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Home , Joko Anwar, Pornographic film, Riri Riza

THE C ONTESTATION ON P OLITICAL AND S OCIAL C ONTEXT OF P-SOST OEHARTO ' S I NDONESIAN F ILM I NDUSTRY

Maimunah*) Abstrak Makalah ini akan mengkaji secara kontekstual perkembangan industry film pasca Orde Baru dan pengaruhnya dalam gerakan reformasi film. Pasca Orde Baru memperlihatkan adanya pergantian rezim politik yang diikuti oleh perkembangan pesat teknologi komunikasi memberikan pengaruh yang signifikan terutama membuka kesempatan bagi sutradara film muda untuk berkarya. Bagaimana komunitas film memanfaatkan era keterbukaan ini tetapi juga bagaimana mereka menegosiasi munculnya kelompok masyarakat yang cenderung memaksakan standard dan nilai- nilai moral yang konservatif akan menjadi pembahasan utama dalam makalah ini. Teori Queer akan menjadi bingkai penelitian ini dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif. Hasil atau pembahasan menunjukkan bahwa konteks sosial dan politik menunjukkan arah yang berbeda karena pada saat yang sama, reformasi sosial politik memunculkan trend yang berlawanan dengan kebebasan berekspresi. Pada titik ini, backlash (penyerangan balik) dan kekerasan atas nama perbedaan gender dan orientasi seksual akan menjadi ancaman serius bagi kebebasan berekspresi dan berpendapat dalam ranah publik.

Key words: Kontestasi, Era Reformasi, Industri Film, liberalisasi, konservatisme Abstract This paper examines the context of the development of Indonesian film industry since 1998, and more broadly, the social and political environment of the Post-Soeharto era. By examining the impact of the reform movement on Indonesia's film world, i t demonstrates that the political shift, accompanied by changes in media technologies, not only stimulated the emergence of movement but also opened up a revival of the Indonesian film industry, which had collapsed in the last stage of New Order era. How the film communities have negotiated the attempted enforcement of conservative moral values and to what extent their attempts correspond to the agendas being pursued by liberal Muslims and women's organisations will be the focus of this paper. Queer theory will be the framework of this paper by using qualitative methodology. Meanwhile, in the context of the social and political context of film production, the discussion shows how the liberalisation of the film industry, of which these filmmakers were prominent exponents, came under threat from the emergence of conservative Islamic organisations and formalist Islamic parties that were opposed to the trend towards liberalisation and sexual openness. In this way, backlash and gender based-violence towards homosexual activities and queer representations can be seen as an outcome of a contest between conservatism and liberalisation in a newly liberated public sphere. Key words: Contestation, Reformation era, Indonesia’s Film Industry, liberalisation, conservatism

INTRODUCTION After the fall of Soeharto, Indonesia Indonesian queer cinema emerged adopted a new multiparty policy. Up to in a context of fluidity and change in April 1999, 141 political parties based on contemporary Indonesian society in social, ethnic and religious affiliation were general and in Indonesian film culture in officially registered by the Department of particular. The shift was begun by the fall Justice. In this climate of political of Soeharto in May 1998, an event that liberalisation, Indonesia held successive opened up a climate of a freedom of presidential elections that led the country expression in politics, arts and the media. into a transition process of

*) Departemen Sastra Inggris, Fakultas Ilmu Budaya, Universitas Airlangga, Jalan Dharmawangsa Dalam Selatan Surabaya, Telp: 031-5035676, emai l:[email protected]/[email protected]

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democratisation (Effendi, 2003:202; only among film activists but also among Woodward, 2008:47). In the arts and high school students.2) Making use of the popular culture, as Barbara Hatley (2005) rapid progress in audio-visual technology, has noted, women performers and other filmmakers celebrated the variety of marginalised groups such as Chinese digital video film formats and projectors Indonesian artists began to celebrate the that were cheaper and more flexible than new democratic climate. At the local level, conventional and expensive 35 mm film. artistic activities began to flourish In 1999, they held their first self-funded (Heryanto, 2008:73). In the media, the film festival, the “Indonesian Independent most striking shift was the abolition in Film-Video Festival”. Organised by 2000 of the Department of Information, Konfiden ( Komunitas Film Independen ), a which was responsible for all government Jakarta-based non-profit film censorship policy and propaganda. It was organisation, the festival was a response to replaced by a Department of the flourishing production of independent Communication, which had more limited films. institutional capacity and political power In 2004, the Kine Klub at in controlling the increasingly varied and Muhammadiyah University in Malang globally influenced Indonesian media. held Mafvest , a festival in The change significantly diminished Malang-East Java (Mediarta, 2007:309). government control of the print and These alternative film festivals had a electronic media (Sen, 2006a:102). In considerable impact, not only in response, by 2000, almost 500 new strengthening the informal networking permits for print media had been issued among the film activists but also in (Sen and Hill, 2000:70). In cinema, one of establishing links with international the positive consequences of the abolition networks. Konfiden , for of the Department of Information was a instance, regularly promoted Indonesian shift away from the New Order film short films on the international circuit, regulation system that required four years’ such as in Oberhausen, Germany, experience as an assistant filmmaker Tampers, Finland and Rotterdam, The before a director could direct a film Netherlands (van Heeren, 2002b).3) independently (Lesmana, 2007).1) Film Krishna Sen (2005) argues that the new activists and film enthusiasts started to filmmakers never experienced the make short films, as this was easier and restrictions of the New Order, though they cheaper than producing a (van were born and grew up within mainstream Heeren, 2002a). New Order culture.4) The phenomenon of self-made film, A film that was seen to embody the which was labelled by the Indonesian regeneration and revitalisation of the press as “Independent cinema” (I-Sinema) Indonesian film industry was Kuldesak , quickly became a cultural movement, not produced along the lines of the so-called

1) in her public speech on the Indonesian contemporary film industry at the University of Melbourne (8 October 2007), explained that under the New Order’s film regulation system a filmmaker required an official certificate of work experience and legal permit in order to be able to direct or to produce film. 2) In Indonesian film culture, there are many definitions of the term “film independen (I-Sinema)”. for instance argues that it refers to “films which are made in the spirit of independence and even individualism, but they are also national in character” (Sharpe, 2002). 3) Some Indonesian short films won international independent film awards. Kara, Anak Sebatang Pohon (Kara, The Daughter of a Tree) by screened at the Cannes Film Festival in 2005 and Tintin Wulia’s Ketok (Knock, 2002) was awarded the Special Jury Prize at the 2003 Hamburg International Short Film Festival (Ratna, 2007: 305). 4) Rudi Soedjarwo, for instance comes from a family belonging to the inner circle of the New Order’s high ranking police officers. His father, Anton Soedjarwo, was Chief of the Indonesian National Police Force (Kapolri ) between 1982 and 1986 (Imanjaya, 2006: 207).

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“guerrilla system” by four young directors the filmmakers were conducted to gain and released in 1998.5) Its directing style supplementary data on their perceptions of was seen as more akin to the pattern of an gender and . Interviews MTV video-clip rather than a were conducted in person interview or conventional feature film (Kristanto, electronically. (These different modes are 2007:309). Kuldesak’s success was the indicated in the referencing of data from trigger for the emergence of a new group these interviews: “personal interview” of feature filmmakers who were refers to an in person interview, while experienced in underground filmmaking. “personal communication” means an This challenge to the normative electronic communication). It is gender and sexual patterns of New Order acknowledged that the electronic film was pursued in other films. Nia interview format provides a more limited diNata’s Ca Bau Kan depicts a fluidity of opportunity to explore the filmmaker’s identity in the main female character, arguments and opinions. Where relevant, Tinung, who destabilises the margin data from film posters and advertisements between wife and whore. This suggests the have also been included in the body of way the film overall challenged the secondary material analysed. dichotomisation of New Order morality Queer theory will be used as a main between good and bad, in which the good framework in this article. In the case of always win (Sen, 2006a:107). In 2002, queer theory and queer discourse in there was a significant attempt to explore general, it is important to recognise that in intimate relationships between female Indonesia, and Southeast Asia more characters in Riri Riza’s ELIana eliANA . generally, the queer focus on non- Partly inspired by the Hong Kong queer normative sexual identities must be film, Wong Kar-Wai’s Happy Together , the broadened to incorporate the interplay film centres on a complicated tripartite between sexuality and gender which local relationship between Bunda, her daughter language terminology defines and which Eliana, and Heni, Eliana’s closest friend. shapes the local interpretations of The film deliberately shows the imported understandings of same-sex complexity of being single for young desire. In Indonesia, the emergence of self- women in a metropolitan centre like defined “queer communities” and the Jakarta (Sharpe, 2002). It was also in 2002 growth of an Indonesian queer discourse that Panggil Aku Puspa first appeared as a imply that queer is emerging as a valid and television drama on SCTV. local frame of reference. Equally, As this brief review of the however, queer theory, or queer studies, revitalisation of the Indonesian film needs to acquire a culturally appropriate industry in the early reform era suggests, and local identity in Indonesia. The the representation of queer characters and following discussion aims to contribute to queer viewing as explored in Part II was that development, by taking the not sudden and instant phenomenon. fundamental insights of queer theory as it Rather, it was something that gradually has evolved in the West, but attempting to emerged as part of the revival of apply them in the specific context of Indonesian film industry in general. contemporary Indonesia. In other words, it METHOD proposes a historically and culturally Qualitative methodology has been contingent interpretation of the concept of used in the collection of other forms of queer, referred to here as “Indonesian secondary data. In-depth interviews with queer”. As Benshoff and Griffin (2004:2)

5) The production of Kuldesak began in 1996. However, the film was not released until November 1998, six months after the fall of Soeharto, due to financial problems and the strict New Order film regulations (Clark, 2004: 121). The “guerrilla system” refers to a self-funded film, non-affiliated production, produced without a state permit and promoted through the underground network (Lesmana, 2007).

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suggest that queer theory is relevant to before the 7 June 1999 election, a far non- contexts, arguing that it greater number of divergent expressions “explores non-procreative sexualities in of a common belief system than was the non-Western cultures, places, and eras that case with any other ideological grouping often have vastly different understanding in the Indonesian political spectrum. In the of ”. new climate, Indonesia began to see, The essential contribution of queer alongside the continuing expression of theory to studies of sexuality has been its “cultural Islam” in a variety of forms, the resistance to normativity, whether this be emergence of “political Islam”.7) Thus, the imposition of a binary and unequal while “cultural Islam” accepted Pancasila opposition between heterosexuality and as the state ideology, there were also new homosexuality or the normative emphasis parties and organisations dedicated to in gay and lesbian theory on politically and fight for the implementation of a sharia- culturally progressive forms of based society and an Islamic state (Hasan, homosexual identity. By emphasising the 2006:23).8) fluidity of identity, queer theory offers a The rise of “political Islam” in more inclusive framework for talking Indonesia took two principal forms. The about sexual orientations and sexual desire first was the appearance of formalist Benshoff and Griffin (2004:2). This makes Islamic parties, dedicated to advancing the queer an effective site of resistance for cause of Islam through formal state those who position themselves outside institutions, primarily the state’s legal normative categories of all kinds, and apparatus. The second form of expression opens up new areas of investigation for of “political Islam” was the burgeoning of cultural studies. By broadening the field of Islamic organisations with quasi-political enquiry to include all expressions of aims and agendas, operating not through resistance to sexual normativity, queer the formal political process, but through encourages new ways of theorising the direct social engagement and activism.9) relationship between behaviour and Among these groups, some of the most identity, performativity and essence. prominent were the Front Pembela Islam (FPI, Islamic Defenders’ Front), Laskar B:ACKLASH FROM P OLITICAL Jihad (Holy War Fighters) and Jemaah ISLAM TO P UBLIC M ORALITY Islamiyah (JI, Islamic Community). The new openness in Indonesia’s Supported by some Islamic formalist media landscape after 1998, which created parties, as well as civilians and military the space for queer-friendly perspectives patrons, and influenced by local and global and representations in film, did not factors, these groups reached their peak in develop in a social and political vacuum.6) the early 2000s (Hefner, 2005a:116).10) Twenty Islamic-based parties registered While Laskar Jihad and Jemaah

6) As William R Liddle (cited in Salim and Azra, 2003: 1) predicted, political liberalisation opened up new opportunities for Islamic formalists, since the new climate offered them “many more political resources, in mass acceptance of their ideas, organizations, allies, media, and access to politicians”. 7)Political Islam as a term is also often used interchangeably with “Islamism” and “fundamentalism” (Hasan, 2006: 23). 8)Sharia literally means “Islamic law”, but there is no consensus over its meaning and application on individual and societal levels. Some argue that Islamic law only covers individual religious ritual such as prayer, fasting and the hajj , while others claim that sharia should be the basic principle of Indonesia’s political, social, economy and cultural system (Salim and Azra, 2003: 3). 9) Radical or militant groups refer to those who tend to implement a strictly literal or normative interpretation of Islamic teachings especially on the social relations, religious behaviour and punishment of crimes. In many cases, they use violence to achieve their goal (Fealy and Hooker, 2006: 4). 10) FPI, formed in 1999, aimed to “combat immoral behaviour in Indonesian society” (Fealy and Hooker, 2006: xxxvii). Laskar Jihad is a paramilitary group formed in 2000 in Jogjakarta to support the Moslem community, especially in Maluku, from Christian enemies (Hasan, 2006: 17). JI is a jihadist Islamic organisation founded in 1998 (Eliraz, 2004: 34).

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Islamiyah tended to prioritise the After a change of title to Satu Kecupan establishment of an Islamic state, FPI was (One Kiss) the film was released in 2005 more concerned with the fight against without any changes in its contents “places of sin” such as nightclubs, (Sasono, 2007:vii). , casinos and everything that they The moral backlash against perceived as expressions of “moral liberalisation was supported by another decadence” (Eliraz, 2004:31). aspect of the political reforms of the It was groups such as FPI that were period. In January 2001, the central largely responsible for the backlash government officially implemented Law against the higher public profile of queer No. 22/1999 on Regional Autonomy, and sexuality after 1998, because one of the Law No. 25/1999 on the Fiscal Balance targets of “moral decadence” was between Central and Local Government. homosexual activities and films. For Under regional autonomy, local example, in 2002, FPI attempted to close governments have eleven areas of the first Q!Film Festival in Jakarta and responsibility: agriculture, land matters, intimidate the festival organisers. In the education and cultures, employment, same way, on the release of Detik Terakhir , health, empowerment, public works, FPI threatened to burn the cinema because transportation, trade and industry, capital of the film’s supposed lesbian content. investment and co-operative enterprise Shanker R.S., the film’s producer, (koperasi ) (Salim and Azra, 2003:222). responded by screening the film One institutional result of regional exclusively for the FPI representatives, autonomy was Perda Syariah (the Sharia finally convincing them that Detik District Regulations). To its supporters, Terakhir had an educative message in the these new regulations had three basic fight against drugs (Linden, 2006). A aims: firstly, to minimise social crimes similar reaction occurred following the such as , alcoholism and screening of Realita Cinta dan Rock n Roll gambling; secondly, to enforce ritual and in Surabaya, when the film poster showing moral values such as reading the Koran, the two boy protagonists as bare-chested fasting during Ramadhan , and lastly, to was protested by some Islamic radical guide the way people dress in public organisations. As part of their protest, they sphere, especially in the case of women also burned pornographic magazines, so (Candraningrum, 2006). However, equating the film with because no single interpretation of the (Detikhot , 10 February 2006). decentralisation system existed, “the It is important to note here that central government [did] not [prevent] militant Islamic organisations were not districts from implementing their own alone in their disquiet. Some more versions of sharia” (Fealy and Hooker, mainstream Islamic leaders were also 2006:193).11) In Bulukumba, Cianjur, involved in the movement to control the Padang, Garut and Gowa, the new supposed immorality of film content. In regulations obliged all women civil 2004, Abdullah Gymnastiar and Din servants to wear jilbab . In other cases, they Syamsudin from the Majelis Ulama not only stimulated a systemic Indonesia (MUI, Indonesian Council of marginalisation of women, but also Islamic Scholars) protested against the eliminated plurality, tolerance and respect “moral decadency” in Findo Purnowo’s for minorities, especially non-Muslim film Buruan Cium Gue (Kiss Me Quick), citizens (Salim, 2007:127; Salim and even though they had not watched the film. Azra, 2003:223).

11) Arskal Salim (2007: 130) has argued that in many cases the introduction of Perda Syariah was motivated by the short-term political interests of local politicians as a way to improve their public image in the lead up to local elections (pilkada ). By supporting the implementation of the Perda Syariah , these local politicians hoped to win the sympathy from Muslim voters.

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Along with the implementation of parliament revised the draft and a second Perda Syariah in many regions, the version, produced in May 2006, campaign against pornography and emphasised “criminalising the production immorality was actively pursued by and distribution of ’indecent’ materials Islamic conservative groups at the national [rather] than [...] individuals’ behaviour in level. Their targets were highly visible, public” (Trotter, 2006:37). because as an outcome of poor law The implementation of these enforcement, globalisation, advances in homophobic laws openly contradicts the technology and an expansion in the media Law No. 39/1999 on Human Rights, market, pornographic materials were which states that “the rights of minorities available everywhere. In Glodok, the should receive priority” (Hermawan, biggest VCD/DVD market in Jakarta, for 2006).12) In 2006, human rights and gay example, both foreign and local-made activists noted that the central government pornographic films circulated freely. A was unable to control the “issuance of survey conducted by Tempo magazine in discriminatory ordinances” since almost 2001 suggested that up to 80 per cent of the 500 local regulations had not yet been daily turnover of Rp 1 billion in the registered with the Ministry of Justice and Glodok film market consisted of Human Rights. “Only a few of the 500 pornographic film sales (Barker, 2006:3; regional by-laws have been reported to the Dewanto, Lebang & Budiyarso, 2001). central government” (Hermawan, 2006). The movement against pornography In this context, Arus Pelangi , a Jakarta- reached its peak with the launching of an based LGBT group known in English as Indonesian version of in January “Rainbow Flag”, presented a petition 2006. MUI viewed the publication as “a calling for the rejection of the homophobic turning point in the morality movement”. legislation and initiating a special forum Immediately, a fatwa was issued banning with the Department of Justice. The group pornographic media. A coalition of thirty- lobbied members of parliament from seven Islamic organisations called for the secular nationalist parties for support for establishment of an Islamic caliphate to the equal rights of LGBT people (Ireland, oppose “the trend toward liberalism in 2006:11). Indonesia” (Allen, 2007:104). The In the high profile public debate government, under pressure from which the proposed anti-pornography formalist Islamic parties, particularly laws generated, many human rights Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS, Justice activists, artists, feminists and and Prosperity Party aka Partai Keadilan ) representatives of ethnic minorities argued and militant organisations such as FPI and that the state should have no role in MMI, then issued a Rancangan Undang- controlling public morality. They Undang anti Pornografi dan Porno Aksi condemned the bill “as disregarding (RUU-APP, Draft Bill against freedom of expression and violating the Pornography and Porno-action) in constitution” (Allen, 2007:104). In their February 2006, declaring it to be designed view, the bill did not differentiate between “to protect women”. The first draft eroticism and pornography, since its consisted of 11 chapters and 93 sections. definitions were very broad and However, following public controversy, ambiguous (Marching, 2008).13)

12) However, the crucial point here is that in many Asian countries (including Indonesia) the notion of “the rights of minorities” specifically only recognises ethnic and racial discrimination, while the case of sexual minorities remains undiscussed. As Erick Laurent asserts, the rights of sexual minority people are not fully recognised as individual human rights since “Asian values” remains at odds with the concept of individualism. Homosexual rights are regarded as part of the “Western lifestyle” (Laurent, 2005: 201, 204). 13) Pornography in this bill refers to “a substance in the media or a tool of communication that is made for the purpose of conveying concepts that exploit sex, and/or ”, while pornoaksi (pornoaction) is “an action, in public, that exploits sex, obscenity and/or erotica” (DPRRI, 2006a).

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Consequently, all kinds of expressions of and immorality. expressed eroticism and sexuality were viewed as his deep concern about the issue of bad and dangerous. Liberal Muslim eroticism and the display of female aurat groups regarded the debate as revealing (any part of the body which should not be the hidden agenda of the Islamic visible, according to Islamic conservatives, believing that Islamic interpretation) in Indonesian films. He principles was being manipulated by the expressed the belief that “representing the conservatives, not only as a justification aurat and sexuality in films is just a way of for controlling public morality but also as titillating male erotic desire or achieving a a way of driving state policy (Allen, high rating”. “I believe that well-produced 2007:101). Others pointed out that the films are not always about selling bodies hegemonic interpretation of sexuality and sex”, he said. “We have to be aware restricted the rights of minority groups and that if pornography is viewed as part of threatened Indonesia’s plurality and freedom of expression, we sacrifice the heterogeneous culture. Arus Pelangi morality of future generations” (personal denounced the bill as a way of repressing interview, 4 May 2008). any pro-gay campaigns (Ireland, The emergence of the moral 2006:11). backlash against liberalisation indicates Representatives of the film that the “new openness”, which the new community were divided in their response Indonesian filmmakers can be seen as to the controversy surrounding the RUU- celebrating in their work, was seen as APP bill. Some film producers and highly provocative by more conservative distributors asserted that the draft was not social and political groups. Responding to necessary, since there were many specific these two publications, Media Dakwah , internal regulations which were used by the journal of the Dewan Dakwah the government to control pornography in Islamiyah Indonesia (DDII, Indonesian the electronic and print media, for Islamic Propagation Council), in its instance, Regulation No. 40/1999 on special edition of Muharram Press, Regulation No. 32/2002 on 1427/February 2006, condemned the Broadcasting, and Regulation No. 8/1992 “movement for homosexual legislation”.14) on Film (Susetyo, 2006). Young Adian Husaini, the general secretary of filmmakers strongly condemned the draft Komite Indonesia untuk Solidaritas Dunia bill as a violation of freedom of expression Islam (KISDI, Indonesian Committee for and freedom of speech. Riri Riza pointed Solidarity with the Muslim World), out that if the anti-pornography law were asserted that sexual liberation being to be accepted by the state, there would be promoted by an Islamic institution was a direct impact on the Indonesian film more dangerous than the gay movement industry since the draft failed to clarify the itself. In his view, the massive coverage of difference between pornography, homosexuality in the Indonesian media eroticism, and sensual content in films. He and the formalisation of the Miss Waria argued that the classification system Contest indicated serious moral decadence provided an adequate means to ensure in contemporary Indonesian society that justice for everyone involved in the film could lead to public acceptance of same- industry (personal interview, 4 May 2008). sex relationships (Husaini, 2006). Some among the older generation of At the same time, in the controversy filmmakers, however, argued that the bill surrounding the RUU-APP and Perda should be supported, as it was intended to Syariah, queer activists themselves save future generations from pornography became more visible and strived to counter

14) Media Dakwah was established in 1990, and was intended especially “to combat various forces thought to be trying to Christianise Indonesia” (Bowen, 2003: 23).

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what they saw as the state’s moral panic. women’s issues and lesbian issues. Sektor As Dede Oetomo (2001b) predicted, 15, for instance, formed in 1998 within LGBTQ groups became more militant and Koalisi Perempuan Indonesia (KPI, vocal after they experienced homophobic Indonesian Women’s Coalition), “pushed violence. In November 2006, Q-Munity to human rights, women’s rights and Jogjakarta and Persatuan Keluarga minority sexual rights in to the Indonesian Berencana Indonesia (PKBI, The constitution” (Blackwood, 2007:300). In Indonesian Association) this new network, women’s organisations held a national seminar on homosexuality engaged in a more overtly political agenda from an Islamic perspective. The staging on sexuality. On 29 February 2008, a of the seminar was a positive sign, in view coalition between KPI and Yayasan Jurnal of the fact that in the New Order era, Perempuan (YJP, Women’s Journal homosexuality was entirely absent in Foundation) held a program called “Road Indonesia’s Islamic discourse (Boellstorff, Show Seksual Minoritas ” in a number of 2005b:576). K.H. Husein Muhammad, the major universities in Jakarta. The general leader of Fahmina , a Cirebon-based secretary of KPI, Mascruchah, asserted women’s NGO and an adviser to the board that “the program was public education, of Rahima , a prominent Muslim women’s especially in academic circles, towards NGO,15) asserted in his keynote address LGBT issues from a human rights that in the era of the Prophet Muhammad, perspective” (personal communication, 12 the classical jurisprudence (fiqh ) May 2008). She quoted Law No. 7/1984 contained no punishment for same-sex on Elimination of All Forms of relationships. Violent punishments for Discrimination against Women which same-sex activity were only introduced in guaranteed the rights to equality and non- the period of Abu Bakar, one of the four discrimination for all women, including Islamic Caliphs. While pointing that it was those who are lesbian . Similarly, Mariana relatively hard to find any legal Amiruddin, the director of YJP, pointed justification for homosexuality in Islamic out that her institution consistently used jurisprudence, he nevertheless argued that feminism as a conceptual framework in “if you touch on the humanistic principles advocating women’s issues. In her view, of Islam, then there are two important lesbianism is part of the women’s issues you can draw on. Firstly, God movement (personal communication, 11 honours mankind. Secondly, God doesn’t May 2008). look at you on the outside, but sees inside While the “road show” mainly your heart and sees your good deeds” focused on female same-sex relationships, (personal interview, 23 August 2007). on 27 March 2008, Arus Pelangi held a In relation to the attempts by radical seminar entitled Islam, Agama Rahmatan Islamist groups to limit the space available Lil 'Alamin (Islam, a religion that brings to women and (sexual) minority groups, justice for all mankind) in Jakarta. In a some prominent women’s organisations speech entitled “Islam and Sexual widened their focus from women’s rights Minorities”, Siti Musdah Mulia, a former to include also the rights of sexual leader of the NU organisation, Fatayat , minorities. In contrast to the New Order and the director of the Indonesian era, in which was not Conference of Religions and Peace included in their programs (Blackburn, (ICRP), asserted that Islam recognised 2004:139), some contemporary women’s homosexuality, since the basic idea of organisations built a link between Islam is all human beings are equal,

15) K.H. Husein Muhammad is the author of many influential books on gender and Islam, especially the 2001 Fiqih Perempuan ( Fiqh related to Women). His progressive vision aims to reinterpret Islamic teachings as a form of universal humanism, “a conversation with contemporary needs and concerns” (Feener, 2007: 187). This explains the prominence given to him by these women’s organisations.

174 MOZAIK : Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora, Vol. 14, No.2 Juli - Desember 2013: 100 - 219 regardless of ethnicity, gender and even Hak Asasi Manusia (Lesbian Rights are sexual orientation. She argued that in the Human Rights) and the launching of Koran, the notion of “couple” does not anthology of short stories and poetry by exclusively refer to , so that lesbian writers ( Jurnal Perempuan , 16 a can be that of a heterosexual or May 2008). homosexual couple. In her view, Islam The public campaigning on the openly regulated some basic principles of rights of sexual minorities reached its peak marriage such as monogamy (tawahhud with the launching and discussion of an al-zawj), mutual consent ( al-taraadli ), Indonesian translation of the well-known equality (al-musaawah ), justice ( al- book by Irshad Manji, The Trouble with 'adaalah), honesty ( al-mashlahat ), Islam Today: A Muslim's Call for Reform pluralism (al-ta'addudiyyah ), and of her Faith (2003), held in Jakarta on 22 fairness/democracy (al-dimuqrathiyyah ), April 2008.16) The presence of Meutia all things that can be achieved by every Hatta, the Minister for Women’s couple regardless their sexual identity Empowerment, the former president (Mulia, 2008). Abdurrahman Wahid, Irshad Manji and A more comprehensive view of the Siti Musdah Mulia at the seminar showed rights of sexual minorities was presented that way non-normative sexuality was by Gadis Arivia, a prominent feminist becoming more openly discussed, even by scholar and the founder of YJP. Writing in state officials. Jurnal Perempuan, Arivia asserted that the Among the film community itself, rights of sexual minorities are a political the struggle to maintain an open and issue, not only a moral one. Moral liberal media climate has in recent years justifications that concern the notion of come to be centred on the issue of the “right” or “wrong” are not appropriate, Lembaga Sensor Film (LSF, Film since the problems of rights, justice and Censorship Board) and film censorship protection for minority groups are more regulations. Despite the abolition of the urgent. Arivia argues that using political Department of Information (under which philosophy is a way of avoiding the the LSF was coordinated), some New ambivalent stance that is commonly found Order national film laws have continued to in the dominant heteronormative culture, be implemented (Sen, 2006a:103). One i.e. supporting LGBT issues from a human example is Law No. 8/1992 on Film, rights perspective, but denying it from which declares that “all motion pictures, “moral” considerations. Therefore, the television programs, television gerakan keadilan (justice movement) commercials and other related means LGBT issues should be a political promotional materials shall be subject to [and automatically] a moral movement prior review by the board of censorship (Arivia, 2008). Consistent with Arivia’s before they are exported, imported, perspective on political philosophy and copied, distributed, sold, leased, exhibited minority rights, YJP issued a special in theatres or broadcast on television” edition in May 2008 on Lesbian Rights. (Kusuma, 2008). The law also requires The release of the journal was filmmakers to pay 20 per cent of accompanied by several programs such as production profits to the government the promotion of International Day against (Sasono, 2007:vii). Homophobia (IDAHO), public discussion An attempt to eliminate this on Hak Seksualitas Lesbian Merupakan controversial regulation was initiated with

16) The Indonesian version of Manji’s book was given the less provocative title, Beriman Tanpa Rasa Takut (Faith without Fear). Irshad Manji is a Canadian Muslim queer activist who actively campaigns for the principle that “Islam must be interpreted continuously in accordance with humanitarian principles in the concrete space and time of the communities concerned” (Murbandono, 2008).

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the establishment of the Masyarakat Film Lesmana argued that this decision was Indonesia (MFI, Indonesian Film Society) unacceptable, as it meant that the LSF was in December 2006. Led by a presidium of usurping the role of the filmmakers in young filmmakers including , interpreting Soe Hok Gie’s personal life Riri Riza and Mira Lesmana, the society’s (Setiawan, 2008). The fact that the primary goal was to replace the existing majority of LSF members were censorship system with a film intelligence agents and religious leaders, classification system, and to replace the with only a small representation from the LSF with a new body, the Lembaga film community, meant that potentially, Klasifikasi Film (LKF, Film Classification the censorship mechanism was highly Board). In their view, the LSF exerted an political (Kusuma, 2008). unacceptable level of restriction over MFI’s proposal for a classification filmmakers’ freedom of expression, as it system called for films to be classified – regularly cut and banned films without not cut – according to the age group of giving any detailed reasons for its their intended audience, so assigning decisions (Riza, 2007:127). As a parents an important role in monitoring the government institution, the LSF was suitability of films for their children. In closed, authoritative and absolute, both in ’s view, “the most important relation to its fee structure and also its thing is audience empowerment, so that application of the censorship regulations. they engage in self-screening, for In the view of the filmmakers, the LSF’s themselves and their children” (Ruang management system was not transparent Film, 2008). However the proposal did not and open to corruption, especially with deny the in-principle need for the regard to the fees levied on filmmakers for existence of censorship. As Mira Lesmana the censorship procedures. Film Law No. said, “our purpose in reforming the Film 8/1992 regulated the fees according to the Censorship Board does not mean that we amount of film copy submitted for do not want any control. On the contrary, censorship, but in reality, filmmakers were we want tighter control but in an open and subjected to a wide range of additional, responsible manner” (Setiawan, 2008). and unreceipted, charges before their films Unlike the LSF recruitment system, LKF could be cleared for screening and members were to be drawn from many distribution (Gatra , 10 February 2008). different social backgrounds. As Riri Riza On behalf of the film community, Riri Riza commented, “the Film Classification called for a process of public accounting, Board in our concept not only involves the to ensure that the LSF was operating film community, but also a wide range of according to the legal guidelines (Riza, public participants, such as social activists 2007:127). and child educators” (personal interview, 4 In relation to film content, May 2008). filmmakers considered the LSF’s rulings The MFI’s proposal was on censorship to be unacceptably rejected in the final process of judicial ambiguous. For instance, it was pointed review in the Constitutional Court on 30 out that the heterosexual kiss in Findo April 2008. The court argued that the Purnowo’s Buruan Cium Gue and the gay proposed LKF would not adequately kiss in Nia diNata’s Arisan! were protect film audiences, due to Indonesia’s approved, while scenes depicting a poor law enforcement. However it also homosexual kiss in Joko Anwar’s Janji called for an immediate review of Joni and Riri Riza’s Kuldesak were Regulation No. 8/1992 on Film, “to bring censored. Similarly, in Riri Riza’s Gie , the it into line with the spirit of Reform”. If the LSF cut a kissing scene between Gie and regulation were to be left unrevised, it his girlfriend on the grounds that it was would, in the view of the court, be “inappropriate to Gie’s personality”. unconstitutional (Gatra , 30 April 2008). Responding to this act of censorship, Mira Commenting on the Constitutional Court’s

176 MOZAIK : Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora, Vol. 14, No.2 Juli - Desember 2013: 100 - 219 final decision, Riri Riza pointed out that figures and women’s organisations members of the MFI would continue to indicates that the potential exists for apply their own classification system to integrative support networks, and it raises the films they produced. Also, they would hopes that the broader political movement monitor the revision of the film regulation for change will encompass the interests of which the Constitutional Court had LGBT groups. Even though this advised (personal interview, 4 May 2008). movement is so far confined to Mira Lesmana expressed the view that metropolitan elite-intellectual circles, the despite the rejection of the proposed tactical use of religious references and a classification system, the court’s verdict cultural approach is likely to be the most confirmed the need for a full revision of effective way for groups representing the existing film law (Jurnal Perempuan , 4 interests of sexual minorities to insert May 2008). themselves into Indonesia’s dominant gender and sexual discourses. 17) CONCLUSION In short, while queer representations The struggle to maintain an open and are becoming increasingly part of the liberal media climate – the necessary development of the Indonesian film precondition for ongoing development of industry, the rights of sexual minorities Indonesian queer cinema – thus continues and the representation of queer sexuality to be an area of social and political in Indonesian film ultimately remain contestation. Facing multidimensional embedded in issues involving the success pressures, from decentralised power elites, or otherwise of ongoing political, social to “civil censorship” by conservative and economic reform. As many observers Islamic groups and state control through have noted, opportunities for social groups censorship bodies, the proponents of promoting conservatism, conformity and freedom of expression have become an end to the process of liberalisation increasingly aware of the need for a remain open as long as the central comprehensive strategy of formal political government is unable to enforce the law, to action. The MFI’s approach in filing a provide social welfare, and to establish petition to the Constitutional Court, a political stability (Azra, 2006:24; Fealy course of action that led to a series of and Hooker, 2006:50; Hefner, public hearings and wide media coverage, 2005b:298). “Queering the context” of is an example of the type of political action Indonesian film production is likely to that highlights the ongoing struggle for remain an area of contestation, as long as freedom of expression in contemporary Indonesia’s still fledgling democracy Indonesia. Meanwhile, LGBT groups are remains unconsolidated, and social and learning that as the rights of sexual economic justice and prosperity continue minorities is a relatively new subject in to lie beyond the reach of the majority of Indonesia’s public discourse, a similar Indonesia’s population. strategic program of political action will also be needed to further their interests and guarantee their legitimacy in the public sphere. Support from liberal Islamic

17) As Melani Budianta (2006: 921) observes, in the Indonesian women’s movement, using cultural and religious references is more effective than an aggressive confrontational approach that is often counterproductive.

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