DOCSLIB.ORG

Human Security Policies in the Colombian Conflict During the Uribe Government

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Human Security Policies in the Colombian Conflict During the Uribe Government View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository 3>6,7 <0.>;4=@ 9854.40< 47 =30 .8586-4,7 .87154.= />;472 =30 >;4-0 28?0;7607= /INGN 6NMREIPN /APIN , =HEQIQ <SBLIRRED FNP RHE /EGPEE NF 9H/ AR RHE >MITEPQIRV NF <R ,MDPEUQ &$%' 1SKK LERADARA FNP RHIQ IREL IQ ATAIKABKE IM <R ,MDPEUQ ;EQEAPCH ;EONQIRNPV AR+ HRRO+##PEQEAPCH!PEONQIRNPV"QR!AMDPEUQ"AC"SJ# 9KEAQE SQE RHIQ IDEMRIFIEP RN CIRE NP KIMJ RN RHIQ IREL+ HRRO+##HDK"HAMDKE"MER#%$$&'#()%* =HIQ IREL IQ OPNRECRED BV NPIGIMAK CNOVPIGHR =HIQ IREL IQ KICEMQED SMDEP A .PEARITE .NLLNMQ 5ICEMCE Human security policies in the Colombian conflict during the Uribe government Diogo Monteiro Dario This thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 17 May 2013 Diogo Monteiro Dario PhD Dissertation Human security policies in the Colombian conflict during the Uribe government 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, Diogo Monteiro Dario, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 72,000 words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in September, 2009 and as a candidate for the degree of PhD in May, 2010; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2010 and 2013. Date 14 th May 2013 signature of candidate ……… 2. Supervisor’s declaration: I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of PhD in the University of St Andrews and that the candidate is qualified to submit this thesis in application for that degree. Date 14 th May 2013 signature of supervisor ……… 3. Permission for electronic publication: In submitting this thesis to the University of St Andrews I understand that I am giving permission for it to be made available for use in accordance with the regulations of the University Library for the time being in force, subject to any copyright vested in the work not being affected thereby. I also understand that the title and the abstract will be published, and that a copy of the work may be made and supplied to any bona fide library or research worker, that my thesis will be electronically accessible for personal or research use unless exempt by award of an embargo as requested below, and that the library has the right to migrate my thesis into new electronic forms as required to ensure continued access to the thesis. I have obtained any third-party copyright permissions that may be required in order to allow such access and migration, or have requested the appropriate embargo below. The following is an agreed request by candidate and supervisor regarding the electronic publication of this thesis: Access to all of Printed copy but embargo of all of electronic publication of thesis for a period of two years on the following ground: publication would preclude future publication Date 14 th May 2013 signature of candidate …… signature of supervisor ……… 2 Diogo Monteiro Dario PhD Dissertation Human security policies in the Colombian conflict during the Uribe government Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to express my appreciation for the work and support of my dear supervisor, Professor Karin Marie Fierke. This project was sometimes an uneasy task for her because she felt her lack of familiarity with the Latin American context created an obstacle, but her feedback was always timely and fundamental, more than she might have realized. Her kindness and patience were always there when I needed them, and it is an understatement to say that this work would not have been possible without her help. I also want to thank all the staff of the School of International Relations of the University of St Andrews, for being always helpful and efficient, especially Mary Kettle, who solved so many problems for me in these last four years. Dr. Patrick Hayden was kind enough to provide me with feedback and references, and my fellow PhD students were always open to the exchange of ideas. In the UK I own special thanks to a group of Brazilians who backed me up when I needed during these years: to Beto Yamato, Anna Salles, Bruno Magalhães, Isabel Siqueira e Bruna Gala. Back in Brazil, there are a number of people who, despite the distance, supported me and contributed to this work. Professor Monica Herz, for a change, supported me all the way, and added new chapters to an already substantial debt of gratitude. This work also benefited from the comments, ideas and friendship of Marta Fernandez Moreno, Manuela Trindade Viana, Paula Vedoveli Francisco, Tatiana Oliveira, Philippe Bonditti, José María Gomez, Nizar Messari and Didier Bigo, among others. During my PhD, I had to spent time in Rio de Janeiro and Bogota, for different research activities. In Rio I relied on the help of Eduardo Achilles, Matias Spektor and Ludmila Ribeiro from the School of History and Social Sciences of the Getulio Vargas Foundation. When in Bogota, doing research for the dissertation, I was assisted by Angelika Rettberg and Arlene Tickner, from the Department of Political Sciences of the University of Los Andes. In these places, as well as when I was in Scotland, I counted 3 Diogo Monteiro Dario PhD Dissertation Human security policies in the Colombian conflict during the Uribe government with the financial support of the CAPES Foundation, which was also essential to the accomplishment of this project. In this final run, I also had the help of Dr Mary-Jane Fox in revising this manuscript. If this text proves itself easy enough to read, this is not due to my skill, but fundamentally a result of her patience. Last, but most importantly, I dedicate this work to my family: to Luiz Pedro Dario, Vera Lúcia Monteiro Dario and Luiz Pedro Dario Filho, those whose patience and support were always with me, giving me the strength to carry on. 4 Diogo Monteiro Dario PhD Dissertation Human security policies in the Colombian conflict during the Uribe government Human Security Policies in the Colombian conflict during the Uribe government Diogo Monteiro Dario Abstract The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the use of narratives informed by the discourse of human security in the context of the Colombian conflict during the government of President Alvaro Uribe Velez (2002-2010). Its main contribution is to map the transformation of these narratives from the site of their formulation in the international institutions to the site of their appropriation into domestic settings; and then consider their role in the formation of the actors’ strategies and the construction of the subjectivities of the individuals affected by the conflict dynamics. The research proceeds to this analysis through an investigation of the policies for the internally displaced and those relating to the rights of the victims informed by the framework of transitional justice. It shows that, with a combination of narratives of empowerment and reconciliation, they fulfill complementary roles in the construction of the subjectivity of the individuals affected by the conflict in Colombia. The dissertation also concludes that the flexibility of the human security discourse allowed the Uribe government to reinforce its position vis-à-vis other actors in society 5 Diogo Monteiro Dario PhD Dissertation Human security policies in the Colombian conflict during the Uribe government Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction 1. Background 10 1.1 Actors in the conflict to 2002 10 1.2 The DSP and the human security approach 13 2. Theoretical background 15 2.1 Human security, archaeology and genealogy 17 3. Dynamics of the conflict 18 4. Human security 20 4.1 Human security, the UNDP and the transformation of development 20 4.2 Human security and the Responsibility to Protect 22 5. The Internally Displaced Persons 23 5.1 building a normative body for the protection of IDPs 24 5.2 IDPs in Colombia 27 6. Transitional justice and the victims of the conflict 29 7. Conclusion 33 7.1 Final thoughts 35 Chapter 2: Theoretical Assumptions and Conceptual Choices 1. Introduction 37 1.1 Some preliminary definitions: discourse, narrative and performativity 40 2. Governmentality and government 40 2.1 Governmentality and the analysis of the International 43 2.2 Humanitarian space 44 2.3 Translating human security into domestic settings 49 3. Methodological concerns on the analysis of the narratives of human security 50 3.1 Human security and the concept of archaeology 50 3.2 Human security and the concept of genealogy 52 6 Diogo Monteiro Dario PhD Dissertation Human security policies in the Colombian conflict during the Uribe government 4. Conclusion 54 Chapter 3: Democratic Security Policy and the Polarization of Society 1. Introduction 56 2. Formation and consolidation of the Colombian Armed Forces 57 3. The role of the United States 64 4. Paramilitary groups and other armed militias 69 5. Conclusion 75 Chapter 4: Human Security 1. Introduction 81 2. Development as a new instrument of hierarchization in the international system 82 2.1 Development in contemporary international relations 84 2.2 Modernization Theory 86 2.3 Dependency Theory and the role of development in Third World politics 87 2.4 The oil crisis, the Reagan administration and the Washington Consensus 90 3. From national development to human development 91 4. From human development to human security 94 4.1 The security debate and the nexus between development and security 96 5.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Venezuelan Crisis, Regional Dynamics and the Colombian Peace Process by David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive Summary
    Report August 2016 The Venezuelan crisis, regional dynamics and the Colombian peace process By David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive summary Venezuela has entered a crisis of governance that will last for at least another two years. An unsustainable economic model has caused triple-digit inflation, economic contraction, and widespread scarcities of food and medicines. An unpopular government is trying to keep power through increasingly authoritarian measures: restricting the powers of the opposition-controlled National Assembly, avoiding a recall referendum, and restricting civil and political rights. Venezuela’s prestige and influence in the region have clearly suffered. Nevertheless, the general contours of the region’s emphasis on regional autonomy and state sovereignty are intact and suggestions that Venezuela is isolated are premature. Venezuela’s participation in the Colombian peace process since 2012 has allowed it to project an image of a responsible member of the international community and thereby counteract perceptions of it as a “rogue state”. Its growing democratic deficits make this projected image all the more valuable and Venezuela will likely continue with a constructive role both in consolidating peace with the FARC-EP and facilitating negotiations between the Colombian government and the ELN. However, a political breakdown or humanitarian crisis could alter relations with Colombia and change Venezuela’s role in a number of ways. Introduction aimed to maximise profits from the country’s oil production. During his 14 years in office Venezuelan president Hugo Together with Iran and Russia, the Venezuelan government Chávez Frias sought to turn his country into a leading has sought to accomplish this through restricting produc- promotor of the integration of Latin American states and tion and thus maintaining prices.
    [Show full text]
  • Yearbook Peace Processes.Pdf
    School for a Culture of Peace 2010 Yearbook of Peace Processes Vicenç Fisas Icaria editorial 1 Publication: Icaria editorial / Escola de Cultura de Pau, UAB Printing: Romanyà Valls, SA Design: Lucas J. Wainer ISBN: Legal registry: This yearbook was written by Vicenç Fisas, Director of the UAB’s School for a Culture of Peace, in conjunction with several members of the School’s research team, including Patricia García, Josep María Royo, Núria Tomás, Jordi Urgell, Ana Villellas and María Villellas. Vicenç Fisas also holds the UNESCO Chair in Peace and Human Rights at the UAB. He holds a doctorate in Peace Studies from the University of Bradford, won the National Human Rights Award in 1988, and is the author of over thirty books on conflicts, disarmament and research into peace. Some of the works published are "Procesos de paz y negociación en conflictos armados” (“Peace Processes and Negotiation in Armed Conflicts”), “La paz es posible” (“Peace is Possible”) and “Cultura de paz y gestión de conflictos” (“Peace Culture and Conflict Management”). 2 CONTENTS Introduction: Definitions and typologies 5 Main Conclusions of the year 7 Peace processes in 2009 9 Main reasons for crises in the year’s negotiations 11 The peace temperature in 2009 12 Conflicts and peace processes in recent years 13 Common phases in negotiation processes 15 Special topic: Peace processes and the Human Development Index 16 Analyses by countries 21 Africa a) South and West Africa Mali (Tuaregs) 23 Niger (MNJ) 27 Nigeria (Niger Delta) 32 b) Horn of Africa Ethiopia-Eritrea 37 Ethiopia (Ogaden and Oromiya) 42 Somalia 46 Sudan (Darfur) 54 c) Great Lakes and Central Africa Burundi (FNL) 62 Chad 67 R.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing the US Role in the Colombian Peace Process
    An Uncertain Peace: Assessing the U.S. Role in the Colombian Peace Process Global Policy Practicum — Colombia | Fall 2018 Authors Alexandra Curnin Mark Daniels Ashley DuPuis Michael Everett Alexa Green William Johnson Io Jones Maxwell Kanefield Bill Kosmidis Erica Ng Christina Reagan Emily Schneider Gaby Sommer Professor Charles Junius Wheelan Teaching Assistant Lucy Tantum 2 Table of Contents Important Abbreviations 3 Introduction 5 History of Colombia 7 Colombia’s Geography 11 2016 Peace Agreement 14 Colombia’s Political Landscape 21 U.S. Interests in Colombia and Structure of Recommendations 30 Recommendations | Summary Table 34 Principal Areas for Peacebuilding Rural Development | Land Reform 38 Rural Development | Infrastructure Development 45 Rural Development | Security 53 Rural Development | Political and Civic Participation 57 Rural Development | PDETs 64 Combating the Drug Trade 69 Disarmament and Socioeconomic Reintegration of the FARC 89 Political Reintegration of the FARC 95 Justice and Human Rights 102 Conclusion 115 Works Cited 116 3 Important Abbreviations ADAM: Areas de DeBartolo Alternative Municipal AFP: Alliance For Progress ARN: Agencies para la Reincorporación y la Normalización AUC: Las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia CSDI: Colombia Strategic Development Initiative DEA: Drug Enforcement Administration ELN: Ejército de Liberación Nacional EPA: Environmental Protection Agency ETCR: Espacio Territoriales de Capacitación y Reincorporación FARC-EP: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo GDP: Gross
    [Show full text]
  • Targeting Civilians in Colombia's Internal Armed
    ‘ L E A V E U S I N P E A C E ’ T LEAVE US IN A ‘ R G E T I N G C I V I L I A N S PEA CE’ I N C O TARG ETING CIVILIANS L O M B I A IN COL OM BIA S INTERNAL ’ S ’ I N T E R ARMED CONFL IC T N A L A R M E D C O N F L I C ‘LEAVE US IN PEACE’ T TARGETING CIVILIANS IN COLOMBIA ’S INTERNAL ARMED CONFLICT “Leave us in peace!” – Targeting civilians in Colombia’s internal armed conflict describes how the lives of millions of Colombians continue to be devastated by a conflict which has now lasted for more than 40 years. It also shows that the government’s claim that the country is marching resolutely towards peace does not reflect the reality of continued A M violence for many Colombians. N E S T Y At the heart of this report are the stories of Indigenous communities I N T decimated by the conflict, of Afro-descendant families expelled from E R their homes, of women raped and of children blown apart by landmines. N A The report also bears witness to the determination and resilience of T I O communities defending their right not to be drawn into the conflict. N A L A blueprint for finding a lasting solution to the crisis in Colombia was put forward by the UN more than 10 years ago. However, the UN’s recommendations have persistently been ignored both by successive Colombian governments and by guerrilla groups.
    [Show full text]
  • Boletín 53.Indd
    Unidad de análisis • www.ideaspaz.org/publicaciones • página 1 Siguiendo el conflicto: hechos y análisis de la semana Número 53/ 1 de abril de 2008 The Sources of Chávez’s Conduct is this to Colombian-Venezuelan relations? Both Roman D. Ortiz* questions are of critical importance. Since Hugo Area Coordinator, Security and Defense Studies Chávez took the reins of government, Venezuela’s strategic importance for Colombian affairs has George Kennan’s classic work on US strategy vis- grown in every conceivable form. The volume of à-vis the Soviet Union, “The Sources of Soviet trade between the two countries has skyrocketed, Conduct”, recently marked its 60th anniversary.1 The with Caracas receiving close to 15 percent of text, which served as the theoretical underpinning Bogotá’s exports, totaling over $5.2 billion in for the West’s containment policy for decades to 2007. Likewise, President Chávez’s visibility within come, is a clear example of a successful attempt to the Colombian political arena has also increased, overcome the strategic bewilderment of American insofar as his Bolivarian discourse of Latin diplomatic thought when confronted with an American integration accords a central place to the ascending power that pursued unconventional political association of Bogota and Caracas. Above foreign policy objectives with unorthodox methods. all, however, the Venezuelan head of state was Thus, much of the Kennan’s merit lies in his ability catapulted into a leading role on the Colombian to propose a new line of thinking and a new course domestic political scene in September 2007, when of action in response to an emerging international the Uribe administration authorized him to serve as actor that required a novel political response.
    [Show full text]
  • Anuario Accion Human 2012.Indd
    ISSN: 1885-298X Anuario de Acción Humanitaria y Derechos Humanos Yearbook on Humanitarian Action and Human Rights 2012 Deusto Universidad de Deusto University of Deusto Anuario de Acción Humanitaria y Derechos Humanos Yearbook on Humanitarian Action and Human Rights 2012 Universidad de Deusto - Instituto de Derechos Humanos Pedro Arrupe University of Deusto - Pedro Arrupe Institute of Human Rights 2012 Instituto de Derechos Humanos Pedro Arrupe: Avda. de las Universidades, 24 48007 Bilbao Teléfono: 94 413 91 02 Fax: 94 413 92 82 Correo electrónico para envíos de artículos: [email protected] URL: http://www.idh.deusto.es Coordinación editorial: Gorka Urrutia, Instituto de Derechos Humanos Pedro Arrupe Consejo de Redacción: Joana Abrisketa, Instituto de Derechos Humanos Pedro Arrupe Cristina Churruca, Instituto de Derechos Humanos Pedro Arrupe Eduardo J. Ruiz Vieytez, Instituto de Derechos Humanos Pedro Arrupe Gorka Urrutia, Instituto de Derechos Humanos Pedro Arrupe Consejo Asesor: Susana Ardanaz, Instituto de Derechos Humanos Pedro Arrupe Carlos Camacho Nassar, DANIDA Francisco Ferrándiz, Centro Superior de Investigaciones Científi cas Koen de Feyter, University of Antwerp Xabier Etxeberria, Universidad de Deusto Javier Hernandez, United Nations-Offi ce of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Mbuyi Kabunda, University of Basel Asier Martínez de Bringas, Universidad de Deusto Fernando Martínez Mercado, Universidad de Chile Guillermo Padilla Rubiano, University of Texas Felipe Gómez, Instituto de Derechos Humanos Pedro Arrupe Francisco Rey, IECAH-Instituto de Estudios sobre Confl ictos y Acción Humanitaria Nancy Robinson, United Nations-Offi ce of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Trinidad L. Vicente, Instituto de Derechos Humanos Pedro Arrupe Marta Zubia, Instituto de Derechos Humanos Pedro Arrupe Cualquier forma de reproducción, distribución, comunicación pública o transformación de esta obra sólo puede ser realizada con la autorización de sus titulares, salvo excepción prevista por la ley.
    [Show full text]
  • Humanitarian Hpn
    HUMANITARIAN HPN The magazineexchange of the Humanitarian Practice Network October 2000g 17 IN THIS ISSUE EDITORIAL Refugee Return Welcome to this, the first edition of the bi-annual magazine of the Humanitarian Return Requires Time and Patience 3 Practice Network. So what are the differences with the Relief and Rehabilitation The UK Human Rights Act and Refugees 5 Network that you have seen around for the past six years, with its Newsletter, Changing Places: Bosnians in Britain 6 Network Papers and Good Practice Reviews? There are new names, new designs The Roll Back Xenophobia Campaign and a lower full annual subscription price. But rest assured, there is more continuity in South Africa 9 than rupture, and the changes we are making are intended to increase our value to you. Quality and Accountability The RRN Newsletter has now become Humanitarian Exchange. Why? Well, we dropped Sphere at the End of Phase II 11 ‘Newsletter’ because some of you found the label confusing since it actually covered a Using Sphere: Oxfam in West Africa 13 fully-fledged magazine. ‘Humanitarian’ better indicates the range of subjects we work Sphere in India: Experiences and Insights 15 on, which go well beyond relief and rehabilitation. The name change also signals more Gendering Sphere 17 clearly a commitment to certain values and principles, including those of humanity, The Humanitarian Accountability Project 19 compassion and a sense of service to distressed people. Anyone can do relief and The Limits and Risks of Regulation rehabilitation, including for profit, but that alone is not enough to be truly humanitarian.
    [Show full text]
  • 2012 Yearbook of Peace Processes
    Escola de Cultura de Pau 2012 Yearbook of Peace Processes VICENÇ FISAS Peace Processes 2012.indd 1 04/04/2012, 13:45 Publisher: Icaria editorial / Escola de Cultura de Pau, UAB Printing: Romanyà Valls, SA Design: Lucas J. Wainer ISBN: 978-84-9888-427-2 Legal Deposit: B-9288-2012 This yearbook was written by Vicenç Fisas, Director of the UAB’s Escola de Cultura de Pau, in conjunction with several members of the Escola’s research team, including Patricia García, Josep María Royo, Jordi Urgell, Pamela Urrutia, Ana Villellas and María Villellas. Peace Processes 2012.indd 2 04/04/2012, 13:45 CONTENTS Glossary . 5 Introduction . 11 Usual stages in negotiation processes . 14 Main conclusions of the year . 15 Peace processes in 2011 . 16 The peace temperature in 2011. 21 Conflicts and peace processes in recent years. 22 Witnesses in peace negotiations. 25 DDRs in 2011 . 27 Analyses by countries AFRICA. 35 Western Africa. 35 SENEGAL (Casamance) . 35 Horn of Africa. 40 ETHIOPIA (Ogaden) . 40 SOMALIA . 44 SUDAN (Darfur) . 49 Great Lakes and Central Africa . 56 CHAD . 56 CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC . 61 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO (East) . 65 Maghreb . 70 WESTERN SAHARA . 70 LATIN AMERICA . 81 COLOMBIA. 81 ASIA. 93 Southern Asia . 93 AFGHANISTAN . 93 INDIA . 99 INDIA – PAKISTAN (Kashmir) . 109 Eastern Asia . 114 CHINA (Tibet) . 114 Southeast Asia . 117 MYANMAR . 117 PHILIPPINES (MILF, NPA, MNLF). 123 EUROPE . 137 Western Europe . 137 SPAIN (Basque Country) . 137 Peace Processes 2012.indd 3 04/04/2012, 13:45 South Eastern Europe . 152 CYPRUS . 152 KOSOVO / KOSOVA . 156 MOLDOVA (Transnistria) . 160 TURKEY (PKK) .
    [Show full text]
  • Aproximaciones a La Historia Del Humanitarismo En América Latina Y El Caribe
    HPG Working Paper Aproximaciones a la historia del humanitarismo en América Latina y el Caribe Editado por Irina Mosel, Christina Bennett y Hanna Krebs Diciembre 2016 HPG Humanitarian Policy Group Agradecimientos Las editoras quieren agradecer a todos los que con su trabajo contribuyeron a que la conferencia en Bogotá fuese todo un éxito y a todos los que han contribuido a la realización de esta publicación. Un especial agradecimiento al Instituto de Estudios Humanitarios (IEH) y a la Oficina de la ONU para la Coordinación de Asuntos Humanitarios (OCHA) en Bogotá por su excepcional organización de la conferencia, y especialmente a Jeffrey Villaveces, Liliana Carvajal, Luis Hernando Aguilar y Gerard Gómez por sus esfuerzos; al Instituto de Estudios sobre Conflictos y Acción Humanitaria (IECAH) por su colaboración en la conferencia y sobre todo gracias a Francisco Rey y Laura Langa por toda su ayuda y paciencia con la traducción y finalización de la edición española; a Sophie Duval por realizar una excelente revisión documental que ha servido a las editoras como documento de referencia para elaborar la introducción; y gracias también a Hernán Darío Correa por su excelente revisión editorial de esta compilación y a Matthew Foley de HPG por su apoyo constante. Humanitarian Policy Group Overseas Development Institute 203 Blackfriars Road London SE1 8NJ United Kingdom Tel. +44 (0) 20 7922 0300 Fax. +44 (0) 20 7922 0399 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.odi.org/hpg © Overseas Development Institute, 2016 Readers are encouraged to quote or reproduce materials from this publication but, as copyright holders, ODI requests due acknowledgement and a copy of the publication.
    [Show full text]
  • Colombia's Peace Processes: Multiple Negotiations, Multiple Actors
    LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM SPECIAL REPORT DECEMBER 2006 Colombia’s Peace Processes: Multiple Negotiations, Multiple Actors Cynthia J. Arnson, Jaime Bermúdez, Father Darío Echeverri, David Henifin, Alfredo Rangel Suárez, León Valencia INTRODUCTION by Cynthia J. Arnson1 Efforts to bring Colombia’s long-running time, government negotiators and guerrilla internal armed conflict to an end through commanders of the smaller National political negotiations continued to face major Liberation Army (ELN) continued to meet in obstacles in 2006. In August, the government Havana, Cuba. Despite an atmosphere of of President Álvaro Uribe Vélez succeeded in goodwill and high expectations, the two sides demobilizing the last contingent of fighters of appeared to remain far apart on the actual con- the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia tent of the negotiating agenda as well as (AUC), the principal paramilitary coalition. whether or not the opening of formal talks That brought to a total of 31,671 the number would be conditioned on a cease-fire. of men and women demobilized as a result of the peace talks with the government that THE AUC PROCESS began in July 2003.2 This singular accomplish- ment was diminished throughout the year, Even before the eruption of a new political however, by disputes with paramilitary leaders scandal in late 2006 regarding paramilitary infil- over the terms of their demobilization and by tration of the Colombian Congress, and as scandals highlighting the AUC’s continued detailed in previous publications,3 the Uribe involvement in assassinations, drug-trafficking, government’s peace talks with the AUC and infiltration of government institutions, remained mired in controversy.
    [Show full text]
  • Future of the Humanitarian System: Impacts of Internal Changes
    © UNDP Bangladesh Future of the Humanitarian System: Impacts of Internal Changes John Borton John Borton Consulting Berkhamsted, UK November 2009 The Humanitarian Horizons research was made possible through generous grants from Catholic Relief Services, the International Rescue Committee, Mercy Corps, Oxfam America, World Vision Australia, World Vision Canada, and World Vision International, with additional financial support from the Ford Foundation. TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents .......................................................................................................................... 1 Section 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................. 3 Section 2. Recent trends and the principal features of the humanitarian system in 2009 .. 4 Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 4 Problems of definition ........................................................................................................... 4 Resourcing the system ........................................................................................................... 7 Operational space ................................................................................................................. 12 Modes of operation .............................................................................................................. 14 Principal actors.....................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Pdf | 77.21 Kb
    Submission to UK and Irish governments in advance of the 60th United Nations Commission on Human Rights ABColombia Christian Aid, Cafod, Oxfam GB, Save the Children UK, SCIAF, Trócaire Agencias Británicas e Irlandesas trabajando en Colombia British and Irish agencies working in Colombia February 2004 Recommendations 1. We request that the High Commissioner submit his report to the General Assembly of the United Nations. 2. We support a strong statement by the Commission on Colombia, which calls on the government of Colombia to: • comply with its duty to protect civilians and those working in defence of human rights – members of non-governmental organisations, trade unions, and popular and social organisations • take rapid and effective measures to break the continuing links between state security forces and paramilitary groups, as recommended by the UN and inter-American human rights bodies • strengthen protection of human rights, through developing and implementing a national plan of action for human rights and international humanitarian law in line with the Vienna declaration, and international recommendations • prioritise creating an adequate policy on forced displacement, which places prevention of displacement and protection of rights at its centre, and is properly funded • ensure that justice and reparation for victims of the conflict do not become casualties of talks with paramilitary and other armed groups, and that amnesties are not offered to those responsible for gross human rights violations. Decree 128 should therefore be
    [Show full text]