Ancestors, Gods and Genealogies Ritual Boundaries Shape-Shifting
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Religious Foundations of Group Identity in Prehistoric Europe: the Germanic Peoples
PETER BUCHHOLZ Religious Foundations of Group Identity in Prehistoric Europe: The Germanic Peoples Any reader of Heimskringla ("circle of the earth"), the history of the kings of Norway by the great 13th century Icelandic writer Snorri Sturluson, will be struck by the enormous weight which the author attaches to religion. This refers both to Christianity and to pagan phenomena which preceded and even co-existed with it for some time. Snorri's work should, in my view, be ascribed a relatively high source value, if only because it is demonstrably based on older traditions either fixed in poetry or transmitted as oral prose. Öral tradition is of course not the topic of the present paper (cf. Buchholz 1980; Buchholz 1991), but the preservation of such traditions alone, many of which contain religious material, does indeed show that society or parts of it attached sufficient importance to such phenomena as to commit them to memory, parchment, runic signs or pictorial representation. The last scribe or "author" may of course have had considerable antiquarian interests, as is evident e.g. in some of the mythic poems of the Elder Edda, but such interests cannot be regarded as the cause for the existence of the myth, but only as one of the reasons for its preservation. We shall hopefully glimpse something of the role of myth in Germanic societies in the course of my paper. Leaving Myth aside for the moment, I want to stress that ÖN prose material, including Heimskringla, shows a marked interest in the concrete manifestations of cult (which, for paganism as seen through Christian eyes at least, definitely includes magic) and belief. -
ABSTRACT Savannah Dehart. BRACTEATES AS INDICATORS OF
ABSTRACT Savannah DeHart. BRACTEATES AS INDICATORS OF NORTHERN PAGAN RELIGIOSITY IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES. (Under the direction of Michael J. Enright) Department of History, May 2012. This thesis investigates the religiosity of some Germanic peoples of the Migration period (approximately AD 300-800) and seeks to overcome some difficulties in the related source material. The written sources which describe pagan elements of this period - such as Tacitus’ Germania, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People, and Paul the Deacon’s History of the Lombards - are problematic because they were composed by Roman or Christian authors whose primary goals were not to preserve the traditions of pagans. Literary sources of the High Middle Ages (approximately AD 1000-1400) - such as The Poetic Edda, Snorri Sturluson’s Prose Edda , and Icelandic Family Sagas - can only offer a clearer picture of Old Norse religiosity alone. The problem is that the beliefs described by these late sources cannot accurately reflect religious conditions of the Early Middle Ages. Too much time has elapsed and too many changes have occurred. If literary sources are unavailing, however, archaeology can offer a way out of the dilemma. Rightly interpreted, archaeological evidence can be used in conjunction with literary sources to demonstrate considerable continuity in precisely this area of religiosity. Some of the most relevant material objects (often overlooked by scholars) are bracteates. These coin-like amulets are stamped with designs that appear to reflect motifs from Old Norse myths, yet their find contexts, including the inhumation graves of women and hoards, demonstrate that they were used during the Migration period of half a millennium earlier. -
Number Symbolism in Old Norse Literature
Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Medieval Icelandic Studies Number Symbolism in Old Norse Literature A Brief Study Ritgerð til MA-prófs í íslenskum miðaldafræðum Li Tang Kt.: 270988-5049 Leiðbeinandi: Torfi H. Tulinius September 2015 Acknowledgements I would like to thank firstly my supervisor, Torfi H. Tulinius for his confidence and counsels which have greatly encouraged my writing of this paper. Because of this confidence, I have been able to explore a domain almost unstudied which attracts me the most. Thanks to his counsels (such as his advice on the “Blóð-Egill” Episode in Knýtlinga saga and the reading of important references), my work has been able to find its way through the different numbers. My thanks also go to Haraldur Bernharðsson whose courses on Old Icelandic have been helpful to the translations in this paper and have become an unforgettable memory for me. I‟m indebted to Moritz as well for our interesting discussion about the translation of some paragraphs, and to Capucine and Luis for their meticulous reading. Any fault, however, is my own. Abstract It is generally agreed that some numbers such as three and nine which appear frequently in the two Eddas hold special significances in Norse mythology. Furthermore, numbers appearing in sagas not only denote factual quantity, but also stand for specific symbolic meanings. This tradition of number symbolism could be traced to Pythagorean thought and to St. Augustine‟s writings. But the result in Old Norse literature is its own system influenced both by Nordic beliefs and Christianity. This double influence complicates the intertextuality in the light of which the symbolic meanings of numbers should be interpreted. -
Turbulent and Mighty Continent
one Eu rope: Turbulent and Mighty Continent G reece was dying in the summer of 2013, and the drama around the event was as poignant as anything Sophocles has written. I was in Athens to deliver some lectures, but I was witnessing, if press reports were to be believed, what appeared to be the imminent downfall of the cradle of Western civilization and the disturbing inertia toward its plight displayed by the rest of the Eu ro pean family of nations. The pillars of a functioning state were shaking: inflation, unemployment, and the national debt were out of control, and law and order on the verge of collapse. The dying pro cess was confirmed when one day state TV was abruptly and in def initely suspended as employees could no longer receive their salaries. The last straw was the steady trickle of desperate refugees arriving from North Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia swelling the ranks of those impoverished mi grants already pres ent. Squeezed by the economic crisis, the traditionally hospitable Greeks vented their frustrations at the unend ing numbers of refugees and immigrants as they sought aid and refuge; and the greater the economic woes, the greater the popularity of the Far Right parties and the more extreme their rhe toric of hate. Groups like the Golden Dawn, with their swastika-like emblem, were parading about dressed up as faux-Nazis, giving Nazi salutes, and even displaying pictures of Adolf Hitler. Their target this time around was the mainly Muslim refugee and immigrant community. Their message was simple and effective, and it was influencing how people thought about the subject: Muslims were not part of Eu ro pean identity, nor had they contributed anything to Western civili zation. -
Sniðmát Meistaraverkefnis HÍ
MA ritgerð Norræn trú Að hitta skrímslið í skóginum Animal Shape-shifting, Identity, and Exile in Old Norse Religion and World-view Caroline Elizabeth Oxley Leiðbeinandi: Terry Adrian Gunnell Október 2019 Að hitta skrímslið í skóginum Animal Shape-shifting, Identity, and Exile in Old Norse Religion and World-view Caroline Elizabeth Oxley Lokaverkefni til MA–gráðu í Norrænni trú Leiðbeinandi: Terry Adrian Gunnell 60 einingar Félags– og mannvísindadeild Félagsvísindasvið Háskóla Íslands Október, 2019 Að hitta skrímslið í skóginum Ritgerð þessi er lokaverkefni til MA-gráðu í Norrænni trú og er óheimilt að afrita ritgerðina á nokkurn hátt nema með leyfi rétthafa. © Caroline Elizabeth Oxley, 2019 Prentun: Háskólaprent Reykjavík, Ísland, 2019 Caroline Oxley MA in Old Nordic Religion: Thesis Kennitala: 181291-3899 Október 2019 Abstract Að hitta skrímslið í skóginum: Animal Shape-shifting, Identity, and Exile in Old Norse Religion and World-view This thesis is a study of animal shape-shifting in Old Norse culture, considering, among other things, the related concepts of hamr, hugr, and the fylgjur (and variations on these concepts) as well as how shape-shifters appear to be associated with the wild, exile, immorality, and violence. Whether human, deities, or some other type of species, the shape-shifter can be categorized as an ambiguous and fluid figure who breaks down many typical societal borderlines including those relating to gender, biology, animal/ human, and sexual orientation. As a whole, this research project seeks to better understand the background, nature, and identity of these figures, in part by approaching the subject psychoanalytically, more specifically within the framework established by the Swiss psychoanalyst, Carl Jung, as part of his theory of archetypes. -
Thor's Return of the Giant Geirrod's Red-Hot Missile Seen in a Cosmic Context
Thor’s Return of the Giant Geirrod’s Red-Hot Missile Seen in a Cosmic Context EMILY LYLE University of Edinburgh Abstract Discussion of the specific episode is preceded by a brief presentation of current theory concerning Indo-European myth in its cosmological framework to provide context. In the cosmological view sketched by Michael Witzel inThe Origins of the World’s Mythologies, the hero/young god must engage in a series of feats to create the conditions for human life to flourish. I have suggested that the conditions before the hero’s actions in the Indo-European context are envisaged as the extremes: too close; too hot; too dry; and too wet. It is argued that this particular threat is ‘too hot’ and comes from a giant figure who is one of the old gods, probably identifiable as Odin. When Geirrod throws a red-hot missile at Thor, Thor catches it and kills the giant when he sends it back. The related stories of Thor’s visit to Utgarthaloki and Thorstein’s visit to Geirrod are also treated, and attention is drawn to Welsh and Irish parallels which make an equivalence between thrown weapon and destructive gaze. It is suggested that the story may culminate in the motif of eye as star found separately. Keywords: Edda, giants, Indo-European cosmology, Odin, Old Norse mythology, Thor In order that the proposed cosmic interpretation of the specific episode of Thor’s return of Geirrod’s missile can be received and considered, it may be helpful to provide preliminary notes on the whole cosmological approach now available to scholars. -
In Merovingian and Viking Scandinavia
Halls, Gods, and Giants: The Enigma of Gullveig in Óðinn’s Hall Tommy Kuusela Stockholm University Introduction The purpose of this article is to discuss and interpret the enig- matic figure of Gullveig. I will also present a new analysis of the first war in the world according to how it is described in Old Norse mythic traditions, or more specifically, how it is referred to in Vǫluspá. This examination fits into the general approach of my doctoral dissertation, where I try to look at interactions between gods and giants from the perspective of a hall environment, with special attention to descriptions in the eddic poems.1 The first hall encounter, depending on how one looks at the sources, is described as taking place in a primordial instant of sacred time, and occurs in Óðinn’s hall, where the gods spears and burns a female figure by the name of Gullveig. She is usually interpreted as Freyja and the act is generally considered to initiate a battle between two groups of gods – the Æsir and the Vanir. I do not agree with this interpretation, and will in the following argue that Gullveig should be understood as a giantess, and that the cruelty inflicted upon her leads to warfare between the gods (an alliance of Æsir and Vanir) and the giants (those who oppose the gods’ world order). The source that speaks most clearly about this early cosmic age and provides the best description is Vǫluspá, a poem that is generally considered to have been composed around 900– 1000 AD.2 How to cite this book chapter: Kuusela, T. -
Al(T-Right) Father? Germanic Neopaganism, Nordic Nationalism, and Modern Reception of Old Norse Religion and the Vikings
Al(t-Right) Father? Germanic Neopaganism, Nordic Nationalism, and Modern Reception of Old Norse Religion and the Vikings Trevor Kieser Master’s Thesis in Viking and Medieval Norse Studies Department of Linguistics and Scandinavians Studies (ILN) University of Oslo Spring 2019 - 30 Credits ii Al(t-Right) Father? Germanic Neopaganism, Nordic Nationalism, and Modern Reception of Old Norse Religion and the Vikings Trevor Kieser Master’s Thesis in Viking and Medieval Norse Studies – MAS4091 Department of Linguistics and Scandinavians Studies (ILN), University of Oslo Spring 2019 - 30 Credits iii © Trevor Kieser 2019 Al(t-Right) Father? Germanic Neopaganism, Nordic Nationalism, and Modern Reception of Old Norse Religion and the Vikings Trevor Kieser http://www.duo.uio.no/ Printer: Reprosentralen, Universitetet i Oslo iv Summary The purpose of this paper is to examine the modern reception of Old Norse religion and the image of the Vikings in a Nationalist context. I briefly describe the Old Norse pagan religion, as well as several extant sources on Old Norse pagan beliefs, before moving on to investigating the Germanic Neopagan movement which started in the late nineteenth to early twentieth century. In order to explain this, however, there needs to be a necessary understanding of the creation and development of the Germanic völkisch movement, which directly led to Germanic Neopaganism. Out of völkisch thinking came the modern-day forms of Germanic Neopaganism, manifesting chiefly in Asatru. Its relation to nationalist thinking and its focus on the Nordic gods have drawn comparisons between Asatruers and Nazis, but this line of thinking is unfair and diminishes the faith of all Asatruers. -
Tacitus, Germania, 98 CE Tacitus Was Probably Born in 56 Or 57 CE in Northern Italy Into an Equestrian (Minor Noble) Family. He
Tacitus, Germania, 98 CE As to the Germans themselves, I think it probable that they are Tacitus was probably born in 56 or 57 CE in Northern Italy into an indigenous and that very little foreign blood has been introduced either by equestrian (minor noble) family. He had quite a successful career in invasions or by friendly dealings with neighbouring peoples. For in former Roman public service, holding both military and civil offices, culminating in becoming the proconsul of the Roman province of Asia, 112-113 CE. He times it was not by land but on shipboard that would-be immigrants wrote a several literary and historical works, many of which criticize faults arrived; and the limitless ocean that lies beyond the coasts of Germany, and in Roman society by comparing them to others. Germania is not a travel as it were defies intruders, is seldom visited by ships from our part of the story, nor even a personal account. Instead, Tacitus drew upon earlier writers, and possibly talked to contemporaries who had been there to world. And to say nothing of the perils of that wild and unknown sea, who compile an ethnographic and geographical description of Germania would have been likely to leave Asia Minor, North Africa, or Italy, to go to (which includes parts of present-day France and Germany), especially the Germany with its forbidding landscapes and unpleasant climate - a country customs and culture of the various tribes who lived there, whom the Romans generally called “barbarians.”1 that is thankless to till and dismal to behold for anyone who was not born 1. -
Viking Art, Snorri Sturluson and Some Recent Metal Detector Finds. Fornvännen 113
•• JOURNAL OF SWEDISH ANTIQUARIAN RESEARCH 2018:1 Art. Pentz 17-33_Layout 1 2018-02-16 14:37 Sida 17 Viking art, Snorri Sturluson and some recent metal detector finds By Peter Pentz Pentz, P., 2018. Viking art, Snorri Sturluson and some recent metal detector finds. Fornvännen 113. Stockholm. This paper seeks to contribute to a recent debate on the use of private metal detect- ing and its value within archaeology. Specifically it explores – by presenting some recently found Viking Period artefacts from Denmark – how private metal detect- ing can contribute to our understanding of Viking minds. By bringing together the myths as related by Snorri Sturluson in the early 13th century with the artefacts, I argue that thanks to private metal detecting through the last decades, our ability to recognise Viking art as narrative art has improved substantially. Peter Pentz, National Museum of Denmark, Ny Vestergade 10, DK–1471 København K [email protected] Over 60 years ago, Thorkild Ramskou (1953) the main problems in understanding Viking art described Viking art as almost exclusively deco- is the scarcity of reference materials. We largely rative, only functioning as a covering for plain know Norse mythology and its narratives through surfaces. In the rare cases where it was represen- Medieval Christian authors, in particular Snorri. tative, quality was poor. Viking artists, he stated, Hence, the myths have come down to us biased, preferred to portray scenes from myths of the reinterpreted and even now and then propagan- gods and heroic legends. Such scenes functioned dised. Furthermore, what survived is only a selec- as mnemonics; for the viewer they would recall tion. -
Giants (Thorgal) Online
YGArF (Free pdf) Giants (Thorgal) Online [YGArF.ebook] Giants (Thorgal) Pdf Free Jean Van Hamme *Download PDF | ePub | DOC | audiobook | ebooks Download Now Free Download Here Download eBook #2290878 in Books Cinebook Ltd 2013-08-07Original language:EnglishPDF # 1 9.98 x .14 x 7.22l, .30 #File Name: 184918156X48 pagesCinebook Ltd | File size: 63.Mb Jean Van Hamme : Giants (Thorgal) before purchasing it in order to gage whether or not it would be worth my time, and all praised Giants (Thorgal): 1 of 1 people found the following review helpful. FINE SERIES ENTRYBy SCOTT W SCHUMACKOne of the best things about this long running series is the way it wanders between realism, pure fantasy, and science fiction-tinged stories. The art remains beautiful and the book leaves you waiting for the next chapter. In their island fortress, Kriss and Shaigan still reign over their band of pirates and raiders. But Shaigan is beginning to have doubts, and when a prisoner who knew him calls him Thorgal, the child of the stars begs the gods of Asgard to give him back his name and his destiny. In return, the gods require that Thorgal travel to the kingdom of giants and steal from their ruler... and then Thorgal will be Thorgal again. He’s a child of the stars, beloved of the gods and touched by destiny, but also a reluctant hero, a simple man with simple dreams. Thorgal: an extraordinary Viking saga with strong elements of science fiction, by one of the master scriptwriters of Franco-Belgian comics. Already 13 volumes available from Cinebook! About the AuthorJean Van Hamme was born in 1939 in Belgium. -
Runes in the First Century
Runes in the First Century Bernard Mees One of the lacunae in the classical testimonies from antiquity that form the basis of what we know of the history of the ancient Germanic tribes is the lack of any clear reference to the use by the Germani of runes. The first reference to the runic script in a literary source is usually attributed to Venantius Fortunatus, a poet of the Merovingian period. An Italian, Fortunatus had come to Gaul to seek employment, and toward the end of the sixth century composed a mocking description presumably in reference to the use of writing among his Germanic lords (cf. Page 1999: 100-1): barbara fraxineis pingatur rhuna tabellis quodque papyrus agit, virgula plana valet. Ashen writing-tablets might be embellished with a barbarian rune And for what papyrus manages, a flat wand will do. Venantius Fortunatus, Carmina 7, 18 (Ad Flavium), 19–20 = Leo 1881: 173. Here Fortunatus jests to his friend Flavius that if he cannot manage to write to him in some civilised manner, he could try runes in the barbarian style. Thus it is hardly a reference from which we should expect to learn much of runic use in Merovingian Gaul. There is no testimony so explicit in its reference to Germanic uses of writing from classical antiquity. Various Germanic figures we learn may indeed have been able to write, yet it is usually assumed that these references, going back as early as the first century A.D., refer to literacy in Latin letters. The references are also restricted to figures among tribes such as the Marcomanni who were in direct contact with the Roman world.