Visionen for Danmark GULD

Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst

RESUMÉ

Årstallene 1814 og 1864 har altid markeret sig som smertelige ar i 1800-tallets historie: Tabet af Norge på den ene side og afståelsen af Slesvig og Holsten på den anden side. Disse skelsættende amputeringer reducerede det danske riges status og jordbesiddelser fra dobbeltmonarki af betragtelig størrelse til en lilleputstat med en grænse, der gik syd for Kolding. Det yndige land, som Adam Oehlenschläger (1779-1850) beskrev i national sangen, blev stækket i størrelse og kraft efter 1814, og ud af denne stemning, der indfandt sig mellem årene 1814 og 1864, mobiliserede en landskabskunst sig med nye skildringer af det danske land. I billeder søgte kunstnerne at definere den særligt danske natur, som den kunne opleves i skovene, ved kysterne og arkitektoniske seværdigheder. Disse billeder, der blev til i den tidsånd, hvor samfundets magthavere og kulturelle elite havde behov for at definere en ny og forstærket national identitet, var imidlertid ofte politisk motiveret. Det viste sig nemlig, at ikke kun var kunstnerne venner med tidens førende politikere; politikerne bestilte også kunstværker hos dem og prægede herigennem deres motivvalg. “Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst” er fortællingen om tiden omkring 1840’erne til 1860’erne, hvor kunst og politik dannede parløb, og hvor kunstnerne lod sig forføre af tidens nationalliberale politikere, der talte for demokratiske styreformer.

KARINA LYKKE GRAND PH.D., ADJUNKT I KUNSTHISTORIE OG VISUEL KULTUR VED AARHUS UNIVERSITET

94 REJSEBILLEDER – TURIST I ARKADIEN? The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting

ABSTRACT

The years 1814 and 1864 have always stood out as painful scars in the history of the 1800s: the loss of Norway on the one hand and the cession of Schleswig and Holstein on the other. These epoch-making amputations reduced the status of the Kingdom of Denmark and its holdings from a Dual Monarchy of considerable size to a pocket state with a border which ran south of Kolding. The lovely country, which Adam Oehlenschläger (1779-1850) described in the national anthem, had its wings clipped in size and power after 1814, and out of this atmosphere, which was found between the years 1814 and 1864, a landscape painting mobilised with new depictions of the Danish countryside. The artists attempted to define the special Danish nature in pictures, which could be experienced in the forests, by the coasts and through architectonic landmarks. The pictures that were produced in this zeitgeist, where those in power and the cultural elite of society needed to define a new and reinforced national identity, were, however, often politically motivated. As it turned out, not only were the artists friends with the leading politicians of the time, but the politicians also commissioned artworks from them and through this influenced their choice of motifs. “The vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting” is the narrative of the time around the 1840s to the 1860s, where art and politics formed a partnership, and where the artists allowed themselves to be seduced by the National Liberal politicians of the time, who spoke of democratic forms of government.

KARINA LYKKE GRAND Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Art History and Visual Culture, Aarhus University

TRAVEL IMAGES – A TOURIST IN ARCADIA? 95 visionen for danmark: the vision for denmark: en politisk landskabskunst a political landscape painting

Betragtninger over det danske land(skab) Reflections on the Danish land(scape) Man sammenligner med rette vort Folks Character med vort Lands. One rightly compares the character of our people with the character Vi omgives af en Natur, hvori ingen af de store Kræfter fremtræde of our country. We are surrounded by a nature in which none of med nogen særdeles Overvægt… Men har det ikke himmelhøje the great powers stand out with any extraordinary predominance… Fjelde og mægtige Floder, saa bølger dets Overflade med yndige But if it does not have sky-high mountains and mighty rivers, it has Bakker, oplives af klare Søer, bekranses af løvrige Skove og beklæ- surfaces undulating with lovely hills, enlivened by clear lakes ringed des af det herligste grønt…Er dette ikke den venlige, rolige og dog by leafy forests and clad in the most magnificent green… Is this not virksomme ligevægts Character. the friendly, tranquil and yet actively balanced character. (H.C. Ørsted, 1843)1 (H.C. Ørsted, 1843)1

I årene forud for Det Danske Kongeriges opløsning af Rigsfælles- Prior to the Kingdom of Denmark’s dissolution of the union with skabet med Norge i 1814 vandrede historikeren og sprogforskeren Norway in 1814, the historian and linguist Christian Molbech Christian Molbech (1783-1853) rundt på Sjælland, Fyn og Jylland. (1783-1853) hiked around Zealand, Funen and Jutland. The Oplevelserne fra disse vandringer stod senere at læse i bøgerne experiences from these walking tours appeared later in the books Ungdomsvandringer i mit Fødeland, 1811/18152, der netop i lyset Ungdomsvandringer i mit Fødeland (Youthful Walks in my Native af afståelsen af Norge til Sverige fik uventet stor betydning. Fra Land), 1811/18152, which, precisely in light of the cession of Norway mange fronter opstod efterspørgsel på positiv fokusering på konge to Sweden, gained great unexpected significance. The demand rigets tilbageværende områder, Sjælland, Fyn og Jylland, og her for positive focusing on the remaining territories of the kingdom, var Molbech leveringsdygtig i karakteristikker af disse landskabers Zealand, Funen and Jutland, cropped up on many fronts, and here æstetiske egenarter. Hertugdømmerne Slesvig, Holsten og Lauen Molbech was well-positioned to make the aesthetic peculiarities borg og disse landskabers særpræg blev imidlertid forbigået i denne of the landscapes into characteristics. The duchies of Schleswig, forbindelse, til trods for at disse områder hørte med i den danske Holstein and Lauenborg, and their peculiar landscape characteris- helstat. I stedet koncentrerede Molbech sig om at beskrive det tics, however, were overlooked in this connection, despite these jyske landskab som sublimt, det fynske som pittoresk og det sjæl- areas belonging to the Danish United Monarchy. Instead Molbech landske landskab som skønt. Den forskelligartede beskrivelse af concentrated on describing the landscape of Jutland as sublime, det danske landskabs regionale særpræg blev flittigt læst i tiden og Funen as picturesque, and Zealand as beautiful. The diverse udbredt blandt daværende såvel som efterfølgende generationer af descriptions of the Danish landscape’s distinctive regional charac- kunstnere. teristics were frequently read at the time and widespread among Det der gør Molbechs opdelte forestilling yderst interessant i generations of artists then as well as those following after. vores sammenhæng er, at hans skrift på mange måder var typisk What makes Molbech’s categorised representation most for sin tid men også forud for sin tid, fordi det indeholdt overgangs- interesting in this context is that his writing was, in many ways, forestillinger mellem en patriotisk, enevældstro verdensopfattelse typical for its time but also ahead of its time, because it contained interim representations between a world view that was patriotic and loyal to autocracy and a national, middle class world view. In the latter, the emphasis on the regional and “native land” has meaning, in particular, as they were precisely two complex factors which were most definitely being negotiated in the decades that followed, and the meanings of which, moreover, were displaced. In Molbech’s time the United Monarchy was outwardly the dominant state ideology in the country with the absolute monarch king in the centre of power, where one devoted oneself to the king, his symbolism and flag as an identity-creating figure and sign of the United Monarchy. The feeling of identity in the United Monarchy was in many ways characterised by the cosmopolitan disposition of the Enlightenment, and therefore one did not cultivate the peculiar regional characteristics as a common denominator. But Molbech did just that, and he even emphasised that his hiking trips took place in the “native land”. In Molbech’s era, use of the phrase “native land” was, however, not charged with the characteristically marked national sentiment of later years, but was concerned rather with the community of the middle classes in the country one lived [ill. 1] C.W. Eckersberg, En Udflyttergård af Bondebyen Speitsby på Møen (An Outlying Farm in. The native land was, therefore, not necessarily the place one by the Peasant town of Speitsby on Møen), 1810. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 57,5 x 75 cm. Kunsthalle zu Kiel. was born. But Molbech thought about it a little differently. The new

96 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst [ill.2] J.Th. Lundbye, En gravhøj fra oldtiden ved Raklev på Refsnæs (Prehistoric Burial Mound at Raklev on Refsnæs), 1839. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 66,7 x 88,9 cm. Thorvaldsens Museum. og en national borgerlig verdensopfattelse.3 I sidstnævnte har især upcoming liberal politicians did the same in the years that followed, betoningen af det regionale og “fødelandet” betydning, for det except their outset was in other ideologies.4 From the 1830s and var netop to komplekse faktorer, der i den grad kom til at stå til onwards an inward commotion emerged in the political climate, forhandling i de følgende årtier, og hvis betydninger tilmed også and here the dismantling of autocracy was worked on as well forskød sig. På Molbechs tid var helstatspatriotismen udadtil lan- as greater power for the middle classes in the dawning National dets dominerende statsideologi med den enevældige konge i mag- Liberal circles. According to them, the native land was where one tens centrum, hvor man dyrkede kongen, hans symboler og flag felt at home among like-minded individuals and not least the place som helstatens identitetsskabende skikkelse og tegn. Helstatens where one was born. The artists thought about it in the same way. identitetsfølelse var på mange måder præget af oplysningstidens If we take a closer look at a number of landscape paintings from kosmopolitiske sindelag, og derfor dyrkede man heller ikke de the 1830s by the Golden Age artists, a shift seems to occur in many regionale særpræg som fællesnævner. Men det gjorde Molbech, of the paintings’ depictions of Denmark from the patriotic ideals og han betonede endda, at hans vandringer foregik i “fødelandet”. of a United Monarchy to a more native land-loving depiction of På Molbechs tid var brugen af ordet “fødelandet” imidlertid ikke the country’s significant past cultural heritage, characteristic land- belagt med senere tiders sindelagsprægede nationalfølelse, men scape views and folk culture, in line with the new sentiment of the handlede snarere om borgernes fællesskab i det land, man boede time. On the one hand, expressed via C.W. Eckersberg’s (1783- i. Fædrelandet var derfor ikke nødvendigvis det sted, man var født. 1853) early contemporary depictions of the diligent and productive Men Molbech tænkte det også lidt anderledes. Det samme gjorde anonymous peasant, loyally and dutifully cultivating the earth with de nye fremadstormende, liberale politikere i årene der fulgte blot his often limited livestock (ill. 1), and on the other hand, Lundbye’s ud fra helt andre ideologier.4 Fra 1830’erne og frem opstod der later depictions of the cultural heritage of the past in the landscape, indadtil røre i det politiske klima, og her arbejdedes der for afvik- in the form of barrows and burial mounds in memory of a remote ling af enevælden og for større magt til borgerskabet i de gryende ancient time worthy of conservation (ill. 2-3). In these landscapes nationalliberale kredse. Fædrelandet var ifølge dem det sted, hvor produced by Lundbye, the freedom-seeking citizen could enjoy the

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 97 man følte sig hjemme blandt ligesindede og ikke mindst det sted, hvor man var født. Kunstnerne tænkte det på samme måde. Ser vi nærmere på en række af guldalderkunstnernes landskabsmalerier fra 1830’erne, synes der i tråd med tidens nye sindelag at ske et skifte i mange maleriers afbildninger af Danmark fra patriotismens helstatsidealer til en mere fædrelandselskende skildring af landets prægnante fortidige kulturarv, særprægede landskabsudsigter og folkekultur. Eksempelvis på den ene side udtrykt via C.W. Eckersbergs (1783-1853) tidlige samtidsafledte skildringer af den flittige og produktive men anonymiserede bonde, der kongetro og pligtskyldigt dyrker jorden ved sit ofte beskedne hushold (ill. 1), og på den anden side Lundbyes senere skildringer af fortidens kulturarv i landskabet i form af gravhøje og stensætninger til minde om en bevaringsværdig fjern oldtid (ill. 2-3). I disse land- skaber udført af Lundbye kunne den frihedssøgende borger nyde udsigten til fortidens storhed i det nutidige landskab og hensætte sig til romantiske drømmerier om fædrelandet. Også Jørgen Roed stemte i med at skildre den frie, demokrati [ill. 3] J.Th. Lundbye, Refsnæs, Kystlandskab (Refsnæs, Coastal Landscape), November søgende borger i den fortidsbelagte natur; her i form af en rygvendt 1844. Vandfarve på papir / Watercolour on paper, 52 x 65 cm. Kobberstiksamlingen, Statens jæger der med blikket skuende mod det fjerne og lænende sig op Museum for Kunst. ad en stendysse er skildret i en stemningsskabende måneskins belysning (ill. 4).5 view of the greatness of the past in the present landscape and Molbechs betoning fra 1811 og 1815 af at det kun var det jyske place themself in romantic reveries of the native land. landskab, der var sublimt, blev således omfortolket af kunstnerne i Jørgen Roed also joined in by depicting the free, democracy- 1830’erne og lod sig nu drage frem i hele det danske landskab. Også seeking middle class citizen in a nature which had a layered past; æstetiske kvaliteter som det skønne og det pittoreske lod sig ifølge here in the form of a hunter with his back turned who, with his gaze kunstnerne genfinde i hele Danmark. På en og samme tid blev de surveying the distance and leaning against a dolmen, is depicted in æstetiske forskelle således ophævet fra deres regionale tilknytning, moonlight to create atmosphere (ill. 4).5 og samtidig hermed gik landskabskunsten ind i en mere fædrelands- Molbech’s emphasis from 1811 and 1815 that it was only the

[ill. 4] Jørgen Roed, Maaneskinsbillede. Jæger ved stendysse (Moonlight Picture. Hunter by a Dolmen), ca. 1835. Lavering på papir / Washing on paper, 14 x 17 cm. Kobberstiksamlingen, Statens Museum for Kunst.

98 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst [ill. 5] P.C. Skovgaard, Udsigt over Skarrit Sø (View over Lake Skarrit), 1844. Olie på finér / [ill. 6] J.Th. Lundbye, Den opgående sol over havet (The rising sun Oil on plywood, 37 x 64,9 cm. Sorø Kunstmuseum. over the sea), 1838. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 79 x 94 cm. Ribe Kunstmuseum. søgende og national retning. Den stemningsgivende solnedgang Jutlandish landscape which was sublime was thus reinterpreted eller solopgang – kendetegnende indtil 1830’erne (ill. 6) – veg nu by the artists in the 1830s and then used across the whole Danish tilbage for 1840’ernes motiver med sommerlig dagsbelysning og landscape. Also, aesthetic qualities according to the artists, such as grønne ranke bøgeskove (ill. 5). the beautiful and the picturesque, allowed themselves to be redis- Det nye danmarksbillede, der modnedes i 1840’erne med skildrin- covered in the whole of Denmark. At one and the same time, the ger af fædrelandet, kan dog ses som en betoning af det “skønne” aesthetic differences were raised in this way from their regional frem for det “sublime”, hvilket hænger sammen med, at det mere affiliation and, at the same time, the landscape art turned towards effektsøgende “sublime” landskab var blevet et kendetræk for den seeking a more native land and national direction. The atmospheric tyske romantiske billedkunst (ill. 7).6 – Og den ville kunstnerne ikke sunset or sunrise – characteristic until the 1830s (ill. 6) – now shrank læne sig for meget op ad. from 1840s motifs lit with summery daylight and green, upright beech forests (ill. 5). Liberale visioner The new pictures of Denmark that matured in the 1840s with Med de nye nationale vinde, der blæste ikke kun i Danmark men depictions of the native land can, however, be seen as an empha- mange steder i Europa, søgte en række af de politisk engagerede sising of “beauty” ahead of the “sublime”, which is closely related danske kunstnere at opdyrke en særegen billedkultur, der adskilte to the fact that the more effect-seeking “sublime” landscape had sig fra de tyske kunstneres. Selvom den danske natur antagelig become a recognised trait of German romantic painting (ill. 7).6 – havde store ligheder med det nordtyske landskab, blev eksempel- And that was something the artists did not really wish to be associ- vis fyrretræsskovene fravalgt som oplagt motiv til fordel for bøge- ated with too much. skovene. Bøgetræet blev endvidere tillagt en mere liberal symbolik end egetræet, der som symbol havde været forbundet med den Liberal visions enevældige konge i billedkunsten.7 Strategien var således dobbelt- With the new national winds that blew not only in Denmark but also rettet for kunstnerne: det handlede både om at definere det sær- in many places in Europe, a number of politically engaged Danish egent danske, og at dette “danske” skulle indeholde et national artists sought to cultivate a distinctive picture culture which sepa- rated it from that of the German artists. Even though the Danish nature presumably had a great deal in common with the landscape of northern Germany, the beech forests were chosen, for example, as a motif at the expense of the pine forests. Furthermore, the beech tree was given a more liberal symbolism than the oak tree, which as a symbol in visual arts had been associated with the autocratic king.7 The strategy flowed in two directions for the artists: it was concerned with both defining that which was particularly Danish, and that this “Danishness” should contain a national liberal potential. In this context, national liberal meant managing to get the map of Denmark to fit together better and, therefore, in the 1840s a number of artists sought out slightly remote areas of the country in relation to the autocratic state power in the capital; that is to say, north and south Zealand, central Jutland, north Jutland and Funen. Here they attempted to ascribe a common denominator to the nature of the country. The artists’ visual image of Denmark had – in words – become marked by a political agitation that Denmark should have a free [ill. 7] Caspar David Friedrich, Morgen (Morning), 1821. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 22 x 30,5 cm. Landesmuseum, Hannover. parliamentary constitution, and that the absolute monarchy should

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 99 liberalt potentiale. Nationalliberalt betød i denne sammenhæng be abolished. The words came from the national liberal political at få Danmarkskortet til at hænge bedre sammen, og i 1840’erne scene, which also aimed to evoke an image of a uniform character søgte en række kunstnere derfor mod lidt fjerne områder af landet and that Denmark was one people with one language, as well as i forhold til den enevældige statsmagt i hovedstaden; dvs. Nord- one landscape. In 1838, the leading political figure for the National og Sydsjælland, Midtjylland, Nordjylland og Fyn. Her søgte de at Liberals, Orla Lehmann (1810-1870), put forward the viewpoint in udlede fællesnævnere for landets natur. the following way: Kunstnernes visuelle danmarksbilleder var – i ord – blevet præget af en politisk agiteren for, at Danmark skulle have en fri forfatning, ...there are no provinces given in Denmark, there is only one og at enevælden skulle afskaffes. Ordene kom fra den national Denmark, inhabited by Danes (loud applause)! Danes of the same liberale politiske scene, der også ønskede at fremmane et enheds- lineage, with the same history, a singular, one people indivisible præget billede af, at Danmark var ét folk med ét sprog og herunder with a common character and customs, common language and også ét landskab. I 1838 fremsatte den politiske frontspids for literature, with common memories and hopes.8 de nationalliberale, Orla Lehmann (1810-1870), synspunktet på følgende måde: Molbech’s emphasising of the regional disappeared like mist in the sun! Even though Lehmann’s speech actually dealt with the ...der gives i Danmark ingen Provindser, der gives kun eet Danmark, amalgamation of the provincial consultative chambers of Viborg and beboet af Danske (stærkt Bifald)! Danske af samme Æt, med samme Roskilde and with a gathering of power in Copenhagen, between Historie, et eneste udeleligt Folk med fælles Charakter og Sæder, the lines it also contained Lehmann’s later suggested wish to fælles Sprog og Litteratur, med fælles Minder og Forhaab ninger. 8 allow Holstein to be left out of the United Monarchy model and only include Schleswig – cf. the Eider speech in 1842.9 The Danish- Molbechs betoning af det regionale var forsvundet som dug for speaking areas south of Kolding and down to the Eider should, in solen! Selvom Lehmanns tale egentlig handlede om stænder this way, continue to be included in the Danish state, while the sammenlægningerne af Viborg og Roskilde og for en samling predominantly German-speaking area, Holstein, should be left out. af magten i København, rummede den også mellem linjerne At the speech in 1838 the tone was, on the surface, still loyal to Lehmanns senere fremsatte ønske om at lade Holsten udgå af the Crown, and Lehmann also included a toast to God, King and den danske helstatsmodel og kun inkludere Slesvig, jf. Ejdertalen Country. But inwardly and specifically after the death of King i 1842.9 De dansktalende områder syd for Kolding og indtil Ejderen Frederik VI (1768-1839) in 1839 the liberal political agenda became skulle således fortsat indgå i den danske forfatning, mens det tysk- less unambiguous in relation to the desire for a free constitution. talende hertugdømme Holsten skulle udgå. Ved talen i 1838 var In addition, the liberals wanted Denmark to be an exclusively tonen udadtil stadig kongetro, og Lehmann inkluderede da også en Danish-speaking area. The new autocratic king Christian VIII (1786- skål for Gud, Konge og Fædreland. Men indadtil og særligt efter 1848) did not relinquish power, though, merely because a group of kong Frederik den 6.’s (1768-1839) død i 1839 blev den politiske young liberals wanted it like that.10 The King further did not want dagsorden hos de liberale mere utvetydig mht. ønsket om en fri to relinquish the duchies, even though forces were mobilised in forfatning. Derudover ønskede de liberale, at Danmark blev et German liberal circles to obtain local independence in the form udelukkende dansktalende område. Den nye enevældige konge of one joint Schleswig-Holstein. Holstein and Lauenborg were Christian den 8. (1786-1848) gav dog ikke slip på magten, blot fordi members of the German Confederation and the Danish National en flok unge liberale ville det således.10 Kongen ønskede endvidere Liberals in particular feared that the growing German nationalism, ikke at give slip på Hertugdømmerne, selvom der i de tyske libe- which flourished in the German Confederation, would drag all three rale kredse mobiliseredes kræfter for et lokalt selvstyre i form af ét duchies into a singular German culture, where not only Schleswig samlet Slesvigholstein. Holsten og Lauenborg var medlemmer af but also the Kingdom of Denmark would be sucked in along with Det Tyske Forbund, og især de danske nationalliberale frygtede, at them and through this lose its national independence.11 Therefore, den voksende tyske nationalisme, der spirede i Det Tyske Forbund, inwardly and outwardly the need to strengthen Danish cultural ville trække alle tre hertugdømmer ind i en tysk enhedskultur, hvor politics grew further; unique Danish identity should have a visual ikke kun Slesvig men også Kongeriget ville blive suget med ind og brand and all means were put into it. The protégés of art now went herigennem miste sin nationale selvstædighed.11 Indadtil og udadtil hand in hand with the politicians, and the artists joined in willingly voksede derfor behovet for at styrke den danske kulturpolitik yderli- and actively. gere; den særegent danske identitet skulle have et visuelt brand og alle midler blev sat ind. Kunstens protegéer gik nu hånd i hånd med Around Denmark politikerne; og kunstnerne gik frivilligt og aktivt med. What I as a painter have as the aim of my life is: to paint dear Denmark in all its simplicity and humbleness, which is so charac- Rundt i Danmark teristic of it. What beauty is there not in these fine lines in our hills, Hvad jeg som Maler har sat som mit Livsmaal er: at male det kjære which are formed with such lovely waves that they seem to have Danmark, men med al den Simpelhed og Beskedenhed, som er appeared from the ocean, the mighty ocean, by whose breadths så characteristisk for det. Hvilken Skjønhed er der ikke i disse fine the sheer yellow cliffs stand in our forests, fields and moors. Linjer i vore Bakker, der ere så yndig bølgedannede, at de synes at (Lundbye, Et Aar af mit Liv (A year of my life), 1842) være dukkede op af Havet, i det mægtige Hav, ved hvis Bredder de steile, gule Klinter staar, i vore Skove, Agre og Heder. From the 1840s it became a more and more widespread tendency (Lundbye, Et Aar af mit Liv, 1842) for artists to travel around Denmark and depict various charac

100 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst [ill. 8] J.Th. Lundbye, Sjællandsk landskab. Udsigt fra Bjerresø Mark mod Vejrhøj og Dragsholm Slot (Landscape on Zealand. View from Bjerresø Field towards Vejrhøj and Dragsholm Castle), 1840. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 61 x 124 cm. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, København.

Fra 1840’erne blev det en mere og mere udbredt tendens, at teristics of the Danish landscape. J.Th. Lundbye (1818-1848) was kunstnerne rejste rundt i Danmark og skildrede forskellige egne most fond of the landscape of north-western Zealand (ill. 8), which af det danske landskab. J.Th. Lundbye (1818-1848) holdt sig dog was the epitome of precisely his kind of native, land-loving image of mest til det nordvestlige sjællandske landskab (ill. 8), der blev ind- Denmark, while other artists frequently depicted Funen, Jutland and begrebet af netop hans fædrelandsdyrkende danmarksbillede, Bornholm. P.C. Skovgaard (1817-1875), for example, often painted mens andre kunstnere flittigt skildrede Fyn, Jylland og Bornholm. the forests and coastline of northern Zealand, but likewise travelled P.C. Skovgaard (1817-1875) malede eksempelvis også ofte i de to the southern Danish areas around the Cliff of Møn and to Jutland nordsjællandske skove og kyster, men rejste ligeledes til de syd- (ill. 9-10). Dankvart Dreyer (1816-1852) was fond of depicting the lige danske områder omkring Møns Klint og til Jylland (ill. 9-10). landscapes of Funen and Jutland (ill. 11), while an artist such as Dankvart Dreyer (1816-1852) skildrede gerne det fynske såvel som Vilhelm Kyhn (1819-1903) depicted Bornholm and Jutland and det jyske landskab (ill. 11), mens en kunstner som Vilhelm Kyhn became especially fascinated by the areas around Silkeborg, Ry and (1819-1903) skildrede Bornholm og Jylland og især blev fascineret Himmelbjerget (ill. 12). A common trait of these landscape pictures af områderne omkring Silkeborg, Ry og Himmelbjerget (ill. 12). Et was that they attempted to capture the essence of a country which fællestræk for deres landskabsafbildninger var, at de søgte at ind- undulates; which did not have dramatic high mountains or a stormy fange essensen af et land, der bugtede sig i bakke og i dal, som ikke cliff sea, but on the other hand had peaceful lakes, streams and havde dramatisk høje bjerge eller et stormfuldt klippehav, men som beautiful stretches of coastline. In this way, the artists sought out til gengæld havde fredsommelige søer, åer og skønne kyststræk- this specific profile in the Danish landscape and made it the subject ninger. Kunstnerne eftersøgte således denne særegne profil i det of their art. danske landskab og gjorde den til genstand for deres kunst. Earlier in the century, other artists had also travelled sporadi- Tidligere i århundredet havde andre kunstnere også rejst spora- cally around Denmark and depicted the land as it appeared – for disk rundt i Danmark og skildret landet, som det tog sig ud, eksem- example, Jens Juel (1745-1802) and Martinus Rørbye (1803-1848). pelvis Jens Juel (1745-1802) og Martinus Rørbye (1803-1848). Der There were, though, fewer artists in number; that is to say, in reality var dog tale om færre kunstnere i antal, dvs. at der reelt fandtes få there were few paintings containing motifs which were produced malerier af motiver udført mere end en dagsrejse fra København. At more than a day’s travel from Copenhagen. The reason why it was der først i 1840’erne blev skabt massiv kunstnerisk opmærksomhed not until the 1840s that a massive artistic awareness for the areas på områderne udenfor hovedstaden København, hang nøje sammen outside the capital Copenhagen was created is, as mentioned, med tidens kunstideologiske og ikke mindst politiske strømninger. closely connected with the artistic ideologies and not least political Kunstnerne tog i disse år markant ideologisk stilling til det aktuelle, currents of the time. In these years, the artists took a marked ideo- bestående samfund, som de ønskede mere frit og demokratisk. Der logical position on the topical, existing society, which they wanted var på mange måder kommet en ny vektor for kunstnernes blik, to be more free and democratic. In many ways, a new vector for og denne retning stammede fra de sfærer, som kunstnerne kom i: the artists’ gaze had arrived, and this direction stemmed from those Skovgaard frekventerede hyppigt de national liberale kredse omkring spheres which the artists moved in: Skovgaard often frequented personerne J.F. Schouw (1789-1852), Orla Lehmann (1810-1870), the National Liberal circles around people such as J.F. Schouw

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 101 [ill. 9] P.C. Skovgaard, Udsigt over havet fra Møns Klint (View across the sea from the Cliff of Møn), 1850. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 124 x 185 cm. Skovgaard Museet.

(1789-1852), Orla Lehmann (1810-1870), D.G. Monrad (1811-1887), the Puggard family, the Grundtvig family, and corresponded with people such as A.F. Tscherning (1795-1874), Carl Ploug (1813- 1894) and others. 12 Up until his death in 1848, Lundbye mixed in the same circles, while the artist Constantin Hansen, in particular, had Lehmann and Monrad as customers. Kyhn also received commissions from Lehmann, just as H.W. Bissen (1798-1868), Jørgen Sonne (1801-1890), Wilhelm Marstrand (1810-1873), and F. Vermehren (1823-1910) were favourite artists of the National Liberals.13 The tendency was clear: the politicians were interested in art and the artists were politically engaged. In this field a complex web was spun between artists, politicians and the power brokers of art, containing visions for Denmark expressed, amongst others, via landscape art.

[ill. 10] P.C. Skovgaard, Udsigt over Vejle Fjord (View across Vejle Fjord), 1852. Olie på lær- red / Oil on canvas, 35,5 x 56 cm. Vejle Kunstmuseum, deponeret af / deposited by Statens Towards a Scandinavian and national art policy Museum for Kunst. When we in the north speak of our folk poetry from the Middle Ages, we all know that it is the heroic ballads we are speaking of, D.G. Monrad (1811-1887), Puggaard-familien, Grundtvig-familien og and should anyone be in doubt about their legitimacy to be called korresponderede med personer som A.F. Tscherning (1795-1874), the folk poetry of the north, we only need to refer to where they Carl Ploug (1813-1894) m.fl.12 Lundbye hørte indtil sin død i 1848 til i naturally came from. It is there, only there, where the spirit of the de samme kredse, mens kunstneren Constantin Hansen især havde north is the spirit of the people, the language of the north is the Lehmann og Monrad som sine kunder. Også Kyhn fik bestillinger fra mother tongue of the people… The north has, namely, a treasury of Lehmann, lige såvel som H.W. Bissen (1798-1868), Jørgen Sonne song from the Middle Ages, to which hardly any other people can (1801-1890), Wilhelm Marstrand (1810-1873), og F. Vermehren (1823- show its equal. 1910) var yndede kunstnere hos de nationalliberale.13 Tendensen (Svend Grundtvig, Dansk Folkeblad (Danish Folk Magazine), 1843)14 var klar. Politikerne var kunstinteresserede, og kunstnerne var poli tisk interesserede. I dette felt blev et komplekst spind mellem Not only because of the loss of Norway, but just as much because kunstnere, politikere og kunstens magthavere spundet ud inde- of the growing scepticism toward the duchies in the south at the holdende visioner for Danmark blandt andet udtrykt via landskabs end of the 1830s, the cultural, political need to get closer to the kunsten. specific national spirit intensified, as it could be found in the landscape as well as in the past cultural heritage. The attention on the Mod en skandinavisk og national kunstpolitik national thus emphasised in the 1830s and some of the 1840s Naar vi i Norden taler om vor Folkepoesi fra Middelalderen, så that the Danish people, from a cultural perspective, had more ved vi alle, at det er Kæmpeviserne, Talen er om, og skulle nogen in common with the lands to the north than the south, and that tvivle om deres berettigelse til at kaldes Nordens Folkepoesi, saa based on this the artists and writers should seek the national in behøver vi kun at henvise til, hvor de naturlig er fremkommet. Det the common Nordic past. At one and the same time the new spirit er dér, ene dér, hvor Nordens Aand er Folkets Aand, Nordens Tunge was, therefore, inclusive toward the north, but exclusive towards

[ill. 11] Dankvart Dreyer, Fynsk landskab. I baggrunden Kjærum og Ebberud banker [ill. 12] Vilhelm Kyhn, Bakket landskab med søer og skove nær Silkeborg (Undulating landscape (Landscape on Funen. In the background Kjærum and Ebberud banks), 1838-1839. with lakes and forests near Silkeborg), 1845. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 77,5 x 104 cm. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 63 x 73 cm. Fuglsang Kunstmuseum. Statens Museum for Kunst.

104 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst [ill. 13] Constantin Hansen, Portræt af N.L. Høyen (Portrait of N.L. Høyen), 1855. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 62,9 x 51 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 105 Folkets Maal…Norden har nemlig en Sangskat fra Middelalderen, the south, and Holstein in particular. From a National Liberal politi- hvortil næppe noget andet Folk kan opvise magen. cal perspective one wanted to have Holstein incorporated into the (Svend Grundtvig, Dansk Folkeblad, 1843) 14 Kingdom of Denmark’s constitution, but the similarities between the landscapes in Schleswig and Holstein and the Kingdom of Ikke kun på grund af tabet af Norge, men lige så meget på grund af Denmark were so striking that one actively did not dare ask the den voksende skepsis mod hertugdømmerne mod syd i slutningen artists to depict the areas south of Kolding and down to the Eider. af 1830’erne intensiveredes det kulturpolitiske behov for at finde Instead, one chose the safe solution and asked the artists to turn yderligere ind til den særlige nationale ånd, som den lod sig finde their gaze partly towards the intimate nature, and partly towards i landskabet såvel som i den fortidige kulturarv. Opmærksom the nature of Scandinavia. heden på det nationale betonede således i 1830’erne og i noget The representative for this Scandinavian cause was Denmark’s af 1840’erne, at det danske folk kulturelt set havde mere tilfælles first art historian, N.L. Høyen (1798-1870), who from the 1830s until med landene mod nord end mod syd, og at kunstnere og forfattere his death marked himself as unquestionably the most powerful herudaf skulle søge det nationale i den nordiske fælles fortid. På man on the art scene of the time15 (ill. 13). His opinions were clear: en og samme tid var den nye ånd derfor inkluderende mod nord, art should have a mission, make a difference and set the agenda. In men ekskluderende mod syd med særlig adressat til Holsten. Nok his many lectures, meetings with the highest cultural and political ønskede man fra nationalliberalt politisk hold at få Slesvig indlem- elite and in private as well as professional relationships with the met i Det danske Kongeriges forfatning, men lighederne mellem artists of the Golden Age he put forward his viewpoints, but also landskaberne i Slesvig og Holsten og Kongeriget var for slående til, allowed himself to be influenced by the political messages. at man aktivt turde bede kunstnerne om at skildre områderne syd Høyen’s Scandinavian focus was totally in line with National Liberal for Kolding og ned til Ejderen. I stedet valgte man den sikre løsning politicians such as Orla Lehmann and D.G. Monrad. For Høyen, the at bede kunstnerne om at vende blikket mod dels den nære natur Scandinavian perspective was concerned with the artists seeking og dels den skandinaviske. the original Nordic ideals in the intimate landscape, in order to Repræsentant for denne skandinavistiske sag var blandt andet strengthen and develop a common imagery with the Nordic lands Danmarks første kunsthistoriker N.L. Høyen (1798-1870), der fra around a popular historical art. In a lecture in 1844 entitled “Om 1830’erne og frem til sin død markerede sig som tidens absolut Betingelserne for en skandinavisk Nationalkonsts Udvikling” (On mest magtfulde mand på kunstscenen15 (ill. 13). Hans holdninger the Conditions for the Development of a Scandinavian National Art), var klare: kunsten skulle have en mission, gøre en forskel og være Høyen spoke up for the Scandinavian people’s kinship and how the dagsordensættende. I sine mange foredrag, sammenkomster shared history should shine through in the artists and their choice med den øverste kulturelle og politiske elite og i private såvel som of motifs, by depicting “all the great recollections of the past”: professionelle relationer til guldalderkunstnerne udøvede han sine synspunkter, men lod sig også præge af de politiske budskaber. The senses must first be sharpened toward the grand and homely Høyens skandinavistiske indstilling var helt på linje med national- within the nature surrounding us, before we are able to hope to liberale politikere som Orla Lehmann og D.G. Monrad. For Høyen gain a historical art of the people. handlede det skandinaviske perspektiv om, at kunstnerne skulle opsøge det oprindeligt nordiske i det nære landskab for at styrke og It was preferable for pictures to have an educative aim and udvikle et fælles billedsprog med nordens lande omkring en folkelig, encourage the population to perceive “the whole north as its native historisk kunst. I et foredrag i 1844 med titlen “Om Betingelserne land; the whole of Nordic history as the history of its peoples” and for en skandinavisk Nationalkonsts Udvikling” talte Høyen for, at de powers were mobilised to “fight for its native land, for the entire skandinaviske folkeslags slægtskab og fælles historie skulle skinne Nordic nature, for the life of the people.”16 The lecture was held igennem hos kunstnerne i deres valg af motiver ved således at in the newly founded Scandinavian Society and many artists as skildre “alle Fortidens store Erindringer”: well as politicians listened along. The Scandinavian Society also attracted other National Liberals, aside from Lehmann, such as Sandsen maa først skjærpes for det Store og Hjemlige i den os the politicians Carl Ploug, and D.G. Monrad, the professors J.F. omgivende Natur, før vi kunne haabe at faa en folkelig, historisk Konst. Schouw and H.N. Clausen (1793-1877), and the headmaster Martin Hammerich (1811-1881).17 Other attendees were people who were Billederne måtte gerne have et opdragende sigte og få befolk more loyal to the Crown and the populist wing, such as the priest ningen til at betragte “hele Norden som sit Fødeland, hele Nordens and poet N.F.S. Grundtvig (1783-1872) and Høyen himself, who in Historie som sit eget Folks Historie,” og der blev mobiliseret styrke time, though, allied himself to the national liberal attitude towards for at ”kæmpe for sit Fødeland, for hele den nordiske Natur, for the absolute monarchy. Folkelivet.”16 Foredraget blev afholdt i det nystiftede Skandinavisk Høyen’s colleague at the Royal Collection of Paintings and Selskab og mange kunstnere såvel som politikere lyttede med. Sculptures, the archaeologist Christian Jürgensen Thomsen (1788- Skandinavisk Selskab talte foruden Lehmann også andre national- 1865), without doubt also played a role in the artists’ search of the liberale personer som politikerne Carl Ploug, D.G. Monrad, profes- local population and the increased attention on the qualities in the sorerne J.F. Schouw og H.N. Clausen (1793-1877) og rektor Martin intimate Danish nature. Jürgensen Thomsen asked priests and Hammerich (1811-1881).17 Samt personer fra den mere kongetro artists to register the country’s cultural landscapes with ancient og folkelige fløj i form af præsten og digteren N.F.S. Grundtvig barrows and burial mounds respectively, and depict them before (1783-1872) og Høyen selv, der dog med tiden sluttede sig til de they were lost. Amongst other things, Thomsen and the artist nationalliberales holdning til enevælden. J.C. Dahl hiked around in selected localities of Denmark and here

106 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst [ill. 14] Christian Dalsgaard, En hjemforlovet artillerist fra Morsø og hans yngste søster overrasker gamle venner i Salling, hvilke i et udhus ere beskæftiede med at indstandsætte en ruse (A Morsø Artilleryman on Leave and His Young Sister Surprise Old Friends at Salling at Work in an Outhouse Repairing a Fish Trap), 1857. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 92,6 x 115,8 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

Høyens kollega på Den Kongelige Malerisamling arkæologen Thomsen pointed out which ancient objects the artists should Christian Jürgensen Thomsen (1788-1865) spillede uden tvivl også depict and preferably include in paintings of the Danish landscape.18 en rolle for kunstnernes afsøgning af de lokale befolkninger og den In 1847 Høyen further set up the Selskabet for Nordisk Kunst øgede opmærksomhed på kvaliteterne i den nære danske natur. (The Society of Nordic Art), and in this context sought to purchase Jürgensen Thomsen bad således præster og kunstnere om hen- paintings containing motifs of precisely this character, where the holdsvis at registrere landets kulturlandskaber med gravhøje og national and the Nordic were unified; that is, containing both genre stensætninger fra oldtiden og skildre dem, inden de ville gå tabt. paintings as well as landscape paintings (ill. 14-15). Other founders Blandt andet vandrede Thomsen og kunstneren J.C. Dahl rundt i and members were, not surprisingly, Lehmann and other repre- udvalgte egne af Danmark, og her udpegede Thomsen, hvilke old- sentatives of the National Liberal circle.19 Furthermore, for Høyen tidsgenstande kunstneren skulle skildre og gerne medtage i male- the work for the Scandinavian cause meant that Lehmann, Ploug, rier af det danske landskab.18 Schouw and others were involved in the circle of artists and highest I 1847 stiftede Høyen Selskabet for Nordisk Kunst, og i dette political elite which Høyen gathered around himself weekly in his regi søgte man at opkøbe billedkunst med motiver af netop denne private home.20 In the close milieux in Copenhagen, where the karakter, hvor det nationale og det nordiske blev forenet; det være artists, politicians and scientists frequented the same milieux, the sig både genremalerier såvel som landskabsmalerier (ill. 14-15). Af connections between the artistic and political levels bonded very øvrige medstiftere og medlemmer var ikke overraskende Lehmann closely together, and the artists allowed themselves to be taken og repræsentanter for den nationalliberale kreds.19 For Høyen betød and seduced by both the Scandinavian cause as well as the national. arbejdet for den skandinaviske sag endvidere, at Lehmann, Ploug, The artists Lorenz Frølich (1820-1908), Skovgaard and Lundbye

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 107 [ill. 15] Godtfred Rump, Fra Sæbygård Skov (From Sæbygård Forest), 1853 (detalje / detail). Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 95,4 x 145,7 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

Schouw m.fl. blev inddraget i den kreds af kunstnere og øverste produced, for example, decorations for the grand Nordic party in politiske elite, som Høyen ugentligt samlede omkring sig i sit private 1845 at Skydebanen in Copenhagen, where Norwegians, Swedes hjem.20 I de nære miljøer i København, hvor kunstnere, politikere og and Danes gathered over several days in Christiansborg Palace videnskabsfolk således frekventerede de samme miljøer, knyttedes manège and hermitage plain, and where Lehmann, Høyen and forbindelserne mellem det kunstneriske og politiske niveau meget others held speeches. The meetings were a eulogy to the Nordic tæt sammen, og kunstnerne lod sig gribe og forføre af den skandi- bond between the countries, and very fittingly the three artists had naviske sag såvel som den nationale. gained inspiration for their motifs in Nordic mythology (ill. 16-17).21 Kunstnerne Lorenz Frølich (1820-1908), Skovgaard og Lundbye udførte dekorationer til den Nordiske Høitid i 1845 på Skydebanen i The arrival of students is merely to be compared with Thorvaldsen’s København. Og hvor nordmænd, svenskere og danskere samledes in 1838…. Ridehuset… was from top to bottom decorated with over flere dage i juni i Christiansborgs Ridehus og på Eremitage beech leaves, and enormous oak festoons hung from the ceiling. sletten, og hvor Lehmann, Høyen m.fl. holdt tale. Høitiden og The speaker’s chair was incredibly richly decorated with flower Studentermødet i København samme år var lovprisninger af de pots… Among the speeches, Høyen’s was maybe the best… nordiske bånd mellem landene, og meget passende havde de tre The Scandinavian Society has given a party in Dyrehaven by the kunstnere søgt inspiration til deres motiver i den nordiske mytologi hermitage… Along the road groups of peasants stood, girls threw (ill. 16-17).21 garlands of cornflowers… At the hermitage a tent was erected… more than 1200 people filled it. The peasants sat outside the tent, Studenternes Indtog skal blot kunde sammenlignes med Thor- stood and hung in the trees, a vast number of people, who con- valdsens i 1838…. Ridehuset…var fra øverst til nederst beklædt ducted themselves in a quite dignified manner… Grundtvig held a med Bøgeløv, vældige Egeguirlander hang under Loftet. Taler speech, as wonderful as his absolute best; the Swedes as well as stolen uhyre rigt dekoreret med Blomsterpotter… Blandt Talerne the Norwegians carried him in triumph…22 var maaske Høiens den bedste… Skandinavisk Selskab har givet en Fest i Dyrehaven ved Eremitagen… Ved Vejen stod Grupper af The Scandinavian pulse of the time had, to a large extent, an influ- Bønderfolk, Piger kastede Kranse af Kornblomster…Ved Eremitagen ence on the artists’ motifs. As a direct consequence of the figure var opreist et Telt,…det rummede over 1200 Mennesker. Bønderne painter Constantin Hansen’s work in both the Society of Nordic Art

108 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst and the Scandinavian Society, themes from Greek mythology were replaced with motifs from Nordic mythology. Not only did Nordic mythology become a popular motif among the artists, the Nordic ballad also belonged to this cultural circle, which was cultivated under the banner of Scandinavianism by the authors of the time. In the 1840s, the pioneer of Danish folklore studies, Grundtvig’s son, Svend Grundtvig (1824-1883), who was also close friends with Skovgaard and Lundbye, collected popular poetry among the population, and via newspapers and magazines encouraged all to report legends, poetry and songs from the past. Following this, a number of authors gave new versions of these narratives from the Middle Ages, and the artists supported the stories via updated figure paintings.23 It was also of great importance to Høyen that the artists involved peasants and commoners as motifs, because they, as types, fitted in well with the original Danish culture which was sought after at the time, where the people’s “originating trait” could be rediscovered.24 It should not be the peasant working hard out in the countryside that is the motif, though, as was the case with Eckersberg and his generation earlier in the century. Here in the 1840s it should be the peasant family’s authentic traditions painted with beauty and idealism which were to be depicted, not the peasant as a loyal subject to the autocratic king. As expressed by Høyen in the lecture from 1844, the painter should “make himself familiar with the lives of the people in their comings and goings” based on a “hallowed feeling of native country and forefathers”.25 From this, a genre painting rich in figures appeared with anecdotal narratives on the life of the common people, most often with scenes that were set indoors, and often with long titles about what the painting’s ethical [ill. 16] Lorenz Frølich, J.Th. Lundbye og P.C. Skovgaard, Odin, Mindeblade om den Nordiske or moral allusions contained (ill. 18). Høitid, den 13. Januar 1845 (Odin, Commemorative Prints on the Nordic Festival, the 13th of With the flourishing of this genre tradition in the 1850s, Høyen January 1845), 1845. Litografi / Lithograph, Lithograph, 39,5 x 32 cm. Kobberstiksamlingen, Statens Museum for Kunst. had gained what he and the other national liberals must have wished for: a filtered message to the middle classes of the city of sad uden om Teltet, stod og hang i Træerne, en uoverskuelig Masse Copenhagen. But it was from the landscape painters that Høyen Mennesker, som holdt en aldeles værdig Holdning…Grundtvig fik and the politicians got something they did not know they wanted. holdt en Tale, saa deilig som hans allerbedste, Svenskerne og ogsaa And these works, considered retrospectively, proved to be of a far Nordmændene bare ham i Triumf…22

Tidens skandinaviske puls havde i høj grad indvirkninger på kunstnernes motiver. Som direkte følge af eksempelvis figurmaleren Constantin Hansens arbejde i både Selskabet for Nordisk Kunst og Skandinavisk Selskab blev temaer fra den græske mytologi skiftet ud til fordel for motiver fra den nordiske mytologi. Ikke kun den nordiske mytologi blev en populær motivkreds blandt kunstnerne; også de nordiske folkeviser hørte til den kulturkreds, som blev dyrket under skandinavismens faner af tidens forfattere. Den danske folkemindeforsknings pioner Grundtvigs søn Svend Grundtvig (1824-1883), der også var nære venner med Skovgaard og Lundbye, indsamlede i 1840’erne folkedigtning blandt befolkningen, og via aviser og blade opmuntrede han alle til at indberette sagn, digte og sange fra fortiden. En række forfattere gendigtede efterfølgende disse middelalderlige fortællinger, og kunstnerne støttede op omkring historierne via reaktualiserende figurmalerier.23 For Høyen var det også af stor betydning, at kunstnerne inddrog bønderne og almuen som motiver, fordi de som typer passede godt ind i tidens søgning efter en oprindelig dansk kultur, hvor folkets [ill. 17] Jørgen Sonne, De norske og svenske studenters ankomst til studentermødet i “oprindelige Stammetræk” kunne genfindes.24 Det skulle dog ikke København i 1845 (The Norwegian and Swedish Students’ Arrival at the Student Meeting in Copenhagen in 1845), 1847. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 39,4 x 52,4 cm. Det National være bonden i færd med at arbejde hårdt ude i landskabet, der historiske Museum, Frederiksborg.

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 109 [ill. 18] Jørgen Sonne, Brudefærd fra det nordlige Sjælland, hvor den hjemkomne soldat finder sin Forlovede som en andens Brud (Wedding in Northern Zealand. The Returning Soldier Finds his Fiancée the Bride of Another), 1856. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 91 x 132 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

skulle være motivet, som det havde været tilfældet for Eckersberg more wide-ranging cultural as well as political validity, which no-one og hans generation tidligere i århundredet. Her i 1840’erne skulle could have foreseen. det være bondefamiliens autentiske traditioner malet med skønhed og idealisme, der skulle skildres. Ikke bonden som tro undersåt for Kyhn’s early political landscape paintings den enevældige konge. Som udtrykt af Høyen i foredraget fra 1844 How did the landscape painters actually approach the task of skulle malerne “gjøre sig fortrolige med Folkelivet i dets Sysler og meeting the native land’s challenges of identity as well as territory in Adfærd” ud fra en ”hellig Følelse for Fødeland og Forfædre”.25 Et light of the unambiguous invitations from the Society of Nordic Art, figurrigt genremaleri opstod herudaf med anekdotiske fortællinger the Scandinavian Society, the national liberal politicians interested om almuens liv, oftest med scener der udspandt sig indendørs in art and Høyen’s – to all intents and purposes – dogmatic picture og ofte med lange titler på malerierne indeholdende etiske eller program? Did they became marionettes in a larger political game moralske hentydninger (ill. 18). or did they remain loyal to their own artistic work, ideals and Høyen havde med blomstringen af denne genretradition i tendencies? As far as Kyhn was concerned, the answer lay in the 1850’erne fået, hvad han og de øvrige nationalliberale måtte ønske latter. When he first went to Jutland in 1844 it was because he sig: Et filtreret budskab til det københavnske byborgerskab. Men himself believed in the national liberal struggle for freedom for the det var fra landskabsmalerne, at Høyen og politikerne fik det, som citizens and their struggle for a more united Denmark. He brought de ikke vidste, at de ønskede sig. Og disse værker viste sig retro studies and sketches home with him to Copenhagen, which spektivt betragtet at have en langt mere vidtrækkende kulturel in his studio were turned into exuberant, undulating landscape såvel som politisk holdbarhed, som ingen havde kunnet forudse. paintings from the Silkeborg area with its characteristic lakes and surrounding forested areas depicted in daylight. In its own way a Kyhns tidlige politiske landskabsmalerier work such as Jysk skovegn. Motiv ved Silkeborg (Forest in Jutland. Hvordan tacklede landskabsmalerne egentlig sagen med at løse Motif near Silkeborg) (current museum title: Bakket landskab med fædrelandets identitetsmæssige såvel som territorielle udfordringer søer og skove nær Silkeborg (Lakes in Wooded Landscape near i lyset af de utvetydige opfordringer fra Selskabet for Nordisk Silkeborg)) functioned as an advertisement for northern Jutland: an Kunst, Skandinavisk Selskab, de nationalliberale kunstinteres attractive developing area with large forested areas (ill. 12).26 On

110 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst one of the hilltops was placed a person with an uninterrupted view; presumably not without reference to the citizens of the country, who in the east as well as the west wanted a free and democratic constitution.27 As a landscape painter by profession, Kyhn presumably did not wish to further enlarge the figures in the landscape and elaborate ideological, anecdotal points in relation to the person on the hilltop, as perhaps the genre painters might have done. For Kyhn it was the art of suggestion, but the effect did not fail to appear; rather, the opposite occurred. As symbolic politics this, and other of Kyhn’s works, had a great impact on how especially Jutland but also the whole of Denmark was “branded” visually at the time: the land was fertile, the nature was beautiful and the earth was arable. Kyhn also tried his hand at incorporating signs from the Nordic past in his paintings: again as art of suggestion, where the knights of the Middle Ages in miniature format were inserted as figures in

[ill. 19] Vilhelm Kyhn, Nordsjællandsk landskab. Eftermiddagsbelysning (Landscape in the the landscape in a mystical nondescript landscape, which in reality North of Zealand. Afternoon), 1849. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 64,5 x 92 cm. Statens was a blending of a Jutlandish and more heath influenced Zealand Museum for Kunst. landscape, with added ritual burial mounds and ancient barrows evenly split into groupings across the whole surface of the picture serede politikere og Høyens tilnærmelsesvist dogmatiske billed (ill. 19). The lake with the water giving nutrition and life is, however, program? Blev de marionetdukker i et større politisk spil eller central in the picture, and it offsets the relationship to the remain- forblev de tro mod deres egne kunstneriske gerninger, idealer og ing landscape which seems less fertile because of the patches of holdninger? For Kyhns vedkommende lå svaret i det sidstnævnte. moorland.28 The view across these ancient things supported the Da han første gang drog mod Jylland i 1844 var det, fordi han selv atmosphere and idea that the past was meaningful in the present –

[ill. 20] Vilhelm Kyhn, Parti ved Vejle Fjord (View at Vejle Fjord), 1862. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 151 x 221 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 111 [ill. 21] Vilhelm Kyhn, Udsigt over Vejle Fjord (View Across Vejle Fjord), 1854. Olie på lærred / [ill. 22] Vilhelm Kyhn, Udsigt fra en bakketop mod bindingsværksgård ved en kyst (View Oil on canvas, 45 x 62 cm. Statens Museum for Kunst. from a hilltop toward a Half-timbered Farm by the coast), u.å. / n.d. Privateje / Private collection.

troede på de nationalliberales kamp for frihed til borgerne og deres fully in keeping with the spirit of the time, but carried out in a subtle kamp for et mere forenet Danmark. Med sig hjem til København and aesthetically balanced way. bragte han studier og tegninger, der i atelieret blev omdannet til With typological works such as this, Kyhn gained the attention frodige, bakkede landskabsmalerier fra Silkeborgegnen med dets of D.G. Monrad. Monrad bought up works from him and from Orla karakteristiske søer og omgrænsende skovarealer skildret i dags Lehmannn, who invited him to Vejle, where he was stationed as a belysning. På sin vis fungerede et værk som Jysk skovegn. Motiv chief administrative officer for the county from 1848 to 1861. The ved Silkeborg (nuværende museumstitel: Bakket landskab med friendship with Lehmann later led to monumental commissions of søer og skove nær Silkeborg) som en reklamesøjle for Nørrejylland: motifs from the Vejle region, amongst others Parti ved Vejle Fjord et attraktivt område i vækst med store skovområder (ill. 12).26 På en (View at Vejle Fjord) (ill. 20). The large painting, which stood finished af bakketoppene blev en frit skuende person indsat; sandsynligvis in 1862, had roots in a number of studies from Kyhn’s first visit ikke uden henvisning til landets borgere der i øst såvel som i vest to Lehmann in Vejle in 1854 (ill. 21-22), where the beech forests, ønskede en fri og demokratisk forfatning.27 Som landskabsmaler af steep slopes, water and the idyllic farmhouse in the forest were profession ønskede Kyhn antagelig ikke at forstørre figurstaffagen already captured on canvas. yderligere og udpensle ideologiske, anekdotiske pointer i forhold It was not only Lehmann’s public taste that was expressed til personen på bakketoppen, som det kunne tænkes, at genre through purchases in the context of the Society of Nordic Art, but malerne måtte ønske det. For Kyhn var der tale om antydningens also his private taste in directly commissioning works from the kunst, men effekten udeblev ikke. Snarere tværtimod. Som sym- artists themselves, permeated by the desire to acquire pictures of bolpolitik havde dette og andre af Kyhns værker stor indvirkning på, the Danish landscape in delicate drapes. For Kyhn the commission hvordan især Jylland men også hele Danmark blev “branded” visu- with the Vejle motif was easy to execute, as Kyhn’s taste, namely, elt i tiden: landet var frodigt, naturen smuk og jorden dyrkbar. Kyhn went in the same direction. In the 1850s, and in 1862, when the prøvede også kræfter med at inkorporere tegn fra den nordiske work was completed, he still held the same attitudes as Lehmann fortid i sine malerier. Igen som antydningens kunst hvor middel when it came to the leading national liberal issues in relation to alderlige riddere i miniatureformat blev indsat som figurstaffage i et liberty and democracy. Kyhn had presumably been closely selected mytisk ubestemmeligt landskab, der reelt var en sammensmeltning by Lehmann for such assignments, where a close partnership af et jysk og mere hedepræget sjællandsk landskab tilsat rituelle was demanded between artistic and political visions, in that Kyhn stensætninger og fortidige gravhøje jævnt fordelt i grupperinger thought strategically and politically. That is to say, that Kyhn himself over hele billedfladen (ill. 19). Søen med vandet, der giver næring wanted the picture he made for Lehmann to have this expression. og liv er dog central i billedet, og den opvejer det forhold, at det Maybe Lehmann obtained the work at a favourable price in relation øvrige landskab synes mindre frugtbart på grund af hedepartierne.28 to the amount of time Kyhn worked on the painting: Udsigten over disse oldtidssager understøttede stemningen af, at fortiden var betydningsfuld i nutiden. Helt i tidens ånd. Men gjort på … At the moment I am going over a large painting for Lehmann, a en subtil og æstetisk afbalanceret måde. view of Vejle, rich in motif and a pleasure to paint; but which only Kyhn pådrog sig med sådanne typologiserende værker opmærk- provides a little in the pocket.29 somhed fra D.G. Monrad, der opkøbte værker af ham, og fra Orla Lehmann, der inviterede ham til Vejle, hvor han var udstationeret These same terms and conditions in relation to price and goodwill som amtmand fra 1848 til 1861. Venskabet med Lehmann førte towards the commission agent were valid for Skovgaard, who as senere til monumentale bestillinger af motiver fra Vejleegnen heri- early as the 1840s received the first of several commissions from blandt Parti ved Vejle Fjord (ill. 20). Det store maleri, der stod færdigt Lehmann for his private art collection; a collection which to a large i 1862, havde rødder i en række studier fra Kyhns første besøg hos degree came to number the artists sympathetic with the national

112 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst Lehmann i Vejle i 1854 (ill. 21-22), hvor bøgeskoven, skrænterne, vandet og den idylliske bondegård i skoven allerede var indfanget på lærredet. Ikke kun Lehmanns offentlige smag, som den kom til udtryk gennem indkøb i regi af Selskabet for Nordisk Kunst, men også hans private smag i de direkte bestillinger ved kunstnerne selv var gennemsyret af ønsket om at erhverve billeder af det danske landskab i yndefulde gevandter. For Kyhn var bestillingen med Vejle- motivet nemt at udføre. Kyhns smag gik nemlig i samme retning. Han besad stadig i 1850’erne og i 1862, da værket stod færdig, de samme holdninger som Lehmann, når det kom til de nationalliberale mærkesager med hensyn til frihed og demokrati. Kyhn havde antagelig været nøje udvalgt af Lehmann til sådanne opgaver, hvor der krævedes et tæt parløb mellem kunstneriske og politiske visioner, idet Kyhn tænkte strategisk og politisk. Det vil sige, at Kyhn såle- des selv ønskede, at billedet til Lehmann skulle have dette udtryk. Måske fik Lehmann tilmed værket til en favorabel pris i forhold til det tidsforbrug, som Kyhn lagde i arbejdet med maleriet:

… For Tiden gaar jeg et stort Billede efter, som Lehmann skal have, et Veileparti, rigt i Motivet og fornøieligt at male; men som kun giver lidt i Lommen.29

De samme betingelser og vilkår med hensyn til pris og velvillighed overfor bestilleren gjaldt for Skovgaard, der allerede i 1840’erne fik de første af flere bestillinger fra Lehmann til hans private kunst- samling; en samling der i overvejende grad således kom til at tælle de nationalliberalt sympatiserende kunstnere som eksempelvis Constantin Hansen, Jørgen Sonne, H.W. Bissen m.fl. [ill. 24] P.C. Skovgaard, Portræt af Orla Lehmann (Portrait of Orla Lehmann), 1842. Kobberstik / Copper engraving, 11,6 x 9,1 cm. Skovgaard Museet.

Skovgaards landskabsmaleri til Lehmann Vil Du ikke venligst gjøre mig et lille Billede à la Skovsøen eller liberal views, such as Constantin Hansen, Jørgen Sonne, H.W. denne Norden Kyst eller noget lignende og sende det herover… Bissen, and others. Deres hengivne G. Monrad (Brev med kunstbestilling fra D.G. Monrad til Skovgaard, afsendt 16. maj 1853 Skovgaard’s landscape painting for Lehmann fra Nykøbing Falster) Would you please make me a small picture à la the Forest Lake or this North Coast or something similar and send it over here… Yours Bevarede brevkorrespondancer mellem Skovgaard og tidens sincerely G. Monrad øverste politiske top viser, at han som privat person var nært knyttet (Letter with art commission from D.G. Monrad to Skovgaard, sent the 16th of May 1853 from Nykøbing Falster)

Saved mail correspondences between Skovgaard and the leading politicians show that he, as a private person, was closely linked to Monrad and Lehmann, in addition to the other National Liberal politicians. As an artist Skovgaard produced, for example, as early as 1842, a smaller portrait of Lehmann where to a large extent it was Lehmann the private person who was depicted at eye level, who was in focus, rather than it being a description of the vociferous progressive politician who had proposed demands for a free constitution (ill. 24). Skovgaard and Lehmann met often and were presumably in agreement on many political points. As an artist, Skovgaard became the landscape artist who attached himself most closely with the political sphere and through this carried out the politicians’ need for pictures of the middle class nature of Denmark. In 1845 Lehmann commissioned a landscape painting from Skovgaard, about which Skovgaard wrote to Lehmann upon its completion: [ill. 23] P.C. Skovgaard, Sommerdag (Summer’s Day), 1846. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 65,5 x 93,5 cm. Horsens Kunstmuseum.

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 113 til Monrad og Lehmann foruden de øvrige nationalliberale politikere. […] I knew full well what I did when we agreed on the painting last Som kunstner udførte Skovgaard eksempelvis allerede i 1842 year. Then it was obvious to me, what I would do with it […] You et mindre portræt af Lehmann, hvor det i højere grad var privat were so gracious as to give me unrestricted freedom […] 30 personen Lehmann skildret i øjenhøjde, der var i fokus, end det var et signalement af den højtråbende fremadstormende politiker, som Even though the letter mainly dealt with the price of the work, netop havde fremsat krav om en fri forfatning (ill. 24). which did not match the amount of time used, the message from Skovgaard og Lehmann sås ofte og var antagelig politisk enige på Skovgaard to Lehmann was clear: he would not object to the agreed mange punkter. Som kunstner blev Skovgaard den landskabsmaler, price, as he wanted to paint for Lehmann. Skovgaard was, in other der knyttede sig tættest til den politiske sfære og herigennem words, conscious of what he entered into when he voluntarily udfyldte politikernes behov for billeder af det borgerlige Danmarks began to paint for the political sphere. The result was the painting natur. Lehmann bestilte i 1845 et landskabsmaleri af Skovgaard, Sommerdag (Summer’s Day), completed in 1846, which most hvorom Skovgaard ved færdiggørelsen skrev til Lehmann: certainly must be seen as an expression for a politically loaded landscape motivated by Lehmann and Høyen’s cultural political visions […] jeg vidste godt, hvad jeg gjorde, da vi i Fjor aftalte om Maleriet. (ill. 23): The peasant children picking flowers are depicted playing Det stod dengang tydeligt for mig, hvorledes jeg vilde gjøre det […] by a burial mound covered in corn on top and green, luscious grass De var jo saa god at give mig uindskrænket Frihed […] 30 on the slope. A large stone lies in memory of ancient times here in the present time. The painting must have fully lived up to all the Selvom brevet fortrinsvist handlede om prisen på værket, der appropriate check lists for what the cultural political sphere could ikke stod mål med tidsforbruget, var budskabet fra Skovgaard til want from a picture in which the life of the people is dealt with as Lehmann klart: han ville ikke gøre indsigelser imod den aftalte pris, a motif. Skovgaard combines the motif worlds of several picture da han gerne ville male for Lehmann. Skovgaard var med andre genres in subtle ways: the beautiful Danish landscape, the noble ord bevidst om, hvad han gik ind til, da han frivilligt indlod sig på peasants and the Nordic cultural landscape relics of the past. That at male for den politiske sfære. Resultatet blev maleriet Sommer- is to say: landscape painting united with genre painting! Here the dag, færdiggjort i 1846, der i den grad må ses som udtryk for et commission agent got much more than he knew he had wished for. politisk ladet landskab motiveret af Lehmann og Høyens kultur Whether the picture’s motif should have been approved by politiske visioner (ill. 23): Blomsterplukkende bønderbørn skildret Lehmann or not is not known, but a short written letter early in i leg ved en gravhøj dækket med korn for oven og grønt saftigt 1846 can possibly point out that Lehmann would have liked to have græs på skrænten, hvor store sten ligger til minde om oldtiden i seen sketches for his commissioned work: nutiden. Maleriet må til fulde have opfyldt alle gældende checklister for, hvad den kulturpolitiske sfære måtte ønske sig af billeder med As we in all probability both – in any case I am going to Høyen’s folkelivets sysler som motiv. Skovgaard forener på subtil vis flere Scandinavian Society this evening – I will suggest to you that we billedgenrers motivverdener: Det kønne danske landskab, de ædle eat at three instead of four. In that case, we should have a little bønder og den nordiske fortids kulturlandskabelige levn. Det vil daylight to see those sketches, ...You… can bring them along. sige: Landskabsmaleri forenet med genremaleri! Her fik bestilleren Friday morning. Yours sincerely, Orla Lehmann. P.S. Did I forget an således mere, end han vidste, han ønskede sig. umbrella last time at your place? Om billedets motiv har skullet godkendes af Lehmann vides ikke, men en kort brevbesked tidligt i 1846 kan antagelig pege på, at The contact between the political and the artistic authorities, as this Lehmann gerne har villet se skitser til sit bestillingsværk: and other messages show, was tight, frequent and friendly, and the dialogue around art and politics in particular was conveyed in the Da vi rimeligvis begge – i alt fald jeg skal i aften hos Høyens i Skan- context of private meetings as well as in the societies. dinavisk Selskab, foreslaaer jeg Dem, at vi spise kl 3 i stedet for 4. Even here, ahead of the National Liberals taking over power and Vi vilde da ogsaa have lidt Dagslys til at see de Skitzer, ...De… kan before the outbreak of the first Schleswig war, the artists were tage med. Fredag Morgen. Deres hengivne Orla Lehmann. P.S. Jeg hopeful in relation to the national liberal visions and abilities to be skulde vel ikke sidst have glemt en Paraplin hos Dem? able to carry out the proclaimed aims. But much changed with the war and with the way the National Liberals handled power after the Kontakten mellem de politiske og kunstneriske instanser var, som fall of the absolute monarchy and the realisation of constitutional denne og andre beskeder viser, tæt, hyppig og venskabelig, og government. dialogen omkring netop kunst og politik blev ført i såvel de private sammenkomsters regi som i selskaberne. The wars, the native land and the artists Endnu her forud for de nationalliberales overtagelse af magten Many artists participated in the first Schleswig war because of their og før udbruddet af den første slesvigske krig var kunstnerne håbe- political conviction; among these, Lundbye and Carlo Dalgas (1820- fulde i forhold til de nationalliberales visioner og evner til at kunne 1851), who never came home again. Skovgaard signed up but was føre de proklamerede mål ud i livet. Men meget ændrede sig med rejected. From his hand, in return, interesting written exchanges krigen og med de nationalliberales måde at håndtere magten på exist between Svend and Johan Grundtvig, in the years 1848-1850 efter enevældens fald og grundlovsstyrets virkeliggørelse. who, from the front, corresponded with Skovgaard back home in Copenhagen.31 In 1848 the relationship with Schleswig and Holstein Krigene, fædrelandet og kunstnerne had become so critical because of the problem of sentiment; that Mange kunstnere deltog i Den første slesvigske Krig pga. deres is to say, the question on which native land one belonged to and

114 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst politiske overbevisning; heriblandt Lundbye og Carlo Dalgas (1820- not least which language one must speak. The problem eventu- 1851), der aldrig kom hjem igen. Skovgaard meldte sig, men blev ally came to a head and war was unleashed. Regarded from an sorteret fra. Fra hans hånd eksisterer til gengæld interessante brev- autocratic United Monarchy perspective in Copenhagen, the war vekslinger mellem Svend og Johan Grundtvig i årene 1848-1850, could actually be considered as a civil war against the country’s two der fra fronten korresponderede med Skovgaard hjemme i Køben- southern provinces, set in motion because of the desired liberation havn.31 I 1848 var forholdet til Slesvig og Holsten blevet tilspidset together with the right to feel German. From the Schleswiger and på grund af Sindelagsproblematikken. Det vil sige spørgsmålet om, Holsteiner perspectives there were stronger bonds to the German hvilket fædreland man hørte til og ikke mindst hvilket sprog, man Confederation than to the Kingdom of Denmark, but neither the måtte tale, at en krig blev udløst. Betragtet fra et enevældigt hel- Danish king nor the National Liberals would let go of the predomi- statsperspektiv i København var krigen reelt at regne for en borger- nantly Danish-speaking population in northern Schleswig. The battle krig mod landets to sydlige provinser, skudt i gang fordi de ønskede for Schleswig became in this way the central question in the war, frigørelse samt retten til at føle sig tysk. Fra slesvigernes og holste- and a language problematic blew itself up so forcefully that it also nernes side var der således stærkere bånd til Det tyske Forbund affected the artists. As far as Kyhn was concerned the war meant, end til Det danske Kongerige, men hverken den danske konge eller for example, that he began to sign his pictures “Vilhelm” Kyhn and de nationalliberale ville give slip på den overvejende dansktalende no longer “Wilhelm” Kyhn, as his original birth name could presum- befolkning i Nordslesvig. Kampen om Slesvig blev således kerne- ably be perceived as more Germanic than he wished to display. spørgsmålet i krigen, og en sprogproblematik blussede så kraftigt Language also became a strong indicator of which native land one op, at den også påvirkede kunstnerne. For Kyhns vedkommende belonged to, and the difference was emphasised ahead of any like- betød krigen eksempelvis, at han begyndte at signere sine billeder ness. Here the National Liberal politicians stood at the forefront ”Vilhelm” Kyhn og ikke længere ”Wilhelm” Kyhn, da dette oprinde when it came to shouting out the difference. The trench between lige fødenavn antagelig kunne opfattes som mere tyskklingende, Danish and German was not only just begun, but was already deep, end han ønskede at skilte med. Sproget blev således en stærk indi- and by the end of the war in 1851 the problem was still far from kator for, hvilket fædreland man hørte til, og forskelle blev betonet being solved; rather the opposite, as the National Liberals had a frem for ligheder. Her stod de nationalliberale politikere forrest, når feeling that it was almost the Holsteiners who ruled the country: det kom til at udråbe forskelle. Skyttegraven mellem dansk og tysk var ikke kun påbegyndt, men allerede dyb, og ved krigens ophør i At the moment it is the Holsteiners who rule us, and it is at their 1851 var problemet så langt fra løst. Snarere tværtimod havde de pleasure that the joint constitution has been formed. It is difficult nationalliberale en fornemmelse af, at det næsten var holstenerne, enough that it should be so after three years of war which was hard der regerede landet: and capable of being tempered, but it is our open lack of agreement and solidarity and, namely, our higher pennant’s lack of national For Øieblikket er det Holstenerne der regjere os, det er dem til sentiment and love of the native land… which has led us so far.32 behag, at Fællesforfatningen er lavet. Det er haardt nok at det skal (Letter from Carl Ploug to P.C. Skovgaard, 1854) være saa efter de 3 Aars haarde og hærdelige Krig, men det er vor aaben Mangel paa Enighed og Sammenhold og navnlig vor høiere The beginning of the war was also a catalyst for King Frederik VII Stænders Mangel paa Nationalfølelse og Fædrelands Kjærlighed…, (1808-1863, king 1848-1863) stepping down from his autocratic der har ført os saavidt.32 position in 1848. The middle class-minded King now functioned as (Brev fra Carl Ploug til P.C. Skovgaard, 1854) a constitutional monarch with substantially restricted power. A free constitution was now a reality, and the National Liberals ruled the Krigens begyndelse havde også udløst, at den i 1848 nytiltrådte, country. But the question was: how did they actually administer borgerligt sindede Kong Frederik den 7. (1808-1863, konge 1848- power and how did their cultural vision form itself with the future 1863) trådte ned fra sin enevældige position og i stedet fungerede in mind? And, not least, how did the artists perceive their admini som konstitutionel monark med væsentlig indskrænket magt. En stration of power? fri forfatning var nu en realitet, og de nationalliberale ledede lan- The first sign of artistic fatigue toward the political as well as det. Men spørgsmålet var, hvordan de reelt forvaltede magten, og cultural political body can be seen gradually in the 1850s. Even hvordan deres kultursyn fremadrettet formede sig? Og ikke mindst though Skovgaard remained one of Lehmann’s favourite artists, hvordan kunstnerne forholdt sig til deres forvaltning af magten? with commissions to follow and stays with him in Vejle, in the let- De første tegn på en kunstnerisk mathed over for den politiske ters one begins to sense a certain distance. As here in 1852 where såvel som kulturpolitiske instans ses gradvist i 1850’erne. Selvom Skovgaard, after having completed commissions for Lehmann in Skovgaard forblev en af Lehmann yndet kunstner med bestillinger Vejle, writes in a letter to his wife in Copenhagen and sums up the til følge og ophold hos ham i Vejle, begynder man i brevene at atmosphere with Lehmann in the following way: fornemme en vis distance. Som her i 1852 hvor Skovgaard efter at have udført bestillingsopgaver for Lehmann i Vejle i et brev til […] visiting Lehmann one must, spiritually speaking, put on one’s hustruen i København sammenfatter stemningen hos Lehmann på coat to protect from the storm […] I would appreciate it if Høyen følgende måde: and Lehmann and others of their kind had more mildness.33

[…] hos Lehmann maatte man, aandelig talt tage Frakken paa for at With Skovgaard one begins to sense a certain scepticism in the beskytte sig imod Blæsten […] jeg vilde ønske Høyen og Lehmann tone and a reservation towards the two front figures, who had og flere af deres Sind havde mere Mildhed.33 formed the leading positions in the work which was trying to

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 115 define the Danish identity politically as well as artistically. Judging by Skovgaard’s letter correspondences, it seems as if he did not merely want to be artistically faithful to himself, he also wanted to be faithful to his political convictions. And when, with the National Liberals at the helm, the country was not steered in the direction he had hoped for, scepticism began to grow. On occasion, satire became a way in which Skovgaard got rid of his frustration; as, for example, this comment on the political situation which points to the fact that it was difficult to put the country on the right course (ill. 25). In the drawing, the constitution is about to be flushed away and Denmark in the form of a ship is about to sink.34 The time around the 1850s was complex, and the constitution was not yet an inevitable document which gave the middle classes democratic and more equal rights. In the 1850s there were many discussions about how the constitution should be abolished. But here Skovgaard’s position was clear: it should be protected. And the struggle for democracy and liberty had almost just begun. The newspaper Fædrelandet (Fatherland) became the National Liberal’s most important organ of communication for visions, strate [ill. 25] P.C. Skovgaard, Statsskibet (The State Ship), 1852. Autografi / Autography, 29,4 x 35 cm. gies and discussions through these years, and the forum where Kobberstiksamlingen, Statens Museum for Kunst. all national liberal-minded citizens kept themselves oriented, and followed along with the high politics as well as more domesti- cally related questions. Lehmann was self-evidently a keen writer, Man begynder hos Skovgaard at fornemme en vis skepsis i tonen while Carl Ploug was the editor responsible for the publication. og et forbehold mod de to spydspidser, der havde dannet front Fædrelandet was read daily by artists such as Skovgaard, Kyhn i arbejdet for at definere den danske identitet politisk såvel som and Constantin Hansen, together with the other national liberal kunstnerisk. Ud fra Skovgaards brevkorrespondancer at dømme oriented artists. Kyhn admired the newspaper’s line and wrote, virker det som om, at han ikke kun ville være kunstnerisk tro mod amongst other things, a contribution to the newspaper together sig selv; han ville også være tro mod sine politiske overbevisninger. with personal letters thanking Ploug.35 In fact, Kyhn did not merely Og da de nationalliberale ved magtens ror ikke styrede landet hen, read Fædrelandet, but had a picture painted where a man is reading hvor han havde håbet, begyndte en skepsis at gro frem. Satiren Fædrelandet, underlining Kyhn’s unambiguous political stance.36 blev lejlighedsvis en måde, hvorpå Skovgaard kom af med sin Skovgaard was friends with Ploug privately and obtained from him, frustration. Som fx denne kommentar til den politiske situation, der via letters, the newest updates on the political situation in Denmark peger på, at det var svært at få sat den rigtige kurs for landet. (ill. when he was on his artistic grand tour to Italy in the years 1854-55: 25). På tegningen er grundloven ved at blive skyllet ud, og Danmark i form af skibet er ved at synke.34 Tiden omkring 1850’erne var kom- On the 26th of July the ministry has surprised everyone with some- pleks, og grundloven var endnu ikke et selvfølgeligt dokument, der thing that is called a Folk Constitution but which is nothing more gav borgerne demokratiske og mere lige rettigheder. I 1850’erne than a grand attempt to flush away the constitution and lead us var der mange diskussioner om, hvorvidt grundloven således skulle back to absolutism… now the time has come for a serious battle afskaffes. Men her var Skovgaards holdning klar: den skulle bevares. and final ruling on whether we should carry on being a free people Og kampen for demokrati og frihed var nærmest først begyndt. or return to absolutism, because we cannot understand how to use Avisen Fædrelandet blev her de nationalliberales vigtigste kom- liberty.37 munikationsorgan for visioner, strategier og diskussioner i denne årrække, og det forum hvor alle nationalliberalt sindede borgere With “liberty” there are allusions to the internal disagreements that holdt sig orienterede og fulgte med i storpolitikken såvel som occurred in the National Liberal wing. With the takeover of power de mere indenrigsrelaterede spørgsmål. Lehmann var selvsagt in 1848, it quickly became apparent that the National Liberals ivrig skribent, mens Carl Ploug var den ansvarshavende redaktør. were maybe better at being in opposition than active in leading Fædrelandet blev dagligt læst af kunstnere som Skovgaard, Kyhn the country in collaboration with the King and the other political og Constantin Hansen samt de øvrige nationalliberalt orienterede parties.38 It was precisely the focus on the perspective of liberty, kunstnere. Kyhn beundrede avisens linje og skrev blandt andet ind- Skovgaard believed, that the National Liberals over time forgot the læg til avisen samt personlige takkebreve til Ploug.35 Faktisk læste importance of. From Skovgaard’s uncle, the enterprising business- Kyhn ikke blot Fædrelandet, men lod tilmed et billede male, hvor man and national liberal thinking H.C. Aggersborg (1812-1895), en mandsperson læser Fædrelandet, hvilket understreger Kyhns Skovgaard also got further pieces of news on the political agenda utvetydige politiske ståsted.36 Skovgaard var privat ven med Ploug on his travels. In particular, the protection of the constitution and og fik fra ham via breve de nyeste opdateringer på den politiske the common mobilisation of demonstrations by the population situation i Danmark, da han i årene 1854-55 var på sin kunstneriske seemed to have the attention of both Skovgaard and his uncle: dannelsesrejse til Italien: Within the inner politics attempts have been made to arrange a

116 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst Ministeriet har den 26. Juli overrasket alle med noget der hedder demonstration over the whole country on Constitution Day, the 5th en Folkeforfatning, men som slet ikke er andet end et storartet of June, in which the whole country should articulate, as a general Forsøg paa at skille os af med Grundloven og føre os tilbage til wish, that the King must not abolish the government and that the Absolutismen… nu maa det komme til en alvorlig Kamp og endelig constitution must not undergo any kind of change whatsoever with- Afgjørelse, om vi skulde blive ved at være et frit Folk eller vende til- out parliamentary consent. […] bage til Absolutismen, fordi vi ikke kan forstaae at bruge Friheden.37 It was a grand vision to see the mass of people, head to head, and in the background, in front of the trees, the column, surrounded Med “friheden” hentydes der til de interne uenigheder, der opstod by all the guilds with their banners. All in all there was supposedly i de nationalliberale fløje. Ved overtagelsen af magten i 1848 kom 30,000 people… On the Skamlingsbanken, Egebæksvang and in det hurtigt til at stå klart, at de nationalliberale måske var bedre til almost all cities similar parties were held….39 at være i opposition end aktivt at lede landet i samarbejde med kongen og de øvrige politiske partier.38 Det var netop fokuseringen The constitution remained, but on the grand political agenda the på frihedsperspektivet, som Skovgaard mente, at de nationalliberale 1850s and the early 1860s were far from a quiet time. The Crimean med tiden glemte vigtigheden af. Fra Skovgaards onkel, den drif- War began to rage in the middle of the 1850s and the relation to tige handelsmand og nationalliberalt tænkende H.C. Aggersborg the German Confederation became more and more inflamed. It was (1812-1895) fik Skovgaard også yderligere efterretninger om den clear to many of the National Liberals that a new war was on its politiske dagsorden på sin rejse. Især synes bevarelsen af grund- way. The core of the conflict was again the right over Schleswig and loven og befolkningens fælles mobilisering af demonstrationer at the fear of being swallowed up by the German Confederation. For have onklens og Skovgaards opmærksomhed: Lehmann and Monrad especially the prelude to the coming war in 1864 was prepared by speaking in favour of a Scandinavian perspec- I den indre Politik forsøges her arrangeret Demonstration over hele tive again. The response was that one would rather let Denmark be Landet paa Grundlovsdagen den 5te Juni hvorved hele Landet swallowed up by the Swedish King than the German Confederation skulde udtale som et almindeligt Ønske, at Kongen ikke maatte and one hoped that the positive Scandinavian meetings and visions nedlægge Regeringen og at Grundloven ikke maatte undergaa of the 1840s would persuade Norway and Sweden to now help nogen som helst Forandring uden Rigsdagens Samtykke. […] Denmark in the event of a war with the south breaking out.40 Help Det var et storartet Syn at se den Masse Mennesker Hoved ved did not come, and after the defeat in 1864, where Denmark was Hoved, og i Baggrunden, foran Træerne, Søilen, omgivet af alle amputated south of Kolding, the disappointment over the efforts of Laugene med deres Faner, idet Hele skal der have været 30.000 the National Liberals was insurmountably large. Kyhn now changed Mennesker…Paa Skamlingsbanken, Egebæksvang og næsten i alle his stance on the political bodies, and so too did the artists in the Byer bleve lignende Fester afholdt….39 main:

Grundloven bestod, men på den storpolitiske dagsorden var The Ministry, that is to say Monrad, for it he who is the head, has 1850’erne og de tidlige 1860’ere så langt fra en stille tid. Krimkrigen now gained no confidence. As far as I am concerned, and I think it begyndte at rase i midten af 1850’erne, og relationen til Det tyske is a somewhat common view, it is mostly a case of sentiment; I do Forbund blev mere og mere betændt. Det stod klart for mange af not know why, but I do not have full confidence. He is too clever, de nationalliberale, at en ny krig var under opsejling. Stridens kerne but I fear he will be outwitted, though, and he does not have, I do var igen retten over Slesvig og frygten for at blive opslugt af Det not know what it is, courage or hardness enough to clean away tyske Forbund. For især Lehmann og Monrad blev optakten til den where there is weakness… kommende krig i 1864 forberedt ved at tale for et skandinavistisk (Letter from Vilhelm Kyhn to Lorenz Frølich, March 1864) perspektiv igen. Holdningen var, at man hellere ville lade Danmark opsluge af den svenske konge end Det tyske Forbund, og man The nation is apathetic, faint-hearted, wretched, hag-like, and the håbede, at 1840’ernes positive skandinaviske møder og visioner government either treacherous or foolish […] a shame has come ville få Norge og Sverige til nu at hjælpe Danmark i fald en krig mod over us […] that kind of violence will not alone loot our goods and syd blev begyndt.40 Hjælpen kom ikke, og efter krigsnederlaget i our land, but also our brothers and […] put us all in German chains 1864, hvor Helstaten Danmark blev amputeret syd for Kolding, var […] hardly [has] barbarity been greater at any time. Falseness, lies, skuffelsen over de nationalliberales indsats uoverstigelig stor. Kyhn avarice and egoism flourish here as fertile as ever before. – You ændrede nu holdning til den politiske bevægelse, hvilket hoved have no idea of the kind of wretchedness which is here and with parten af kunstnerne også gjorde: which the war has been led. The first casualty, and in this we are as good as everyone to blame, was this demoralising looking and Ministeriet, det vil sige Monrad, for det er Hovedet, har nu ikke hoping for foreign help […] In the common man the spirit was on heller fået Tillid. For mit Vedkommende og jeg troer det er Temmelig the whole good, but in a number of officers it was sullied and the almindeligt, er det mest en Følelsessag, jeg ved ei hvorfor, men higher up one looked the worse it was. One cannot release oneself jeg har ikke fuld Tillid. Han er for Klog; men jeg frygter, han bliver from the thought of betrayal, maybe in the majority not apparent dog overlistet og han har ikke, jeg veed ikke hvad der er, Mod eller betrayal, but thus apathy and indifference towards everything, Haardhed nok til at rydde væk, hvor der er Svaghed… towards the entire Danish people, which is betrayal. (Brev fra Vilhelm Kyhn til Lorenz Frølich, marts 1864) (Letter from Vilhelm Kyhn to Lorenz Frølich, autumn 1864)

Nationen er sløv, forknyt, ussel, kjælingeagtig, Regeringen enten Lehmann resigned as a minister in 1863 ahead of the outbreak of

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 117 forræderisk eller dum […] en Skam er gaaet over os […] den Vold war which meant that it was Monrad at the sharp end, and which den vil ikke alene røve vort Gods og vort Land, men ogsaa vore also meant that he was, to a large degree, held responsible for Brødre og […] slaa os alle i de tydske Lænker […] næppe [har] the outcome of the war. As a consequence, he and his family fled Barberiet været større til nogen Tid. Falskhed, Løgn, Havesyge og to New Zealand for a number of years.41 It is interesting to notice Egoisme florere her frodigt som nogensinde. – Du gjør dig intet that Monrad took with him the family’s most important artworks, Begreb om den Usselhed her er og hvormed Krigen er ført. Den amongst these a self-portrait by Constantin Hansen, portrayals of første Skade og deri ere vi saagodtsom Alle deelagtige var denne the Monrad family made by Skovgaard, the landscape paintings fordærvelige seen efter og Haaben paa fremmed Hjælp […] Hos by Lundbye and Skovgaard and a genre painting by Vermehren, den menige Mand var Aanden i det Hele taget god, men hos en amongst others, which underlined the close bond between the masse Officierer var den sølet og jo højere en kom jo slettere var artists and the politicians at this point in time. Even though the den. Man kan ikke frigjøre sig for Tanken om Forræderi, maaske hos national liberal era was over, and the artists were disappointed about de Fleste ikke aabenbart Forræderi, men dermed Sløvhed og Lige- their lack of results, which led to many bonds being broken, the gyldighed for det Hele for det danske Folk, som dog er Forræderi. artists remained friends. For example, Skovgaard and Constantin (Brev fra Vilhelm Kyhn til Lorenz Frølich, efteråret 1864) Hansen continued on a personal level to be friends with the Monrad family. When D.G. Monrad was hanged as a traitor in public, corre Lehmann trådte tilbage som minister i 1863 forud for krigens udbrud, spondences between the Skovgaard family and the Monrad family hvilket betød, at det var spydspidsen Monrad, der i overvejende bear witness that they defended Monrad and backed him up.42 An grad blev holdt ansvarlig for krigens udfald. Som konsekvens flyg- artist such as Vermehren, who – spurred on by the spirit of the tede han og familien til New Zealand i en årrække.41 Interessant er time – had long been active painting the pursuits of folk life for the det at hæfte sig ved, at Monrad med sig tager familiens vigtigste benefit of the national identity, gave up this genre after 1864.43 The kunstværker, heriblandt et selvportræt af Constantin Hansen, por- project of depicting the peasant as the noble, unspoiled type rang trætter af Monrad-familien udført af Skovgaard, landskabsmalerier hollow now after the puncturing of the national liberal programme af Lundbye og Skovgaard og et genremaleri af Vermehren m.m., and visions. The vision for Denmark, which viewed from a cultural hvilket understreger de tætte bånd mellem kunstnerne og politi political perspective had contained guidelines for a new way in art, kerne på dette tidspunkt. Selvom den nationalliberale æra var was no longer followed. It was now time that the artists reminded forbi, og kunstnerne var skuffede over deres manglende resul themselves about being faithful to their own artistic ideals and, if tater, hvorved mange bånd blev kappet over, forblev kunstnere som necessary, to readjust their own ideals. Where the landscape paint- eksempelvis Skovgaard og Constantin Hansen på det personlige ings with motifs of the Danish country to endure, then they should plan fortsat venner med Monrad-familien. Da D.G. Monrad blev be created from the artists’ own ideal, wishes for motifs, choice of hængt ud som forræder i offentligheden, vidner brevkorrespon geography, and so on, and not because a political body wished it so. dancer Skovgaard-familien og Monrad-familien imellem om, at man tog Monrad i forsvar og bakkede ham op.42 En kunstner som Art and politics Vermehren, der – ansporet af tidens ånd – længe havde været aktiv The time between the 1840s and 1860s is regarded historically, med at male folkelivets sysler til gavn for nationens identitet, opgav politically, as well as in an a history of art context as one of the efter 1864 denne genre.43 Projektet med at skildre bonden som most complicated and richly eventful periods in Denmark: laden den ædle uspolerede type klingede nu hult efter punkteringen af with domestic and foreign political reflections around the specific de nationalliberales programmer og visioner. Visionen for Danmark, Danish identity, where the character of the Danish landscape was a der kulturpolitisk betragtet havde indeholdt anvisende rammer for supporting factor for the edification of national identity, and where en ny kunsts vej, blev således ikke længere fulgt. Det var nu blevet a number of the artists of the time were rolled in a web between tid til, at kunstnerne mindede sig selv om at være tro mod deres politics and art. In this web the relationship between commission egne kunstneriske idealer og om nødvendigt at tage deres egne agent and artist was often veiled, but much seems to suggest that idealer op til revision. Skulle landskabsmaleriet med motiver af the artists voluntarily let themselves be seduced. Those artists who det danske land bestå, skulle det være ud fra kunstnernes egne have been discussed here were, until the defeat in 1864, more forbilleder, ønsker til motiver, valg af geografi m.m. og ikke fordi en or less in agreement with the political status quo and were true politisk bevægelse ønskede det således. to their own convictions. The artists were national liberal agents and willingly painted for the political bodies, if it could strengthen Kunst og politik Denmark’s visual “brand”. On the strategic level, Høyen was the link Tiden mellem 1840’erne og 1860’erne er historisk politisk såvel between art and politics, but on a personal level by far the majority som kunsthistorisk betragtet en af de mest komplicerede og of the artists, for example, Kyhn, Skovgaard, Lundbye, Hansen, begivenhedsrige perioder i Danmark: Ladet med indenrigs- og uden- Sonne, Bissen, Vermehren and others, had private relations to the rigspolitiske overvejelser omkring den særegne danske identitet, highest political elite. That is to say, both on the overriding level hvor karakteren af det danske landskab blev en understøttende fak- and the private level there were close exchanges between art and tor for nationalitetsopbyggelsen, og hvor en række af tidens kunst- politics, which have not been seen to the same extent since. The nere blev rullet ind i et spind mellem politik og kunst. I dette spind result can and should be discussed. Did good landscape paintings var relationen mellem bestiller og udfører ofte tilsløret, men meget come out of this infiltration and how should we today relate to the tyder på, at kunstnerne frivilligt lod sig forføre. De kunstnere, der her inflated rhetoric of the National Liberals with their very direct tone er blevet behandlet, var indtil nederlaget i 1864 mere eller mindre of German hostility? Should we disregard it and does the answer to enige med det politiske niveau og tro mod deres egne overbevis- this have meaning as to whether we should judge the artworks in

118 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst ninger. Kunstnerne var nationalliberale agenter og malede gerne or out? The times were totally different then, and the cause is more for den politiske instans, hvis det kunne styrke Danmarks visuelle complex than what is immediately apparent. What is interesting “brand”. På det strategiske niveau blev Høyen bindeleddet mellem in this context is to reach in to an understanding that the artists kunst og politik, men på det personlige niveau havde langt hoved- actually were engaged in politics and society, and that they, via the parten af kunstnerne som eksempelvis Kyhn, Skovgaard, Lundbye, landscape genre as well as genre painting, tried to create a new Hansen, Sonne, Bissen, Vermehren m.fl. private relationer til den visual culture for the people. øverste politiske elite. Dvs. både på det overordnede niveau og det Via the landscape painting’s union of ancient and contemporary, private niveau var der tætte udvekslinger mellem kunst og politik, people of the past in contemporary people, the artists built up a der ikke er set med samme styrke siden. Resultatet kan og skal dis- wholly new imagery, which at the same time was highly respected kuteres. Kom der gode landskabsmalerier ud af denne infiltration, for being particularly Danish, and which, therefore, offered some- og hvordan skal vi i dag forholde os til de nationalliberales svulstige thing to the national liberal needs. The works became the abso- retorik med den meget direkte tyskerfjendske tone? Skal vi sidde lute answer to the visual brand, which the national liberals had den overhørig, og har svaret derpå betydning for, om vi skal dømme requested and, in fact, even more. With the genre painting, the kunstværkerne inde eller ude? Tiden var dengang en helt anden, instructions from Høyen had been so clear that it was almost a og sagen er mere kompleks end som så. Det interessante i denne picture programme worked out in detail to follow. But with the land- sammenhæng må være at nå ind til en forståelse af, at kunstnerne scape painting the programme was less concrete, which gave both reelt var politisk og samfundsmæssigt engagerede, og at de via challenges and possibilities to the landscape painters. Viewed retro- landskabsgenren såvel som genremaleriet søgte at skabe en ny spectively, the landscape paintings created between the 1840s and visuel kultur for folket. the 1860s did not only play a substantial role in the political scene Via landskabsmaleriets forening af oldtid i nutiden, fortidens folk in the stated timeframe. Also, for our present understanding of the i nutidens folk, opbyggede kunstnerne et helt nyt billedsprog, der Danish landscape’s special character, it is as a rule pictures in the i samtiden blev anset for at være særegent dansk, og som derfor style of Lundbye, Skovgaard, Dreyer and Kyhn that many have in havde bud til de nationalliberales ønsker. Værkerne blev til fulde their thoughts. The prescience itself often consists of the good old svaret på det visuelle brand, som de nationalliberale havde efter- Danish landscape containing elements such as hills, valleys, lakes spurgt og faktisk mere til. Med genremaleriet havde forskrifterne and streams, and that the land must have appeared like that in the fra Høyen været så tydelige, at der nærmest var et udpenslet billed near past. But what we probably have forgotten in the present time program at følge. Men med landskabsmaleriet var programmet is that the Danish romantic nationalist Golden Age artists did not mindre konkret, hvilket gav både udfordringer og muligheder for paint what they saw but painted the picture of Denmark which was landskabsmalerne. Retrospektivt betragtet kom landskabsmaleri- needed at the time. Current conservation work and re-establishing erne skabt mellem 1840’erne og 1860’erne ikke kun til at spille en of the Golden Age forests, as seen from the artists’ pictures, there- væsentlig rolle for den politiske scene i det angivne tidsrum. Også fore overlooks the essential premise that artistic pictures were for vores nutidige opfattelse af det danske landskabs egenart er strategic constructions in the service of a higher political cause.44 det som regel billeder à la Lundbye, Skovgaard, Dreyer og Kyhns The landscape paintings of Skovgaard, Lundbye, Dreyer and Kyhn, stil, mange har i tankerne. Selve forforståelsen består således which we have touched on here, had an unforeseen long-life and ofte i, at det gode gamle danske landskab indeholdt elementer power, which reached all the way forward to the present day and som bakker, dale, søer og åer, og at landet måtte have set sådan which likely will still be considered in the future as a true mirror of ud i en nær fortid. Men hvad vi nok har glemt i nutiden er, at de a golden past. The Danish Golden Age landscape lives on! danske nationalromantiske guldalderkunstnere ikke malede det, de så, men malede det billede af Danmark, som man havde brug for i tiden. Nutidige fredningsarbejder og genetableringer af guld alderens skove ud fra kunstnernes billeder overser derfor den væsentlige præmis, at kunstens billeder var strategiske konstruktio- ner i en højere sags politiske tjeneste. Skovgaard, Lundbye, Dreyer og Kyhns landskabsmalerier, som vi her har berørt, havde en ufor- udsigelig langtidsholdbarhed og kraft, der rakte helt frem til nutiden og som antagelig stadig i fremtiden vil blive betragtet som et ægte spejl af en gylden fortid. Det danske guldalderlandskab lever stadig!

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 119 LITTERATUR / REFERENCES

Adriansen, Inge: Nationale symboler i Det danske Rige 1830-2000, bind / vol. 2, København: Museum Tusculanum 2003. Agerbæk, Kirsten: Høyen mellem klassicisme og romantik, doktordisputats, Esbjerg: Sydjydsk Universitetsforlag 1984. B.S. Ingemann: Kong Erik og de Fredløse, København 1833. Baagøe, Jette: “…Det står med brede bøge…”, IN Mogens Bencard (red. / ed.), Krydsfelt. Ånd og natur i guldalderen, København: Gyldendal 2000. Becker-Christensen, Henrik: Skandinaviske drømme og politiske realiteter. Den politiske skandinavisme i Danmark 1830-1850, Historiske Skrifter 1. Aarhus: Arusia 1980. Damsgaard, Nina (red. / ed.): Orla Lehmann – og den nationale kunst, Vejle: Vejle Kunstmuseum og Vejle Kulturhistoriske Museum 1986. Damsgaard, Nina og Signe Jacobsen: D.G. Monrad – en kunstsamler i 1800-tallet, Vejle: Vejle Kunstmuseum og Nivågaard Maleri samling 1993. Damsholt, Tine: “En national turist i det patriotiske landskab”, pp. 3-26, IN Fortid og nutid, København 1999. Feldbæk, Ole (red. / ed.): Dansk identitetshistorie, bind 2: Et yndigt land 1789-1848. København: C.A. Reitzels Forlag 1991. Friisberg, Claus: “Den kildekritiske tvang”, IN Historisk Tidsskrift, bind / vol. 100, hæfte / parts 1-2, København 2000. Grand, Karina Lykke og Gertrud Oelsner: P.C. Skovgaard. Dansk guldalder revurderet, Aarhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag 2010. Grand, Karina Lykke og Gertrud Oelsner: Vilhelm Kyhn & det danske landskabsmaleri, Aarhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag 2012. Grundtvig, Svend: Dansk Folkeblad, 1843. Ludvigsen, Suzanne: Maleren Dankvart Dreyer, bind / vols. 1-2, Selskabet til Udgivelse af danske Mindemærker, København: Forlaget Vandkunsten 2008. Molbech, Christian: Ungdomsvandringer i mit Fødeland, bind / vol.1:1811, bind / vol. 2:1815, København 1811/1815. Mortensen, Klaus P.: Det pittoreske øje. Et guldalderessay, København: Gyldendal 2011 Ploug, Carl (red. / ed.): Orla Lehmann. Efterladte skrifter, bind / vols. 1-2, København: Gyldendal 1872-1873. Reitzel, Carl: Fortegnelse over danske Kunstneres Arbejder paa de ved Det Kgl. Akademi for de skjønne Kunster i Aarene 1807-1882 afholdte Charlottenborg-Udstillinger, København: Thieles Bogtrykkeri 1883. Simesen, Ingeborg (red. / ed.): Gads Danske Magasin, 1929: “Breve fra P. Chr. Skovgaard til Svend Grundtvig 1848-49”, pp. 391-403 samt / and “Breve fra Svend Grundtvig til P. Chr. Skovgaard 1848-49”, pp. 582-595 samt / and “Brevveksling mellem Johan Grundtvig og P. Chr. Skovgaard 1848”, pp. 659-668, IN Gads Danske Magasin, 1929. Sørensen, Jens Erik: Kunst og ideologi i Danmark 1840-1890. De nationalliberale, kunstinstitutionen og provinsmuseernes etablering, konferensspeciale. Aarhus: Aarhus Universitet 1979. Ussing, J.L.: N.L. Høyens Skrifter, bind / vols. 1-3, Udgivne på Foranstaltning af Selskabet for Nordisk Konst, København: Thieles Bogtrykkeri 1871. Vammen, Hans: “Kritisk romantik – om opfattelsen af den danske guldalder. I anledning af en disputats om N.L. Høyen”, pp. 18-38, IN Historisk Tidsskrift, bind / vol. 87, hæfte / part 1, København 1987. Vammen, Hans: Den tomme stat. Angst og ansvar i dansk politik 1848-1864. København: Museum Tusculanum 2011. Westergaard, Hanne: “Christian Jürgensen Thomsen og de skønne kunster”, pp. 63-82, IN Aarbøger for nordisk oldkyndighed og historie, København 1988. Ørsted, H.C.: “Betragtninger over den danske Character”, IN Dansk Ugeskrift, nr. / no. 85, 1843. Østergaard, Uffe: “Den danske stat – territorialt betragtet”, pp. 45-60, IN Torben Beck Jørgensen og Kurt Klaudi Klausen (red. / ed.), Territorial Dynamik – Streger på landkort, billeder i vore hoveder, Aarhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag og Magtudredningen 2002.

Utrykte kilder / Unpublished sources

Brev fra P.C. Skovgaard til J.Th. Lundbye, dateret d. 26. juni 1845, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 34, nr. 15 / Letter from P.C. Skovgaard to J.Th. Lundbye, dated 26 June 1845, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 34, no. 15. Brev fra P.C. Skovgaard til Orla Lehmann, dateret den 6. maj 1846. Arkivnummer 05864, Orla Lehmanns og hustru Anette Maria Bolette f. Puggaards Arkiv, Rigsarkivet / Letter from P.C. Skovgaard to Orla Lehmann, dated 6 May 1846. Archive no. 05864, Orla Lehmanns og hustru Anette Maria Bolette f. Puggaards Arkiv, Rigsarkivet. Brev fra P.C. Skovgaard til Georgia Skovgaard, dateret den. 11. september 1852, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 5, nr. 20 / Letter from P.C. Skovgaard to Georgia Skovgaard, dated 11 September 1852, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 5, no. 20. Brev fra Carl Ploug til P.C. Skovgaard, dateret den 16. august 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, nr. 11a / Letter from Carl Ploug to P.C. Skovgaard, dated 16 August 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, no. 11a. Brev fra H.C. Aggersborg til P.C. Skovgaard, dateret den 19. maj 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, nr. 27 / Letter from H.C. Aggersborg to P.C. Skovgaard, dated 19 May 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, no. 27 Brev fra H.C. Aggersborg til P.C. Skovgaard, dateret den 11. juni 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, nr. 28 / Letter from H.C. Aggersborg to P.C. Skovgaard, dated 11 June 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, no. 28. Breve fra Monradfamilien til Skovgaardfamilien i maj 1867, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, m. 38, nr. 12 a-c / Letter from the Monrad family to the Skovgaard family May 1867, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 38, no. 12 a-c. Brev fra Vilhelm Kyhn til Lorenz Frølich, dateret den 1. december 1862. Det Kongelige Bibliotek, N.K.S. / Letter from Vilhelm Kyhn to Lorenz Frølich, dated 1 December 1862. Det Kongelige Bibliotek, N.K.S.

NOTER / NOTES

1. Ørsted, H.C.: “Betragtninger over den danske Character”, IN Dansk Ugeskrift, nr. 85, 1843. I artiklen modificerer han synspunktet ved også at skrive: “Man er enig om at betragte beskedenhed, besindighed, godmodighed og munterhed som danske National egenskaber – og dette stemmer godt med hin Naturkarakter. Men man maa ikke drive Sammenligningen for vidt og glemme, hvad den fri Aand formaar…Naar man taler om Nationalkarakter, synes man alt for meget at glemme, at dét, som alle Mennesker har fælles, har usigelig meget større betydning og vigtighed end de nationale forskelligheder.” / Ørsted, H.C. “Betragtninger over den danske Character”, IN Dansk Ugeskrift, no. 85, 1843. In the article he modifies his viewpoint by also writing: “One is in agreement about regarding humbleness, level-headedness, good nature and cheerfulness as Danish national characteristics – and this corresponds with

120 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst yonder natural characteristic. But one must not take the comparison too far and forget what the free spirit is capable of… When one discusses national characteristics one seems to forget all too often that which all humans have in common has an unspeakably larger meaning and importance than the national differences.” 2. Molbech, Christian: Ungdomsvandringer i mit Fødeland, bind / vol. 1:1811, bind / vol. 2:1815, København 1811/1815. 3. Damsholt, Tine: “En national turist i det patriotiske landskab”, pp. 3-26, IN Fortid og nutid, København 1999. 4. Molbech var ultrakonservativ modstander af de liberale politikere, men vedr. punktet om patriotismen tænkte de mere ens. Hans Vammen takkes for præciserende oplysninger om forskelle mellem fædreland, nation, patriotisme, helstaten m.m. / Molbech was an ultra-conservative opponent of the liberal politicians, but on the issue of patriotism they thought more alike. Thanks to Hans Vammen for precise information on the difference between fatherland, nation, patriotism, United Monarchy, and more. 5. Brugen af måneskinnet som effektskabende middel i billederne er i den grad et levn fra den europæiske romantik, hvor sublime farefulde landskabsscenarier hyppigt inkluderede fuldmåner. I dansk kontekst ses fuldmånen dog også ofte i mere blikstille landskabsmalerier, eksempelvis som udført af Skovgaard i 1837, hvor en skovsø bliver oplyst af månen. (P.C. Skovgaard, Skovsø i måneskin, 1837. Olie på lærred, 45 x 53 cm. Skovgaard Museet) / The use of moonlight as a means to create an effect in the pictures is most certainly a relic from European Romanticism, where sublime, perilous landscape scenarios often included full moons. In a Danish context, though, the full moon is often seen more in dead calm landscape paintings; for example, as executed by Skovgaard in 1837, where a forest lake becomes illuminated by the moon (P.C. Skovgaard, Skovsø i måneskin (Forest lake in moonlight), 1837. Oil on canvas, 45 x 53 cm. Skovgaard Museet) 6. Med begreberne det sublime, det skønne og det pittoreske tænkes her på den kantianske distinktion, som tidens æstetiske diskussioner lænede sig op ad / With terms such as the sublime, the beautiful, and the picturesque, what is imagined here is a Kantian distinction, which the aesthetic discussions of the time leaned on. Se endvidere / See Klaus P. Mortensen, Det pittoreske øje. Et guldalderessay, København: Gyldendal 2011. 7. Se endvidere / See Gertrud Oelsner, “Skovens demokratiske rum og andre nationale motiver hos P.C. Skovgaard”, pp. 55-112, IN Gertrud Oelsner og Karina Lykke Grand, P.C. Skovgaard. Dansk guldalder revurderet, Aarhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag 2010 samt / and Inge Adriansen, Nationale symboler i Det danske Rige 1830-2000, bind / vol. 2, København: Museum Tusculanum 2003, pp. 381-390. 8. Her citeret fra / Here quoted from: Uffe Østergaard: “Den danske stat – territorialt betragtet”, pp. 45-60, IN Torben Beck Jørgensen og Kurt Klaudi Klausen (red. / ed.), Territorial Dynamik – Streger på landkort, billeder i vore hoveder, Aarhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag og Magtudredningen 2002. Se endvidere / See Carl Ploug (red. / ed.), Orla Lehmann. Efterladte skrifter, bind / vols. 1-2, København: Gyldendal 1872-1873. Rigtigheden af Lehmanns nedskrevne erindringer og referater fra møder og taler har blandt historikere været et diskussionspunkt / The accuracy of Lehmann’s written recollections and reports from meetings and speeches has been a point of discussion amongst historians. Se / See Claus Friisberg: “Den kildekritiske tvang”, IN Historisk Tidsskrift, bind / vol. 100, hæfte / parts 1-2, København 2000 for den historiske disput om udlægningerne af Orla Lehmanns efterladte skrifter og hans beslutningers betydning især mht., hvorvidt Lehmann bedrev krigsophidsende virksomhed / for the historical dispute on the interpretation of Orla Lehmann’s posthumous works and the meaning of his decisions especially in relation to whether Lehmann ran a warmongering business. 9. Orla Lehmanns tale kan genlæses på www.danmarkshistorien.dk under punktet: Orla Lehmanns tale “Danmark til Ejderen” 28. maj 1842 / Orla Lehmann’s speech can be read on www.danmarkshistorien.dk under the heading: Orla Lehmanns tale “Danmark til Ejderen” 28. maj 1842. 10. Da Lehmann offentligt udtalte sig kritisk mod enevælden ved en stænderforsamling på Falster i 1841, kostede disse fremsagte synspunkter ham et par måneders fængsel / When Lehmann publicly spoke out criticising the absolute monarchy at the provincial consultative chambers on Falster in 1841, these spoken points of view cost him a couple of months in prison. 11. Se blandt andet www.danmarkshistorien.dk under punktet: Orla Lehmanns tale “Danmark til Ejderen” 28. maj 1842 for analyse og kontekst for talen / See www.danmarkshistorien.dk under the heading: Orla Lehmanns tale “Danmark til Ejderen” 28. maj 1842 for analysis and context for the speech. 12. Fortegnelse fra Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv. Se endvidere Oelsner og Grand 2010 / Index from Skovgaard Museets letter archive. See Oelsner og Grand 2010. 13. Se fortegnelse over salg/købere i / See a list of sales/buyers in Carl Reitzel: Fortegnelse over danske Kunstneres Arbejder paa de ved Det Kgl. Akademi for de skjønne Kunster i Aarene 1807-1882 afholdte Charlottenborg-Udstillinger, København: Thieles Bogtryk- keri 1883. Se også / See Nina Damsgaard (red. / ed.), Orla Lehmann – og den nationale kunst, Vejle: Vejle Kunstmuseum og Vejle Kulturhistoriske Museum 1986 samt / and Nina Damsgaard og Signe Jacobsen, D.G. Monrad – en kunstsamler i 1800-tallet, Vejle: Vejle Kunstmuseum og Nivågaard Malerisamling 1993. 14. Grundtvig, Svend: Dansk Folkeblad, 1843. 15. N.L. Høyen var inspektør og indkøber for Den Kongelige Malerisamling fra 1839, professor i kunsthistorie ved Kunstakademiet fra 1829 og underviser i kunsthistorie på Københavns Universitet fra 1856. Høyen måtte sammensætte sin uddannelse af andre fag end kunsthistorie på Københavns Universitet, da kunsthistorie først blev oprettet som fag med Høyens tiltrædelse. Senere professor samme sted / N.L. Høyen was administrator and buyer for the Royal Collection of Paintings and Sculptures from 1839, professor in art history at the Royal Academy of the Fine Arts in 1829 and a lecturer in the history of art at the University of Copenhagen from 1856. Høyen had to build up his knowledge of disciplines other than history of art at the University of Copenhagen when history of art was first established as a subject with Høyen’s appointment. Later a professor at the same place. 16. Ussing, J.L.: N.L. Høyens Skrifter, bind / vol. 1, pp. 351, 359-361, Udgivne på Foranstaltning af Selskabet for Nordisk Konst, København: Thieles Bogtrykkeri 1871. 17. Skandinavisk Selskab blev stiftet året efter opløsningen af Skandinavisk Samfund, der blev forbudt af enevælden, og som kostede Ploug fængselsstraf og trussel om henrettelse / The Scandinavian Society was founded the year after the dissolution of the Scandi navian Association, which was banned by the absolute monarchy and which cost Ploug a prison sentence and the threat of execution. Feldbæk, Ole (red. / ed.): Dansk identitetshistorie, bind 2: Et yndigt land 1789-1848. København: C.A. Reitzels Forlag 1991, pp. 380-387. For generelt om skandinavismen se / For more general reading on Scandinavianism see Henrik Becker-Christensen, Skandinaviske drømme og politiske realiteter. Den politiske skandinavisme i Danmark 1830-1850, Historiske Skrifter 1. Aarhus: Arusia 1980. 18. Westergaard, Hanne: “Christian Jürgensen Thomsen og de skønne kunster”, IN Aarbøger for nordisk oldkyndighed og historie, København 1988, pp. 63-82. 19. I Damsgaard 1986 betones det, at Høyen og Lehmann gensidigt påvirkede hinanden, og at Høyen havde stor betydning for Lehmanns kunstsyn. Da selskabet blev opløst i 1871 tilfaldt malerierne Aarhus Kunstmuseum og Den Kgl. Malerisamling (nu Statens Museum for Kunst) / In Damsgaard 1986 it is emphasised that Høyen and Lehmann reciprocally affected one another and that Høyen had a great importance of Lehmann’s views on art. When the society was dissolved in 1871 the paintings came into the possession of Aarhus Kunstmuseum and Den Kgl. Malerisamling (now Statens Museum for Kunst). Se / See pp. 27-33. Constantin Hansen sad i

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 121 selskabets bestyrelse og var også aktiv ved stiftelsen af Selskabet for Nordisk Kunst / Constantin Hansen sat in the society’s board room and was also active in the foundation of the Society of Nordic Art. 20. Agerbæk, Kirsten: Høyen mellem klassicisme og romantik, doktordisputats, Esbjerg 1984, pp. 297-298 samt / and Hans Vammen, “Kritisk romantik – Om opfattelsen af den danske guldalder. I anledning af en disputats om N.L. Høyen”, IN Historisk Tidsskrift, bind / vol. 87, hæfte / part 1, København 1987. 21. De tre kunstnere lavede dekorationer til den store nordiske fest i 1845 på Skydebanen i København, hvor de skildrede de nordiske guder. For Lehmann og de andre nationalliberale handlede det skandinaviske perspektiv også om at dyrke de strategiske, forsvarsmæs- sige alliancer til de nordiske lande i fald der måtte opstå krig med landene mod syd, hvor Danmark således kunne få brug for militær støtte fra Norge og Sverige. Retrospektiv betragtet var Den første Slesvigske krig lige om hjørnet. Blot tre år senere i 1848 var der udbrudt krig om retten til Slesvig, og modstanderen var Holsten / The three artists made decorations for the grand Nordic fest in 1845 at Skydebanen in Copenhagen, where they depicted the Nordic gods. For Lehmann and the other National Liberals the Scandinavian perspective also dealt with cultivating the strategic defence alliances with the Nordic lands in the event a war with the countries to the south might occur, where Denmark might have need of military support from Norway and Sweden. Seen in retrospect, the first Schleswig war was just around the corner. Only three years later, in 1848, war broke out over the right to Schleswig, and the opposition was Holstein. 22. Brev fra P.C. Skovgaard til J.Th. Lundbye, dateret d. 26. juni 1845, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 34, nr. 15 / Letter from P.C. Skovgaard to J.Th. Lundbye, dated 26 June 1845, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 34, no. 15. 23. B.S. Ingemann (1789-1862) skrev i 1833 en romance med titlen Kong Erik og de Fredløse, hvor han videreudviklede de mange sagn om Marsk Stig og hans slægt. Ingemann inspirerede andre danske landskabsmalere til at skildre de middelalderlige historier. Eksem- pelvis landskabsmaleren Dankvart Dreyer i maleriet Marsk Stigs forladte døtre fra 1839, der dog blev genstand for omfattende kritik i samtiden / In 1833 B.S. Ingemann (1789-1862) wrote a romance with the title Kong Erik og de Fredløse, where he further developed the many legends on Marsk Stig and his kin. Ingemann inspired other Danish landscape painters to depict stories from the Middle Ages. For example, the landscape painter Dankvart Dreyer in the painting Marsk Stigs forladte døtre from 1839, which became subject to extensive critique in his time. Se / See Suzanne Ludvigsen: Maleren Dankvart Dreyer, bind / vols. 1-2, Selskabet til Udgivelse af danske Mindemærker, København: Forlaget Vandkunsten 2008: bind / vol. 1: pp. 133-139 for uddybning / for more detail. 24. Ussing/Høyen, bind / vol. 1, p. 361 25.Ussing/Høyen, bind / vol. 1, p. 360. 26. I begyndelsen af århundredet havde området ikke været frodigt, men udpint pga. overdreven skovhugst og derved bestået af større hedearealer. Jylland blev dengang benævnt Nørrejylland fra Skagen til Kolding, mens området syd for Kolding og indtil floden Ejderen enten blev benævnt Slesvig eller Sønderjylland / In the beginning of the century the area had not been fertile, but was exhausted because of excessive tree felling and thereby consisted of large areas of moorland. Jutland was then named North Jutland from Skagen to Kolding, while the area south of Kolding and up to the river Eider was either named Schleswig or South Jutland. 27. Værket faldt i Høyens smag, og det blev opkøbt til Den Kgl. Malerisamling, hvor offentligheden havde adgang til at se den stadig voksende samling af nutidskunst. På mange måder kan man tale om, at værker som dette med kunstnerens nationalliberale bagved liggende holdninger in mente er med til at undergrave enevældens patriotiske syn på befolkningen / The work was to Høyen’s liking and it was purchased for the Royal Collection of Paintings and Sculptures, where the public had access to see the still growing collection of contemporary art. In many ways one can discuss how works such as this, with the artist’s national liberal tendencies in mind, lying beneath the surface, are part of undermining the absolute monarchy’s patriotic view of the population. 28. For uddybning af de jyske og sjællandske studier, der gik forud for maleriet se / For more detailed information about the studies from Jutland and Zealand, which took place ahead of the painting, see: Karina Lykke Grand, “’Danmark er et dejligt Land’. Vilhelm Kyhn og det nationale maleri”, pp. 65-109, IN Gertrud Oelsner og Karina Lykke Grand: Vilhelm Kyhn & det danske landskabsmaleri, Aarhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag 2012. 29. Brev fra Vilhelm Kyhn til Lorenz Frølich, dateret den 1. december 1862. Det Kongelige Bibliotek, N.K.S. / Letter from Vilhelm Kyhn to Lorenz Frølich, dated 1 December 1862. Det Kongelige Bibliotek, N.K.S. 30. Her citeret efter Oelsner 2010, p. 70. Brev fra P.C. Skovgaard til Orla Lehmann, dateret den 6. maj 1846. Arkivnummer 05864, Orla Lehmanns og hustru Anette Maria Bolette f. Puggaards Arkiv, Rigsarkivet. Gertrud Oelsner takkes for oplysningen / Here quoted after Oelsner 2010, p. 70. Letter from P.C. Skovgaard to Orla Lehmann, dated 6 May 1846. Archive no. 05864, Orla Lehmanns og hustru Anette Maria Bolette f. Puggaards Arkiv, Rigsarkivet. Thanks to Gertrud Oelsner for the information. 31. Simesen, Ingeborg (red. / ed.): “Breve fra P. Chr. Skovgaard til Svend Grundtvig 1848-49”, pp. 391-403 samt / and “Breve fra Svend Grundtvig til P. Chr. Skovgaard 1848-49”, pp. 582-595 samt / and “Brevveksling mellem Johan Grundtvig og P. Chr. Skovgaard 1848”, pp. 659-668, IN Gads Danske Magasin, 1929. 32. Brev fra Carl Ploug til P.C. Skovgaard, dateret den 16. august 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, nr. 11a / Letter from Carl Ploug to P.C. Skovgaard, dated 16 August 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, no. 11a. 33. Brev fra P.C. Skovgaard til Georgia Skovgaard, dateret den. 11. september 1852, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 5, nr. 20 / Letter from P.C. Skovgaard to Georgia Skovgaard, dated 11 September 1852, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 5, no. 20. 34. Da tegningen blev udført i 1852, var de nationalliberale ikke ved magten. Det var således Bluhmes helstatsregering, som her kritiseres / When the sketch was completed in 1852, the National Liberals were not yet in power. It was Bluhme’s United Monarchy government which is here criticised. Se endvidere / See Vammen 2011, p. 87. 35. Grand, Karina Lykke: “’Danmark er et dejligt Land’. Vilhelm Kyhn og det nationale maleri”, pp. 65-109, IN Oelsner og Grand 2012. 36. Se maleriet / See the painting: Vilhelm Kyhn, I Lysthuset, 1858-59. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 188 x 182 cm. Statens Museum for Kunst. 37. Brev fra Carl Ploug til P.C. Skovgaard, dateret den 16. august 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, nr. 11a / Letter from Carl Ploug to P.C. Skovgaard, dated 16 August 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, no. 11a. 38. Se Hans Vammens artikel “’At trække sig selv op ved hårene’. Romantik og politik i dansk guldalder” her i publikationen for en uddybning af dette forhold. Se endvidere Hans Vammen, Den tomme stat. Angst og ansvar i dansk politik 1848-1864. København: Museum Tusculanum 2011. Hans Vammen takkes for at have gjort mig opmærksom på helstatsmodellen og helstatsforfatningens kompleksitet / See Hans Vammen’s article “’To pull oneself up by one’s hair’. Romanticism and politics in the Danish Golden Age” here in this publication for more detail on this relationship. See Hans Vammen, Den tomme stat. Angst og ansvar i dansk politik 1848- 1864. København: Museum Tusculanum 2011. Thanks to Hans Vammen for making me aware of the United Monarchy model and the complexity of the United Monarchy constitution. 39. Brev fra H.C. Aggersborg til P.C. Skovgaard, dateret den 19. maj 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, nr. 27 og brev fra H.C. Aggersborg til P.C. Skovgaard, dateret den 11. juni 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, nr. 28 / Letter from H.C. Aggersborg to P.C. Skovgaard, dated 19 May 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, no. 27 and letter from H.C. Aggersborg

122 Visionen for Danmark: en politisk landskabskunst to P.C. Skovgaard, dated 11 June 1854, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 12, no. 28. 40. Vammen 2011, pp. 175-200 og Grand, “’Danmark er et dejligt Land’. Vilhelm Kyhn og det nationale maleri”, pp. 65-109, IN Oelsner og Grand 2012, p. 94. 41. Deres resterende samling blev solgt ved auktion forud for rejsen / Their remaining collection was sold at auction ahead of the journey. Se / See Nina Damsgaard og Signe Jacobsen, D.G. Monrad – en kunstsamler i 1800-tallet, Vejle: Vejle Kunstmuseum og Nivaagaard Malerisamling 1993. 42. Se breve i Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv fra 1865 forud for Monradfamiliens afrejse samt brev fra Monradfamilien til Skovgaard familien i 1867, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 38, nr. 12 a-c / See the letter in Skovgaard Museets letter archive from 1865 ahead of the Monrad family’s departure together with a letter from the Monrad family to the Skovgaard family in 1867, Skovgaard Museets brevarkiv, mappe 38, no. 12 a-c. 43. Sørensen, Jens Erik: Kunst og ideologi i Danmark 1840-1890. De nationalliberale, kunstinstitutionen og provinsmuseernes etablering, konferensspeciale. Aarhus: Aarhus Universitet 1979, p. 103. 44. Jette Baagøe takkes for at have gjort mig opmærksomhed på dette forhold / Thanks to Jette Baagøe for drawing my attention to this relationship. Se endvidere / See Jette Baagøe, “…Det står med brede bøge…”, IN Mogens Bencard (red. / ed.), Krydsfelt. Ånd og natur i guldalderen, København: Gyldendal 2000.

The Vision for Denmark: a political landscape painting 123 Jørgen Roed, Parti af en gade i Roskilde med domkirken i baggrunden, vinterstykke (View of a street in Roskilde with the Cathedral in the background, winter scene), 1836. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 80 x 64 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum. Jørgen Roed, Roskilde Domkirke (Roskilde Cathedral), 1835-36. Olie på lærred / Oil on canvas, 49,8 x 41,5 cm. ARoS Aarhus Kunstmuseum.