. Furthermore, Thurman's ability to navigate through various philosophical and spiritual mediums as well as integrate numerous functionary roles, such as preacher and teacher, illustrate a similar vision that was espoused in his concept of the beloved community. In many ways, representative as an embodiment of the unity of the self, Thurman has been characterized as a social prophet, shaman, mystic as well as a minister, university professor and chapel dean. The unity Thurman generated between these roles as well as his ability to transcend any definable boundaries both exemplifies his visionary role as a black religious intellectual and also partially explains his relative obscurity. 14 As part of their travels to India, Mays and Thurman came under the powerful influence of . Before his encounter with Gandhi, Mays previously harbored a nonviolent sensibility. However, it was not until his exchanges with Gandhi that Mays would acquire a broader application of that philosophy. Gandhi persuaded Mays to reconfigure nonviolent approaches to segregation and social change, thus, placing more emphasis on "mass campaigns of passive resistance" and focus less attention on individual stances. Years later, Mays would use this knowledge gained from his conversations with Gandhi and impart it to young Morehouse men at Tuesday morning chapel talks. One of these young men, Martin Luther King, Jr., internalized Mays's messages and transformed them into a broad philosophy that would later re-energize the civil rights movement. 15 Similarly, Howard Thurman's growing conception of non- violence was also affected by Mahatma Gandhi. In 1935, Thurman and his wife, Sadie, went to India and gained an audience with the poet Rabindranath Tagore and Gandhi. According to many scholars, Thurman was the first African American scholar to meet with the Indian leader of nonviolence. Gandhi imparted to Thurman his belief that western versions of Christianity were largely responsible for the global segregation of the world's people, especially along lines of race, class and gen- der. After his return to the U.S., a reinvigorated Thurman set out on a path to fuse his Christian pacifism and with the principles of proactive unity and non-violent social change learned from Gandhi. 16 In recent years, religious oriented intellectuals such as Cornel West have echoed intellectuals of previous decades, namely Harold Cruse and , in saying that a "dilemma" or "crisis" has epitomized black intellectual life in America, particularly in the twentieth century. Accordingly, humanist scholar Norm Allen has called attention to a similar crisis that he argues has defined contemporary black religious intellectual life. Allen argues that many black religious intellectuals have not properly addressed the contradictions inherent in the Christian religion in terms of its support and propagation of racism, slavery, sexism, homophobia and other forms of discrimination. Allen also argues that most black religious intellectuals have depended too much on the Bible without significant criticism of it as a source or adequate intellectual inquiry into various areas of secular subjects, so as to balance their religious orientations. My argument is that Mays and Thurman contradicted this criticism that is made against black religious intellectuals. These two figures not only questioned the church's role with respect to the race question and other important issues but also posited a type of masculine representation that adhered to much of traditional norms, as in the case more so of Mays, but also advanced a more inclusive agenda. Under Mays' leadership the School of Religion was far more progressive on the issue of gender than most institutions of higher learning, especially black colleges and universities. There were a number of women graduates of that particular school. Although not widespread, the matriculation of Leticia Octavia Jones in 1936 with a Th.B. and M.A. recipients, Anita Anderson in 1936 and Reva A. Brannon in 1940 indicated a small yet growing sensitivity exhibited toward women religious scholars. However, despite these notable successes, a question arises as to why 35 other enrolled women failed to receive their degrees, and this issue warrants further investigation by future scholars. 17 Many pre-World War II black intellectuals, including Mays and Thurman, actively and openly challenged both the black and white church establishments on the question of segregation within their boundaries. These black religious thinkers were aware of the criticisms and contradictions in the historical practice of Christianity but they, firmly believed that a sincere application of the religion's principles would elicit the most effective response to the race problem, both in America and around the world. Concurrent with the advancements in civil rights achieved by other notable black leaders such as , Dean of Howard's law school, black religious thinkers, led by Mays and Thurman "sharpened their critique of white Christianity and developed a theology of race relations .... " Two of the principle architects of this new theology were Benjamin Mays and Howard Thurman. Interestingly, this new theory of race relations was coupled with a new identity among blacks, characterized by the term "." This new identity was promoted by Harlem Renaissance figures such as Alain Locke and advanced in religious circles by Mays and Thurman as well. It would eventually serve as a strong impetus for the black theology and black church studies movement of later decades. 18 Mays and Thurman represented prototypical black religious intellectuals and activists even though their styles were somewhat different. Before King, Mays was perhaps the most visible and active black religious thinker around. He, more than many other scholars, recognized and articulated both the national and international consequences of the race problem in America. Mays's versatility as a religious intellectual provided an instructive model for generations coming after him. In comparison, Thurman's influence on shaping future generations of black religious intellectuals was also of critical importance. His range of insights and diversity of religious thought moved beyond traditional applications of theology in the black church to incorporate mysticism and other spiritual ideologies. Why Thurman was shunned in his day by many of his contemporaries and others is still a very probing question. One thing that cannot be denied him is the tremendous impact he had on many generations of black religious thinkers, including Martin Luther King, Jr., and Jesse Jackson. As one scholar characterized him, "Howard Thurman .... was more than an activist, he was an activator of activists, a mover of movers." This latter point is particularly evident as one identifies definite strands of Thurman's thought embedded in the moral philosophies of King and Jackson in terms of developing the concept of community. 19 Mays's influence upon later generations of black religious thinkers is also very evident. Mays was as diverse as Thurman in terms of subject matter but he was far more traditionally oriented along theological lines. Whereas Thurman experimented with styles of worship and addressed social issues from a deeper philosophical standpoint, Mays adhered to more of a direct and traditional approach to worship and critique of social issues, emanating from the Black Baptist tradition. Even with Mays's more conservative approach to theology, he possessed an un- canny ability to appreciate diversity and co-exist with practitioners of different philosophies, such as Thurman. This characteristic of Mays is revealing and significant to a deeper understanding of his influence on the developing consciousness of King and other black religious leaders. The influence Mays possessed was partly due to his combination of gifted orator, towering stature and personality, and his incredible knowledge of world affairs. Mays both advanced the cause of black man- hood, both in his personal example and emerging philosophy of black masculinity. It was this philosophy that developed as a result of Mays's life- long experiences and culminated in his creation and actualization of a model for training young black men. This model has been referred to by many as the "Morehouse Mystique," and became evident soon after Mays assumed the presidency of Morehouse College in 1940. This philosophy included virtually every aspect of black male development, the mental, physical, and the spiritual. In young black men, Mays developed their intellects, infusing a broad knowledge of world affairs. In terms of physical appearance, Mays, himself, an awe- inspiring presence of well over six feet, taught young black males how to be gentlemen in dress and mannerisms. Finally, he supplanted into the souls of young black males a strong awareness of the concept of human connectedness and the spiritual manifestations of human life. Taken together, each aspect of this philosophy characterized Mays' own development and experience as a black man prior to Howard and throughout his time there. I would argue that Mays had been developing this philosophy all his life, honing it while Dean of the School of Religion at Howard. The result was a viable model of black masculine leadership and identity that spanned from his sharp attire to his character and religious philosophy. Soon after his arrival, many young emerging scholars such as King came under Mays's influence and quickly gravitated to his way of thinking. Mays, as Thurman, not only traveled the world over and represented cosmopolitan intellectuals but also shared a deep abiding longing in the transformative nature of the Christian religion and rep- resented more than your typical pulpit preacher? 20 In terms of criticisms of Howard Thurman as a legitimate black religious intellectual, one must examine at least in some detail the number of influences inherent in his conception of religion. Although Thurman's mysticism was viewed by many traditional religious thinkers as unconventional, his adherence to mainstream Baptist principles was still very evident in his multi- dimensional theology. Scholar James William McClendon, Jr, evidences definite strands of Baptist tradition in Thurman's conception of religion. Among the characteristics he attributes to Thurman are the concepts of Biblicism, or the adherence to the actual teachings of the Bible; the idea of mission that shuns imperialistic notions but retains "responsible witnessing; .... freedom of the individual conscience;" discipleship, in the sense of being classless and not relegated to a mere religious elite; and finally, the idea of community, which include both the traditional church and the coming church of Christ. In his ability to synthesize various experiences, Thurman was a genius and has to be seen, along with Mays, as two of the preeminent deans in the black religious intellectual tradition. In terms of Peter J. 's construction of black religious leaders, Thurman could be characterized as a combination of the "priestly" and "prophetic" types while Mays can be seen as more of the former. 21 Another thing that distinguished Thurman from many other black religious thinkers was the inclusion of his own personal self deeply within his religious thought and practice, what Theophus Smith calls "rendering his own experience." However, to answer some of the criticisms levied against him, I argue that Thurman was very representative of black religious life, especially in his ability to combine various modes and mediums of expression. His ability to factor his own experience has been what has characterized African American involvement in the Christian experience and posits Thurman more as an innovator of religious and spiritual thought rather than a stranger. Furthermore, in the 1950s and 1960s, Thurman represented a bridge builder, at- tempting to link integrationist goals with more radical approaches to social change espoused by black nationalism. The evidence of Thurman's balance can be discerned in his influence on the fields of Black Theology and African American Religious Studies. 22 Black religious intellectuals have played a pivotal role in the social, economic, political and cultural lives of , the nation, and the world. In particular, the examples of such leading figures as Benjamin E. Mays and Howard Thurman have provided immeasurable contributions to the development of black religion, black masculinity and a whole host of other socio-political and religious issues. Their pioneering efforts, both at Howard University and elsewhere, indicate a small amount of their critical importance to the shaping of black religious intellectual life in the twentieth century. Their role as philosophers, mentors, activists and social critics deserves more scholarly attention, particularly the relationship that existed between the two, their importance to later generations of black religious thinkers, and their own unique representations as intellectuals. Benjamin Mays and Howard Thurman bequeathed to black religious intellectuals towering examples of black manhood and masculinity. Black religious intellectuals from James Cone and Cornel West to Jesse Jackson and Gardner Taylor owe a tremendous debt to the enduring legacy of these two giant luminaries. Present-day black intellectual life, be it secular, sacred, or both, could stand to learn a great deal from the prophetic and visionary witness of both Benjamin Mays and Howard Thurman. Notes

1. Stephen B. Boyd, W. Merle Longwood, and Mark W. Muesse, Redeeming Men: Religion and Masculinities (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1996), pp. 222- 233. 2. Dick Russell, "Howard Thurman, Benjamin Mays, and the Martin Luther King Legacy" in Black Genius and the American Experience (New York: Carroll & Graft Publishers, 1998), pp. 421-449. 3. Miles Mark Fisher IV, "The Howard Years," in Lawrence E. Carter, ed. Walking Integrity: Benjamin Elijah Mays, Mentor to Martin Luther King, Jr (Ma- con: Mercer University Press, 1998), p. 132. 4. Benjamin E. Mays. Born to Rebel: An Autobiography 2nd. ed. (New York: Charles Scribners and Sons, 1971), pp. 139-141. 5. Mays, Born to Rebel, pp. 140-143. 6. Walter Dyson. Howard University." The Capstone of Negro Education--A History, 1867-1940 (Washing- ton, D.C.: The Graduate School, Howard University), 1941, pp. 172-177; Thomas C. Battle and Clifford L° Muse Jr. Howard in Retrospect: Images of the Capstone (Washington, D.C.: Moorland- Spingarn Research Center, Howard University, 1995); Howard Thurman. With Head and Heart: The Autobiography of Howard Thurman (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979), pp. 87, 130-135. 7. Benjamin Mays, Annual Report, 1938-1939, The School of Religion, Howard University, Washing- ton, D.C., 1939, p. 8 8. Gayraud Wilmore, ed, African American Religious Studies: An Interdisciplinary Anthology (Durham: Duke University Press, 1989), pp. xi-xxii, 184. 9. Rayford Logan. Howard University: The First Hundred Years" 1867-1967 (New York: New York University Press, 1969), 380; Howard University Bulletin, 1939, 10. 10. William Stuart Nelson, ed. The Christian Way in Race Relations (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948). 11. Theophus Smith, "Howard Thurman," in Donald Musser and Joseph Price, ed. A New Handbook of Christian Theologians (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1996), p. 440; C. Eric Lincoln, Race, Religion, and the Continuing American Dilemma (New York: Hill and Wang, 1999), pp. 228-276. 12. Walter Earl Fluker and Catherine Tumber, eds., A Strange Freedom: The Best of Howard Thurman on Religious Experience and Public Life (Boston: Bea- con Press, 1998), p. 2. 13. Alton B. Pollard, Mysticism and Social Change: The Social Witness of Howard Thurman (New York: Peter Lang, 1992), pp. 22-23; Howard Thurman, With Head and Heart (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979), p. 90. 14. Ibid., pp. 440-441; Mozella Mitchell, ed. The Human Search: Howard Thurman and the Quest for Freedom (New York: Peter Lang, 1990). 15. Sudarshan Kapur. Raising Up a Prophet: The African- American Encounter With Gandhi (Boston: Bea- con Press, 1992), pp. 8 1--100. 16. Fluker and Tumber, A Strange Freedom, pp. 5-6; Kapur, Raising Up a Prophet, pp. 90- 100. 17. Dyson, p. 210. 18. Mark Chapman. "Of One Blood": Mays and the Theology of Race Relations," in Lawrence E. Carter ed. Walking Integrity: Benjamin Elijah Mays, Mentor to Martin Luther King Jr (Macon: Macon University Press, 1998), p. 234; Idus A. Newby. Black Carolinians: A History of Blacks in from 1895 to 1968 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press), 1973. 19. Larry Murphy, "Howard Thurman and Social Activism," in God and Human Freedom (Richmond: Friends United Press, 1983), pp. 156-57; Elizabeth O. Colton. The Jackson Phenomenon: The Man, The Power, The Message (New York: Doubleday, 1989), p. 32; John J. Ansbro. Martin Luther King, Jr.: The Making of a Mind (Mary knoll: Orbis Books, 1982). 20. Edward A. Jones. A Candle In The Dark: A History of Morehouse College (Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press, 1967). 21. James William McClendon, Jr. Ethics: Systematic Theology, vol. 1; Peter J. Paris, Black Religious Leaders: Conflict in Unity (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1991), pp. 15-28° 22. Alton B. Pollard. Mysticism and Social Change: The Social Witness of Howard Thurman (New York: Peter Lang, 1992); Luther E. Smith. Howard Thurman: The Mystic as Prophet (Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1981)

References

Ansbro, John J. Martin Luther King, Jr.: The Making of a Mind: Mary knoll: Orbis Books, 1982. Battle, Thomas C. and Clifford L. Muse. Howard in Retrospect. Images of the Capstone. Washington, D.C.: Moorland-Spingarn Research Center, Howard University, 1995. Boyd, Stephen B., W. Merle Longwood, and Mark W. Muesse. Redeeming Men: Men and Masculinities. Louisville: Westminister/John Knox Press, 1996. Carter, Lawrence Edward, ed. Walking Integrity: Benjamin Elijah Mays, Mentor To Martin Luther King, Jr. Macon: Mercer University Press, 1998. Colton, Elizabeth. The Jackson Phenomenon: The Man, the Power, the Message. New York: Doubleday, 1989. Dyson, Walter. Howard University: The Capstone of Negro Education- A History, 1867-1940. Washington, D.C.: The Graduate School, Howard University, 1941. Fluker, Walter Earl and Catherine Tumber, eds. A Strange Freedom: The Best of Howard Thurman on Religious Experience and Public Life. Boston: Beacon Press, 1998. Howard University Bulletin, 1939. Jones, Edward A. Candle In the Dark: A History of Morehouse College. Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press, 1967. Kapur, Sudarshan. Raising Up a Prophet: The African- American Encounter With Gandhi. Boston: Beacon Press, 1992. Lincoln, C. Eric. Race, Religion, and the Continuing American Dilemma. New York: Hill and Wang, 1999. Logan, Rayford. Howard University: The First Hundred Years, 1867-1967. New York: New York University Press, 1969. McClendon, James William, Jr., Ethics: systematic Theology, vol. 1. Mays, Benjamin Elijah. Born To Rebel: An Autobiography. New York: Charles Scribners and Sons, 1971. --. Annual Report, 1938-1939, The School of Religion, Howard University, Washington, D.C., 1939. Mitchell, Mozella, ed. The Human Search: Howard Thurman and the Quest for Freedom. New York: Peter Lang, 1990. Musser, Donald and Joseph Price, ed. A New Hanbook of Christian Theologians. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1996. Murphy, Larry. God and Human Freedom. Richmond: Friends United Press, 1983. Nelson, William Stuart, ed. The Christian Way In Race Relations. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948. Newby, Idus A. Black Carolinians: A History of Blacks in South Carolina from 1895 To 1968. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1973. Paris, Peter J. Black Religious Leaders: Conflict in Unity. Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1991. Pollard, Alton B. Mysticism and Social Change: The Social Witness of Howard Thurman. New York: Peter Lang, 1992. Russell, Dick. Black Genius and the American Experience. New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 1998. Smith, Luther E. Howard Thurman: The Mystic as Prophet. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1981. Thurman, Howard. With Head and Heart. The Autobiography of Howard Thurman. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979. Wilmore, Gayraud, ed. African American Religious Studies: An Interdisciplinary Anthology. Durham: Duke University Press, 1989.