Augustanism in Ovid's Ars Amatoria

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Augustanism in Ovid's Ars Amatoria The Art of Making Oneself Hated: Rethinking (Anti-)Augustanism in Ovid’s Ars Amatoria The Art of Love: Bimillennial Essays on Ovid's Ars Amatoria and Remedia Amoris Steven Green Print publication date: 2007 Print ISBN-13: 9780199277773 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2010 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199277773.001.0001 The Art of Making Oneself Hated: Rethinking (Anti-)Augustanism in Ovid’s Ars Amatoria Sergio Casali DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199277773.003.0011 Abstract and Keywords This chapter focuses on the most overtly ‘Augustan’ part of the Ars – the Parthian expedition of Gaius Caesar (1.171-228) – and invites us to read the event as an episode that exposes tensions in the dynastic family, and draws attention to the spectacle and theatricality of the Emperor's Parthian campaign. Keywords: Ars Amatoria, Remedia Amoris, Augustus, politics, Rome, Parthia, Gaius Caesar My subtitle implies that I want to strike a balance, or to discuss the question of the Augustanism/anti-Augustanism of the Ars from a theoretical point of view. In fact, I won’t be doing that. The ‘Augustan’ side of the question has been treated in the best possible way by Mario Labate in his book L’arte di farsi amare,1 the ‘anti-Augustan’ side by Alison Sharrock, particularly in her article on ‘Ovid and the Politics of Reading’,2 and the ‘aporetic’ side by Duncan Kennedy and Alessandro Barchiesi.3 I couldn’t do it better. So, the first part of my title is more relevant for my chapter. It makes fairly clear, I think, my predilection for a good old anti-Augustan approach to Ovid. ‘The Art of Making Oneself Hated’ naively alludes to the irony of a book that, proposing to teach Romans how to love and be loved, in fact achieved the result of winning for its author the implacable hatred of the most important Roman of all—at least according to (p.217) Ovid’s construction of his own relationship with the imperial power. Obviously it also alludes to Mario Labate’s fundamental study: I hope that my irreverence will not have the same effect as Ovid’s. Page 1 of 17 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE (oxford.universitypressscholarship.com). (c) Copyright Oxford University Press, 2020. All Rights Reserved. An individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in OSO for personal use. Subscriber: University of Warwick; date: 09 October 2020 The Art of Making Oneself Hated: Rethinking (Anti-)Augustanism in Ovid’s Ars Amatoria THE OBSESSION WITH ‘HIDDEN MEANING’ AND AUGUSTUS AS AN ANTI-AUGUSTAN READER ‘Now you’re really getting paranoid.’ ‘The question is not whether I am paranoid, but whether I am paranoid enough.’4 ‘Augustan’ readings of the Ars tend to deplore above all two interpretative attitudes that are usually closely related with each other. On the one hand, that it is wrong to have that ‘almost neurotic suspiciousness’, that ‘obsession with hidden meaning’ which pervades anti-Augustan readings. On the other hand, it is equally wrong that ‘the later events—which are for the most part obscure—in the poet’s life should interfere so heavily in the attempt to decipher the cultural expectations, proposals, and literary practice of Ovidian elegy’.5 The results of this ‘almost neurotic suspiciousness’ on the part of the interpreter and of the interference from what is known of Ovid’s life in his relationship with imperial power are a straining of the text—reading in more than is written, over- interpreting, and misunderstanding.6 In the case of Ovid, however, things are a bit complicated. Duncan Kennedy, in his article on ‘Augustanism’ and ‘anti- Augustanism’, rightly says that: ‘The degree to which a voice is heard as conflicting or supportive is a function of the audience’s—or critic’s—ideology, a function, therefore, of reception.’7 So, what happens when it is the author himself who gives us information about the qualities of ‘conflict’ and ‘support’ in his own work? If we say that the poet’s life ought not to interfere in the interpretation (p.218) of his work, it seems that we are acting sensibly; we need to read texts, not the biographies of authors. But in Ovid’s case it is other texts by the same author which tells us quite explicitly about the reception of his earlier texts. Ovid tells us about the anti-Augustan reception of his work—by Augustus himself—and so he himself shapes his own reception.8 When we allow his conflict with Augustus (which is biographical only in so far as Ovid tells us it is biographical)9 to interfere with our reading, and when we take up an attitude of almost neurotic suspiciousness in reading the Ars, we are displaying docile obedience to the reception of the Ars in the terms prescribed by Ovid. Now, it is by no means clear that we should display such docile obedience. What I mean is that we ought to be aware that if, under the influence of a laudable desire not to betray the ‘author’s intention’, we abstain from ‘forcing’ the Ars, we will find ourselves in the position of having to ‘force’ the interpretative response that the author himself has constructed for us. Ovid wrote the Ars, and then he devoted the rest of his poetic career, starting from the sequel itself of the Ars, the Remedia (see below), to constructing that poem as a poem that has excited Augustus’ anger. Looking for the anti-Augustan elements in the Ars is the strategy of reading that the poet prescribes to his Model Reader.10 The reader can find anti-Augustan elements in the Ars, if s/he wants, but in a sense, Page 2 of 17 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE (oxford.universitypressscholarship.com). (c) Copyright Oxford University Press, 2020. All Rights Reserved. An individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in OSO for personal use. Subscriber: University of Warwick; date: 09 October 2020 The Art of Making Oneself Hated: Rethinking (Anti-)Augustanism in Ovid’s Ars Amatoria paradoxically, Ovid’s textual/political strategy might be seen as even more interesting if the reader does not find (chooses not to find) anti-Augustan elements in the Ars. For what happens if the Ars appears to be a loyal and collaborative Augustan work, but the poet himself says that, on the contrary, a very special reader such as Augustus himself finds it anti-Augustan enough to exile Ovid for having written it? An ‘Augustan’ reader of the Ars must read it in a way opposite to that which (Ovid says that) Augustus read it; an anti-Augustan reader, conversely, has to identify himself with Augustus when s/he finds Ovid’s poem (p.219) outrageous. Ovid constructs Augustus as the first anti-Augustan reader of the Ars.11 When people speak of ‘later events in Ovid’s life’, they are usually thinking of his exile, and the exilic works, especially Tristia 2, as testimony to these events. In fact, however, as regards the Ars, we do not have to go so far, chronologically and otherwise, in order to get some information from Ovid on how we might be justiWed in imagining an ‘Augustan’ reception of the Ars. Ovid’s representation of an Augustan attack on the Ars does not wait until AD 8. It is absolutely immediate, almost contemporaneous with the publication of the Ars. In fact Ovid describes an ‘Augustan’ attack in the central digression of the Remedia, the work which is an integral part of the amatory cycle, and which is usually dated to AD 2, more or less contemporaneous with the publication of the Wnal version of the Ars in three books. In Rem. 361–96, Ovid makes a violent attack on the detractors of his Ars. They are not named: in 361 he speaks of ‘some people’ (quidam), according to whom Ovid’s work is proterua. In 364 it is ‘one or two people’ (unus et alter) who attack his work. A little later, however, the detractor becomes a single individual, who is offended, or hurt, by the poet’s licentia (371–2). Finally, Ovid addresses Livor edax, that is, obviously, his jealous detractor: rumpere, Liuor edax … (389–92). Even Augustan readings willingly concede to the poet of the Ars a tone here of ‘playful aggression’ towards Augustan power; I think that it can be taken for granted that addressing the princeps in these terms (‘burst, envious one’) is a mode of joking that is decidedly over the top. These lines expose with impressive lucidity Ovid’s project of constructing his poetic career as a constant pain in Augustus’ neck. It has been rightly noticed that in this digression Ovid is creating an intertextual parallel to the proem of Georgics 3.12 Just as Vergil there announced his future Augustan poetic career, so here Ovid both starts the construction of his past poetic production as anti-Augustan, and announces his future anti-Augustan career: Vergil, modo uita supersit (Georg. 3. 10), will erect a temple on the banks of the Mincius, and (p.220) Caesar will be in the middle of it; Ovid’s poetic projects do include Caesar as well, but in a very different way: uiuam modo, plura dolebis.13 Page 3 of 17 PRINTED FROM OXFORD SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE (oxford.universitypressscholarship.com). (c) Copyright Oxford University Press, 2020. All Rights Reserved. An individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in OSO for personal use.
Recommended publications
  • Valerius Maximus on Vice: a Commentary of Facta Et Dicta
    Valerius Maximus on Vice: A Commentary on Facta et Dicta Memorabilia 9.1-11 Jeffrey Murray University of Cape Town Thesis Presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Studies) in the School of Languages and Literatures University of Cape Town June 2016 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town Abstract The Facta et Dicta Memorabilia of Valerius Maximus, written during the formative stages of the Roman imperial system, survives as a near unique instance of an entire work composed in the genre of Latin exemplary literature. By providing the first detailed historical and historiographical commentary on Book 9 of this prose text – a section of the work dealing principally with vice and immorality – this thesis examines how an author employs material predominantly from the earlier, Republican, period in order to validate the value system which the Romans believed was the basis of their world domination and to justify the reign of the Julio-Claudian family. By detailed analysis of the sources of Valerius’ material, of the way he transforms it within his chosen genre, and of how he frames his exempla, this thesis illuminates the contribution of an often overlooked author to the historiography of the Roman Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • ROMAN ARCHITEXTURE: the IDEA of the MONUMENT in the ROMAN IMAGINATION of the AUGUSTAN AGE by Nicholas James Geller a Dissertatio
    ROMAN ARCHITEXTURE: THE IDEA OF THE MONUMENT IN THE ROMAN IMAGINATION OF THE AUGUSTAN AGE by Nicholas James Geller A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Studies) in the University of Michigan 2015 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Basil J. Dufallo, Chair Associate Professor Ruth Rothaus Caston Professor Bruce W. Frier Associate Professor Achim Timmermann ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of many people both within and outside of academia. I would first of all like to thank all those on my committee for reading drafts of my work and providing constructive feedback, especially Basil Dufallo and Ruth R. Caston, both of who read my chapters at early stages and pushed me to find what I wanted to say – and say it well. I also cannot thank enough all the graduate students in the Department of Classical Studies at the University of Michigan for their support and friendship over the years, without either of which I would have never made it this far. Marin Turk in Slavic Languages and Literature deserves my gratitude, as well, for reading over drafts of my chapters and providing insightful commentary from a non-classicist perspective. And I of course must thank the Department of Classical Studies and Rackham Graduate School for all the financial support that I have received over the years which gave me time and the peace of mind to develop my ideas and write the dissertation that follows. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………………ii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS……………………………………………………………………iv ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………………....v CHAPTER I.
    [Show full text]
  • Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G
    Virgil, Aeneid 11 (Pallas & Camilla) 1–224, 498–521, 532–96, 648–89, 725–835 G Latin text, study aids with vocabulary, and commentary ILDENHARD INGO GILDENHARD AND JOHN HENDERSON A dead boy (Pallas) and the death of a girl (Camilla) loom over the opening and the closing part of the eleventh book of the Aeneid. Following the savage slaughter in Aeneid 10, the AND book opens in a mournful mood as the warring parti es revisit yesterday’s killing fi elds to att end to their dead. One casualty in parti cular commands att enti on: Aeneas’ protégé H Pallas, killed and despoiled by Turnus in the previous book. His death plunges his father ENDERSON Evander and his surrogate father Aeneas into heart-rending despair – and helps set up the foundati onal act of sacrifi cial brutality that caps the poem, when Aeneas seeks to avenge Pallas by slaying Turnus in wrathful fury. Turnus’ departure from the living is prefi gured by that of his ally Camilla, a maiden schooled in the marti al arts, who sets the mold for warrior princesses such as Xena and Wonder Woman. In the fi nal third of Aeneid 11, she wreaks havoc not just on the batt lefi eld but on gender stereotypes and the conventi ons of the epic genre, before she too succumbs to a premature death. In the porti ons of the book selected for discussion here, Virgil off ers some of his most emoti ve (and disturbing) meditati ons on the tragic nature of human existence – but also knows how to lighten the mood with a bit of drag.
    [Show full text]
  • THE MARS ULTOR COINS of C. 19-16 BC
    UNIWERSYTET ZIELONOGÓRSKI IN GREMIUM 9/2015 Studia nad Historią, Kulturą i Polityką s . 7-30 Victoria Győri King’s College, London THE MARS ULTOR COINS OF C. 19-16 BC In 42 BC Augustus vowed to build a temple of Mars if he were victorious in aveng- ing the assassination of his adoptive father Julius Caesar1 . While ultio on Brutus and Cassius was a well-grounded theme in Roman society at large and was the principal slogan of Augustus and the Caesarians before and after the Battle of Philippi, the vow remained unfulfilled until 20 BC2 . In 20 BC, Augustus renewed his vow to Mars Ultor when Roman standards lost to the Parthians in 53, 40, and 36 BC were recovered by diplomatic negotiations . The temple of Mars Ultor then took on a new role; it hon- oured Rome’s ultio exacted from the Parthians . Parthia had been depicted as a prime foe ever since Crassus’ defeat at Carrhae in 53 BC . Before his death in 44 BC, Caesar planned a Parthian campaign3 . In 40 BC L . Decidius Saxa was defeated when Parthian forces invaded Roman Syria . In 36 BC Antony’s Parthian campaign was in the end unsuccessful4 . Indeed, the Forum Temple of Mars Ultor was not dedicated until 2 BC when Augustus received the title of Pater Patriae and when Gaius departed to the East to turn the diplomatic settlement of 20 BC into a military victory . Nevertheless, Augustus made his Parthian success of 20 BC the centre of a grand “propagandistic” programme, the principal theme of his new forum, and the reason for renewing his vow to build a temple to Mars Ultor .
    [Show full text]
  • The Example of Procris in the Ars Amatoria
    UC Berkeley Cabinet of the Muses: Rosenmeyer Festschrift Title The Example of Procris in the Ars Amatoria Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5xx8c1wj Author Anderson, William S. Publication Date 1990-04-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California THE EXAMPLE OF PROCRIS IN THE ARS AMATORIA William S. Anderson University of California, Berkeley Ever since Richard Heinze developed his masterful study of Ovid’s narrative styles by pitting similar stories recounted in elegiac meter against those of the Metamorphoses, starting from the near-contemporaneously composed myths of Persephone of Fasti 4 and of Met. 5, a methodology of contextualization has been legitimated for exploring these materials.1 As perhaps the richest pair of such narratives, elegiac and hexameter, the story of how Cephalus loved, married, and then accidentally killed Procris in a hunting accident has generated numerous studies since Heinze’s time.2 The earliest adherents of Heinze used the account in Ars Amatoria 3.687ff. to demonstrate the greater weight and epic character of the account in Met. 7.672ff. (or of 7.796ff., to limit ourselves to the death of Procris in the Met. as the strictly parallel passage).3 In more recent years, as the “epic” character of the Met. has been called into question, the procedures of contextualization have altered somewhat. On the one hand, many studies have continued to emphasize the greater power and pathos of Procris’ death in the Met. and so called attention to features of Ars 3 that appear to be earlier and less artistic details consciously changed and improved by Ovid in the later Met.
    [Show full text]
  • Imperial Authority and the Providence of Monotheism in Orosius's Historiae Adversus Paganos
    Imperial Authority and the Providence of Monotheism in Orosius’s Historiae adversus paganos Victoria Leonard B.A. (Cardiff); M.A. (Cardiff) A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy School of History, Archaeology, and Religion Cardiff University August 2014 ii Declaration This work has not been submitted in substance for any other degree or award at this or any other university or place of learning, nor is being submitted concurrently in candidature for any degree or other award. Signed ………………………………… (candidate) Date ……………………… STATEMENT 1 This thesis is being submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD. Signed ………………………………… (candidate) Date ……………………… STATEMENT 2 This thesis is the result of my own independent work/investigation, except where otherwise stated. Other sources are acknowledged by explicit references. The views expressed are my own. Signed ………………………………… (candidate) Date ……………………… STATEMENT 3 I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and for inter-library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside organisations. Signed ………………………………… (candidate) Date………………………… STATEMENT 4: PREVIOUSLY APPROVED BAR ON ACCESS I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and for inter-library loans after expiry of a bar on access previously approved by the Academic Standards & Quality Committee. Signed ………………………………… (candidate) Date………………………… iii Cover Illustration An image of an initial 'P' with a man, thought to be Orosius, holding a book. Acanthus leaves extend into the margins. On the same original manuscript page (f. 7) there is an image of a roundel enclosing arms in the lower margin.
    [Show full text]
  • VISUALISING with OVID Jo-Marie Claassen University Of
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Stellenbosch University SUNScholar Repository WORD PICTURES: VISUALISING WITH OVID Jo-Marie Claassen University of Stellenbosch ABSTRACT Ovid verbally portrays three different modes of ‘seeing’. In the Metamorphoses readers mentally ‘watch’ his various protagonists seeing or being seen. In the elegiac poetry readers are often induced to share the field of vision of his protagonists. In Amores 3.2 and Ars Amatoria 1.135ff., readers ‘look’ with the lover and his mistress during ‘a day at the races’, virtually becoming both protagonists. In the exilic poems Ovid is sole viewer. ‘Something he saw that ruined him’ looms large in his imagination. The exile begins to rely solely on mental vision, ‘seeing’ the sights of Rome, conjuring up distant friends into his presence. Readers ‘see’ the lonely exile being comforted by his own inner vision. Introduction Videmus natura, spectamus voluntate, intuemur cura, aspicimus ex improviso. We see naturally, we look voluntarily, we watch something with care, and we inspect something if we have been surprised by it. (Ps.-Fronto, Gramm. 7.520.18 K = Charis. Gramm. P. 388.26) The four Latin verbs quoted above illustrate the fact that visual perception has various modes, which may be roughly characterised as the differences between the semantic implications of their approximate English equivalents ‘seeing’, ‘looking’, ‘watching’ and ‘scrutinising’. The four verbs chosen by Pseudo-Fronto for differentiating various modes of vision Grateful thanks to David Wardle, editor of Acta Classica, and the two anonymous referees, whose advice I tried scrupulously to follow, and also to two earlier readers, whose equally useful comments were relayed to me by Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • Ovid's Wife in the Tristia and Epistulae Ex Ponto
    OVID’S WIFE IN THE TRISTIA AND EPISTULAE EX PONTO: TRANSFORMING EROTIC ELEGY INTO CONJUGAL ELEGY by AMY NOHR PETERSEN (Under the Direction of T. KEITH DIX) ABSTRACT Augustus exiled Ovid to Tomis in AD 8 in part, the poet says, because of his carmen, the Ars Amatoria. Ovid presents the misfortunes of exile in two collections of elegiac epistles, the Tristia and Epistulae ex Ponto. As the recipient of nine epistles, Ovid’s wife is his most frequent addressee. Other poems throughout the two works also mention her. Ovid models the persona of his wife in the exile poetry on characters he developed in the Amores, Heroides, and Ars Amatoria. She appears initially as an abandoned heroine, then as a beloved from whom Ovid seeks fulfillment of his needs, and eventually becomes a pupil in imperial courtship. The resulting “conjugal love elegy” does not replace his earlier erotic elegy but recasts it as a means for Ovid to lament his misfortunes, present a new image for his poet-narrator, and immortalize his genius. INDEX WORDS: Augustus, Coniunx, Elegy, Epistolary Poetry, Epistulae, Exile, Latin, Livia, Ovid, Ovid’s wife, Tristia OVID’S WIFE IN THE TRISTIA AND EPISTULAE EX PONTO: TRANSFORMING EROTIC ELEGY INTO CONJUGAL ELEGY by AMY NOHR PETERSEN B.A., The University of Minnesota, 1996 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2005 © 2005 Amy Nohr Petersen All Rights Reserved OVID’S WIFE IN THE TRISTIA AND EPISTULAE EX PONTO: TRANSFORMING EROTIC ELEGY INTO CONJUGAL ELEGY by AMY NOHR PETERSEN Major Professor: T.
    [Show full text]
  • BACCHUS in LATIN LOVE-ELEGY by Joan Ruth
    BACCHUS IN LATIN LOVE-ELEGY by Joan Ruth Sandilands (B.A., Alberta, 1962) A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Classics We accept this thesis as conforming to the standard required from candidates for the degree of Master of Arts The University of British Columbia April, 1966 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for ex• tensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for finan• cial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ii ABSTRACT The aim of this thesis is, by means of a close exa• mination of the evidence presented by the texts, to analyse the ways in which Tibullus, Propertius and Ovid treat the god Bacchus and,by so doing, to discover why Bacchus be• comes for them a patron of poetry. Chapter I, the introduction,, deals briefly with the literary background and sets the limits of the study. Chapters II, III and IV analyse the appearances of the god in the poetry of Tibullus, Propertius and Ovid respec• tively: the Tibullan Bacchus is primarily a patron of viti• culture and is associated with poetry and Amor because of this basic role; Propertius is more concerned with the god's relationship with Ariadne and the Maenads and develops a complex exemplum for his affair with Cynthia using these as major characters; Ovid makes frequent use of ideas concerning Bacchus developed by the other two poets but adds nothing really new to the concept of the god as patron of poetry.
    [Show full text]
  • THE CONQUEST of ACRE De Expugnata Accone
    1 THE CONQUEST OF ACRE De Expugnata Accone A Poetic Narrative of the Third Crusade Critical edition, translated with an introduction and notes by Tedd A. Wimperis Boston College Advanced Study Grant Summer 2009 2 Introduction In the year 1099 AD, the First Crusade, undertaken by European nobles and overseen by the Christian church, seized control of Jerusalem after a campaign of four years, setting up a Latin kingdom based in that city and establishing a Western presence in the Near East that would endure for two hundred years. After a series of clashes with Muslim armies, a second crusade was called that lasted from 1147-49. Then, in 1187, the delicate balance of powers erupted into conflict, and a unified Islamic force under the leadership of the legendary Saladin, Sultan of Egypt and Syria, swept through the Holy Land, cutting a swathe through the Crusader States until it brought Jerusalem itself to surrender. In the wake of this calamity, Europe fixed its intentions on reclaiming the land, and the Western powers again took up the Cross in what would be the Third Crusade. The crusade launched in 1189, and would thunder on until 1192, when the warring armies reached a stalemate and a treaty was signed between Saladin and King Richard I of England. But the very first engagement of the Third Crusade, and the longest-lasting, was the siege of Acre, a city on the coast of Palestine northwest of Jerusalem, important both militarily and as a center of trade. Acre was vigorously defended by the Muslim occupiers and fiercely fought for by the assembled might of the West for a grueling two years that saw thousands of casualties, famine, disease, and a brutal massacre.
    [Show full text]
  • Christian Morals
    Christian Morals Author(s): Browne, Sir Thomas (1605-1682) Publisher: Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library Description: i Contents Title Page 1 The Life of Sir Thomas Browne. 3 Christian Morals 23 Dedication 24 Preface 25 Part I. 26 Part II. 42 Part III. 52 Indexes 70 Greek Words and Phrases 71 Latin Words and Phrases 72 Index of Pages of the Print Edition 74 ii This PDF file is from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library, www.ccel.org. The mission of the CCEL is to make classic Christian books available to the world. • This book is available in PDF, HTML, and other formats. See http://www.ccel.org/ccel/browne/morals.html. • Discuss this book online at http://www.ccel.org/node/3676. The CCEL makes CDs of classic Christian literature available around the world through the Web and through CDs. We have distributed thousands of such CDs free in developing countries. If you are in a developing country and would like to receive a free CD, please send a request by email to [email protected]. The Christian Classics Ethereal Library is a self supporting non-profit organization at Calvin College. If you wish to give of your time or money to support the CCEL, please visit http://www.ccel.org/give. This PDF file is copyrighted by the Christian Classics Ethereal Library. It may be freely copied for non-commercial purposes as long as it is not modified. All other rights are re- served. Written permission is required for commercial use. iii Title Page Title Page CHRISTIAN MORALS.
    [Show full text]
  • The Women of Ovid's Ars Amatoria
    THE WOMEN OF OVID’S ARS AMATORIA: NATURE OR CULTURE? The women of Ovid’s Ars Amatoria may well impress the readers of this poem as a highly ‘unnatural’ lot. They mince, pout, and posture through the three books of Ovid’s treatise on the lover’s art with the calculated elegance and studied poise of dancers in a minuet. Their appearance, however, is deceptive. Ἀ closer look exposes the cultivation of these feminae cultissimae as a fragile patina, literally only skin deep. In the following essay, we shall consider how and why this can be so. Before we can begin to penetrate the elegant surface of the women of Ovid’s poem it is first necessary to consider the context in which they appear and operate: the poem itself. Ovid’s Ars Amatoria is an exposition and celebration of erotic culture, amatory cultus which by the late first century at Rome had progressed (at least in some circles) far beyond the inept fumbling of the rustic past, but as yet awaited codification into a handbook of didactic precepts by a master of the art. Enter the praeceptor. Drawing on a vast store of personal experience, usus (AA 1.29),1 as well as objective observation, this professorial paragon codifies the lover’s art in canons which turn on artifice, inhibition, hypocracy, and sublimation. The praeceptor’s rules comprise a system for manipulating and transcending the natural erotic impulse, and as such are not only the description of a cultural process but are themselves a cultural product.2 *& Although the poet expresses certain reservations about some aspects of 1 All references to the text of the Ars Amatoria are indicated by the siglum AA and are according to the edition of E.J.
    [Show full text]