Imperial Authority and the Providence of Monotheism in Orosius's Historiae Adversus Paganos
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Orosius' Histories: a Digital Intertextual Investigation Into The
comprehensive and detailed manual exploration of all of Orosius’ references. Orosius’ Histories: A Digital “It would be burdensome to list all of the Vergilian Intertextual Investigation echoes [...]” (Coffin, 1936: 237) What Coffin describes as “burdensome” can be into the First Christian accomplished with machine assistance. To the best of History of Rome our knowledge, no existing study, traditional or computational, has quantified and analysed the reuse Greta Franzini habits of Orosius. [email protected] The Tesserae project, which specialises in allusion Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Germany detection, is the most similar to the research presented here (Coffee, 2013), with the difference that it does not yet contain the text of Orosius nor many of Marco Büchler its sources, and that the results are automatically [email protected] computed without user input. Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, Germany In contrast, our approach, TRACER (Büchler et al., 2017), offers complete control over the algorithmic process, giving the user the choice between being Introduction guided by the software and to intervene by adjusting The research described in these pages is made pos- search parameters. In this way, results are produced sible by openly available Classical texts and linguistic through a critical evaluation of the detection. resources. It aims at performing semi-automatic anal- Research Questions and Goal yses of Paulus Orosius’ (385-420 AD) most celebrated work, the Historia adversum Paganos Libri VII, against Our research began with the following questions: its sources. The Histories, as this work is known in Eng- how does Orosius adapt Classical authors? Can we lish, constitute the first history (752 BC to 417 AD) to categorise his text reuse styles and what is the optimal have been written from a Christian perspective. -
Valerius Maximus on Vice: a Commentary of Facta Et Dicta
Valerius Maximus on Vice: A Commentary on Facta et Dicta Memorabilia 9.1-11 Jeffrey Murray University of Cape Town Thesis Presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Studies) in the School of Languages and Literatures University of Cape Town June 2016 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town Abstract The Facta et Dicta Memorabilia of Valerius Maximus, written during the formative stages of the Roman imperial system, survives as a near unique instance of an entire work composed in the genre of Latin exemplary literature. By providing the first detailed historical and historiographical commentary on Book 9 of this prose text – a section of the work dealing principally with vice and immorality – this thesis examines how an author employs material predominantly from the earlier, Republican, period in order to validate the value system which the Romans believed was the basis of their world domination and to justify the reign of the Julio-Claudian family. By detailed analysis of the sources of Valerius’ material, of the way he transforms it within his chosen genre, and of how he frames his exempla, this thesis illuminates the contribution of an often overlooked author to the historiography of the Roman Empire. -
Colin Mcallister Regnum Caelorum Terrestre: the Apocalyptic Vision of Lactantius May 2016
Colin McAllister Regnum Caelorum Terrestre: The Apocalyptic Vision of Lactantius May 2016 Abstract: The writings of the early fourth-century Christian apologist L. Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius have been extensively studied by historians, classicists, philosophers and theologians. But his unique apocalyptic eschatology expounded in book VII of the Divinae Institutiones, his largest work, has been relatively neglected. This paper will distill Lactantius’s complex narrative and summarize his sources. In particular, I investigate his chiliasm and the nature of the intermediate state, as well as his portrayal of the Antichrist. I argue that his apocalypticism is not an indiscriminate synthesis of varying sources - as it often stated - but is essentially based on the Book of Revelation and other Patristic sources. +++++ The eminent expert on all things apocalyptic, Bernard McGinn, wrote: Even the students and admirers of Lactantius have not bestowed undue praise upon him. To Rene Pichon [who wrote in 1901 what is perhaps still the seminal work on Lactantius’ thought] ‘Lactantius is mediocre in the Latin sense of the word - and also a bit in the French sense’; to Vincenzo Loi [who studied Lactantius’ use of the Bible] ‘Lactantius is neither a philosophical or theological genius nor linguistic genius.’ Despite these uneven appraisals, the writings of the early fourth-century Christian apologist L. Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius [c. 250-325] hold, it seems, a little something for everyone.1 Political historians study Lactantius as an important historical witness to the crucial transitional period from the Great Persecution of Diocletian to the ascension of Constantine, and for insight into the career of the philosopher Porphyry.2 Classicists and 1 All dates are anno domini unless otherwise indicated. -
The Protrepticus of Clement of Alexandria: a Commentary
Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui THE PROTREPTICUS OF CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA: A COMMENTARY to; ga;r yeu'do" ouj yilh'/ th'/ paraqevsei tajlhqou'" diaskedavnnutai, th'/ de; crhvsei th'" ajlhqeiva" ejkbiazovmenon fugadeuvetai. La falsedad no se dispersa por la simple comparación con la verdad, sino que la práctica de la verdad la fuerza a huir. Protréptico 8.77.3 PREFACIO Una tesis doctoral debe tratar de contribuir al avance del conocimiento humano en su disciplina, y la pretensión de que este comentario al Protréptico tenga la máxima utilidad posible me obliga a escribirla en inglés porque es la única lengua que hoy casi todos los interesados pueden leer. Pero no deja de ser extraño que en la casa de Nebrija se deje de lado la lengua castellana. La deuda que contraigo ahora con el español sólo se paliará si en el futuro puedo, en compensación, “dar a los hombres de mi lengua obras en que mejor puedan emplear su ocio”. Empiezo ahora a saldarla, empleándola para estos agradecimientos, breves en extensión pero no en sinceridad. Mi gratitud va, en primer lugar, al Cardenal Don Gil Álvarez de Albornoz, fundador del Real Colegio de España, a cuya generosidad y previsión debo dos años provechosos y felices en Bolonia. Al Rector, José Guillermo García-Valdecasas, que administra la herencia de Albornoz con ejemplar dedicación, eficacia y amor a la casa. A todas las personas que trabajan en el Colegio y hacen que cumpla con creces los objetivos para los que se fundó. Y a mis compañeros bolonios durante estos dos años. Ha sido un honor muy grato disfrutar con todos ellos de la herencia albornociana. -
Jerome's Women Creating Identity and Fashioning Scholars
Jerome’s Women Creating Identity and Fashioning Scholars Judith Margaret Nichols, M.LITT., B.A., GRAD.DIP.TESL. This Thesis is presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Western Australia School of Humanities Classics and Ancient History 2014 i Preface Jerome’s writings first came to my attention as an undergraduate. I was attracted by the vividness of his writing but puzzled that the female recipients of his correspondence tolerated such a vain, irascible and misogynistic mentor. I took my initial, tentative thesis to Dr Neil O’Sullivan, Discipline Chair of Classics and Ancient History at the University of Western Australia and Dr Michael Champion who listened patiently and encouraged me to persevere with a doctoral thesis. I am grateful to both men for their advice and suggestions in shaping this work. Dr O’Sullivan’s command of the classics pointed me in new and interesting directions. Dr Champion was extremely forbearing in listening to every new idea, commenting helpfully on successive drafts and making mentoring sessions enjoyable. I would also like to acknowledge the loving support of my husband, Tony, and our four adult children who have encouraged me and accepted my preoccupation without reproach. The translations in the thesis are my own, except where otherwise acknowledged. Translations of certain commentators have been included as reference points to my own and I have indicated where my interpretations differ from theirs. The standard unpunctuated Vulgate is among the texts that I regard as significant. ii iii Abstract This thesis studies the creation of identities and the role women play in Jerome’s socio-political, scholarly and eschatologically-oriented theology for Rome. -
Achila, Visigothic King, 34 Acisclus, Córdoban Martyr, 158 Adams
Index ; Achila, Visigothic king, 34 Almodóvar del Río, Spain, 123–24 Acisclus, Córdoban martyr, 158 Almonacid de la Cuba, Spain, 150. See Adams, Robert, 21 also Dams Aemilian, St., 160 Alonso de la Sierra, Juan, 97 Aerial photography, 40, 82 Amalaric, Visigothic king, 29–30, 132, Aetius, Roman general, 173–75 157 Africa, 4, 21–23; and amphorae, 116, Amber, 114 137, 187, 196; and ARS, 46, 56, 90, Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman histo- 99, 187; and Byzantine reconquest, rian, 166, 168 30; and ‹shing, 103; and olive oil, Amphorae, 43, 80, 199–200; exported 88, 188; and Roman army, 114, 127, from Spain, 44, 97–98, 113, 115–16, 166; and trade, 105, 141; and Van- 172; kilns, 61–62, 87–90, 184; from dals, 27–28, 97, 127, 174 North Africa, 129, 187. See also African Red Slip (ARS) pottery, 101, Kilns 147, 186–87, 191, 197; de‹nition, 41, Anderson, Perry, 5 43, 44, 46; and site survival, 90, Andujar, Spain, 38, 47, 63 92–95, 98–99; and trade, 105–6, 110, Annales, 8, 12, 39 114, 116, 129, 183 Annona: disruption by Vandals, 97, Agde, council of, 29, 36, 41 174; to Roman army, 44, 81, 114–17; Agglomeration, 40–42, 59, 92 to Rome, 23, 27, 44, 81, 113; under Agila, Visigothic king, 158–59. See Ostrogoths, 29, 133. See also Army also Athanagild Antioch, Syria, 126 Agrippa, Roman general, 118 Anti-Semitism, 12, 33. See also Jews Alans, 24, 26, 27, 34, 126, 175 Antonine Itinerary, 152 Alaric, Visigothic king, 2, 5, 26–27 Apuleius, Roman writer, 75–76, 122 Alaric II, Visigothic king, 29–30 Aqueducts, 119, 130, 134, 174–75 Alcalá del Río, Spain, 40, 44, 93, 123, Aquitaine, France, 2, 27, 45, 102 148 Arabs, 33–34, 132–33, 137. -
Sidonius' World
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-42921-4 — Reading Sidonius' Epistles M. P. Hanaghan Excerpt More Information 1 CHAPTER 1 Sidonius’ World As a young man in the 440s and 450s Sidonius enjoyed all the traditional markers of the Roman elite: a noble birth, a classical education, a good marriage, privilege, and wealth. 1 By his death in the mid to late 480s the great secular Gallo- Roman aristocrat of his age was a bishop. 2 Barbarians likely lodged in his villa. 3 h ey certainly occupied his see, Clermont. His wife’s father had been murdered shortly after becoming emperor. 4 h e last Roman emperor in the West was dead, and the next generation inspired Sidonius with little coni dence that his belletrism would continue in the family, or even the Gallo- Roman aristocracy. Documenting accurately this fascinating period was not Sidonius’ aim – he checked himself from writing history. 5 If he was, as McLynn claims “Fifth Century Gaul’s … great historian manqué ,” this miss is of his own making. 6 Events during the 1 h e exact date of Sidonius’ marriage to Papianilla, the daughter of Fl. Eparchius Avitus is unclear. Loyen ( 1970a : x) suggested that Sidonius was twenty, Stevens ( 1933 : 19) proposes a slightly later date. For two later assessments of Sidonius’ life see Gregory of Tours 2.22 and Gennadius of Marseilles 92, neither of which may be relied upon with any certainity; Gregory manipulates Sidonius as a source when it suits him and on occasion misreads his meaning, for an example of which see Moorhead ( 2007 : 331), and for detailed analysis Furbetta ( 2015c ). -
Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University
Boise State University ScholarWorks History Faculty Publications and Presentations Department of History 1-1-2007 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University Publication Information Odahl, Charles Matson. (2007). "Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy". Connections: European Studies Annual Review, 3, 89-113. This document was originally published in Connections: European Studies Annual Review by Rocky Mountain European Scholars Consortium. Copyright restrictions may apply. Coda: Recovering Constantine's European Legacy 111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl, Boise State University1 rom his Christian conversion under the influence of cept of imperial theocracy was conveyed in contemporary art Frevelatory experiences outside Rome in A.D. 312 until (Illustration I). his burial as the thirteenth Apostle at Constantinople in Although Constantine had been raised as a tolerant 337, Constantine the Great, pagan polytheist and had the first Christian emperor propagated several Olympian of the Roman world, initiated divinities, particularly Jupiter, the role of and set the model Hercules, Mars, and Sol, as for Christian imperial theoc di vine patrons during the early racy. Through his relationship years of his reign as emperor -
Priscillian of Avila: Heretic Or Early Reformer? by Brian Wagner
Priscillian of Avila: Heretic or Early Reformer? by Brian Wagner Introduction The Lord Jesus Christ said, “For by your words you will be justified, and by your words you will be condemned” (Matthew 12:37).1 Though He was speaking of the last judgment, the principle of letting someone be judged, even in this life, by his own testimony is a sound one. The Bible also speaks of establishing one’s testimony in the mouth of two or three witnesses (1 Timothy 5:19), which is to be a safeguard against a false witness damaging someone’s reputation. History is a study of testimony. The primary source material written by an individual is often the best evidence by which to judge what that person believed and taught. Other contemporaries to that individual could also be used to evaluate whether he was presenting a consistent and coherent message at all times and whether his actions matched his words. As with all historical judgment of this kind, the testimony by friends or foes must be weighed with at least some suspicion of bias. Priscillian of Avila, from the fourth century, has been designated by most of history as a Christian heretic. This conclusion, made by many of his contemporary foes, led to his beheading by the civil authorities. After his death in A.D. 365, his writings were searched out for destruction, along with anyone promoting his teaching. Copies of some of his writings still survive. Very early ones, judged as possibly made within just a century of Priscillian’s martyrdom, were recovered at the University of Würzburg by Georg Schepss in 1885. -
1 Settlement Patterns in Roman Galicia
Settlement Patterns in Roman Galicia: Late Iron Age – Second Century AD Jonathan Wynne Rees Thesis submitted in requirement of fulfilments for the degree of Ph.D. in Archaeology, at the Institute of Archaeology, University College London University of London 2012 1 I, Jonathan Wynne Rees confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 Abstract This thesis examines the changes which occurred in the cultural landscapes of northwest Iberia, between the end of the Iron Age and the consolidation of the region by both the native elite and imperial authorities during the early Roman empire. As a means to analyse the impact of Roman power on the native peoples of northwest Iberia five study areas in northern Portugal were chosen, which stretch from the mountainous region of Trás-os-Montes near the modern-day Spanish border, moving west to the Tâmega Valley and the Atlantic coastal area. The divergent physical environments, different social practices and political affinities which these diverse regions offer, coupled with differing levels of contact with the Roman world, form the basis for a comparative examination of the area. In seeking to analyse the transformations which took place between the Late pre-Roman Iron Age and the early Roman period historical, archaeological and anthropological approaches from within Iberian academia and beyond were analysed. From these debates, three key questions were formulated, focusing on -
ROMAN ARCHITEXTURE: the IDEA of the MONUMENT in the ROMAN IMAGINATION of the AUGUSTAN AGE by Nicholas James Geller a Dissertatio
ROMAN ARCHITEXTURE: THE IDEA OF THE MONUMENT IN THE ROMAN IMAGINATION OF THE AUGUSTAN AGE by Nicholas James Geller A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Classical Studies) in the University of Michigan 2015 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Basil J. Dufallo, Chair Associate Professor Ruth Rothaus Caston Professor Bruce W. Frier Associate Professor Achim Timmermann ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of many people both within and outside of academia. I would first of all like to thank all those on my committee for reading drafts of my work and providing constructive feedback, especially Basil Dufallo and Ruth R. Caston, both of who read my chapters at early stages and pushed me to find what I wanted to say – and say it well. I also cannot thank enough all the graduate students in the Department of Classical Studies at the University of Michigan for their support and friendship over the years, without either of which I would have never made it this far. Marin Turk in Slavic Languages and Literature deserves my gratitude, as well, for reading over drafts of my chapters and providing insightful commentary from a non-classicist perspective. And I of course must thank the Department of Classical Studies and Rackham Graduate School for all the financial support that I have received over the years which gave me time and the peace of mind to develop my ideas and write the dissertation that follows. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………………ii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS……………………………………………………………………iv ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………………....v CHAPTER I. -
Tages Against Jesus: Etruscan Religion in Late Roman Empire Dominique Briquel
Etruscan Studies Journal of the Etruscan Foundation Volume 10 Article 12 2007 Tages Against Jesus: Etruscan Religion in Late Roman Empire Dominique Briquel Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/etruscan_studies Recommended Citation Briquel, Dominique (2007) "Tages Against Jesus: Etruscan Religion in Late Roman Empire," Etruscan Studies: Vol. 10 , Article 12. Available at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/etruscan_studies/vol10/iss1/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Etruscan Studies by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Tages Against Jesus: Etruscan Religion in Late Roman Empire by Dominique Briquel t may seem strange to associate in this way two entities which, at first gLance, wouLd seem to have nothing in common. The civiLization of the Etruscans, which fLourished Iin ItaLy during the 1st miLLennium BC, was extinguished before the birth of Christianity, by which time Etruria had aLready been absorbed into the Larger Roman worLd in a process caLLed “Romanization.” 1 This process seems to have obLiterated the most characteristic traits of this autonomous cuLture of ancient Tuscany, a cuLture which may have been Kin to that of the Romans, but was not identicaL to it. As for Language, we can suppose that Etruscan, which is not Indo-European in origin and is therefore pro - foundLy different not onLy to Latin but to aLL other ItaLic diaLects, feLL out of use compLeteLy during the period of Augustus. One cannot, however, cLaim that aLL traces of ancient Etruria had disappeared by then.