Mulemba Revista Angolana de Ciências Sociais
5 (10) | 2015 Angola 40 anos de independência: memória, identidades, cidadania e desenvolvimento
Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola Repensando a revolta da Baixa de Kassange de 1961: Rumo a uma geo-história relacional de Angola
Aharon de Grassi
Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/mulemba/1807 DOI: 10.4000/mulemba.1807 ISSN: 2520-0305
Publisher Edições Pedago
Printed version Date of publication: 1 November 2015 Number of pages: 53-133 ISSN: 2182-6471
Electronic reference Aharon de Grassi, “Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola”, Mulemba [Online], 5 (10) | 2015, Online since 10 October 2018, connection on 26 January 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/mulemba/1807 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/mulemba. 1807
Tous droits réservés ** * Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje
Independent Researcher. Independent versity of California, Berkeley, United States of A of States United Berkeley, California, of versity dies at Yale University for a post-doctoral fellows revisions. the post-doctoral a for University Yale at dies the also and conduct dissertation, the in was mentioned people research 2012, October to 2010 November publis to insistence and opportunity the for Editor 14 on submitted geography in dissertation doctoral h tx o te rsn atce s n dtd versio edited an is article present the of text The Key-words: economies, andhenceeffectiveavenuesforprogressivesocialchange. political African and Angolan of trajectories the of understanding accurate more a allows terms reconstruction. Rethinking the Baixa de Kassanje revolt in relational, geographical, and historical national post-2002 now also ultimately, and, projects, development rural post-independence pe tion, infrastructure and regional development as counter-insurgency measures would partly sha- patterns and the ways that the colonial government and settlers responded with farm mechaniza- These production. cotton stagnating and resistance overcome to risks and control, restructuring, intensifiuse spatial to labor, attempts ed state-corporate joint faced who peasants discontented with exclusively not but primarily articulated networks nationalist combined These ties. border trans- through organized mobilization political provincial Congo-based with intersected that nel person- administrative and laborers contracted churches, of network political Luanda-Malanje underground an of crossroads transforming Malanje’s at happened revolt The Congo. dependent in- newly the and Angola and Luanda, and Malanje areas, rural and urban spanning connections multiple through forged was that mobilization a in — nationalist explicitly some — aspects tiple « so-called the enclave, an in protest economic an than Rather divisions. socio-spatial long-standing by characterized as generally) more Africa (and Angola of interpretations common beyond move and critique to helps article this Angola, in struggle list Abstract: revolt: Towardsarelational Through a geographic and relational reinterpretation of the start of armed nationa-armed of start the of reinterpretation relational and geographic a Through Angola,nationalism,rural,Geography,cotton. Geo-History ofAngola Aharon deGrassi Mulemba -RevistaAngolanadeCiênciasSociais Novembro de2015,Volume ** merica. I thank the journal journal the thank I merica. cotton revolt cotton Program in Agrarian Stu- Agrarian in Program n of chapter three of my my of three chapter of n hip that helped facilitate facilitate helped that hip h in Angola, where, from from where, Angola, in h August 2015, at the Uni- the at 2015, August ed. I thank all the the all thank I ed. * » actually had mul-had actually » V , N.º10,pp.53-133 © Mulemba,2015 53 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 54 Aharon de Grassi 1 1 multiple through forged mobilization — nationalist explicitly often chasing of farmers’ cotton. («lowlands Kassanje the of enclave purported a in concession a ting protesting particular economic abuses by a foreign company opera- farmers of massacre colonial a as (mis)portrayed conventionally is earlier month a than more began that Province Malanje northern in revolt Kassanje key The 1961. 4th, February on Luanda in attack prison famed the preceding Kassanje, fiin been launched have rst to appears struggle nationalist armed Angola’s — colonial and cial, ainls, edr clna cnesos cuce, otn and rural protestinAfrica. cotton, churches, concessions, colonial gender, nationalism, of histories to and geography, relational economy, political African of theories in spatiality geography, African Angola, of history rian agra-the to contributions of range a makes paper the under-used, or unused been hitherto have that sources important of range a on H 1998; K The so-called « so-called The volved much more dynamic and layered geographies of connection. certain enclavist provisions, in practice these and other activities in- in o fre ptoae ado nget (B neglect and/or patronage, force, of tions shed hinterlands that they purportedly dominate through combina- impoveri- the and elite creole coastal of enclaves between visions di- socio-spatial long-standing by characterized as generally) more Africa (and Angola of interpretations common beyond move and of armed nationalist struggle in Angola, this article helps to critique 2
YLE New sources include unpublished Junta de Exportação ve,Banco de Angola annual reports for Malanje, and the Arquivo HistóricoUltramarinoArquivo(the or Kasanje since then) (see M people,CassangeCassanje andcolthe mostoften in studygreatlyis needed (particularly giventhevar toricalpoliticalformations, Kasanjithe knownas unpublished internal Cotonang reports from Banco Na the eastern lowlands of the old «throughout the text to refer only to the region dur per, and revisited sources include the GM baixa h designation «The Contrary to most prevalent histories of Angola — academic, offiacademic, — Angola of histories prevalent most to Contrary - Through a geographic and relational reinterpretation of the start / 05 F 2005; GNP ») where it had the state-delegated exclusive right of pur- of right exclusive state-delegated the had it where ») /052/Cx.3), and the ERBST 00 V 2000; ERGUSON cotton revolt cotton ax d Kassanje de Baixa 06 S 2006; 1
IDAL Anuário Estatístico 2 ILLER Although there were attempts to enforce Malange District 02 C 2002; » was actually also a polysemic — and — polysemic a also actually was » 1972; K OARES AHU Boletim Oficial » is not an indigenous term, and is used is and term,indigenous an not is » ) and Arquivo Histórico Militar (HistóricoMilitarArquivoand ) AMABAYA
DE HABAL O . », rather than the previous his- ing the colonial period around yingtermsuseofdifferentby 2007). State, on which more carefulwhichmoreState,on LIVEIRA 02 C 2002; , the revolt files at onialperiod,Kassanjeand the Angola Norte newspa- AYART cional Ultramarino archi- de Algodão reports from 05. Drawing 2015). 93 M 1993; OOPER 2002; AHU ESSIANT AHM ( MU ), /
volt that focus on parochial, economic, millenarian anda-centric accounts of nationalism, and interpretations of the re- sistance andstagnatingcottonproduction. attempts to use intensified labor, control, and risks to overcome re- state-corporate joint faced who peasants discontented with sively exclu- not but primarily articulated networks nationalist combined These ties. social trans-border through organized mobilization cal politi- provincial Congo-based with intersected that personnel tive administra- and laborers contracted churches, of network Luanda-Malanje political underground an of crossroads Malanje’s at ned happe- revolt The Congo. independent newly the and Angola and Malanje and Luanda, areas, rural and urban spanning connections took a break from weeding his intercropped rows in dly mentioned to me, between bites of fresh sweet cassava while we logistics, andregionaldevelopmentinitiatives. -insurgency mechanizati — namely, struggle of nationalist armed start and revolt 1961 the following dynamics subsequent of legacies lands and interior enclaves, but also by some important geographic hinter- of exploitation and patronage elites’ coastal by simply not shaped profoundly been have Angola throughout governance and in 2002, contemporary socio-spatial patterns oil-windfall spending lational account also helps to comprehend how, since the end of war nationalist networking. I conclude by briefly arguing that such a re- the structural conditions of interlinked agrarian intensifi produced cation and that processes spatial longer-term sedimented the also were the proximate triggers of the nationalist revolt in Malanje, but that connections and processes the only not occlude therefore and 3 Chinese. to the amphitheater at Keswa built by Cubans and reconstructed by American Methodist mission and school, I set out early and headed old the near (Keswa) Quéssua at college agricultural Malanje’s at speaking be would revolt the about book recent a of author the that ter, when I heard on the nightly news of the provincial radio station La- east. the in lowlands Baixa the to perceived, commonly as ted, to really appreciate that the dynamics of the revolt were not restric- je that he too had been arrested after the 1961 revolt — that I began
Note, I have tried to use post-independence Bantu s and hard C’s. This relational account provides an important corrective to Lu- to corrective important an provides account relational This It was during fi eldwork — when an elderly soba (chief) offhande- 3 This book — the first participant’s extended account of the pelling, substituting K for Q, , enclavist aspects western on, on, counter-- Malan- 55 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 56 Aharon de Grassi 4 its by known Company, Cotton General Angolan (the company a to recruit labor and promote, purchase, and process cotton in the area to rights the with concessions allocated state Portuguese The taxes. colonial obligatory pay to as well as 1930s, the since sale for cotton grow to compulsion colonial Portuguese under farmers African by alluvial black north-flby used fed were soils Luanda, River Congo the of tributaries owing capital the of east km 500 some Malanje, ced through multiple temporal and spatial scales. that social relations are always also spatial relat geographicalcriticalconceptualapproacha loping specifigeographicalinterpretation.am I drawcally presen and revolt, theinterpreted have people rent discussionfurtherof details pointto outthevary ab be toorder summarybriefinvery provide ahere 5 LISSIER otherwise yetunappreciatedwork. volt, and I have tried to carefully assess, situate and build upon this re- and mobilization the of character anti-colonial) only not (and dist the insistentlyshowed butdelicately — revolt other),willI not rehearse them indetail here (se described by other authors (who sometimes draw sele
As a controversial topic, the revolt has also attra Army, as well a thorough review of relevantthoroughmateriareviewofa well asArmy, watch?v=f7up6w-a3Fc. ht Furtado,atJoaquim by 7», PartGuerra: «A video to de Algodão de Angola,consultingAlgodãoOperationsdethe de to thearchives ofCotonang, theJunta deExportação d stillagreat deal of research to be done on the re generallyincludeRebocho(1993), Vaz militaryoffi cialsthatdiscuss Kassanje relatioin (2015: 202-24), Antunes (2015). Generally un-sympat (1991) Pitcher(2011), Mateus (2004), Keese (2012), Cr and Curto 2015), 2012, (2011, Cann (2002),macho analysis systematic more needing still but insights ding gender and women) (see also M alsowomen)(seegender andding SpiritHolymissionarchives,t historyoral inand Goswami (2004), and cf. also Cooper (1994) and Terr of abstractly discrete units. See e.g. Massey (1994 Thiscontrasts withWeberian notions determinatiof In the Baixa de Kassanje in the eastern part of the Province of Province the of part eastern the in Kassanje de Baixa the In Since much of the revolt’s basic aspects and chrono 98 F 1978; REUDENTHAL 99 K 1999; ILLER EME AMABAYA 1972). See also the excerpt from theexcerptfrom thealso 1972). See (1998),Nunes(2005).and Thereis cted more study with some new n to theanti-colonialton warmore volt,including locating more of ), Lefebvre (1991), Hart (2002), 2007). he region(particularlyhe regar- e Algodão,e andthe Institu- ls in the in ls on throughon theinteraction Reports of the PortuguesetheReports of Bitnuj (91, Ca- (1991), Buijtenhuijs : etta (2013). hetic pieces by Portuguese ions, mutually produ- Sler (03, Paredes (2013), Silveira , tps://www.youtube.com/ e M e uz (2012), Freudenthal(2012), uz ingwaysthat diffe- 5
ing on and deve-and on ing inctly nationalistinctly 4 that emphasizesthat nta, will I Instead, ARCUM le to then use a usethen to le t my own new, own my t AHNA ctively on each logy have been and 1969; P AHU , the , É - the state staff (M staff state the confipost administrative the frightening to rumors returned rming functionaries African two the and intervened, cipaio companying ac-his but state, the for interpreter local a up tie to tried Villagers sow cotton sow down their work, « slowing resisting, been had people December since though March, north of the administrative and commercial cotton post Milando. post cotton commercial and administrative the of north sepoys — « was unrest evident around four villages where discontent with state there 4th January On break. Christmas offifrom as returned cials fiThe orders. administrative refused also January in non-farmers began incidents rst and farmers and season, planting cotton the of tuguese andBelgianinterests. Por-mostly dozen a about by held Cotonang) acronym, Portuguese 7 6 kill to threatened and cotton and taxes about orders cipaios’ fused re- again villagers after 12th, the on then and themselves, amongst
Cotonang abbreviates Companhia Geral de Algodões de Angola. The main sha- in racist stereotypes as « as stereotypes racist in On the importance of taxes in motivating cotton cul notclear when andwhich legislation). Seealso Bea a single(thesewomenwereandelderly men for food at0.85 haofcotton andhaoffood1 perfamily, a tivation was extended in Portaria 6916 of 1949 and that had required 2,500 cotton plants on at least a earlier law focused on Icolo e Bengo, namely Portar expanded to Luanda, Ambriz, Quissama, Porto Amboim, Septe 24 ofLegislativo Diploma638Kassanjethe to Diploma Legislativo 242; Diploma Legislativo 5 of 2 onat least half a hectare, spaced 25 centimeters a enforcedAngola,requiringelsewherehouseeachin hadexpanded toKassanje theregime ofcompulsory c IntendancyinCotton a ofcreation the with 1930 in General Henrique Valdez (1932). tonnierde Belgique (untitled, Angol de GeralFomentoBruxelles, de BanqueBurnay, Banco Allard, Josse Banque Ultramarino, Nacional Banco the were reholders Júnior, January 11, 1961 ( Gov Cambo»,Circunscrição administrativasdo dades (Mulundu),Gombe(Ngombe).«Instruçõesandesp.See The villages were Ganga Muchica (Nganga Muxika), Qu The main period of active revolt ran from January of 1961 through cipaios » (F » REUDENTHAL ONTEIRO » — had simmered for years, just a few kilometers killing white animals, refusing to pay taxes and AHU lazy , ). On the discontent, see Freudenthal (1999: 279). op. cit op. 1999: 283). January was the beginning beginning the was January 283). 1999: » Africans, see the report by Cotonang Director Cotonang by report the see Africans, » BNU archives). Atax of 70 Angolares was imposed 6
.). Villagers continued organizing continued Villagers .). partin lines 1 meter wide (see nd0.25 haeach ofcotton and half hectare). Obligatory cul- Despacho of January 5, 1949, tivation by what were viewed triz(1918) onIcolo Bengo.e 8 September 1928 expanded ia 760 of 21 November 1908 Kassanje, and a 1928 law 1928 a Kassanje,and to cultivateplants20,000to mber 1927, which in turn in which1927, mber pparently raised, but it ispparently itraised, but ottoncultivation hitherto ivota (Kivota), Mulundo ernador Júlio MonteiroJúlio ernador a, and AssociationCo-and a, and Novo Redondo an secretas:autorida-Às 7
57 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 58 Aharon de Grassi Another army unit had left from the provincial capi 9 when killed crossing intooneoftheresistingareasatnight. was agent Cotonang mestiço new a night that them, an army unit was sent from Luanda to Malanje on February 4th. February on Malanje to Luanda from sent was unit army an held, were negotiations and monitoring further and 18th, January rm h Pruus am, s el s i fre uvilne and surveillance force air raids. bombing as well as army, Portuguese the from units two of consisted and least, at March through February early Bange AngolatoeastofLuremo. of west from spanning and Muteba, Xa past south to Aluma Tembo around River Kwango and border Congo the near from stretching villages, and towns of dozens approxi-involving km, 200 by of km 150 mately area large a across mobilized people of thousands of indications then and River, Lui the and Milando near Baixa the of center northern the around initially areas, various across quickly emboldened only apparently Offithem. occurring then revolt the of indications which show reports cial protestors, the with talking and abusive labor practices — government officials fi rst briefl colonialism Portuguese continued y about tried Nations United the at tes deba-impending and liner, sea hi-jacked a covering Luanda in lists journa-of presence the given publicity, negative of wary — but ces, for- military and police scrambled government colonial The Maria. messenger his of way by time) that at Congo the of President (the years but were now free, and would only take orders from Kasavubu 500 for whites of slaves been had they that stated and ministrator, ad- local the obey nor tax head annual the pay not would state, the attack anyone who tried to force them to work for the company and to threatened identifivariously They seeds. cotton and cards cation res and Cotonang and administrative buildings, and destroyed their 8 arme 10,000 some thatreported they 8thFebruary On redarmed resistance, with bombing raids reported o
Martins, M. (1961) «Apontamento 14: Os incidents da incidents Os 14: «Apontamento (1961) M. Martins, There were some Angolans listed in the 4th Companhi 4 thoughtimingthetheirparticipationof clenotis January 30, p. 9; Informação 262, March 7, 1961, p. Violent Portuguese military repression of the revolt lasted from lasted revolt the of repression military Portuguese Violent sto- damaged roads, blocked people Baixa, the throughout Soon CCE », at
Baixa de Cassange», Cassange», de Baixa tal, and encounte- ). n Februaryn 5th. d Angolans d cally repeated. fipartial low a with uncriti- been sometimes has which 243, of gure time the at Portuguese the by obfuscated deliberately been have to appears and disputed is revolt the during killed people of number talities ranging up to a perhaps improbable 30,000.improbable perhaps a to up ranging talities fa- of estimates various with villages), 17 approximately of portedly (re- raids bombing Portuguese by killed number indeterminate the likely in the thousands, but difficult to know particularly because of dren) prisoners, fi«summarizes of 267) toll (1999: the of gures the form of dozens of minor political incidents and threats. and incidents political minor of dozens of form the in revolt the after immediately years the in Malanje across mewhat so- continued revolt the of legacy The onwards). 15th (March lanje Ma- of west and north the to areas coffee the in and 4th) (February Luanda in occurred also had revolts armed nationalist connected major subsequent point which at government, colonial the by red re-conque- been had area the time the by injured or arrested were 11 10 Base. dia Kunda near gathered had revolt the in 13 12
Cann(2012: 515, 2015: 64) states unequivocally « 243 deaths243 bsite, «4.ª Companhia de Caçadores Especiais»,
invading Angola we gathered together these people and mobilized the bas,Soba Marimba, Soba Chiquita, various sobas fl e also contradict Macey’s (2012: 386-388) portrait of AsJoão César Correia later recounted, « re- extremely is it ago, years 50 over occurred revolt the Though Sources Figure 1.MapoftheBaixadeKassanje,c.1960 : «BaixadeCassange»,Cotonang ( [on March 15th]» (see «A Guerra», Thepeople that fl ed to the Congo, so-the UPA » (M [Union of Angolan Peoples] Angolan of [Union AHU ), BancodeAngola(1958) ARCUM adventurism. m for a struggle capable of op. cit d withd their people. Then 1969:126). .). Such connections 14
Agricultural ServicesBulletin was transferred fromMalanjetoLundain1955. The1940-1942numbers cultivators are Figure 2.Cottonproduction,numberoffarmers,andareainBaixa Sources
Figure 2 – Cotton production, number of farmers, and area in Baixa de Cassange, 1927-1960
nb: greyshaded=production (leftaxis,kg),darkgrey=areaha), : Cotonangreports, light grey=numberofproducers (rightaxis) estimates stated inCotonangreports. de Kassanje,1927-1960 . Thegraphretainsthe1955-60 figures forCamaxilo, which DSPCFT (1938:22),Valdez(1932), Anuário Estatístico,&
nb: grey shaded = production (left axis, kg), purple = area (left axis, ha), green = number of producers (right axis) 61 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 62 Aharon de Grassi of therevolt: anniversary 50th the on party Angola) of Liberation the for vement trated in the statement issued by the ruling the by issued statement the in trated illus- is prevails, often still which interpretation, this of tenor main the of Some Kassanje. de Baixa the in cultivation cotton obligatory to related grievances economic particular with only concerned was revolt the (3) and workers, rural or peasants isolated by was revolt are (1) the massacre was of more significance than the revolt, (2) the view this of elements problematic three The 4th. February on anda Lu- in struggle nationalist the of start the to prelude disconnected peasants protesting about their particular economic grievances — a parochial of rulers Portuguese colonial brutal by massacre a simply as revolt the of depictions prior from offiaway state move to cials, some by including revised, be to begun have revolt Kassanje de xa ges inAngola 15 potent the limiting or directing harnessing, with grapple metimes
MPLA pt/noticias/politica/2011/0/1/Nota-Imprensa-Secreta
16 one’s neighbor, know how to share the riches of the country « peasants’ redistribution: and justice social the for struggles current and struggle between continuity asserting Ecclesia, Radio dent and evenoutrightimmoralenrichment. fulfipromises, of prior lack and government’s obligations of llment the of critiques explicit) sometimes (and implicit make people ch whi- in encounter ambivalent an are also but development, rural to commitment purported about publicity for opportunities as serve area in August 1979. August in area un-fulfi yet fithe Angola’s to by visit the made a promises on lled president rst on building discussed, been have — etc. frastructure, in-centers, social village, model a including — revolt the of areas constituting animplicitcritiqueofinequality. Baixa de Kassanje to a portion of the vast oil wealth, not to mention the of residents rural current by claims bolsters revolt Kassanje the of recasting nationalist a respect, this In economy. the diversify to and concentrations urban growing and poverty reduce to order in development agricultural boost to revenues oil use to trying with officials have also gained publicity, particularly as the state grapples state nationalist leading of backgrounds family and concerns rural preciation of the complex social transformations in Malanje. in transformations social complex the of preciation ap- an of more to way given also has brutality foreign and colonial ggle, including by Kassanje peasants. stru- anti-colonial the to made contributions various recognizing weaken have origins nationalist to claims exclusive increase, discussions public and Angola in recede years war the as However, claims. and histories, rhetoric, signifiliberation of cance 19 18 17 It is necessary that we continue to go for social justice, love for love justice, social for go to continue we that necessary is It
vn e tog, iis hi givne t « to grievances their limits though, he, Even e pras ociã Nt (95 «rmio primei «Primeiro, (1995) Neto Conceição perhaps See Malanje. 809:sobreviventes-dos-massacres-da-baixa-de-kassanj index.php?option=com_flexicontent&view=items&cid=19 condiçõesvida», 63 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 64 Aharon de Grassi on indigenous labor, as well as to construct massive amounts of new reliance lessen thereby and production cotton mechanize to thies, sympa- nationalist avoid and grievances appease to projects pment quently a major push by the Portuguese to promote regional develo- and practices of reconstruction and development. There was subse- plans contemporary understanding to critical also is revolt the of independence national for and colonialism against fought who all to homage a for thesurvivorsandinhabitantsofthatregion years people have made few last the In act. this of survivors the to dignity give to capacity « inaction, government of critique implicit 20 UNITA specifically: centurya half for inactive been have that production roads, bridges, rehabilitation of infrastructures supporting cotton to solutions requesting were many problems, including « there people that stated Kassanje de Baixa the for Association National for spokesman a Similarly, www.voaportugues.com/content/article-01-04-2010-bai news-112882484/1259240.html>;(2011)«Projectopilo descontentamento na Baixa de Kassange»,de Baixa descontentamentona -condicoes-de-vida&Itemid=716#.UxPIkoWKiFc>; Soares 9:sobreviventes-dos-massacres-da-baixa-de-kassanje- index.php?option=com_flexicontent&view=items&cid=19 -dascondições de vida», Radio Ecclesia, Jan 4, Jn , for whichforCotonang, monopolist a company, c thehad denied political overtones: « overtones: political denied sympathy for purportedly innocent and humble peasants, explicitly bour la- forced and conditions working appalling against violently ted de to Angola notes that the revolt was by « by was revolt the that notes Angola to de (81) but says nothing of their nationalist aims. A popular tourist gui- act of defiobligatoryco of of systemact theagainst ance influence, but the book generally portrayed the revolt simply as « notes in passing the possibility of political, religious, and Congolese Angolan history was that of Wheeler and Pélissier (1971: 174), which [sic] Cottonag the by practices abusive against demonstration taneous and « ducers pro- cotton Malanje that says example, for history, social excellent otherwise (2008) Moorman’s revolt. the and Kassanje de Baixa the propaganda-inflPortuguese of or interpretations economic uenced nomy inAngolaandAfrica occasions forthesecontinueddebates. also are which development, and reconstruction for plans current dignity to and a share in national development. The claims revolt’s aftermath shaped moral about including debates, other for proxy of dollars of oil revenue into reconstruction and rural development. the end of the war in 2002 as struggle have been picked up by the post-colonial government since to this revolt, the others, and the general launch of armed liberation se extensive development plans that emerged as a colonial response roads for marketing and counter-insurgency military logistics. The- 21 21 ged in northern Angola, Luanda, and the Congo, and would become the become would and Congo, the and Luanda, Angola, northern in ged 1969). (Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola), led by Holden Roberto ( Roberto Holden by led Angola), de Libertação de Nacional (Frente UPA Many academic analyses have uncritically repeated the narrow the repeated uncritically have analyses academic Many 1.1. Academic and policy interpretations of political eco- a also is revolt the of character the over discussion the sum, In UPA » (295). The pastor Malcom McVeigh (1961), seeking to garner is União das Populações de Angola, a group amongst others that emer-that others amongst group a Angola, de Populações das União is Company ] rebelled against the system of forced cotton production cotton forced of system the against rebelled oeg o Cmuit movements Communist or foreign [...]». 21 For many years one of the best textbooks on textbooks best the of one years many For influential guides for funneling billions It is a mistake to consider theseconsider to mistake a is It workers [...]. tton cultivationtton t a a spon- a was It » who « who » oncession in oncession protes- MARCUM [ MPLA FNLA an » 65 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 66 Aharon de Grassi rately describes, inaccu- likewise thesis doctoral 1983 Messiant’s Christine 1961, to of the most esteemed detailed analyses of the conditions leading up the nationalist leaders as well as the authorities unawares 21: 5 rcn bt rbeai acut lo al i « it calls neous andlocalized also account problematic but recent 65) (2015: calls the uprising « uprising the calls 22 (1978) to dismiss the revolt as a « tribes neighbouring from support and leaders and arms lacked rebels the because failed it 24 23 Malanje of east region the by « by Birmingham (1992: 35) mentions only rural « rural only mentions 35) (1992: Birmingham MessiantcitesPélissier (1978: 409-424) whatshes He writes « writes He it wasallverymuchbeingwiseaftertheevent But advantage. their to events the use to try to and responsibility their claim wever the exiled nationalist leaders hastened to claim credit for the action, to really knows which group, if any, had a hand in organising one these no risings. Ho-day this To 1961. in region growing cotton Cassange de Baixa the in out broke jacquerie peasant a when and Luanda in action began guerrillas 60), who says the March coffee revolt was in the « repression, and they actually only arrived in February). See also Wright (1997: revolt the the did who says army the was it (but January and in police the by contained Angola, been had of east the in Kassanje puts erroneously reover was by cotton « cotton by was revolt the that writes erroneously nevertheless point, this on communication tomatically, Soares de Oliveira (2015: 220), despite the present author’s direct ae en iial urltd o h lbrto mov liberation K the to unrelated similarly been have has been,throughmenincludingamessianicleader, Congoleseinfluences nalist organizations, by which it was certainly not organized, although there a revolt without hope or escape was possiblewas escape or hope without revolt a crushed be would [T] […] revolt the Luanda, and Congo the in time the at local cadres, without connections with the movements that developed revolt extended, at the the beginning of 1961, why to the whole explain region. Without can famine, of specter the given preservation, this « And Marcum’s (1969) otherwise brilliant and extensive chronicle emph. added). EESE erdd y iey taiinl oit tee a peevd and preserved, was there society traditional misery, by degraded local groups local 2004). he Baixa he nationalist leaders were entirely taken by surprise when urban when surprise by taken entirely were leaders nationalist workers 23 », was « was », […] [was] […] spontaneous and localized and spontaneous ». 24 », confi nes it to January, and states that it «it that states confiand », January, to it nes almost totally unorganized totally almost ». Newitt (1981: 228-229) cites Pélisser cites 228-229) (1981: Newitt ». an enclave of pure exploitation where only where exploitation pure of enclave an […]. peasant jacquerie This was a rebellion of poverty; poverty; of rebellion a was This anti-colonial despair anti-colonial ». Baixa de Cassange y i «ays is » (M » » (126), while Cann’s while (126), » ements isolationfromnatio- ESSIANT » that was done », and « and », » (referencing (referencing » 1983: 263, 1983: ». He mo- He ». ». sponta- ». Symp- seems to seems 22 One took ». outside ofLuanda. Angola in study on-the-ground sensitive of lack a of because partly policy interpretations of Angola’s political economy. Perhaps this is suffinot are projects rent and academic most in appreciated ciently cur- to relation in revolt the of meaning the about section previous 26 given bySoaresdeOliveira(2013:168): is specifiarea and cotton approaches Kassanje above the cites cally enclave. An indicative account for Angola that builds on many of the prototypical a as understood be would Kassanje, de Baixa the ring cove- concession cotton foreign delimited the sense, this In mers. far- low-productivity of mass the of neglect otherwise and needed, where repression patronage, selective through support political off buy to wealth such using by power retain and companies, to foreign enclaves valuable allocating of proceeds the and trade trolling proficities capital coastal the con-in by elites t business and party, state, cosmopolitan of regime a which in state, rentier-gatekeeper neopatrimonial-a of one as perceived usually is The dynamic essential 30). page (See broadly more Africa of characteristic are that ten depicted as a particularly extreme or clear example of dynamics of- then is which Angola, in economy political understand to used 25 Ferguson (2005: 381), for example, notes, « politics more generally, cf.Hardin(2011). and Kassanje ignores but 64-67), concessionary On revolts. 1961 the of chronology and facts confuses otherwise (pp. Angola discusses warfare of history picture of the social and political life of African mineral-extraction enclaves graphic accounts that, one hopes, will soon help to give us ethno- detailed the for in stand cannot it but hope), (I uses its has here sent Likewise, Cooper (2002) makes no mention of Kassanje. And Reno’s (2011) Reno’s And Kassanje. of mention no makes (2002) Cooper Likewise, egea ala, ooag te otn m n Malange fi in cotton rm the Cotonang, railway, Benguela out: stood companies Three exist. not did them extraction of domains their within sovereigns facto de became that corporations in Lundadistrict consortium mining multinational the Diamang, all, above and trict; the in discussed debates Angolan contemporary of nuances The responsibilities « framework problematic the is though important more Perhaps h Pruus sseaial rsre t te dshre o state of “discharge” the to resorted systematically Portuguese the […] […]. ». 25 the administrative and fi nancial means to replace fito and means administrative nancial the 26 The Portuguese also gave concessions to private to concessions gave also Portuguese The The highly simplified sketch I pre- CCFB a more fleshed-out , which ran the ran which , [sic] dis- ». 67 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 68 Aharon de Grassi je, which have not yet been closely analyzed. The a The analyzed. closely been yet not have which je, was shaped by complex, intensive, long-standing soc long-standing intensive, complex, by shaped was by which Luanda and Malanje have related to one ano related have and Malanje by Luanda which relational geographies. relational and contributions the about and economy, sp political about Angola, in struggle nationalist of discussions origins different several to contributes refore profound transformations in Malanje and the Baixa d Baixa the and Malanje in transformations profound al was revolt The thes under-appreciated. of been also have nature and extent the recognized, revolt, the sometimes to key also were Luanda and Malanje en sua the center, market Dondo the Dembos, racialized Caxito, in cotto plantations the sugar the Luanda, Catete, from east inland heading geogra example, of sets grounded the through constituted are ether, an through somehow linearly connected points are not entire Places of place. notion an expansive places these conceptualize I rather but points, te and 1961revolt:Acrossroadsintransformation ory andpracticeinAngolaAfrica. the- for implications broader much has revolt the and Kassanje de revolt as the beginning of armed nationalist strugg nationalist armed of beginning the as revolt eot ae onlyd hs rltos inrd the « ignored simply as them relations, picted these downplayed have Baixa the of revolt accounts but 1960), June in prior, ths independen achieved (which Congo the with relations some of the key turning points in transformations o hope transformations in points turning key the of then some I related. are Congo and Malanje concen Luanda, the which through places connective multiple these spaces. these The discussed relations are not simply between citi between simply not are relations discussed The aaj’ rl a a rnfrig rsras ae ri gave crossroads transforming a as role Malanje’s Kassanje de Baixa Angola’s Reconsidering 2. Consequently, a critical rethinking of such portrayals of the Baixa , the fort and mines at Pungo Andongo, etc. I empha I etc. Andongo, Pungo at mines and fort the , outside agitation outside American mission at Kes- at mission American ». Connections betwe- Connections ». and others using using others and ly circumscribed ly circumscribed coffee hills of of hills coffee f the processes processes f the ace in African African in ace — about the the about — le. The revolt revolt The le. rgument the- rgument de Kassanje Kassanje de so shaped by by shaped so ther through through ther character of of character es as discre- as es phies — for for — phies and though though and ce six mon- six ce io-political io-political but rather rather but e relations relations e trations in in trations to identify identify to , r de- or m, e Kassan- e n area of of area n se to the the to se size the the size Portuguese colonial regime. The colonial regime sought to portray to sought regime colonial The regime. colonial Portuguese the and forces nationalist both by ways delicate particular, in ted of active,coordinated political mobilization. character distinct a on took ties socio-political and migration labor golan nationalism, in which the deep and wide regional relations of transition to independence in 1959-1960 and the related rise of An- Congo’s the to with ficame The point cities). went turning Angolan key nal (others exactions Belgian from Kinshasa in or Angola in tensification for the Congo, whilst others in-in the cotton Congo sought of refuge areas Angolan the left people fi governments some and and nance, colonial preoccupied disruption market associated and II War World as exactions these of decades after came point turning second The exactions. tax and labor and presence colonial co- («occupation and lonial routes trade over battles 1920s the and 1910s late the In and commodity trade (rubber, palm oil, cotton, cons dynamics (pre-colonial formations, churches, political parties, etc), social and political migration, labor are emphasize I that Malanje and Kinshasa between relations The etc.). Imbangala, Bondo, ga, Jin- Mussuco, Maholo, (Bapende, formations ethnic-political ting shif- and Marimba, and Aluma, Tembo Kikwit, as such towns ler smal- of those including geographies, other producing processes of analysis through — Malanje and Leopoldville) called Belgians the (which Kinshasa — places two of relations the analyze I above, As contested. and (re-)formed are people of groupings shifting which specifithrough examining relations am c I Rather, societies. other with interacts that society Mbundu distinct a conceptualizing not am I above, As south. the to society Ovimbundu an and east, north the to society Lunda-Chokwe a west, north the to society Bakongo « Kimbundu-speaking nous homoge-relatively a called been has what between distinctions tial socio-spa-discrete of notions of critique a partly also is relations Congo-Malanje of analysis my cities, circumscribed as Luanda and Malanje of notions discrete of critique above the Like Congo. thern sou- and Malanje of regions the between relations of sorts various The connections between Malanje and the Congo were interpre- were Congo the and Malanje between connections The points. turning historical three involved relations spatial These Before turning to Malanje-Luanda relations, I want to emphasize 3. Malanje-Congorelations pacification bnu complex Mbundu ») shifted towards more extensive more towards shifted ») , otatd ih a with contrasted », umer goods, etc). 69 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 70 Aharon de Grassi Weiss is at pains to point out that the that out point to pains at is Weiss 27 27 and Kwango the of people rural revolt, Kassanje subsequent the to occurrences local by forced were the party leaders to conservatively channel it — « tentative, but the level of popular discontent exceeded the ability of despread rural rebellions in 1964), was at fiwi- lead rst somewhat elitist and to one go would (who Mulele Pierre Maoist and Gizenga L also (See villages their to back youth urban liticized po- of re-location forcible the (Kinshasa), Léopoldville capital the with rural Belgian colonial administration and, after riots in 1959 in Maria. diary the in People 1960. June in independence Congo’s to duri Province Malanje on bordering districts so golese the in boomed had that party political Congolese in detail the party’s rise. The rise. party’s the detail in Herbert by book describe to cooperation close and travels extensive used who Weiss 1967 remarkable a despite Kassanje, of counts PSA tional actionandsupportfortheirnascentgovernmentinexile. interna- mobilize to order in regime colonial brutal the by peasants coherent and informed, whilst emphasizing the victimization of the as administrations shadow their portray also to sought exile in lists great a weakness of territorial control by the colonial state. Nationa- pes of peasant passivity and naïveté, whilst careful to not hint at too tators from the Congo, thereby playing upon Cold War fears and tro- agi- communist outside by duped tribes swayed easily as revolt the h ih « with ch t that terms in unequivocal expressed to have cials reported receiving orders from from orders receiving reported should try to reach an understanding with Kasavubu and all the people white and black. The General Governor of whom you speak nocent. This was the order that came to us from Fatim who created the world in- are we but us kill can You everything. for responsible are who Kasavubu you whites want war don’t do anything to us but rather to Pessa, Maria, and inventing anything andweonlycomply withorders Today, weonly obey Kasavubu whoseorders come to us by emissaries We don’t want anything to do with you whites, leave us alone to live our lives. For example, soba Bumba reportedly stated, « stated, reportedly Bumba soba example, For The role of role The Sobas and leaders of the revolt were reported by co by reported were revolt the of leaders and Sobas calendars with the distinctive serpent and tree em tree and serpent distinctive the with calendars Pessa 27 PSA », that is, is, that », however has gone relatively un-examined in ac-in un-examined relatively gone has however P . S PSA . A , r h Pri oiar Arci, a Africain, Solidaire Parti the or ., was buoyed by popular discontent popular by buoyed was PSA » (229). In manners very similar very manners In (229). » and Kasavubu via an interme- an via Kasavubu and PSA All this “confusion” is not ours. not is “confusion” this All , led by the leftist Antoine Antoine leftist the by led , ». SeeTeixeira, [...] the leaders’ hands We are not the ones hey were in tou-were hey ng the run-up run-up the ng uthern Con- uthern AMAL Baixa had had Baixa lonial offi lonial - blem, and and blem, op. cit 1954). [...] . If and nearbyareas(e.g.Figure3). Malanje reach to propaganda and newspapers printed and grams pro- radio Kimbundu and Portuguese into French from translated ( Angola of People of Union the joined subsequently and there, school nary semi- during Luanda in nationalists with relationships then and cultivated Kassanje, de Baixa the in seminary church a in studied fiin servant civil a was Neto rio who journalist part-time and nance Rosá- sub-section). next the in more (discussed Neto Rosário dre back down to Malanje. Key here was the fi both gure of Malanje-born An-and stretched Congo the to Luanda that from and Congo the to networks Malanje through nationalists’ by shaped also were by academics. by unappreciated largely been thereafter has insight such but (293), Africa and Asia in decolonization of process the of view received nationalist rural mobilization (T mobilization rural nationalist of geographies cosmopolitan deliberately extensive the illustrated has and archives available newly together draws example, for roon, phical connectionsthroughkinship,politicalrule,andtrade. geogra- and historical deep region’s the examining requires lanje Ma- in importance an such have to came independence Congolese the which by ways embraced Congo neighboring in the districts Kwilu 29 cognized that such « C also (See on so and respect, show labor, obligatory perform taxes, pay orders, Belgian obey to 28 See for example some of Neto’s articles in Boone(2013:44)isexceptionallyrighttomentionthis work. broadcasts fromtheCongo(more sointhe1960s).broadcasts Mouvement National Congolais. Lumumba authorized weekly authorized Lumumba Congolais. National Mouvement The -9). she headed the women’s wing of the of wing women’s the headed she The 1951/12/22. role of Deus» Neto’s wife, Maria menino da Conceição, o remains to be nasceu investigated, though «Já and 1951/09/02, Uanga» feliz: ma sinto-«Um 1949/04/02, cinema» o e Malange de juventude «A 1948/09/25, itnuse bten h Pruus gvrmn ad etes (M settlers and government Portuguese the between distinguished and unity, emphasized which 1960, 3, August starting Léopoldville Radio on h nrhes wud itn o ogls ad libera and Congolese to listen would north-east the in workers diamond that mentions also 209-10) (2008: Cleveland 80). 1969: It is worth is It UPA PSA was sympathetic to but also aimed to be broader than Lumumba’s than broader be to aimed also but to sympathetic was ) in the Congo in June 1960, where he produced and produced he where 1960, June in Congo the in ) 28 briefl y foreshadowing that Congo-Malanje relations Congo-Malanje brieflthat foreshadowing y However, some recent revisionist work on Came-on work revisionist recent some However, PSA rural radicalism , Kasavubu, Lumumba, and other aspects of aspects other and Lumumba, Kasavubu, , ANN 29 FNLA ERRETTA 2015: 54). Weiss presciently re-presciently Weiss 54). 2015: Angola Norte in 1963 at least (C least at 1963 in » « 2013). To understand the understand To 2013). clearly runs counter to the : «30 dias em Malange», tion movement radio radio movement tion HILCOTE PSA UPA and refused broadcasts broadcasts 1972: 108-1972: ARCUM » 71 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 72 Aharon de Grassi Congo to the Pope). The southern Suku came to be governed by a by governed be to came Suku southern The Pope). the the to Congo of Alfonso King by letter 1535 February a in mentioned were national border. national the straddled another and border, Angola-Congo the of north tly anti-colonial mobilization. One group of Suku resided predominan- cross-border the enabled eventually and relations, and movement of decades facilitated and from resulted both that geographies nal of their reification helps illuminate the complex socio-spatial regio- examination critical A Suku. called people of group motley a of role Seventeenth Century Congo Kingdom to the west (the « (the west the to Kingdom Congo Century Seventeenth ciousness. cons- and movements anti-colonial global broader to in tuned enly Congo and worked with people of different ethnicities and were ke- the to links had who Neto as fisuch involved gures revolt worker cotton Mbundu parochial a supposedly was what how illustrate to 30 Ontheborder formation,seeVellut(2006). Source: 3-416,p 3 March18,1960,p.11. the is revolt Kassanje the of aspect cross-border the to Central 30-04-1962,p.13 The point of the below excerpt reprinted from this newspaper is newspaper this from reprinted excerpt below the of point The Source Figure4.PSAEmblem Kimbundu inLaNationAngolaise Figure3.Transnationalnewsin LaNation Angolaise : La NationAngolaise 1962, p. 13 30 Both groups traced their lineage back to the old the to back lineage their traced groups Both (Kinshasa), 30-04- (Kinshasa), Source: Source oiaié AfricaineSolidarité : Solidarité Africaine Musucu March , , » Angolans asakeyagitatoroftheKassanjerevolt. is repeatedly mentioned in the 1961 colonial reports as identified by fearful, less being for 1958 in crowned newly Suku, southern the of king of the northern Suku. the of sister the by east the to groups Lunda over Century 18th the in victory military the following Nkama), a Ngudi the (called queen 32 31 The eighth Queen, Kamwangu, was invested in 1958, Seeesp.Lamal (1965), andalso Thissen (1965); Red geois (1985). di,whoreportedly was« sange ( 1965: 73). See Martins, M. (1961) «Apontamento 34: Figure 5.Kabete,thesixthNgudiaNkamaofSuku(toptwo); Sources a laterNgudiNkama;andthecontemporaryNkama, II Sources: )», March 7, p. 38, : Cancela(1922a:126),Mouta(1934:211);Gabriel(1982:241); Cancela (1922a: 126), Mouta (1934: 211); Gabriel ( Henriqueta MariaMpangu eliminated AHU 31 . The subsequent descendent 8th Queen » forbeing» too « inha(1971b), seealso Bour- Incidentes da Baixa de Cas- replacing her cousin, Kana- fearful 32 » [» 1982: 241); craintive JA (2012) JA ] (L ] (2012) AMAL 73 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 74 Aharon de Grassi eo fe rtrig rm el idpnet Congo. independent newly from returning after remo Lu- at mission Mussuco Catholic old the at with baptized portedly 33 the Congo kingdom to the east, but rather to the Ki Kassanjerevolt wasactually theHolo, whotrace th group singled out by the Portuguese and Cotonang as complextheshifting region.ethnic themakeupT of mobilization isthuskey. nationalist trans-ethnic trans-border in Suku the of roles gendered the Understanding River. Kwango the on operations diamond ning burgeo- nearby the at work their abandoned then by had reabouts Kwango also refused to plant cotton, while some 600 Angolans the- at Angolans and Congo, the from agitator an of mention was there 6th and 5th February by Kwenda, Kasule near town, Kwango the at Indeed, River. Kwango the of east the to then and hills forested inhabited sparsely the across (Kulaxingu), Kulashingo through ling ting that by then the Ngudi a Nkama had been there, possibly trave- sugges- east), south their to km 70 (some Kwenda Kasule in Maria mention 13th January as early as Milando at unrest initial the near have associated Nguri a Nkama with « with Nkama a Nguri associated have 34 There was also perhaps an elision of Ngudi a, Nguri a, Muria, and Maria (one Maria and Muria, a, Nguri a, Ngudi of elision an perhaps also was There Such dynamics also shed light on the real limitations of the approach of Ko-of approach the of limitations real the on light shed also dynamics Such 6, erdcin of reproduction 765, « « an tor also and area, Cuilo the from woman cosmopolitan and energetic an Blouin, Andrée wife, future his and Gizenga Antoine leader between Guinea in encounter an by inflshaped so was Kassanje The to uential Kassanje. with connections important and for insights also has Guinea in mobilization nationalist popular and gender on work (2005) sion (where girls began schooling in 1921, and nuns arrived in 1926). Schmidt’s and organization of the gendered and domestic education at the Mussuco mis- Further research is needed on the relevance to the revolt’s gendered discourses (1999). Freudenthal in sources the also See 1961. January Milando», de Posto Cuango, do esquerda margem na religioso-político «Movimento Mussuco. at report by a long-time offilong-time a by report « writes, area the in cer gst the northern Suku. Informação 145, February 6th 1961 ( 1961 6th February 145, Informação Suku. northern the gst pytoff, who conducted his dissertation fieldwork on lineage and religion amon- Kinshasa fore theNguri aNkamaarrivedintheCongo (W this, butdoesn’tengagetheimportantworkbyLamal. of some mentions (1999) Freudenthal 3). p. 262, (Informação N’Guriakama cit op. The important role of Suku also must be understood In various colonial reports on the revolt, Angolans were said to said were Angolans revolt, the on reports colonial various In strongly identifi ed with the independence struggleidentifiindependence strongly the with ed » who spoke the local language. Blouin was in Guinea in the late 1950s and 1950s late the in Guinea in was Blouin language. local the spoke who » Ohr ae mnind r Mra o aslqed ad ai de Maria and Cassuloquenda do Maria are mentioned names Other . hinterlands in March 1960 to found to 1960 March in Apontamento 34 y oe ors am, ahlc mission Catholic Palma, Torres Jose by Maria PSA EISS Múria-cama ’s women’s wing, shortly be- shortly wing, women’s ’s 1967:177-178). », a name she was re- was she name a », » there, returning to the to returning there, » mbundu-speaking eirlineage notto copihd ora- accomplished he majorethniche agitators of the AHU »). See Teixeira, See »). in relation to 33 ); Informação ); PSA Angolans Angolans that was was that PSA prestigious chiefdoms of Jingas, Bondos and Bangalas. and Bondos Jingas, of chiefdoms prestigious most the of revolt the to also adherence the mention clearly revolt lo V also from broader Kimbundu- and Kikongo-speaking social groups (See differentiated various linguistic, cultural and socio-political aspects and merged combined, generatively have however, Holo, and Suku nic codification and mapping in order to facilitate forced labor, both Kimbundu (C villages mixed ethnically and villages neighboring both including zones, or areas shifting and/or overlapping in groups these show Century Nineteenth late the since maps different dozen a Over da. Kadi, Paka, Koxi, as well as as larger bordering Ngola, Jinga, Xinji, such and Lun- groups, smaller related other moreover, are, There 1967; C 1967; N 1962; CELA south. the to groups 38 37 36 35 was connections, and support of lack the emphasized and groups, ethnic different between connections and support such recognize parties movement liberation the map that analysts or scholars mentators, com- some by portrayals crude-looking now to contrast stark in ds Carvalho, J. (1961) «Situação na Baixa de Cassange», Letter to Administrador- See also Vicente «A situação actual da zona da “Tribu Holo”», do sector de sector do Holo”», “Tribu da zona da actual situação «A Vicente also See See also the c.1961 map of Holos, Gingas, Bondos, Bangalas, and Songos in The history of ethnogenesis in Angola still remains to be told, but a key part key a but told, be to remains still Angola in ethnogenesis of history The of theBangalas. mention of the significant arrest in March of Kulashingo (Kulaxingu), the King hence the resulting static map of neat bounded ethnic units merits scrutiny merits rather thancasual invocation(seeD units ethnic bounded neat of map static and resulting the groups, hence ethnic cataloguing Angola, Científi de Investigação ca de tituto « then and Diniz, by recruitment labor and taxation at efforts the with do to has Aluma, Tembo e Milando de Postos dos e Baza Ria Cunda Delgado, February 17 ( 17 February Delgado, Cann (2015:53-54). ge», Cassan-de Baixa da Jinga etnia a sobre «Elementos (1970) of 12 p. 194; p. c. « putting HoloextendingEastoftheKwango. River ARVALHO Part of the explanation why some of scholars cited above did not did above cited scholars of some why explanation the of Part scientific occupation limited in the north by the Utungila River 92: 126; 1922b: PT », but other maps put Mussuco on both sides of the Kwango, as well as well as Kwango, the of sides both on Mussuco put maps other but », ELLUT ARDOSO MPLA / ICOLAÏ TT 80 18 V 118; 1890: / » or« SCCIA and 92 20; V 2006; 1972, 93 L 1963; 1970; R 1970; 0700. ii (98 17 sae ta Msuo ein is region Mussuco that states 187) (1918: Diniz /007/0005. the Bakongo UPA JMGIC 35 » by the Junta de Investigação do Ultramar and the Ins- / AHU FNLA Yet despite persistent colonial efforts at eth-at efforts colonial persistent despite Yet EDINHA 98 V 1948; AMAL ). Marcum (1969: 126) paraphrases Neto’s (1966) Neto’s paraphrases 126) (1969: Marcum ). ALLE onto discrete, fi xed ethnic blocs of «of fi blocs discrete, ethnic onto xed 95 6; S 68; 1965: n C and 1971a). ». IEIRA 38 E ICENTE G -M RASSI ASTRO 36 ARTINEZ [...] 2015). And colonial reports on the on reports colonial And 99 T 1959; and to the West by the Kuango 98 D 1908; ALAZAR 06 A 2006; HISSEN 98 M 1968; AHU INIZ 90 D 1960; , 01/30/61, and 01/30/61, , TKINS 98 C 1918; 37 This stan-This ILHEIROS 1955). ENIS the AN AHU - 75 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 76 Aharon de Grassi with the Holo also controlling salt pans on the Lui River (See L the Nineteenth Centuries, using control over the Kwango River, and particular as a key slaving hinterland from the Seventeenth through 39 and infrastructure for labor of facilitate mobilization and taxes would of collection that population the of census a allow to order in control political-administrative establish to sought that occupation of campaigns military colonial to related displacement and gration mi- complete) means no by (but large-scale then and 1909 around collapsed market the until trade rubber booming followed There 70). 1965: state-sanctioned missionaries established relations (T relations established missionaries state-sanctioned that Nkama a Ngudi queen Suku the with was it Conference, Berlin Portuguese sought to establish « 41 40 repeated inmajorinternationalnewspapers. bon swiftly drafted a press statement to such effect, which was then peaceful and injured the defend to intervened Army the as presented « Overseas revolt Kassanje the the that 9th Offi to March Minister’s on wrote ce General Governor Angola’s particular, In movements. independence national and hearings Nations United War, Cold the of context tense the in revolt the obfuscate to sought deliberately propaganda Portuguese colonial how was that because tural and political processes. political and tural political trans-national cul-economic, social, longer-standing of series a were mobilization facilitated that people between relations Holo were able to break off from the southern Kassanje formations in the late the in formations Kassanje southern the from off break to able were Holo On March 11th the New York Times reported, «reported, Times York New the 11th March On These processes are largely excluded from the static structural-functionalist static the from excluded largely are processes These the effectsofmigrantlabor onthestructureoflocaleconomyandsociety. the Suku devotes a few pages to colonialism and change, but mostly to dismiss profisubsequent (1965) Kopytoff’s Likewise, (1954). Holeman Cf. 52). of (p. le labor obligatory to due 1940s early and 1930s late the in famines noting tnote liant on close collaboration with colonial authorities, only includes a single foo-re- thesis, (1960) Kopytoff’s Indeed, deployed. (1987) Kopytoff that approach port until trade shifted back southwards to Luanda Luanda to (M theNapoleonic wars with pre-occupied southwards back shifted trade until port Congo the through goods French east for the trade from mediating as trade well slave as southwards, early diverting by 1760s the to 1730s from werful Seventeenth Century in order to control Kwango river crossings, and grew po- bon ReportsDisorders “inter-tribal” fi ghts broke out last month in the Malange district Malange the in fimonth “inter-tribal” last out broke ghts n otat a wr bhn te cul hfig lyrd i of mix layered shifting, actual the behind work at contrast, In 41 However, at the end of the Nineteenth Century, as the as Century, Nineteenth the of end the at However, a fia inflexternal for tribes between ght which in uence », p.2. 40 The area’s dynamics took shape in shape took dynamics area’s The effective occupation ILLER 1988). A Ministry statement said the said statement Ministry A 39 as the French became became French the as » following the HISSEN », and Lis- and », [...]», «[...]», could be could 1960). AMAL Lis- during the 1961 revolt. resuscitated be would that specifipractices with ritual physically c rather than migration constituting an « an constituting migration than rather organizing andtheKassanjerevolt. anti-colonial facilitate eventually would this and relations, social of fisets both and to resources relationship xed shifting a entailed ad inste- migration Kopytoff), la (à land of unit abstract comparable 42 cussed more in the next sub-section. next the in more cussed dis- are which production, agricultural and projects construction 44 43 Also worth noting is that careful research by Cameroonian scholars has sho-has scholars Cameroonian by research careful that is noting worth Also See Pélissier (1986) on the military campaigns. See von Oppen (1993), and Can- Around Mussuco in 1915-1923, there was hunger due to a disease outbreak disease a to due hunger was there 1915-1923, in Mussuco Around casual invocation(seeD than rather scrutiny merits units ethnic bounded neat of map static resulting de Investigação Científica de Angola, cataloguing ethnic groups, and hence the mns lvsok (C livestock amongst on « fithe doing was Kopytoff while Cameroon thesis his shaped that there eldwork Aghem in unrest signifipeasant also ongoing actually cant was there that wn “Uamba até Tembo Aluma», Arquivo Histórico Militar ( cela (1923), and Osório Junior, Vaz (1921) «Relatório da coluna de operações a 1981, 1995;M in Holo areas (M areas Holo in protest and discounts the importance of African researchers (K researchers African of importance the discounts and protest The turbulence of colonial conquest also was interpreted meta- interpreted was also conquest colonial of turbulence The Source South of Kizenga & Milando, Figure 7. Queen «HolodiyaMukhetu» Salt Flats at Kiongwa River, Figure 6.Kabongo,theHolo exit Source: » and « asn(96 ) : Maesen(1956:6) Maesen (1956: 6) BAH internal frontiers 2009;K AESEN OSTA 1956: 5). In 1916, in Mussuco there was a rumor of aof rumor a was there Mussuco in 1916, In 5). 1956: 44 EGRASSI The Kifumbi figure, for example, is reported AH 90 16, n smtig iia ws reported was similar something and 136), 1970: 2009). 2015). » in Africa, though he does not mention such 43 42 Source What is key in all this is that is this all in key is What 10 kmEastofLuiRiver exit option exit : Gouveia(1956:165) AHM » to some other some to » ) 2/2/59/40.tituto OPYTOFF 1977, 77 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 78 Aharon de Grassi diamond machinery, or plantation equipment (E equipment plantation or machinery, diamond factories, sugar railroads, return: without sent and up rounded bly forci- were people many which to industries labor-intensive the of engines the for accounts, varying in brains, of oils the use to people capture would and grasses tall in hidden paths rural the haunted bi 91 O 1921; litary activities — for example, taxation, labor recruitment, a study a recruitment, labor taxation, example, for — activities litary campaignsconquest (A at Mussuco in 1898 and Tembo Aluma in 1903, followed by years of border demarcation in the 1890s, and then opening of military posts designating a Holo and Jinga district as early as the 1850s, national example, for included, had interest Government border. Congo the along reaches northern far the in even presence, such against test pro- of history associated an and occupation, litary-administrative ve government presence during and after decades of Portuguese mi- intensi-increasingly was there company, foreign a by management economic conditionsofcottonwork. to the particular form of the revolt, rather than a simple reflex to the sive transformations and responses that shaped the region and lead Kifumbi illustrate metaphysically some of the long-term and exten- 45 associated with colonial spatial-economic transformation. hearts, but its meaning shifted closely in relation to the forced labor in some Nineteenth Century accounts with ritual sacrifice of human in Kikongo ( Kikongo in versions notes also 112) (2008: Esteves zombie. English well-known more the and nzambi to out parses perhaps turn in which nzumbi, as also it spelling rit, and SanzaPombo(S the river waters and killing of white livestock were present in revolts in Damba Ribas (1969: 307) gives the root as (1960: 170) interestingly discusses interestingly 170) (1960: spells and give immortality to honest people (G people honest to immortality give and spells of white cattle, sheep and chickens; sacrifione would then drink a potion to suppress the order and ce rivers the in appear would and leg, one and arm, one eye, one only had and Congo the from come had that Mafulu, person, strange there were similar notions of the apparition of a (white) person (white) a of apparition the of Damba, notions and similar were Pombo there Sanza in 1928 In missionary. a for term a also was fulu to be related to the spread of Kimbanguism, and a and Kimbanguism, of spread the to related be to appears This form. different in 1961 in resuscitated then were practices these were interpreted in relation to the military campaigns and millenarian visions; vestock capture and trade patterns appear to have brought new diseases, which rural brigand orhighwayman(bandoleiro) whowoulddecapitatepeople. h seln vre: iub, ufme qiob, iub, t. Thissen etc. kifumbi, quifombo, quifumbe, kifumbe, varies: spelling The In contrast to the notion that the Baixa was simply delegated to delegated simply was Baixa the that notion the to contrast In SÓRIO kifumba J UNIOR ANTOS ), Umbundu ( Umbundu ), 91 M 1921; NON 1972:307). 93 A 1903; ILHEIROS katokhõla kufumba mvumbi NON 92. hn ae non-mi- came Then 1972). as a sort of «of sort a as 90 S 1910; (to damage), and describes it as a ), chokwe ( chokwe ), ABRIEL Mafulu 1982: 160). The new li-new The 160). 1982: ARMENTO thalyanga STEVES semi-material revolt in 1918. Ma-1918. in revolt 96 G 1916; 2008). The 2008). Mafulu ). However, ). 45 Kifum- » spi-» from AGO (P revolt) the in enlistment and propaganda for (presumably her for counted be and gather instead to and obey, not to people ordering by censusing of practice colonial authoritative this for substitute to covered the country), at that time the Queen Ngudi a Nkama sought already had surveys (preparatory 1961 of January in out carried be fistiff (with census tional to supposed was non-compliance) for nes na-compulsory a although example, For measures. administrative at also but practices company cotton at simply not addressed citly expli- were revolt of practices the of many the that extent an such to — below 5 section in detailed — Cotonang with collaboration se 1929; A Angola where relatives lived (V lived relatives where Angola to over crossed subsequently they as events the of stories brought others many and army, Belgian the by killed were people 500 some an extent that they provoked a rebellion in areas with Pende, where such reached had region Congo the of parts in exactions corporate D (See etc. locusts, against measures phytosanitary invento holdings, line, train a for plans 1925, in expedition 48 47 46 projects colonial as well as Matadi, and Kinshasa as such centers urban to Congo the of areas border from migration to lead also ses military occupation in the early 1900s-1920s. early the in occupation military since ever labor and tax for censusing against migration and tance article headlinetitledsimply« We? Are Many How We? Were Many nial elite’s newspaper featured both the modernist questions « that the 1960 Christmas Eve front page edition of the Malanje colo- border in the Belgian Congo (D See also See Bebiano, José Bacelar (1926) «Observações geológicas e apontamentos sobre apontamentos e geológicas «Observações (1926) Bacelar José Bebiano, See fn 84, Pélissier (1986), and various BGU Figure 18). do (which archives the vary over the years), as well in as the increase in the administrative divisions (see papers of number the in presence administrative Ultramar Angola», de nordeste flfronteira a da etnologia e fauna ora, people hadgonetoTaca becensusedby (1916) «Atentados ALMA This growing government presence operated in iia poess ee ieie nodn ueel ars the across unevenly unfolding likewise were processes Similar n.º 103; (1934) 103; n.º op. cit op. LBERTO DSEEG ( BGU .). 1928). (1967), and Martins 1961, Martins and (1967), ) 11, pp. 34-59. See also (1954) also See 34-59. pp. 11, ) 47 This continued decades of revolts, passive resis-passive revolts, of decades continued This CFL BGU Ambaca»( 46 n.º 122-123, p. 123. One can also chart the detailed the chart also can One 123. p. 122-123, n.º AHM Communism ENIS ANDERSTAETEN ). 1962). By the 1930s these state- AHM op. cit op. PSA and » and, a smaller type-faced smaller a and, » . BGU AHA ., p. 3, who also notes some notes also who 3, p. ., ». n.º 353-354, p. 265; (1934) 265; p. 353-354, n.º 2001). These proces-These 2001). reports; Vaz 1921, 48 It was only fionly was tting It increasingly ries of peasant peasant of ries Boletim Geral do Geral Boletim op. cit How clo- INIZ .; 79 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 80 Aharon de Grassi the BelgianCongo « of the Kassanje revolt, and Angolans in the area reportedly talked of 49 that neighborhood the by the growth of the cotton industry transformed from with massive new across just Malanje, of suburbs the in born was He Congo. the to Malanje from forth and riano, remains largely unknown, but he apparently made trips back birthplace ofAngola’sfirst President Neto.Agostinho reputed and Luanda of outside Catete town cotton the in villagers protesting of dozens killing and activists key 50 arresting Luanda in sweep police colonial the a following particularly Congo, the time in more spend to operations their moved increasingly M Luanda from activists mid-1960, In Kassanje. and Malanje of landscape and economy broader and sector cotton the in tions transforma- the and Luanda to also connections through [1969]) to Malanje. white settlers and traders that fled into Angola, including some 500 signifithe of given numbers least cant not newspapers), Luanda pages of front the in (and Malanje in experienced and publicized ly wide- was Congo the of independence The 1959. in home returned the forcibly were Kinshasa in living then youth area when mobilization facilitating to critical be would linkages of sorts merchants also trading goods from Kinshasa (D Kinshasa from goods trading also merchants the 1950s for people from both Angola and Congo, with Portuguese nor- the thern border town of Tembo Aluma became a commercial center in below), sections (see countrysides the of mercialization h Ksaj rvl (rwn o K on (drawing revolt Kassanje the of organizers other understand can we Congo, and Malanje tween 50 mers from the Angola to the Congo also. contracts were more favorable, but there was also movement of far- labor some where also, Angola to sometimes and plantations, and expelling the whites from their lands as was done to the whites in Vicente’s (1959) internal Cotonang report notes that the area around Tembo around area the that notes report Cotonang internal (1959) Vicente’s See coverage in the Malanje newspaper newspaper Malanje the in coverage See Aluma saw 270 farmers fl ee in 1955, but then an increase of 455 farmers in 1956-1959 ( farmers 455 of increase an then but fl1955, farmers in 270 ee saw Aluma denthal (2012: 19). passaram pela nossa Cidade», Aug 6; and see Mateus Ngola Katungo, in Freu- que Belga Congo do refugiados «Os (1960) 1; p. 16, July Congo», no mentos A reportedly key organizer of the Kassanje revolt, António Ma- António revolt, Kassanje the of organizer key reportedly A Having painted some of the broad conditions of connection be- connection of conditions broad the of some painted Having 50 AHU Tembo Aluma would be one of the earliest major areas ). » (T EIXEIRA op. cit .). Angola Norte Angola AMABAYA 49 With the increasing com- 20] n M and [2007] : (1960) «Os aconteci-«Os (1960) : ENIS 1962). These 1962). PSA alanje and and alanje had been been had political ARCUM ud Ktmo n h 14s n te i te er o te cotton the 1950s. of the in Kela heart at lands the in then and 1940s the in Katembo bundi Kam-fiat Kassanje, south de the Baixa in the rst in church thodist Me- Protestant the for years many for worked who Mariano Diogo tionalist ideas. «a as housing complexes. While Kamabaya (2007: 79) describes Mariano white segregated and facilities, processing warehouses, Cotonang 53 52 51 back brought reportedly Kinshasa and to times, through several on up Chevrolet his drove also he 1929), in mission a installed had Morton Pastor a where area Holo and Suku mixed apparently an (in Kizamba named soba Holo important an to Maria and Lumumba. and Maria to list iconography in the form of holy water, incense, and incantations and the Congo, fusing syncretically Christian, African, and nationa- in addition to underground nationalist political activists in Malanje authorities, traditional sympathetic and peasants, with members, church other with clandestinely organized and conditions plorable n 91 s mltr cmadr f h rvl (K revolt the of commander military a as 1961 in 1960, meeting along the way with Mariano and sobas, Baixa the through trek the made also 1959, in tion La International the from inspectors with Luanda in lege at Keswa, studied in Benguela, and, after meet Americanthe atmid-1940s the in studied had za»), There is also mention of an apparently different «António Mariano» joining joining Mariano» «António different apparently an of mention also is There Lamal (1965: 60) reports that the Kizamba sector «sector Kizamba the that reports 60) (1965: Lamal See also «Informação 216», February 27, p. 4 (4 p. 27, February 216», «Informação also See in thelateMarcum’s papersstillawaiting processingatStanford. be may but located, be to yet is which of copy a (1966), Neto citing (1968:48), ga General Commission on Archives and History ( History and Archives on Commission General ch in 1959. See «Angola Conference General», 1959, United Methodist Church the Nominations and Inter-dominational Commissions of the Methodist chur- on served He 1960. in Bragança) de (Duque Kalandula in working as reported also was and 1953, around pastor a become having 1944, in member effective tónio Diogo Mariano was admitted for Methodist exam in 1942, and became an An- 79). p. Angola, de Anual (Conferência 1958 around church Methodist the 28. See also See 28. nutes of the Annual Conferences of the Methodist Church», 1944, p. 124; 1938: bes « in Freudenthal(1999:275). 1959: 135. Another activist born in Malanje, João César Correi César João Malanje, in born activist Another hd ,4 Bhl ad .6 Bsk rsdns n 99 Se Marcum See 1959. in residents Basuku 6.866 and Baholo 2,742 had » Catholic catechist Catholic calcinhas Anuário do Ultramar Português Ultramar do Anuário » at Kunda dya Baze actively organizing people, also mentioned 53 », there are also references to an António an to references also are there », 52 Working as driver in the cotton zone for zone cotton the in driver as Working 51 Either way, Mariano both saw the de-the saw both Mariano way, Either , 1946: 117; 1951: 127; 1957: 130; 1957: 127; 1951: 117; 1946: , AHU GCAH ), which specifiwhich ), descri-cally UPA ) fi) «Mi-and 1459-1-4:2, le between Kwango-Lukun- between literature and na-and literature ing clandestinely to the Congo in Congo the to AMABAYA Methodist col-Methodist and returning bor Organiza-bor («Makwi-a 2007: 81 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 82 Aharon de Grassi projects, services and a broader « broader a and services projects, business, for labor compelling for means a and state the fund to ve ry dynamic, in which taxation in cash and kind both was an objecti- contracted labor,transport,landholdings,andchurchnetworks. specifirevolt, Kassanje the shaping cally set inter-linked important particularly a on just focuses section this so more, or millennia a 54 dozen several some across cipaios 313 apportioned was alone lanje Ma- 1936 by generally, rule administrative and collection tax force Angola, asintheCongo. forced labor, and argued for the total and complete independence of denounced Baixa, the in conditions analyzed Luanda, and Malanje Neto. This Manifesto, authored by a ranged of nationalist figures in «a of copies him with brought 55 that lessons « geography in taught allegedly having center subversion, a of called be would Keswa revolt the after Shortly Malanje. in Keswa in priests Methodist sympathetic of assistance the with operating Liberation National for Movement the of network litical po- clandestine the through passing by Congo the to 1960 around he police, secret the by arrest avoid to order In 1957. around the short-lived Movement for the National Independence of Angola found helping Luanda, time more spent Neto, Rosário of cousin a («Ky Domingos Bernardo João activist, Another 106-107). Angola is one of the independent African countries African independent the of one is Angola A range of other nationalist pamphlets, which made a point of emphasizing of point a made which pamphlets, nationalist other of range A «Informação696»,March29,1961,p.2( baugh andRediker (2001),Brown(2009). Line- (1998), Rocha (2005), Zau 102), (2012: Chase also see Marítimo, Clube the On protested. they which against economy labor and agrarian exploitative mobilization the changing transport and communications that were part of the and Angolan other nationalist organizers Lobito. were able to use of for their own town purposes of political port Angolan southern the to ship a aboard ne the African Maritime Club in Lisbon were able to smuggle a lithograph machi- via sailors Angolan to i connections with activists after circulated particularly elsewhere, and printed, been had issues, agrarian A A key driver of Malanje-Luanda connections was the expansiona- eain bten aaj ad una o ak ruby half arguably back go Luanda and Malanje between Relations 4. Malanje-Luandaconnections 55 Manifesto de Kasanji de Manifesto civilizing mission civilizing AHU ). n Luanda, Malanje and and Malanje Luanda, n ». To help en- help To ». […]» » for Rosário for » 54 Kyoza oza»), oza»), fled (by 1923, applied to men only), and an « an and only), men to applied 1923, (by 56 using theimprovedtransport). shifted be could staff or soldiers Angolan orders, administrative to resistance was there (where enforcement and monitoring enable to resettled villages and constructed roads and established, systems institutions established, numerous intermediaries of rule used, pass hence taxes were varied and modifi and avoidance, ed, harsh penalties levied, penal and resistance peasant prompt could taxes heavy « vered almost the entire country and population (and the remainder « of principle This 1961. until continued that practice a total, the of 20% received government cal nal income bonuses, as well as a professional incentive, since the lo- perso- as revenue the of percentages received they since collection, 1920, the hut tax had been converted to an individual « individual an to converted been had tax hut the 1920, By million. couple a of population total Angola’s of out people ble bas. so-participating to signifipaid but revenue tax of percentages cant tion inorderto«avoidresistance». domestic and international trade tariffs and duties) (R duties) and tariffs trade international and domestic of issues including (not taxation domestic on issued measures legal different 100 a over well already were there 1930s, early the by — response to the diffiin culties and contestation of implementing taxes) (often action and design thought, colonial varied and attentive need for « for need 20th Century legislation explicitly addressed in its start in 1906 the Given the experience of 19th Century tax revolts in Angola, the new posts. administrative 58 57 inexactly Seee.g.DecretoofSeptember 13,1906. 1934 legislation provided for 172 cipaios in Malanje (Diploma Legislativo 603). nuary 20,1936. Ja- n1, Malange de Ordem n8, 7613 Geral Ordem also See 7266, respectively). 10275 and 3711, 2223, 1922, in Portarias raised (see was 1958 and Malanje 1951 in 1950, 1941, cipaios 1937, of number The 239. only has Malanje ted sta- legislation 1958 the but subsequently, raised reportedly was number The creto 23417of 1934,andPortaria2482of 1937. Ibid State functionaries had a personal material incentive to boost tax osqety b 11, a ws olce fo 5000 eligi- 500,000 from collected was tax 1919, by Consequently, 58 ., Portaria 375 of 1913, Portaria 11066 of 1959, Decreto 22793 of 1933, De- 1933, of 22793 Decreto 1959, of 11066 Portaria 1913, of 375 Portaria ., smooth and progressive and smooth »). Colonial state functionaries did quickly recognize that 56 Taxation was a key subject of a great deal of deal great a of subject key a was Taxation co-participation 57 » «» gradual extension gradual exact » also included small included also » » census in 1926 co-1926 in census » AMOS head » of taxa-of » 1970). » tax » 83 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 84 Aharon de Grassi scholarly analysis. contracting of labor throughout Angola have received little detailed widespread of relations social extensive the Surprisingly, peoples. and places and other with rural Malanje from province, people connected and the urban, of areas diverse from people connected below. 4.2 section in below discussed is construction infrastructure port trans- for labor forced local unrecorded of extent the of Some rule. colonial and grievances, lives, daily peoples’ to important hugely xation in kind through forced labor, which is harder to quantify but signifivery a also was ta-there effective taxation, cant formal plicit 59 Although the great historical importance of Angolan laborers has been widely widely been has laborers Angolan of importance historical great the Although Figure 8.IndigenoustaxationinMalanje:Numbers(lft,columns) eonzd ad ueos tde dsus r eto saey fre labor, and contracted labor(V forced slavery, mention or discuss studies numerous and recognized, Contracted labor was a key aspect of the Malanje economy, and economy, Malanje the of aspect key a was labor Contracted 4.1. Contractedlabor What is also crucial to remember is that in addition to such ex- such to addition in that is remember to crucial also is What Source : BancodeAngola(1954-1960),GPM(1935),Dip.Leg.242/1931 59 OS and value(rt,shaded) 2014),nonetheless fewstudieshaveactually looked shaded) show Malanjesupplyingaquarterofthetotalcontractees thirds of the total contract labor in Angola was from areas from was Angola in labor contract total the of thirds amount of other labor contracting. In 1958, for example, about two- massive the signifiof the patterns examined the has of study cance no Moreover, know. I as study far as conducted, been in-depth has regime that of no However, mentioned. often is which that and contracting, labor of pattern important most the was lands coffee 61 60 coffee plantations in the north. the in plantations coffee the fed that Bie and Benguela, Huambo, of highlands southern the It is not clear to what extent contract labor from Diamang in Lunda is alsois Lunda in Diamang from labor contract extent what to clear not is It One could compare the number of contractees given the population in the res- ducted. Thecensus didincludesomenumbers migrantslivinginother areas. not clear that workers were in their villages of also origin when the census is was con- it but men), working-age of population the (particularly areas pective describes totalsanddifferent typesoflabor,butwhatregionalpatterns? tes these in relation to the broader trends of contracted labor. Messiant (1983) provide many insights based on archival and interview data, but neither situa- particular sugar and diamond complexes by Ball (200 to labor contract on studies history social interesting very the example, For la. Ango- throughout relations socio-spatial of formation the and economy the of structure the understanding in crucial is which labor, this of patterns the tand unders- to contracting labor of evidence empirical detailed at systematically erimn fo te eta hglns on t te northern the to going highlands central the from Recruitment Figure 9.Roadconstruction,contractedlabor,andurban Sources : Anuário Estatístico construction, 1911-1960 ; Diniz(1917,1929);Mouta(1934) 60 Earlier statistics show from 1948 from show statistics Earlier 3) and Cleaveland (2008) 61 outside 85 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 86 Aharon de Grassi in internal Cotonang reports. Cotonang internal in felt sentiment the was that least at or controversy, stirring areas, Cotonang’s monopsony since 1930 on recruiting labor in the cotton therevoltemerge. outof —networks would which experiences 62 « resource-intensive in few a only on use to restricted hardly was labor, short, Contract on. so and Kifangondo, at Luanda of outskirts afi further el hills coffee of Dembos, the Tentativa sugar plantation at Caxito, the areas to sent also people of hundreds with Malanje, throughout locations different of hundreds to went and province, the throughout places of range a from came laborers ig otatn (e F (See contracting ting offigovernment to contractors by paid were fees regula-as cials ge, patrona- with rife been have to appears also contracts these of tion designed, distributed, monitored and enforced. But the administra- regulated. Identity cards for taxation and control of movement were were conditions and Wages contractors. labor to given were censes ging this labor. The state Agência da Curadoria monitored labor. Li- mana- for bureaucracies administrative various of elaboration an was there and labor, contracted of use extensive the mention time business’ critiques nationalist of foreign businesses. Exposés and white reports at the and/or elitist of variations with though colored but resentment, and felt were that exactions economic harsh the enclaves The monopsony on recruiting labor in Kassanje was hr o pbi o piae upss, n te e c new the and purposes), large. laborers was non-contracted private or public for ther whe- contracts, with those for (and contract without and with those between distinguish classifito the changed 1957 was for cation intervention, involving total of ¾ with state?), the (of intervention without and with contracted those classifithe 1956 in Whereas laborers. contract of between distinguished cation classifithe to counting related and is cation 1957 and 1956 years between to- tals the in difference The administratively. together them grouped have may included in the category « cio de1956», Banco NacionaldeAngola Archives,Malanje. (1956), «Relatório Anual da Agência do Banco de Angola em Malange: Exercí- this monopoly amidst labor shortage, of see Ferreira (1948) and contentiousness Banco de Angola the On zone. cotton the outside work for labor recruiting prohibited which 54, Art. 35844 Decreto 1946 the e.g. legislation, subsequent Intendency, by Diploma Legislativo 242 on 13 Januar A A small sample of records from 1952 quickly reveals that Malanje The pool of possible contract labor in Malanje was reduced by reduced was Malanje in labor contract possible of pool The », and instead connected a range of people, ideas a ideas people, of range a connected instead and », Malanje ERREIRA 62 » also, since the contract monitoring agency There was competition over labor, over competition was There 98 4-5). 1948: So, it was not simply simply not was it So, established with the Cotton y1930. It was reiteratedin ategory of estimated estimated of ategory d such as the the as such d nd nd information and political conscientization. sharing political of and ends information own their to movement labor forced such use to 63 M 262, (Informação spikes on cards other and forms, tax annual passbooks, their put volters as well as arbitrarydepredationsexpanding the autonomy, by bureauc the and movement of freedom of loss the also at rm h 10s hog te 90 (M 1920s the through 1900s the from East occupy Malanje and the diamond-rich Lunda Province in the North to expeditions military for Luanda from rations and supplies heavy bringing to key was example, for rail, The production. agricultural bilization of even more labor for other construction projects and for mo- and taxing, censusing, the enabled and movement, and pation occu- administrative Portuguese allowed turn in labor of vestment manual labor in the 1930s to the 1950s (A 1950s the to 1930s the in labor manual ongoing through maintained and repaired also were which 1920s, ped in the 1930s, as well as a huge system of roads in the 1910s and revam- was which 1900s, early the in railway Luanda-Malanje the and wouldalsobesabotagedtotrypreventmilitaryrepression. by people to make social and political connections key to the revolt, and money. However, the emerging transport system was also used morals movement, their restrict to attempt state the and men saw yet and utilized, disproportionately were women since gendered, highly also were grievances Such state. the of extension and zation tions, injustices and risks associated with intensifying commerciali- indirectly about how such infrastructure fostered further expropria- also but exactions, the about directly were work about Grievances revolt. and mobilization political for means a as well as grievance helped forgeasenseofbroadercollectiveidentityandstruggle. Angola and Malanje across from residents and laborers other with See Freudenthal (2012); compare also Vos (2015: 115), and the work of Shana of work the and 115), (2015: Vos also compare (2012); Freudenthal See ATOS Melnysyn on the BailundoRevolt. Much of the early forced and contract labor went to constructing a both was particular in infrastructure transport on Laboring 4.2. Transport:Roadandrailconstructionuse 1944; CGC 1939; S 1939; ANTOS op. cit op. 1927; J1927; ., p. 5). People did nonetheless try nonetheless did People 5). p. ., OHNSON LVES 63 ACHADO Repeated encounters Repeated 1929: 207). This in-This 207). 1929: 1935; R 1935; 93 P 1913; racy.re-Some OSS 1925; D 1925; ÉLISSIER E 87 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 88 Aharon de Grassi 2200 km of state paved roads and 249 km district roads (C roads district km 249 and roads paved state of km 2200 taxes, from which women were exempt after 1923. after exempt were women which from taxes, their pay to labor migrant as away were men since villages, their in remained who women on disproportionately fell increasingly work lanje was reported to have 4217 km of picadas, of km 4217 have to reported was lanje the 1930s and 1940s, increasing after World War World after increasing 1940s, and 1930s the 64 lonial financial statistics, this effectively gigan quantifiedwith a monetary value and thereby includ 1974). duties. administrative overall their of part as responsible were functionaries such maintenance used by local administrators for local roads whose construction and was labor local statistics, national from absent Although Century. Twentieth the fiof the decades throughout rst laws administrative general of series a in enshrined legally was construction road for labor Forced paths. of km 29,000 and roads dirt of km 18,000 of maintenance and construction the in administrators colonial local by supervised labor forced quotidian extensive the was highways investment ofthecolonialdevelopmentpromotionplans. dices). 67 66 65 (F pontoons 10 and by 1935 also a « and roads, motorable of km 2,200 have to reported was itself vince were reportedly constructed from 1912-1923. By 1927, Malanje Pro- road wasusedtoquicklybringarmyunitsMalanje. 1986). Again, when the revolt broke out in Malanje in 1961, the rail- Such work also entailed possibly thousands of manual rock breaking sites; by by sites; breaking rock manual of thousands possibly entailed also work Such See Portaria 375 Art. 26 §5 and §22, Art. 58§3, and Art 78, and the 1933 Over-1933 the and 78, Art and 58§3, Art. §22, and §5 26 Art. 375 Portaria See SeeDecreto235,February 2,1923. Se lo h 11 mp f od ad lne ra cntuto, hc sho- which construction, road planned and roads of map 1918 the also See seas AdministrativeReform LawArt.53§4andArt.70§3. managed competition withandsubstitution forrailtransport. Estatístico ário (Malanje in facilities breaking rock registered dozen a were there 1958 13/547). 1:2,000,000, Luanda, 46x70 cm (Biblioteca Central da Marinha, Lisbon, 2-11- projectadas», e construção em construídas, Angola: de província da estradas «Rede frontiers: the and districts the of capitals the connecting roads the ws eas te ue otiuin o sc fre lbr ee not were labor forced such of contributions huge the Because Equally if not more important than the main formal railroad and Since the start of de Matos’ reign, a staggering 25,000 kilometers 67 64 Various road boards and brigades continued work through ). The rise of roads can also only be understood in terms of terms in understood be only also can roads of rise The ). considerable extension ERREIRA 1927: 29-30; A 29-30; 1927: 65 h bre o fre lcl road local forced of burden The » of paths, some 118 bridges, LVES tic «payment» of taxes 1935: 19 & Appen-& 19 1935: in addition in 66 edin offi cialco- II by the public the by By 1973, Ma-1973, By to the to ASTRO Anu- odtos Se C (See conditions and abuses informal and/or illegal often and heinous the surround scandals and debate, heated publicity, international ongoing the of because obfuscated or hidden deliberately often was labor of forced — not quantifi or — ed extent actual the Indeed, reach. trative ads leadingeastfromMalanjecitytowardsthe Baixa: ted similarly outrageous abuses of women laborers constructing ro- documen- and time, same the around Malanje to traveled also had Johnson Amandous anthropologist Norwegian the Likewise, later. years few a code labor new Angola’s as well as changes minor some used on cocoa plantations in São Tomé — and which in turn spurred being Angola from labor forced about earlier decades several trage ou- international after came Convention and Report The vention. Con- Slavery the of 1926 September in passage League’s the to ting contribu- turn in Africa, Portuguese in abuses labor continuing the about Commission Slavery Nations’ of League the to 1925 June in transmitted report published a in documented were Malanje in ses abu- such Some resentment. widespread generated roads the ning histories ofsuchpervasivebutunquantified forcedlabor. painful extensive the appreciating and documenting really without Angola in agriculture and construction in mechanization on phasis em- contemporary the and mechanization to shift subsequent the understand to impossible is it Indeed occur. not did labor forced such that mean not does books accounting their in ad-ministrations colonial by fi value a nancial given not was labor forced such « through labor has been grossly ignored by analysts emphasizing the gatekeeping punishment on the hands, held them under their hipdress and stepped women took against the beating without making a sound, shook from The palm. their on lashes eight or six out gave he hand, their out hold to lucky was who one the commanded having After whip. a swung soldier Negro a minutes few a After others. the from separate stood them of twenty Approximately roads. the repair to out ordered been had they that out found I Afterwards back. her on child a many and heads their on baskets had All it. on dirt with stiff cloth, loin a only with cold damp the in women 300 about stood station the of front in The decades of labor abuses incurred in building and maintai- and building in incurred abuses labor of decades The seemed to come from a thousand voicesthousand a from come to seemed « Early one morning I was awakened by mumbling sounds that sounds mumbling by awakened was I morning one Early » aspects of states in Africa and the limited adminis-limited the and Africa in states of aspects » OOPER 96 n H and 1996 IGGS […] 2012). Simply because because Simply 2012). On the large open space open large the On 89 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 90 Aharon de Grassi vate companies with specifiwith routes.companies c vate growing networks of bus services. The state allocated particular pri- revolt. the join would workers diamond of hundreds where edge, eastern dwindling initial alluvial finds towards the Kwango River on Baixa’s the from west spreading was that extraction diamond mechanized increasingly the support and process power, to needed machinery heavy the for particularly up, picked Malanje through eastward da Luan- from transport 1950s late the By country. the of km 10,000 nearly throughout routes trucking and bus regular these of 45 were 68 So,whilethis could interpretedbe colonialas del c and building road of purposes for fund government allocate was farmers from cotton purchasing in paid t amount total the of 2.5% law, 1936 a Under sales. fif through nancing partly improved was Kassanje de people rodethetrain.people capitals, municipal even not were that towns small From 1960. year traffithe in stations fitrain c smaller the for gures the by illustrated as provinces, other to and Malanje within vement signifithe entailed which economy, commercial growing a mo-cant also hence and labor, contracted such facilitated Transport works. other and plantations to labor forced of circulation facilitated that roads of form the fiin greater capital was xed however abuses red 70 69 See «Informação n.º 145/61-G.U.» 06/02/61, 145/61-G.U.» n.º «Informação See Therouteswereoutlinedin the 3,703 at Cambunze, 8,647 at Cacuso, 1,870 at Matete, 1,451 at Aldeia Formosa, of 34,766(B total a for Malange, at 15,211 417, KM at 1,542 Lombe, at 1,943 Cacolo, at 399 Norte Malange», de Província na «Pontes (1953) (2008); Cleaveland 215; p. Norte Passenger traffi c on trains was gradually facing competition by competition facing gradually was traffitrains Passenger on c eod h rira triu, h ra ntok n t in network road the terminus, railroad the Beyond An end result of such stark and widely resented and remembe- and resented widely and stark such of result end An ill andunabletowork were they maybe or woods, the in hiding or home at staying by work of hours few a on government the deceive to sought probably had ms victi- poor The mercilessly. screamed all, it understand not kids, did who the But occurring. event everyday an were it if as side, the to 70 , Dec 19, p. 1; (1956) «A Companhia de Diamantes de Angola», Angola», de Diamantes de Companhia «A (1956) 1; p. 19, Dec , , Sept8,p.1. A 1962). 68 » (J OHNSON Anuário Estatístico 1929:207). 69 In 1957, for example, there example, for 1957, In AHM ; Anuário Estatístico 1957, Estatístico Anuário ; . egationprivate ato hat Cotonang Cotonang hat d to a special special a to d thousands of of thousands onservation. onservation. rom cotton cotton rom he Baixa Baixa he Angola Angola lity, and general « general and lity, Malanje was shaped by the great extent of land claims, land inequa- tration cials’ orders(seealsoC offistate obey to -refusing and bridges, destroying ambushes, and roadblocks up setting by militarily advantage their to network road the turn to aim and — prices cotton just not — works road for labor of exactions state these protest would peasants Kassanje 1961 By zones, which more than doubled in the next ten years to 1711 kms. ten years, was an extensive network of 865 km of roads in the cotton after result, The delegation. one-off any than rather collaboration, state-private increasing of one was situation The works. road the for labor fimobilize to and had nd who and authorities, managed state by still spent were funds the as task, small relatively a only of concessionaire state functions of tax collection, in reality that was 72 roads. flmore ever along straight settlements and linear at dense into ved mo- and sources water near locations dispersed from concentrated be to administrators colonial by ordered were Angola throughout villages rural of thousands — thoroughly studied be to yet has bly « called variously and Century Twentieth the «strategic hamlets»inwarzones. and crops, export and cash of enclaves purported mentioned usually the beyond well went dynamics These analysts. most by ted signifibeen have underestima-these cantly though 1961, after and 71 trated orders for local administrators to force Angolans to live in « by followed soon posts, military and roads, regional capitals, cipal muni- to closer living people for taxes hut reduced specifying laws Forfurtherdetails andreferencesonthis section,seeDeGrassi(2015). See Diploma Legislativo 859, Legislativo Diploma See lativo 242of1930, whichused5%).See Increasing economic, social and political discontent in colonial in discontent political and social economic, Increasing 4.3. Ruralandurbanlandthesettlereconomy n n motn dcdsln poes einn i te early the in beginning process decades-long important an In 72 » settlements of no less than 10 structures, or face stiff fistiff face or structures, 10 than less no of settlements » nes. », « The legal foundations for this were laid as early as 1911 in 1911 as early as laid were this for foundations legal The regrouping rural reordering rural », and « ANN 2015:55). BO 47 of 1936 (this also modifialso (this 1936 of 47 Legis-Diploma ed rural reordering » in Malanje and Angola before before Angola and Malanje in » GDM (1954:33). villagization » — which deplora- », « », concen- concen- 71 91 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 92 Aharon de Grassi been apparent to the many subsequent elite in gover 73 from its modest incline and shifted up the coast. By the coffee boom level informal housing remained after the train tracks were removed gombotas was established much earlier from dislocations, and low- guese geographerIlídiodeAmaral(1960,1968). Angolan-Portu- by studies landmark the by spatially demonstrated since theirstipendswerebasedonvillagesize. villages ficoncentrate a to given incentive also nancial were Chiefs quickly changing Ingombotas neighborhood (C neighborhood Ingombotas changing quickly such as Agostinho Neto, who attended the Liceu Salv until the coffee price crises of the mid-late 1950s (P 1950s mid-late the of crises price coffee the until economy, plantation coffee booming the by driven was Luanda of towns. Much of the massive post-World War II urban restructuring and capitals municipal smaller in shop up set white increasingly traders and jumped, city Malanje in Portuguese white The of economy. numbers settler booming the in inequality and segregation growing of pattern broader this by motivated and informed were Luanda and Congo Malanje, spanning on went that organizing and networks nationalist The trade. and restructuring urban of namics rious infrastructures, but also the economic, social and political dy- va- and labor contract only not with combined economy agrarian the in inequality land The inequality. and claims land of practice in led significantly to accurately show the actually much greater extent defiand provisional about statistics land cial fai-concessions nitive offithat showed archives land colonial Malanje’s in research hand - zones that are usually emphasized (cotton, coffee, and sugar). First- tler plantation claims in a more extensive area than the export crop more pervasivethroughoutAngolathaniscommonlyrecognized. fact in was that intervention state of sort the of example an as tead ins- and delegation and neglect state of example an from away volt re- Kassanje the reframing thereby concentrations), (cotton sanje Kas- in happening was what with Angola throughout processes the 1911 Regulamento, Art.110; see also Portarias 377 and 378 of 1912, Decreto 1912, of 378 and 377 Portarias also see Art.110; Regulamento, 1911 Boletim Oficial 1224 of 1914; Portaria 137 of December 1921, as well as a piece of legislation in h stlr ofe omdie ubn etutrn ms have must restructuring urban boom-driven coffee settler The The great signifi cance of these phenomena is that they that is phenomena signifithese great of The cance Village concentration in practice facilitated clearing land for set- for land clearing facilitated practice in concentration Village n.º12of1913. 73 ador Correia in the nment and politics, ORREIA AIGE 2009). In- 2009). 1975), as 1975), connect elh ne u i onrhp f « of ownership in up ended wealth moyn ti nw order. new this buildings visible embodying by passed road, main city’s the up walked he as perhaps morepervasive. was but Luanda, than attention scholarly less much received has segregation quotidian This countryside. Malanje the across towns small and capitals municipal of dozens in structures spatial gated segre- visible still the entrenched and exacerbated, on, built These city planning and urbanization plans and projects were undertaken. colonial of series A Angola. throughout towns smaller and capitals provincial in underway restructuring urban of processes by stoked 74 apartments forwhitesettlers(A by displaced being were Ingombotas in residents African however, 76 75 C ooags e sgeae rsdnil egbrod nearby. neighborhood residential segregated new Cotonang’s on work construction the seen have would offi he medical ce, the at work his reaching he as and, warehouses, Cotonang hulking its with line, train the of end the suppliers, agriculture and car the res, cotton and coffee in Angola, noting how some of such agricultural such of some how noting Angola, in in coffee and cotton labor forced and expropriation, land segregation, humiliating his polemic his pen 1960 in later years several would he Angola, in elsewhere and pressions and the statistics from his agronomic research in Malanje tlers’ maize crop from that season’s first harvest. From Cabral’s im-set- fiplantation quickly with silos lling at tests research do to up way his on Cotonang past streets these walk would Lisbon, in Neto whites only. Ten years later, Amílcar Cabral, too, after meeting with discrimination when he was refused entrance by a low-tier hotel for racial life-altering experienced have to reported is he that Malanje of city hub cotton-plantation forced-labor burgeoning the in was (C ABRAL See(1948) See also the colonial urban development plans for Duque de Bragança (Kalan-Bragança de Duque for plans development urban colonial the also See The presence of agrarian capital in urban buildings c je by somebyjetheofconfi scations in dula) andMalanje. galhães, Evaristo Machado, Leonel Gomes Pinto, Faze of August 28, 1992, such as those of A. Santos Pint ABRAL During his year in Malanje in 1945, for example, Agostinho Neto, also were consciousness political and connections Socio-spatial 1980). n F and Angola Norte The facts about Portugal’s African Colonies African Portugal’s about facts The 76 ONSECA 96 V 1956; , May29;(1958) 74 e asd h bsln taig sto- trading bustling the passed He DiárioRepúblicada ICENTE MARAL 01 55; 2011: Angola Norte 1960,1968). lcs f lt i Lisbon in flats of blocks o, SIPP, Vitorino Sampaio Ma- an also be gleaned for Malan- nda de Santa Isabel, etc. Despacho Conjunto 47-Y IICT , Dec6. and INEP , decrying , 1988; 75 It » 93 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 94 Aharon de Grassi 77 in Malanje Province increased by a quarter from 362 to 448 (B 448 to 362 from quarter a by increased Province Malanje in stores trading registered of number the 1958 to 1954 From 2005). necting people from disparate areas. con- and education both through revolt, the facilitating the in key also were towns small numerous and Congo, perhaps and Luanda, icmtne ad omnte, n hle fre connections, forge foster debatesandcirculateideas. helped and communities, and circumstances challenging and diverse to catechists exposed church the through positions Rotating Baixa. the across people of thousands of ment engage- direct the involving forums, and activities, commissions, co) (staff 250 nearly of total a was there Malanje in parishes 13 across 1959, by — catechists indigenous of range a and imported goods on credit at high interest rates to farmers (S farmers to rates interest high at credit on goods imported nomy eco-also often circulated through plantation usurious trading stores that sold based contract-labor expanding the profi from ts 78 DE go Andongo amidst proliferating European plantation established in 1887, but also served in the histori Diogo,Americanstudiedoldwhotheat Methodist co (See P (See Cotonang with relations close with some 1960, by more four and mid-1930s, the in two another with (Bangalas), 1913 and Mussuco) lanje expanded from the city in 1890 to the Baixa in 1900 (Luremo/ In the 1950s, the Methodist church in Malanje also had a presence in the sou-the in presence a had also Malanje in church Methodist the 1950s, the In See Kamabaya (2007), and also «Minutes of the Annual Conferences of the of Conferences Annual the of «Minutes also and (2007), Kamabaya See ning siteofKolwezi,Mulungwishi, Jadotville,andKinshasa. mi-growing the Sandoa, hospital), a (with Kapanga, including Congo, thern tuguês Methodist Episcopal Church», 1934, p. 415; A ahlc n Poetn Cuc ntok lnig aaj and Malanje linking networks Church Protestant and Catholic 4.4. Churchnetworks One particularlyOne importantfi Reverendthewasgure In addition to being invested in real estate and construction, the construction, and estate real in invested being to addition In . In the Methodist church also, there were a range of different of range a were there also, church Methodist the In . NGOLA OLANAH , 1946,p.117. 1958). 1970; F 1970; ERREIRA 1942). These often involved schools, involved often These 1942). 77 The Catholic churches in Ma- Anuário do Império Colonial Por- c rocky town of Pun- Anuário Estatísti- Anuário s. llege in Keswallegein 78 Job BaltazarJob During the ANTOS ANCO Kimbundu (working on (working Kimbundu into bible the translating on worked he Keswa, to return his Upon bible intoKimbunduin1960,beforehisarrest1961 trict, which saw massive land alienation for European plantations. dis- coffee Dembos rebellious the in served he years, boom coffee 79 Malanje, of west areas coffee the in born was who Neves, das des Men- Joaquim Manuel Cónego included church the in active were the time of the Kassanje revolt. Other major nationalist figures that at Malanje in active also was who Cardoso, Sebastião activist litical Culture, po- underground and dentist nurse, popular the of son the was and of Minister former a and Malanje, of governor then was Cardoso Cardoso. Boaventura with together revolt, Kassanje the of commemorations over presided and Administration, Territorial of the joining as well as Keswa, at Movement Liberation National the of cell clandestine a coordinated and ritual), and memory, music, th, (you-commissions church of range a on served 1959-1960), in dus « was also the birth place of Nito Alves, an Alves, Nito of place birth the also was which Piri, in Irmão) & (Anapaz Anapaz Eduardo and Jose of concession ha 48,000 massive its notably, and Dembos, of lands coffee plantation the in Piri Agostinho Neto, the the translating Keswa in Diogo Baltazar Job Reverend 10. Figure protest UPA . Reverend Diogo’s son, Bornito de Sousa, is now Minister now is Sousa, de Bornito son, Diogo’s Reverend . »/« coup » in1977(V MPLA Source: Source leader and Angola’s first president, also spent time in II Kings, Ecclesiasticies, Genesis, and Exo-and Genesis, Ecclesiasticies, Kings, ICENTE GCAH File 2190-3-3:2 : GCAH 2011; File2190-3-3:2 MPLA GGA 1944). fi repressed a of leader and gure 79 95 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 96 Aharon de Grassi iu stlr xrpito o ter ad (F land their of expropriation settler bious du- against peasants defending tirelessly worked (Kimamwenyu) expropriation in the coffee areas, and others such as Quimamuenho famed writer António de Assis Júnior penned a diatribe against land 80 Joaquim « Joaquim grandfather his of experiences the on drew example, for Neto, rio Rosá- concerns. immediate their as well as places, other with rity familia- and past the in experiences to relation in both protested people connections, Congo the to relation in above illustrated As independence. and rights equal for community international the and government colonial the on demands to exploitation labor and land of issues connected that protest nationalist explicitly of phy geogra-and history extensive larger a of part was region Malanje in exploited interior enclaves, the political mobilization in the larger politan coastal creole elite, with separate parochial peasant protests the region (Marcum 1969). around circulating ideas activities Watchtower/Kitawala Witness Jehova’s and Kasonzola Kimbanguist, Garveyist, syncretic related A 2008; 82 81 at theSeminaryinLuanda(K studied had Neto Rosário that Andrade de Pinto Father under was fichurch and It Andrade. de Pinto Joaquim Father including gures, and was in contact with Diogo and a wide range of other nationalist Angola’s Independence Day. Independence Angola’s as appointed 15th August with railway, the of bombings threatened thern Angola since 1917 at least, which included various attacks and « broader a as of wrote part Kanguya Garvey). Marcus by Jamaica for described (as independence Angolan for 1927 in Nations of League the petition See also the seminarians between Keswa and Cacuso later arrested, in «Infor-in arrested, later Cacuso and Keswa between seminarians the also See On Black Moses in Quela (Kela) in 1924, in see Santos, cited by Pélissier (1978).Moses Black On e Mru (99 4) wo as ads ws lo nw a « as known also was Cardoso says who 47), (1969: Marcum See mação 691»,April1,1961( //11) ad At d dcaaõs e aul eac d Bç Teixeira Beça de Velasco prestadas em PungoAndongosobreoMovimento Nativista»,1917 ( Manuel de declarações de «Auto and 2/2/51/12), « organized also uncle) or father (Rosário’s son Kanguya’s that reports Marcum que dá conta da situação actual do cabecilha da revolta João Caiangue» ( Caiangue» João revolta da cabecilha do carta actual situação da uma conta dá que transcrevendo 6-Abril-1918 de Dondo do militar comandante ao So, rather than view nationalist politics as restricted to a cosmo-a to restricted as politics nationalist view than rather So, Baha » protests and secret cells in the 1950s. See «Nota ao Quartel-General ao «Nota See 1950s. the in cells secret and protests » SSIS Kanguya J ÚNIOR 1917). And in the 1920s and 1930s, there were were there 1930s, and 1920s the in And 1917). Nativist Movement Nativist » Filipe Cardoso, who was jailed for trying to trying for jailed was who Cardoso, Filipe » AHU 82 ). Likewise, Marcum (1969: 47) notes « 81 AMABAYA Earlier, in the 1910s and 1920s, the 1920s, and 1910s the in Earlier, 2003,2007). » throughout parts of nor-of parts throughout » ERREIRA 80 99 C 1989; Canguia AHM ORRADO ). AHM ». a Milando and Ginga posts of renewed religious « religious renewed of posts Ginga and Milando Aluma, Tembo around reports were there revolt, 1961 the to prior come to liberate the African from European oppression would Negroes American message, its to According countryside. then spread across the administrative posts of Malanje. larly through increasing the numbers of the several hundred cipaios mix of increasing administrative surveillance and policing, particu- tes whi- from themselves liberate to war wage to means have would indigenous the that so money and gunpowder arms, bring and go «savior a of expectation in livestock white of killing with revolt, the underpinning that to similar tion there werestillfurtherreportsofKasonzolainMalanje. movement known as Moïse Noir 86 85 84 eeomn shms n poet (uh s wtr e water, as, C (e.g. training,health,etc) housing, (such projects and schemes development unenforced often and (weak laws labor and corporate ritableorganizations, thecommissioninformaof the key and contentious areas, either directlythere were oralso token throughefforts at providing social measures in some of 83 between arcs simply not were links The activism. and migration, commerce, labor, contract churches, through — relations of sorts different through Luanda and Malanje of regions the connecting and statecorporateagents. expansion of contested negotiations between different social groups privately a run enclave, instead the revolt grew out of broader to and longer-term state the by delegation purported a in prices pping rather than view the Kassanje revolt as spastic reaction against dro- See Martins, M. (1961) «Apontamento 14: Os Incidentes da Baixa de Cassan-de Baixa da Incidentes Os 14: «Apontamento (1961) M. Martins, See See fn 55, and 55, fn See Arcaute and Asúa (1961: 49) mention reports around northern Malanje of a of Malanje northern around reports mention 49) (1961: Asúa and Arcaute See Neto, J. (1960) «Algumas considerações acerca da Zona Algodoeira da Algodoeira Zona da acerca considerações «Algumas (1960) J. Neto, See The Portuguese colonial regime responded to such unrest with a with unrest such to responded regime colonial Portuguese The commission was orderedinSeptember1, 1960,inOficio 15/60. Quela, de Delegação Cassange», do Baixa «Casonsola Mission». ge», January 30, p. 14, Contingente de6.ªCompanhia», andsimilarthroughtothe1950s. nhia Indígena de Caçadores»; Rodrigues, J. (1937) «Instrução de Recrutas do Companhia Indígena de Infantaria – Malanje»; Vieira, A. (1939) «6.ª Compa- n u, hr wr mlil, vrapn ntok o people of networks overlapping multiple, were there sum, In ». 83 And again, in June 1960, the time of Congo’s Independence, AHM reports: da Silva, Major José Inácio (1915) «Inspecção 9.ª «Inspecção (1915) Inácio José Major Silva, da reports: AHU . On Kasonzola more generally, see Pélissier (1978). [Black Moses] who would descend the Cuan- the descend would who UNHA JEA , November 29. The cotton price cotton The 29. November , 1953; spread through the CRCCAU Kasonzola on cotton prices, prices, cotton on church or cha- 1961). ) and social social and ) 85 84 ». Six years However, ducation/ » agita-» 86 So, 97 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 98 Aharon de Grassi 88 88 1957. since Province Malanje in risen had prices food larly particu- and living of costs and 1959, in 15% rose rate tax head the crops, destroy rains heavy seen had year prior The Malanje. in ces circumstan- of conjuncture particular the to relation in understood be also should revolt the of timing precise the Luanda, and Congo which havealreadybeenmentioned. of some itself, region Kassanje de Baixa the and Malanje in tions nections to Luanda and Congo, but major socio-spatial transforma- con- with crossroads, a as role Malanje’s simply not was however, key, also was What emerged. revolt 1961 the that relations of layers these through is it and protests, and transformations connections, of histories sedimented own their carried places These sites. other plantations, mines, villages, projects, factories, homes, towns, churches, stores, and small of dozens involved but cities, main two the ge and soil conservation and erosion works. erosion and conservation soil and ge draina- lowland in investments heavy and villages, peoples’ from distant farms of concentration problems, weed and pest increased including production, cotton intensive diffi with mounting culties to due cotton growing people of numbers declining saw 1950s late 87 food production in the area. In response, and contradicting notions inadequate of problems also and nature, lazy and primitive tives’ na- to due labor of lack the about years for complained had reports On the impact of the rains on production, see figures in Figure 1. Price indexes A pest Disinfestation Program approved by the Governor General planned to planned General Governor the by approved Program Disinfestation pest A da culturaalgodoeira naBaixadeCassange» July12,Lisbon,16pp.). desinsectisação de programa um de «Esboço 1960 Relatório Cotonang gado, Dele- (Administrador 1963 by ha 31,000 to increasing 1961, in ha 7,000 treat G 90 D 1960; and pests such as lygus, diparopsis, heliothis, jassids, and dysdercus (N dysdercus and jassids, heliothis, diparopsis, lygus, as such pests and Banco deAngolaonthetax. 1960, Cotonang, and Cotonang, 1960, In addition to the important roles of connections through to the to through connections of roles important the to addition In 5. TransformationsinMalanjeandKassanje se of the increase was. On poor rain, see Cotonang (1961) Cotonang see rain, poor On was. increase the of se are in the Banco de Angola reports for Malanje, it is not yet clear what the cau- In particular, the weed the particular, In OUVEIA ; S ; IAS ALAZAR DOS S 1968: vol. 1, pp. 30-31, 2; vol. 2 p. 10; M 10; p. 2 vol. 2; 30-31, pp. 1, vol. 1968: ANTOS Angola Norte Angola 90 8 C 8; 1960: imperata cylindrica imperata 6 June 1960 and 24 December 1960. See 1960. December 24 and 1960 June 6 OTONANG , known locally as senu or seno, or senu as locally known , 90, 90; G 1960b; 1960a, 88 State and Cotonang and State Relatório e Contase Relatório AC D EORGES ONALD 2004). 87 1960; The UNES had produced and sold, where, when, and with how much seed. much how with and when, where, sold, and produced had tive authorities tive the cotton zones» was «too intense intervention by the administra- « employees: Cotonang just than rather agents state local blaming in Angola of the state Cotton Export Board could not have been clearer in Director the revolt, the after shortly written report stinging a In 89 when there was conflict. The work rhythm was spelled out in detail. crop production, but in practice there were several issues and times food and calendar production cotton forced conflthe between icts concentration. fiof issue the by powerfully illustrated insidious, settlement and eld vention in the cotton concession areas was prevalent, intensive, and enclave and economic protest against only poor prices — state inter- company private a to delegation emphasizing in wrong it got above JEA (C elsewhere work seek to leaving from Angolans many prevented illegally also but asures me- these enforce helped only not and levels production cotton on based bonuses received administrators state local Moreover, flding. to susceptible oo- also but fertile were that soils dark heavy the work to forced and monitored be could they where areas in lowland farmers of thousands of tens concentrate to 1950s) late the by with Cotonang employees (there were roughly 400 Cotonang agents ton Export Board (Junta de Exportação de Algodão) worked closely offiCot-state the projects, from these cials in enclave, private a of 90 red cotton passbook («passbook cotton red green-colo-special a through cultivation of proof show to required the cause that contributes most to the poor condition of people in people of condition poor the to most contributes that cause the SeePortaria 6919 of1949. 1960, Cotonang, and Cotonang, 1960, Colonial administrators were rhetorically attentive to potential to attentive rhetorically were administrators Colonial Banco deAngola onthetax. 1960: 4).1960: 89 Under a 1949 law, everyone in the cotton zone was was zone cotton the in everyone law, 1949 a Under » (D » IAS Angola Norte Angola caderneta DOS OTONANG S ANTOS 6 June 1960 and 24 December 1960. See 1960. December 24 and 1960 June 6 90; D 1960b; »), which showed how much they much how showed which »), 1961:4). The scholars mentioned scholars The IAS DOS S ANTOS 91 13; 1961: 90 99 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 100 Aharon de Grassi 91 and harvesting would be done in the lean season long harvesting. food for time from detract could which February, and January in tial conflict had to do with the strict state-appointed time for sowing 93 92 of proportion in earned significant cotton sales in July a and August on taxes. spend to also and labor, heavy perform to required are farmers context, that In yield. to yet have October and September in planted crops the but exhausted, been have reserves food stored the which in season, hungry major fipreparing of the bor of end the at precisely falls December in elds April. Cotton was cultivated from December to May. The diffito January cult male la-late from one and December to September late See also JoãoinFreudenthal(2012:18),andfn103.Vunje See (1958) «Cultura do algodão no distrito de Malange», Legislationset tax collection for the start of Ja October 22,1941,thoughother earlyorlaterlegislationmayalsostatethis). 89 TOTAL: There are two rainy seasons for growing crops, one from roughly 1 2 4 11 11 4 6 Pullingupand burning Thirdmarketsales 8 Mid October Secondmarketsales SecondHarvest Thirdharvest Early October FirstMarketSales 3 8 8Early September FirstHarvest 3 6 Days Late August Constructionofdryingracks Late July Early July Third weeding Mid June Secondweeding Early June 15 First weeding 1 Late March Re-sowing Late February Late January Activity Sowing PreparationofLand Mid-January Start ofJanuary SeedDistribution Mid December Early December Date 5. Figure 11.Cottonproductionandmarketingcalendar 93 At the end of the cotton season, some cotton weeding weeding cotton some season, cotton the of end the At Source : DiasdosSantos(1960:8) nuary(see, e.g., Portaria of 3817 91 Angola Norte 92 Another poten- after important the money money the , March se, low production, and fland (N production, labor low eeing se, disea- fertility, soil pests, increasing namely 1933-1943, years sive inten- preceding the of problems accumulating the address to sary neces- deemed all sales, and workers, production, over control and cotton. celed into reserves based on presumed optimal aptitude for growing in 21 different « different 21 in Baixa, some 31,000 people, were farming at 400 « 400 at farming were people, 31,000 some Baixa, nistrative control. admi- and construction road taxation, with conjunction in tration, concen- village state-directed namely Angola, of much throughout occurring were that processes a of manifestation clear a as rather plots in the Baixa de Kassanje should be seen not as exceptional but relocation ofvillagestoconcentratedcottonplots. of designated cotton plots, distances from villages to such plots, and ral conflicts between food and cotton production were spatial issues and cabbage, sweet potatoes, but not yam squash, and cassava). Closely related to tempo- tomatoes, beans, peanuts, maize, as (such harvested fi been the had from season food growing short-cycle rst 96 95 with changingmovementsofpeople,goods,moneyandideas. together occurred settlement and production in changes such gion, re- the across boomed economy agro-industrial cotton commercial ocnrto accordingly.concentration Board the followobliged was Cotonang andgrowing, thin the overall concession zone were suitable and crops.Thestate Cotton Export Board would delimit ted as a solution to scarcity and fleeing of labor, moting concentration, which together with crop-rota created in 1938. A 1946 law tasked the Cotton Expor colonialE state’sCottontheductionincreased and 94 Decreto 35844 of 1946, Art.3; See also Isaacman ( The total land reserved in such concentrations was 60,000 ha. See Cotonang See ha. 60,000 was concentrations such in reserved land total The amr hd lo o ruul cry otn od t te e mres who- markets set the to loads cotton carry arduously to also had Farmers «Produção algodoeira indígena», for roads the fi along cotton lowland to close than rather convenience Cotonang’s apparently [1953] (see elds agents, state by established was location se 1960; Gouveia(1956). the in Cotonang for cotton growing people the of most 1960, By cotton of concentration the above, 4.3 section in mentioned As Concentration in the Baixa in particular had been p 94 Concentration was said to facilitate technical productivity, sectors » of the Baixa, with each sector’s lands par-lands sector’s each with Baixa, the of » 96 fot t cnetae rdcin on production concentrate to Efforts BGU 332:137). EVES 1996: 133-134). 1954: 12-15).1954: as well as lack of food allowed for cotton t Board with pro- concentrations xport Board wasBoard xport tion was promo- whichareas wi- ursued as pro- in promotingin 95 As the As » 101 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 102 Aharon de Grassi ul a tmoay napet i te otn concen cotton the in encampments temporary as built by the President of Angola’s Provincial Nutrition C Nutrition Provincial Angola’s of President the by for cultivation creates a modus vivendi on the part the on vivendi a modus creates cultivation for ee n vdn dcie Se S (See decline evident in were requiring revolters to « to revolters requiring o aspects domestic specifi cally these of importance cook «[do] en temporary such in labor of division space gendered ged cramped irritating the avoid consequently and h kthn aohr os, r outside or house, another kitchen, the on ta « that found tions that results in a low nutritional level nutritional low a in results that tions list psychologyofbantupeople food scarcity in cotton zones as due to « dismissed Minister Colonial the offi legislation, published cial the to susceptibility and labor, weeding and could exacerbate them by increasing traveling times, land clearance crop production would not resolve nutritional problems, and in fact p prejudice from administrators addressing how concentration to enforce food-Colonial employees. Cotonang and state of help the with agronomist state a by mid-1954 in done was survey 65). 97 int and health children’s their ensure to as so tas chi their trees, milolo beneath planted or ha treated, they where homes their from uprooted were people and meaningful simultaneously was dislocation Such designated near people of propose concentration ongoing the instead but areas, cotton distant signating o problem the criticize not did report the However, ae reac o te eot (D revolt the of grievance mate proxi-important an was which flresentment, be caused ter ooded « appropriate Decreto 35844 of 1946, §9c. A fairly exhaustive household nutrition survey acro survey nutrition household exhaustive fairly A Spatial restructuring that forced planting in areas that would la- would that areas in planting forced that restructuring Spatial Reported instructions during the revolt spoke to th to spoke revolt the during instructions Reported » (P » not have utensils and items in the bedroom but rath but bedroom the in items and utensils have not ALMA h sprto bten h vlae ad h fi the elds and villages the between separation The » soils were further bolstered after an extensive s extensive an afterbolstered further were soils » op. cit op. .; Informação 216). 216). Informação .; be done with the grass houses grass the with done be ». ALAZAR IAS 97 DOS the naturally lazy and fata- 1968, vol. 1: 153; vol. 2: 2: vol. 153; 1: vol. 1968, S , n « and », flin example, For ooding. ANTOS » (N » 1961: 5-6). It was was It 5-6). 1961: only women can can women only UNES elligence, which which elligence, ommission had had ommission ldren’s placen- ldren’s of the popula-the of f the state de- state the f cotton plots. plots. cotton f grievances, grievances, f d increasing increasing d 1960: 399). 399). 1960: campments: campments: » of the sort sort the of » ss the Baixa Baixa the ss material, as as material, n chan- and e political political e d ritually ritually d revented revented trations, trations, er in in er oils various new deseeding machines and a massive new 18 new a and massive machines deseeding new various forced producers to do two or three plantings each each plantings three or two do to producers forced rev the after A report 43%). (dropping in Kambo was Norte mo), but this was rejected by the Malanje Governor Governor Malanje the by rejected was this but mo), Kwango, Aluma, (Tembo dropped be zones certain that aptitude for cotton by the 1954 soil survey (G survey soil 1954 the by cotton for aptitude TOS The cottoncroplossestoflooding notaflwere uke ofnature. tion, there was a public-private production of vulnerability to rains. — rather, because of spatial restructuring of settlement and cultiva-revolt the prompting alone rains heavy as simple as not distinctly 99 enforcement and concentration (See C (See concentration and enforcement cul stop to tu in fl Kambo Cotonang and/or and government the in with ee, farmers of hundreds prompted — a January dry a after (planted lowlands fl in ooding sim — had after that in lowlands cultivation forced cotton seed oil factory opened in late 1957 in Mala in 1957 late in opened factory oil seed cotton he the recoup to desired was production high tinued Contas) there were the fi the were there incidents rst la fl1960 by «and ooding, designated assistance receive not did farmers afte in production drop largest The years. two next of vulnerabi cost at the but in 1958, high all-time in fl pro boost production helped lowlands ood-prone 98 phasized in 1958-60 (C 1958-60 in phasized landthe to tion etd n ery 000 a f ad cto ad food and (cotton « land of ha 30,000 nearly on mented tas utmost attention utmost Stabilization There major different zones are between Chromic L Neto, J. (1961)Neto,J.«Apontamento Considerações41: sob The heavy rains in 1960 marked the return of a grie of return the marked 1960 in rains heavy The Haplic Arenosols (ARf and ARo). Baixa de Cassange», March 14, p. 40 ( 1961: 5). These areas of sandy soils were also giv also were soils sandy of areas These 5). 1961: ). hs maue t cnrl rso ad ocnrt c concentrate and erosion control to measures These , November 30, 1957). Soil conservation works were were works conservation Soil 1957). 30, November , . The Cotton Export Board had actually proposed in in proposed actually had Board Export Cotton The . , ad ooag n 97 ws h « the was 1957, in Cotonang said », » — in tight collaboration with the state — was em- — was state the with collaboration » — tight in », and again soil conservation works and « and works conservation soil again and », it was on the margins of the Lui River, which which River, Lui the of margins the on was it OTONANG [of the revolt]». the [of (various years) years) (various AHU ). OTONANG uvisols (LVx) and Ferralic and re a culturaaalgodoeira re da OUVEIA 99 1956, 1956, lity to rains in the to rains lity Relatório e Con- e Relatório nje (See (See nje ilar March 1956 1956 March ilar r the 1960 rains rains r 1960 the 1956). (D olt noted that that noted olt object of our our of object nd February) February) nd en the lowest lowest the en w during the the during w rn tightening tightening rn duction to an duction year, where where year, vance about about vance avy costs of of costs avy Relatório e Relatório IAS ,000-conto ,000-conto and Lure- and ) in 1957. 1957. in ) DOS tivation tivation Angola Angola 98 imple- Con- otton otton S 1948 1948 fixa- AN - 103 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 104 Aharon de Grassi shots fishots ground.the on drawn cross a and red, water were put on people’s heads, then a token payment made, gun of drops which in pledge baptismal of sort a through secured tedly repor- was revolt the to adhesion that way the in evident was gion, 100 The mixing of material and meaningful, of land, water, and reli- and water, land, of meaningful, and material of mixing The itneo ilg ofied(m) % of 147 Villages Distance ofvillagetofield (kms) 03 1 1% 15% 8% 1% 76% 0% 18% 40-50 18% 1% 30-40 4-10 27% 2% 3-4 20-30 16% 2-3 10-20 16% 1-2 <1 Antonio Bernardo Cabrita, Report, January 30, 1961 Figure 13.Surveyofvillage-field distance1958-1959 Source (25km) Figure 12.1926cottonginzones(25km) : (a)Nunes(1960:296)(b)DiasdosSantos(1961:8) Source : Boletim Oficial , misc. , p. 2 ( 100 As the pledge holypledge the As a % of 475 Villages AHU ). b 101 duous than offithan duous calculations.cial ar- more much work the make could imperata weed rhizomatic the by infested areas and/or lowlands heavy on work to forced Being fi preparing elds. were men when 1960 proximate December that and grievances concentrations) new the in imperata weeding on time increasing spent women as produced hunger long-term about grievances structural of combination a thus was There grievances. schedule of source planting another weeding, for strict demands labor heavy entailed the also and areas cultivation cotton wland state troopsandreprisals. impede to order in pontoons and bridges of destruction planning year last had water that river the use to try would they well, so knew they that gola An- across spreading rivers the like heads their over dripped water survey of theof survey Baixa mentions imperata 34 times. Imperata insoil (1956) Gouveia’s records. historical the in imperata to tentive at-more be to me prompted and — «senu» as Kimbundu in locally known — imperata fiof understanding closer a me give helped elds tion research in which I farmed and conversed with farmers in their As a rhizome,aAs thesharp imperata re-grows anyr if Source areasoftheBaixa Figure15.TransportingCotonang concentration,1954 workattheCanzelcotton Figure 14.Erosiondefense n diin o ucpiiiy o oig te einto o lo- of designation fl the to ooding, susceptibility to addition In vol. 2: 10). quiring prolonged fallowing to reduce its prevalencits reduce tofallowingprolonged quiring ovi 15:19 : Gouveia(1956:199) fl ooded their fi elds to their advantage this time, flthis fiadvantage their their ooded to elds 101 Conducting participant observa-participant Conducting Equipmentthroughflooded Source : Salazar(1968:vol.2,155) ootmaterial leftisover, re- e. See also Salazar (1968,Salazar also See e. creased 105 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 106 Aharon de Grassi increased the susceptibility to flooding of early p any still unharvested cotton — it was such a strict calendar that also to damage prevent to as so calendars planting established state to nocroppedfiadherence strict requiredburnings alsosuch and elds, of cotton plant stalks in order to reduce pest accu annualburningsrequired Administrators growth. imperata mulate fibecause residues plant cotton of burning annual requiring sti-res by imperata spread helped have may administrators Cotonang and 103 (S Maria) of incantations and water holy with conjunction (in bullets off ward help would that bracelets and the belts braid use to to imperata of were Kassanje de Baixa the in revolters NALD « that root mat. Illustrative of its importance, a known saying at time held perata shoots that will sprout from any small fragment of the weed’s im- the weeding of rounds in women by as well as mats, root dense the heavy labor by men in the initial preparation to clear the weed’s 102 102 ditions wereharmed. con- living and nutrition families’ own their that extent an such to taxes and quotas meet to work to family and wives their pushing or administration, colonial the by punishment emasculating and ting humilia- between caught were they since revolt, to men for sures pres- domestic in resulted have may production cotton obligatory silences « to attempt can we revolt, the in women and gender of roles the about explicitly little relatively say reports colonial the Although family. entire the of requirements production the for ble responsi- as household the of head male the put production cotton monitor to administrators colonial for order in Baixa the of bitants For example, the mandatory passbooks that were required for inha- and husbands their rule. indirect patriarchal of strategy a in households, of heads male through compel to attempted state the who ALAZAR The work of weeding cotton lands possibly fell largely to women, See also interview with Elisa Kapunga, recounted i For example, in 1936, all uprooting and burning was supposed to occur from occur to supposed was burning and uprooting all 1936, in example, For vol. 1: 119, 154). was alsowasreportedly usedroofforthatching braand 20-30 September. See Instruções 6, 2004). Seno land is cotton land cotton is land Seno ad e ta ti sse o ptirhl niet ue for rule indirect patriarchal of system this that see and » 1968:86). 102 It is hardly any coincidence that instructions for for instructions that coincidence any hardly is It 103 » (S » Ordem de Malange ALAZAR 1968, vol. 1: 32). Colonial 32). 1: vol. 1968, n Paredes (2015: 216). ideddishes(S lanted fields (M mulation in the mo- n9, October 28, 1935. tough stems stems tough listen to the to listen ALAZAR AC 1968, Senu D O - (P accomplished peace and reconciliation say will and him to same men in violent encounters: « wo- for roles emboldened an included prescriptions revolt quotas, tic and disrespecting. Relatedly, offending, and perhaps also threatening, pertaining to domes- as described are who revolters, by dience obe- of lack and assertiveness unusual the of, critical and by, aback shit « just actually was state Portuguese the proclaiming by thority au- such debasing chants and shouts proliferating included revolt otgee uhrt. hra a iiil diitao tyn to calm revolters referred to them patronizingly trying as « administrator initial an Whereas authority. Portuguese volters threatened administrators’ wives in Kunda dya Baze (M Baze dya Kunda in wives administrators’ threatened volters re- some as inverted also were authority discretionary of abuse or punishment as used were that functionaries African and nistrators 105 104 TINS ALMA This quote could perhaps also refer to encounters e lo e rvles eet hs itnty patria distinctly this reject revolters see also We Pereira, A. (1961) «Informação», Cotonang-Sector de confl icts over different labor contributions to obligatory cotton obligatory to contributions confllabor different over icts but it is listed amongst other measure referring to 2 ( , «Apontamento», » (» AHU Maniputo, tuge ia gingila ia tuge Maniputo, , op. citop. ). Also later spelled « Figure 16.Imperatalowlands,nearLuhandaRiver, .). between MilandoandKundadyaBaze 105 Moreover, the sexual assaults by colonial admi-colonial by assaults sexual the Moreover, op. cit Source Source: Mueneputo , p. 41. See also K If a man hits a woman, she will do the : Gouveia(1956:158) Gouveia (1956: 158) ). ». 104 Revolt reports seemed taken seemed reports Revolt with colonial administrators, domestic issues. ARAJE Cunda Ria Base, February my children 2006). rchal sort of of sort rchal », the bird AR » - 107 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 108 Aharon de Grassi 106 most of the Baixa de Kassanje. de Baixa the of most covered that areas post administrative 12 of consisting concession singular a as known subsequently was what into united were these to concessions that matched administrative districts. Then, by 1947, sions conces- were re-organized in fragmented 1940 from scattered multiple factory-radius zones The Kassanje. de Baixa the in ratus appa- administrative Portuguese the and Cotonang between ration From this early period onward, there was increasingly close collabo- foreign capture of economic opportunities (C opportunities economic of capture foreign versus national also and practices monopolistic unfavorable about concerns balance yet and investment, encourage to wanted state se Portugue- The labor. and production, quality, cotton of regulation declined during the 1930s, the state emphasized the need for closer ve). As Cotonang cotton production expanded whilst global markets areas in a maximum 25 km radius (later 60 km) (see Figure 12 abo- that allowed sparse ginning factories with rights to the surrounding legislation 1926 the from transformation a entailed rather but unit, concern, interventionandinfluence. enclave, reveals its opposite, namely vast and intensive state spatial private a to delegation state effective reveal than rather Kassanje, Angola. throughout decades for concentration of project spatial sta-te larger a of part been had which and personnel, state by ered engine- and concentration village on mandates state by produced directly vulnerability a artifirains, an heavy by to vulnerability cial caused loss year’s preceding the was cause proximate a while tion, taxa- and demands, census state season, plating the for demands all. The immediate material sparks to the revolt were weeding labor being forced to grow cotton, and almost never is price mentioned at repeatedly on exactions working was for the state, and paying emphasis taxes, and the reports, offi colonial in cial cited as views, own protestors’ the In repeated). mistakenly perhaps have publications been have some (as Cotonang by paid to prices in drop a by initially sparked less seems revolt the so And another. one to relation in and spatial restructuring, flooding, and imperata weeds — occurred The issues just described just issues The Similarly, Cotonang’s actual concession did not begin as a discrete The posts were Kwango and Luremo (in the Circunscr Brito Godins, and Tembo Aluma (in Kambo), Songo and — labor time confltime concentration labor icts, — 106 Cotonang consistently emphasi-consistently Cotonang ição of Kamaxilo), Kambo, LARENCE Kitapa (in Songo), Kela, -S MITH 1985). declining (see Figure 17 below). been had prices colonial and world real the since agents Cotonang by paid being not offi were these prices perhaps cial though ning, decli- been have to appear not do cotton for farmers to paid prices abusive concessionaire. Indeed the actual official nominal producer in production, rather than simply low or declining prices paid by an transformations spatial particular the and Kassanje, de Baixa in the company the with conjunction in state the of presence tensive for thestateinshapingandparticipatingCotonang’sactivities. and dozens of detailed pieces of legislation spelled out detailed roles Lui and Iongo (in Bongdo e Bangala), and Kwale and « its as to referred it what zed 108 107 in neighboringCongoandelsewhereAfricatheworld. Malanje and Luanda, and in the network of cotton business experts of cities the in facilities actual the in region, the in etc commerce, the shareholders that had direct interests in infrastructure, mining, in — presence international and regional a had Cotonang enclave, n te wrs hn te eot a aot h itne n ex- and intense the about was revolt the then, words other In Freudenthal (1999: 253) cites Marcum (1969: 124-126) as suggesting cotton suggesting as 124-126) (1969: Marcum cites 253) (1999: Freudenthal Ofnote isthat Ernesto Vilhena, through theBanco wouldnot claim more land than they were using for with expandingwithcotton revenues. Backward linkages f werereinvested inexpanding production andprocess Isaacman and Roberts (1995). formations in the cotton industry, see Beckert (201 in Ctnn rpre pyn n dividents through Cotonang reportedtion. no paying processingin capacity happened1940, afterinthe utilizationfullthe of wasissue 190-191). at Also differedagronomically (G farmers to switch to a new longer-fiber seed variet it,andhenceforce them shiptoheavier cotton and companycontrolled thede-seeder, itcould prevent transportland.Transportheavyunseededandofcot nation,competition, and capacity in the use/contro Bragança).de economicsthePartof concessi the of standardsby Porto industrialists prompted Cotonang e new enlarged with upgraded and machinery wereand adaptedCongo)Americananused variety, Triumph Bi being paid,andtheyrefused towork « statement supported un- (1962) LeMaster’s cites 126) (1969: Marcum revenues. declining far- mers’ in resulted that production in declines was it however declined, prices tonang, and Diamang. stakes and influential managerial positions in the Cotton prices had gone down; the workers weren’t workers the down; gone had prices Cotton EORGES 1960). Onregional andglobal historical trans- collaboration with the authorities the with collaboration 107 Moreover, rather than a confined ». Luanda-Malanje Railroad, Co- land, so that concessionairesthatsoland, y that was less productive and 4), Smith and Cothren (1999), lof the de-seeding factories, Burnay,held large fi nancial paymore( administrativere-organiza- rivalcompanies from using ons was alsowasaboutonscoordi- Forte Republica (in Duque theirfactories. Investment and ingfacilities. Angola (and ton was more costly. If a costly.moreIfwas ton rom new textilenewweavingrom 95 t es, s profi as least, at 1945ts g Boll.Cotonang’sg gins quipment purchased JEA in 1955-6 to force BGU 1934,n108: 108 », 109 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 110 Aharon de Grassi cause by law they received salary bonuses based on levels of cotton of levels on based bonuses salary received they law by cause be- means, various by did they which production, boost to centives 1993: 36). Angola, described as « as described Angola, of governor offilater military and commanding Kassanje the in cer Vaz, Rebocho what — practices illegal in complicity and ambiguity ignorance, deliberate agents’ state as well as collaboration private state- explicit both from arose that abuses the about rather but ne, alo-concessionaire private a as Cotonang by abuses about just not siding over markets, and so on. So, the revolt by cotton farmers was pre- and locating projects, conservation facilitating approving varieties, seed work, road for labor mobilizing calendars, cultivation setting mandatory areas, cultivable delimiting enforcing prices, cotton setting for acreages, responsible were authorities state ple, speak frequently about close collaboration with the state. For exam- — published and internal — reports Cotonang’s ways. social formal in- in and ways, legal formalized both encompassed level local the (Minimum andmaximumforquality Figure 17.Cottonpricetrends,1939-1960:Angolapurchaseprices ht a ky a that was key was What The close collaboration between the state and Cotonang agents at and WorldPrices(escudosindex) Source a great conspiracy of silenceof conspiracy great a : d’Eça(1961:5);Pitcher(1993: 289) state gns a proa fi in- personal nancial had agents index) I & II ), andPortugueseColonial » (R » EBOCHO V AZ fl uences the interest with which the authorities follow the march the follow authorities the which with flinterest the uences because of what happened next. The ways in which th which in ways The next. happened what of because becoming « better with qualifiareas, other on strains functionaries putting there, work to want to cations of numbers greater prompted bonuses benefiproductionit ts and operations, agricultural of for theState,butnowtheywouldnotdoit « and works, public for people In early January, 1961, villagers responded that they would not send Malanje Governor noted in 1935 for example that sta remuneration obtained in the area ofarea the in obtained remuneration Cotonang family provincial newspaper, and emphasized its paternal relations in « the with associations, commercial the with close was Cotonang je, Malan- of city the In areas. growing cotton the in administrators given the emphasis on national industries), but als high-level political relationships in Lisbon and Luanda (particularly cultivated intensely and actively Cotonang Informally, quirements. and to fulfill a number of social obligations and labor protection re- revolt. the quell to in called ders double their salaries) that they were criticized by military comman- effectively could (which bonuses cotton these on based — cars crui-sing and houses new ostentatious in evident — consumption sly production. 111 111 110 109 Kassanje. Understanding these connections is all th tial connections in order to re-interpret and expla working in the land of « of land the in working ooag a as rqie b lw o olbrt wt the with collaborate to law by required also was Cotonang In sum, this articlethissum,emphasizedhasInmultiplicity a Letter, Alberto M. Quadros, February 6, 1961, p. 2 (2 p. 1961, 6, February Quadros, M. Alberto Letter, Articles 3 and 6 of Diploma Legislativo 276 of 5 No vigilenceand propaganda efforts and trips inpromo would receive 0.01 Angolar, ostensibly to compensat Algodoeira da Baixa do Cassange», November 29, 1960 sier (1978: 408). MalanjetheinAgriculture Department monitoring th Postode Policia Civil would receive 0.04 Angolares kilogrameachunprocessedof cotton producedthe in mento 34», Neto,«Apontamento 41», AdministratorsCircunscriçõesChefesdeand wouldr so flagrant that it could collapse the whole system 109 op. cit So ostentatious were some state agents’ conspicuou- agents’ state some were ostentatious So » (F ., p. 24. ERREIRA white gold white op.cit 1948; G .,and «Algumas considerações acerca daZona for a long time they had come work come had they time long a for 110 » had long been recognized. The recognized. been long had » And the benefithe And agents state to ts EORGES [cotton] 1955, 1960). ». vember 1931). See also Pélis- ,and a technical functionary e these state agents’ for their 111 tingcotton production (see AHU ir jurisdiction,ir Chefesde eceiveAngolars0.02for e wholeMalanjee District , pp. 5-6 ( intendancy in the 1961 revolt in o with ground-level te agents’ « ); Martins, «Aponta-Martins, ); e more important of shiftingofspa- AHU » (26). The (26). » e colonial colonial e ). [...] greater [...]» the JEA in- 111 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 112 Aharon de Grassi experiences ofandplansforAngolawerelaidoutingreatdetail. spatial the that north, the in plantations coffee the on and Luanda, But, in particular, it was after the 1961 revolts in Kassanje, in urban Africa. across projects irrigation hydroelectric with experience ging linked through Brazil to classic French theories, as well as the emer- some thinking, of currents various on drew turn in which planning development regional colonial Angolan on partly draw projects ry regional development plans (cf. P (cf. plans development regional often drew on comparisons with the late colonial era conditions and which Strategy, Development Term Long 2025 multi-volume sive mas-a in outlined were infrastructure of reconstruction post-2002 Angola’s for plans the of Many reconstruction. contemporary ped sha- turn in have that programs development spatial late-colonial subsequent the understanding to important also is revolt Kassanje approaches mately, alsonowpost-2002nationalreconstruction. sures would partly shape the post-independence projects, and, ulti- mea- counter-insurgency as development regional and frastructure in-mechanization, farm with responded settlers and government 112 tly became Angola’s Provincial Secretary for Finance and proceeded in the office of Angola’s top army commander. Marques subsequen-working then Marques, Walter planner and economist Portuguese compiled in 1962 in a significant two-volume study by the influential nesadn te xesv cnetos ht ae ie o the to rise gave that connections extensive the Understanding reconstruction contemporary of roots Some 6. einl cnmc eeomn ivnois n pas were plans and inventories development economic Regional Explicit post-World War II theorizations of « of theorizations II War post-World Explicit perspectives withParis. Thisapproach wouldarrive colonial in also drew on Perroux. culatedand revived in Angola after independence vi tion schemes in relation to Africa more broadly. Su culationatthat time, including 1961a study, « guesefamiliarity Frenchwiththeanalyses throand emphasizetomingFrance’s eightmetropolitan regio periodthere1940s1950sinandwith fi nancing thro notablyin France by the economist François Perroux »,which also situated Angola’s emerging hydro-elec OWER 2012). These contempora-These 2012). Angola:Development poles and growth poles growth ch models would also be recir- Angolaboththrough Portu- aBrazilian experiences that ugh theirughinternational cir- ugh the Marshalltheugh Plan,ai- during the reconstruction ns to balancegrowthoutto ns » was done most done was » tricandirriga- 112 guiding document, « document, guiding as one key plank « plank key one as directly influenced by British and French colonial experience — had n S and programregionalof development counter-insurgefor by smalllocalmobileunits. primarily implemented approach multi-pronged a around geared was that strategy counter-insurgency broader a executing of parts ges in Angolan development. The study and its approaches were key fashion his study inventoried the plans for regional poles and linka- 113 113 nistrative districts(seeFigure18). admi- smaller numerous more and posts, of numbers increased gh signifiwas country the throughout presence throu-increased cantly Administrative improvements. infrastructure local (4) and bandry, assistance, (3) economic development in agriculture and cattle hus- sanitary (2) education, (1) dimensions: four emphasized plank cial so- the propaganda, and culture involving action psycho-social to to push through funding for the planned projects. 116 116 115 114 cialist government’splans,bedeliberatelytargetedby nial counter-insurgency would influence the post-independence so-late-colo- of part as out laid construction infrastructure and ment, develop- social regional poles, development the Altogether, them. ties and to the small mobile local army units tasked with facilitating Development poles were part of a broader colonial state spatial state colonial broader a of part were poles Development Road construction and logistics would be critical to these activi- these to critical be would logistics and construction Road Thekeypoints, according Cann’sto (1997) account TemboAluma and Kambo were swiftly reorganized admi Perroux’sstudent,Jaques Boudeville, Brazlivedin based in particular areas, and having small mobile 1974-1979. These were termed «Planos de Fomento».colonialdevelopment plans, comprising 1953-1958, 1 ters of planning and financing were actually drawn theconcentrations in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo theseideasitspoliciesin the1960sinorder in t strengthenedpole thinking inBrazil, geographer,and Frenchthe gover A Gerais. Minas in polesgrowth ria 12195 of April 18, 1962. andFrench training and experience byterritorial o (44).Socialdevelopmentfour.Theall ofpart was vilmilitary cooperation, intelligence coordination Portuguese came to emphasize after studying the iss Thestudy was published as Marques (1964), though s ANTOS 91 P 1961; social development social INTO The Army in Subversive War Subversive in Army The 99 S 1959; ANTOS 116 », as formally outlined in the in outlined formally as », 1960). o expando development beyond units. ,and small-unit operations up through a series of 5-year ue were « rganization,with companies nmentbegan toincorporate il and publishedstudyandon il a PortugueseBritishondrew (ratherapologetic), thatthe (S 959-1964,1968-1974, and ERRA 114 omeof the basic parame- ihl Rochefort, alsoMichel hs rga — program This nistratively.See Porta- 113 2003; B ». In a systematic minimum force, ci- ncy (SeencyP 115 UNITA In addition In UNKER during 1989). INTO » 113 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 114 Aharon de Grassi R (See 1966) to 1961 from district coffee northern Uíje rebellious the of administrator regional the being subsequently (and areas coffee northern and Kassanje de Baixa the in revolts 1961 the of pression re- the of commander to on-the-ground the being promoted after position was that who Vaz, Rebocho Camilo Coronel Lieutenant was 1966-1972 period key the for Angola of governor the that fact the by illustrated also is development economic regional post-1961 in thepost-waroil-boomeraofsub-contractedreconstruction. the war, and then serve as a base to be reconstructed and expanded Such spatial tendencies also found expression in the 2003 Private 2003 the in expression found also tendencies spatial Such each. million $75-97 around ranging 2010, in sixth a with 2007, in started were poles agro-industrial other four Kapanda, to addition in And, poles. tourism four with together started, been have poles were reworked they again. Since the when late 1990s, nearly a 2002, dozen industrial until war the during shelved effectively but ces, Brazilian with combination in example, for dam, hydro- electric Kapanda the for contract 1984 the with revived were that Sources EBOCHO h iprac o te vra bten iiay lnig and planning military between overlap the of importance The It was these sorts of explicitly spatial regional development efforts Figure 18.AdministrativeDivisionsandPosts,1917-1960 : V Anuário Estatístico AZ 1993). ; Anuário doImpérioColonialPortuguês ; Amorim(1917) influen- mean that the revolt did not have nationalist aspects, that it was it « that aspects, nationalist have not did revolt the that mean not does nationalism Angolan of forms later were what to conform ferment, ratherthanstrictdivisionsofspace andsocialgroups. more truly reflect the actual context at that time of connections and notions nationalist contradictory and complex the but nationalism, coherent or cleartotally single, a emerge not does andthensoon— and now. From therecords examined de — consciousness, connections, agency, contradict that also changes how we understand politics in and nationalist(andonlynotanti-colonial) aspects of tion and labor management. But it is also important to recognize the produc- with problems overcome to designed restructuring spatial coordinated state-private joint against revolted Kassanje de Baixa sketched above. brieflbeen have that y processes of sets complex and deeper much manageria (S inequality economic or of democracy, of corruption terms in projects infrastructure about rical geography goes beyond developmentalist immediate concerns histo- meaningful longer, this And projects. economic and tructure infras-of spread dense vast, a through it address to insurgency lar enclave development and motivated by the threat of growing popu- by concerned and of aware acutely were plans development actual as historically rooted only in oil, diamond or plantation enclaves, the res anddifferentlevelsofstatefinancing. different municipalities in to different types, with different structu- categorized also have administration territorial on regulations law, investment private the to addition In areas. under-developed and remote more of development and in investment for incentives give vided the country into three different investment zones designed to di- and sectors, economic seven prioritized which Law, Investment modern nationalism, and there were aspects of the revolt that were that revolt the of aspects were there and nationalism, modern re were direct links with what many people see as the main forms of only anti-colonial only Simply because some parts of the whole complex revolt did not did revolt complex whole the of parts some because Simply the around and in people how showed sections preceding The 7. Conclusion Thus, in contrast to portrayals of Angolan economic development » (See also C also (See » OOPER 2014). It was a mix, but the- but mix, a was It the revoltthebecause shared sense of sense shared of the countrysi- ions, capabilities ØREIDE sofar, there l efficiency, efficiency, l 2011), to 2011), 115 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 116 Aharon de Grassi held power, not the Portuguese. the not power, held reports that the revolters were asserting that their own government a a od il o a ig f h Bangalas). the of King a of title old an was mon identity. The com-new president would and be called Kulashingo symbology, (which government, capital, president, new a ding 117 loose translation in Kimbundu as people («people as Kimbundu in translation loose h ln (« land the 121 120 119 118 was to linked directly notions the to addition forms of the modern nation-state were invoked during the revolt (in much remainsoccludedandyettoberesearched. and contradictory, and partial sometimes was it coherent, entirely always not was revolt the consequently and revolt, the produce conjoined to that processes of variety the traced has analysis above new supra-ethnic entity in the form of an Angolan nation-state. The unequivocally clear about political demands for independence for a the revolters used the language of « of language the used revolters the known colonial reports on the revolt, it is hard to tell to what extent PSA was it if as exhibited, indigenous « January, of end the at Aluma Tembo town border the in people armed 600 of crowd fla amidst noted, report one As ags. and banners to reports colonial the in references vague also are re the- but PSA, of that largely been have to seems Portugal colonial from distinct symbolism national prominent Some down. cut was capital being at Kasule Kwenda. Kasule at being capital government headed by Kasavububu by headed government “Pessa”» («Informação 216», («Informação “Pessa”» or follow orders because they already had “their State”, which was ported to have said that he and his community « Nonetheless, from the colonial reports we can see that several key Since there are hardly any Kimbundu statements transcribed in transcribed statements Kimbundu any hardly are there Since «Informação 144», February6,1961( J. M.Pereira de Carvalho,Letter#543,February 27,1961( See Apontamento 14, J. M. Pereira de Carvalho, «Situação na Baixa de Cassange», Letter #250, Letter Cassange», de Baixa na «Situação Carvalho, de Pereira M. J. rações sôbreasituaçãoactual daregiãodoMilando». January 27,1951( near Luremo. Marcum, citing Neto (1966), Kulaxingo was captured in March with Mariano J. M. Pereira de Carvalho, Letter ». conflated or merged with the Congo, as in already having « 121 akwa’xi AHU ) (M ») op cit ). AIA , p. See Vicente’s report 16th of January «Conside- 94.ht os oe cos clearly across come does 1994).What op. cit op. #543, February 27, 1961 ( 120 118 a fla by edited calendar 1960 a ag, Sometimes, contradictorily, this contradictorily, Sometimes, The Portuguese flPortuguese The Marimba at ag AHU nation .). There was mention of a new a of mention was There .). [sic]». ). UPA » or «or » 119 muntu 117 and the and Soba Kivota was re- was Kivota Soba hr ae repeated are There wouldn’t pay taxes nação »), or people of people or »), AHU AHU », which has which », MPLA ). According to ). one of the of one ), inclu- ), their gola and Portugal would be separated forever (P forever separated be would Portugal and gola movement liberation the to adhesion and religion their « had it 1928, A protracted war, socialist restructuring, and leveraged liberalization. tures of geo-historical processes associated with settler colonialism, how conjunc- of out emerge projects reconstruction rural contemporary on research other for foundations conceptual and necessary empirical the of some lay helped thus has article This programs. counter-insurgency extensive of part as efforts development gional can actually account for the existence and character of post-1961 re- that narrative alternative an provided as well as extraction, wealth of enclaves isolated relatively over-emphasize that history Angolan so doing, the argument has disrupted conventional narratives about roads of nationalism rather than a reactionary economic enclave. In volt in Baixa de Kassanje and re-interpret it as a transforming cross- re-1961 the re-examine to approaches and evidence new of range a used has article This advocacy. international confrontational tively can help move beyond exclusionary identity politics and unproduc- ternational solidarity — an explicit focus on relational geo-histories zing, destructive and divisive, but also diaspora connections, and in- destabili- were that interventions military — connections spatial of ming Portuguesefirepower. overwhel-sheer by prevented one and one, unclear still a albeit if entity, own their were they that stating rather but old, to return for half the size of Portugal, who were not asking for reform, not asking about area large a across people, of thousands of tens population, ZAR « to Angolans of suffering the about concerned been ethnic identifications and distinct from the Portuguese. Maria « older beyond going identity non-local common new broad a having as Angolans, as themselves of thought revolters the that is though LBERTO Aluma (Olo eGinga). fantaria Joaquim Augusto Santos Alberto, do posto Sede Tembo References forms differing of mixes complex of history long Angola’s Given 1968). save the people of Angola of people the save JoaquimAugustoSantos become necessary that all Angolans initiate themselves in themselves initiate Angolans all that necessary become Relatório dos reconhecimentos feitos pelo tenente de in- de tenente pelo feitos reconhecimentos dos Relatório The revolt managed to mobilize a signifia of mobilize portion to cant managed revolt The ». 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Baixa doCassange Cameroon: The stakes and challenges of governance a 1966-2005», sões Geográficas edeInvestigaçõesColoniais. expansãoe descobrimento de tuguesas anda, EditorialNzila. tuguesas, política “tradicional” e religião na Baixa de Cassange de Baixa na religião e “tradicional” política tuguesas, Currey. 1938-1961 Mozambique, colonial in struggle ral HenryKam ― Alexander Catherine Maria (Luanda),29Feb. JUNTA Amandous Atlas de Portugal ultramarino e das grandes viagens por- AllenandR Allen Cotton is the mother of poverty: Peasants, work, and ru- and work, Peasants, poverty: of mother the is Cotton Mrmas ad Frkigr c äetr Angola i äventyr och Forskningar Land: Marimbans I . London,JamesCurrey. Os heróisdabaixadeKasanji . Mankon, Langaa Research & Publishing O renascimento da personalidade africana: História otn clnaim n sca hsoy n sub-Saharan in history social and colonialism Cotton, hclt ilns Cca saey ad ooil Africa colonial and slavery, Cocoa, islands: Chocolate lua cnieaõs cra a oa looia da Algodoeira Zona da acerca considerações Algumas Moisés A imagem da mulher na trilogia de Camaxilode trilogia na mulher da imagem A K. DAS in MISSÕES T. N. Fongchingong and J.B. Gemandze (eds.), Gemandze J.B. and Fongchingong N. T. OBERTS , DelegaçãodeQuela,November29. GEOGRÁFICAS Richard E DE . Luanda,EditorialNzila. INVESTIGAÇÕES . Lisbon, Junta das Mis-das Junta Lisbon, . CIG in-8 . Oxford, James Oxford, . , pp 185-198. Jornal de An- de Jornal Tome , nd develo- . Luanda, . , Lu- XXV . , . K “others”», our by Critiques history: as «Anthropology 1995, 1987, «The internal African frontier: The making of African po- African of making The frontier: African internal «The 1987, 1977, 1981, K 1960, 95 «h Sk o Suhetr Congo», Southwestern of Suku «The 1965, 1999, L L L 04 «oogas Iprt clnrc) Booy ecology, Biology, — cylindrica) (Imperata «Cogongrass 2004, 2001, Léopoldville: vers adultes hommes des massif «L’exode 1954, 1962, «I saw the horror in Angola», re-and Social growth: Angolan of economy political «The 2005, M 1991 [1978], 1991 L L 1965, INEBAUGH E EFEBVRE ARA AMAL YLE OPYTOFF ACDONALD M thropology Newsletter dian UniversityPress,pp.1-86. societies African traditional of reproduction litical culture», litical Peoples ofAfrica Mass.: AfricanStudiesAssociation. (Porto), n.º7,pp.247-276. fev. 1961 1962-05-12, pp.49-56. and management», and n.º 5,pp.367-380. tion the hiddenhistoryof revolutionaryAtlantic Les BasukuduTerritoriredeFeshi», 1957-1961», (Angola), Congo do Distrito no e gional structure», gional n. cholson-Smith. Oxford,Blackwell. go ASTER Steven Lúcio os . Tervuren,MuséeRoyaldel’AfriqueCentrale. P. 104-105,pp.269-293. . PhD Dissertation, Northwestern University, Evanst Speculations about the internal African frontier Aghem ethnogenesisandthegrassfields ecumene Basuku et Bayaka: Des Districts Kwango et Kwilu au Con- Henri Documentos e comentários para a história do MPLA: Até Até MPLA: do história a para comentários e Documentos Igor Themany-headed hydra: Sailors, slaves, commoners, Suku religion: A study in internallyinducedinreintestudy religion:Suku A E.Edwin PeterandR GregoryE. . Lisboa,PublicaçõesDomQuixote. The production of space of production The in , pp441-477. 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Agostinho Neto e a libertação de Angola, Angola, de libertação a e Neto Agostinho ÉLISSIER in PIDE Maria Eugénia Neto, Irene Neto and Neto Irene Neto, Eugénia Maria - DGS René(eds.) (Porto),n.º9,pp.159-189. , Volume, . Coimbra, Edição do Autor. . Princeton, Princeton Univer-Princeton Princeton, . I (1949-1960) . PhD Dissertation, PhD . . PhD Dissertation, PhD . History in Africa in History , 6November. a/4a/5a/7a . Luanda, . e Cassan- u Lunda Lunda u Études , 131 Artigos - Rethinking the 1961 Baixa de Kassanje revolt: Towards a relational Geo-History of Angola 132 Aharon de Grassi 2005, Z AU aed n Cno ognzd arvs e ao tran laços de através organizada e Congo no baseada an por caracterizada geral), em África da (e Angola contratados e pessoal administrativo, que se cruzar se que administrativo, pessoal e Luanda-Malanj contratados de subterrânea política rede enquanto no ocorreu revolta A Congo. recém-independente o e de e rurais, urbanas zonas entre ligações múltiplas nacionalistas explicitamente alguns – aspectos rios «revol chamada a enclave, num económico protesto um critica a ajuda artigo este Angola, em nacionalista Palavras-chave: soc mudança uma para eficazes caminhos portanto, e, e das trajectórias das precisa mais compreensão uma rel termos em Kassanje de Baixa da revolta a pensar agora também instância, última em e, independência p afectariam parte em contra-insurgência de medidas infra-estrutu agrícola, mecanização com responderam fo e as padrões Esses algodão. de a produção tagnar control o espacial, reestruturação a intensificado, d conjuntas tentativas enfrentavam que n mas descontentes principalmente, articulavam-se combinadas tas Resumo: Angola de cional Universitária Editora. Título: Aceite parapublicação: various Africancountries, andcontributestonewsmedia. ternational organizations, teaches at universities, conducts research in in- with works He 2015. in Berkeley at Geography in doctorate a and 2004, in Sussex of University the at Studies Development of Institute followed by a master’s degree also in International Development, at the 2000, in America, of States United Berkeley, California, of University the at Development International in degree bachelor’s his Completed Aharon deGrassi Recepção domanuscrito: Artigo solicitadoaoAutor Filipe Repensando a revolta da Baixa de Kassange de 1961: de Kassange de Baixa da revolta a Repensando aíio arcns u cue o história com clube um e africanos Marítimos Através de uma reinterpretação geográfica e relaci e geográfica reinterpretação uma de Através Angola, nacionalismo, rural, Geografia, algodão. Geografia, rural, nacionalismo, Angola, 25/04/2016 23/01/2016 e e os riscos para superar a resistência e es- e resistência a superar para riscos os e e Malanje e Luanda, bem como entre Angola Angola entre como bem e Luanda, Malanje rmas como o governo colonial e os colonos colonos e os colonial o governo como rmas r e ir além das interpretações comuns de de comuns interpretações das além ir e r – de uma mobilização forjada através de de através forjada mobilização uma de – am com a mobilização política provincial provincial política mobilização a com am acionais, geográficos e históricos permite permite históricos e geográficos acionais, tigas divisões socio-espaciais. Em vez de de vez Em socio-espaciais. divisões tigas conomias políticas angolana e africana africana e angolana políticas conomias rojectos de desenvolvimento rural pós- rural desenvolvimento de rojectos a reconstrução nacional pós-2002. Re- pós-2002. nacional reconstrução a cruzamento transformador de Malanje Malanje de transformador cruzamento ial progressiva. progressiva. ial e empresas estatais de usar o trabalho trabalho o usar de estatais empresas e fotiio. sa rds nacionalis- redes Essas sfronteiriços. ra e desenvolvimento regional como como regional desenvolvimento e ra ão exclusivamente, com camponeses camponeses com exclusivamente, ão e, envolvendo igrejas, trabalhadores trabalhadores igrejas, envolvendo e, ta do algodão» continha de facto vá- facto de continha algodão» do ta Rumo a uma geo-história rela- geo-história uma a Rumo onal do início da luta armada armada luta da início do onal Lisbon, . [e-mail: [email protected]] ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● ● Some ofhisimportantworksare: «(Mis)Understanding change in agro-environmental technology in technology agro-environmental in change «(Mis)Understanding Wiggins, Steven with (eds), Haddad Laurence and Devereux, Stephen Scoones, Ian with «Transport, poverty, and agrarian change in Africa: Models, mecha- power Representation, agriculture: African of futures «Envisioning Con-development: agricultural African and «“Neopatrimonialism” Scorecard: Contributor,FreeHunger Genetically modifi ed crops and sustainable poverty alleviation in alleviation poverty modifisustainable Genetically and crops ed Linking research and policy: The case of Ghana’s rice trade policy Provisional reconstructions: Infrastructure and agrarian configu- fia Catn ad euig h mt o populatio of myth the refuting and Charting Africa: Press, 2003,pp.473-505. Africa in technology and Science dernity: (eds), Kakoma I. and Zeleza T. in nreakdown», security optionspaper»;3]; thern Africa, Overseas Development Institute, 2004 [«Country food worlds? two country, au- primary thor), 2010; Walker (Jo International ActionAid Johannesburg: ahntn D) Itrainl od oiy eerh Institute, Research 2007 [«GhanaStrategySupportProgramBackgroundPaper»;10]; Policy Food International (DC), Washington graphy, UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley,2015; Angola Malanje, in ration Third WorldNetwork-Africa,2003; evidence current of assessment An Africa: Sub-Saharan tin agriculture», African for directions «New Issue: Special forward», ways new and nisms vol. 7,n.º2,2007,pp.79-98; time», constituted socially and Review concept», contested a of limitations and tributions pp. 52-57; , vol.36,n.º2,2005,pp.1-143; , vol.51,n.º3,2008,pp.107-133; Food security options in Mozambique: One Mozambique: in options security Food odn Frm o Fo Scrt i Sou- in Security Food for Forum London, , PhD Dissertation, Department of Geo-of Department Dissertation, PhD , Progress in Development Studies Development in Progress IDS Bulletin IDS Who’s really fireallyWho’s hungerghting . Trenton, Africa World World Africa Trenton, . , vol. 36, n.º 2, 2005, 2, n.º 36, vol. , n erh f mo- of search In African Studies African n-induced n-induced IDS Bulle- IDS . Accra, Accra, . , , , 133 Artigos - Cristianismo e distinção: uma análise comparativa da recepção da presença missionária entre os «Ovimbundu» e os ...