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A Fifteenth-Century Spiritual Anthology from the Monastery of Mar Hannanya¯ ˙ H

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A Fifteenth-Century Spiritual Anthology from the Monastery of Mar Hannanya¯ ˙ H A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY FROM THE MONASTERY OF MAR HANNANYA¯ ˙ H. TEULE* INTRODUCTION One of the more interesting volumes of the highly varied manuscript collection of the Library of the Syrian Catholic Monastery of Charfeh (Lebanon) is a massive florilegium consisting of a series of monastic writings composed by a great many different authors of both the Greek and Syriac spiritual tradition. In the field of Syriac studies research into monastic anthologies does not appear to be very popular;1 most scholars studying florilegia are only interested in those sections or folios which relate to their speciality, not in the florilegia as such.2 However, the study of monastic anthologies may provide great insight into the spiritual life of the monas- teries where they were compiled and should therefore be part of the study of those monasteries or even of monasticism in general. If carried out from a * H. Teule is a staff member of the Institute of Eastern Christian Studies at the Univer- sity of Nijmegen. He lectures on the Christian communities in the Middle East. Abbreviations used in the present article: CPG = M. Geeraard, Clavis Patrum Graecorum, 5 vols. (Turnhout, 1983-1987); CSCO = Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (Louvain); DS = Dictionnaire de Spiritualité (Paris); OCA = Orientalia Christiana Analecta (Rome); OCP = Orientalia Christiana Periodica (Rome); OS = L’Orient syrien (Paris-Ver- mont); PdO = Parole de l’Orient (Kaslik, Liban); PG = Patrologia Graeca, ed. J. Migne (1857-66); PO = Patrologia Orientalis (Turnhout); PTS = Patristische Texte und Studien (Berlin and New-York); ROC = Revue de l’Orient chrétien (Paris); TU = Texte und Unter- suchungen (Leipzig); SC = Sources chrétiennes (Paris). 1 The situation is much the same for the study of Greek spiritual florilegia, see M. Richard, ‘Florilèges spirituels’, III, ‘Florilèges grecs’, DS, V, col. 475-512. 2 This also holds true for the present compilation. W. Strothmann used it for his edi- tion of the work of John of Apamea (Johannes von Apamea, PTS, 11 (1972)). He calls attention, however, (p. 37) to the close resemblance of MS Charfeh 212 with MS Syr. Berlin 198. A. Vööbus used MS Charfeh 212 for his study on Jacob of Sarug, see A. Vööbus, Handschriftliche Überlieferung der memre-Dichtung des Ja{qob von Serug, III, CSCO, 421 (1980), p. 146. For the description of MS Berlin 198 (Sachau 352) see E. Sachau, Verzeichnis der syrischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, II (Berlin, 1899). 80 H. TEULE diachronic perspective it may enable the scholar to trace certain evolutions in the spiritual preferences of a particular community. So far, only a relatively small number of anthologies has been analysed.3 Hence the first step on the road to a more encompassing study is a careful and detailed analysis of separate florilegia, identifying as precisely as possible the different texts of a particular florilegium, not always an easy task. The origin of these texts is often very diverse; it may be Greek, Syrian or Egypt- ian. Not infrequently texts are incorporated into a florilegium anonymously or the authorship is attributed to some authority on the spiritual life instead of to the actual writer; more than once the compilers only give extracts without indicating the title of the work from which the extract is taken, and, last but not least, many spiritual texts in Syriac are still awaiting publi- cation and have not yet found an editor or translator. It is fitting that the analysis of a monastic compendium from the manu- script Library of Charfeh be included into the present special issue of Het Christelijk Oosten in honour of Father van der Aalst. In the fifties, Patrick van der Aalst was one of the Assumptionist Fathers engaged in the project of microfilming the manuscript collection of Charfeh.4 Fortunately his interest in the Syrian spiritual Fathers was not limited only to microfilming their works. As a professor of theology in the Patriarchal Seminary of Charfeh he not only lectured in dogmatics, but also paid attention to the teaching of the spiritual tradition of the Syrian Church. The thorough manner in which he prepared his courses and the same thoroughness which he expected from his students earned him, as I heard from one of them, the nickname of rohem {amlo, ‘the man who loves hard work’. This hard work in the service of the Syrian Catholic Church resulted in the publication of a series of ar- ticles on the spirituality of the Christian East which fully acknowledge the importance of the Syrian tradition.5 3 For an overview of articles dealing with separate florilegia, see H. Teule, ‘Les compila- tions monastiques syriaques’, Actes du VII. Symposium Syriacum, ed. R. Lavenant, OCA (forthcoming). 4 The microfilms can be consulted in the library of the Institute of Eastern Christian Studies in Nijmegen. It should be noted, however, that only part of the collection has been filmed. But for two exceptions, all filmed MSS are in Syriac. 5 See the bibliography of A.J. van der Aalst in the present issue. A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY 81 MS CHARFEH 212 (OLIM 38)6 AND THE MONASTERY OF MAR HANNANYA¯ ˙ According to the elaborate colophon (fol. 220v7), written in the shape of a Saint Andrew’s cross, this manuscript is a compilation (ktaba d-kunnase) of the writings of “the Holy Fathers, the excellent solitaries and the orthodox doctors”, written down in the Holy Monastery of Mar Îannanya and Mar Awgin on Saturday, the 29th of Ab (August) of the year 1777 of the Greeks (1466 A.D.). The copyists were the hieromonks Abraham and Îabbib from the village of Qal{a d-A(n)tta, sons of the Jerusalem Pilgrim {Abdallah. The Monastery of ‘Mar Îannanya and Mar Awgin’ is generally known simply as the ‘Monastery of Mar Îannanya’, after the name of its founder (eighth/ninth century), or under the name of Dayr al-Za{faran (saffron), after the saffron colour of its buildings or after the plant of this name found in great quantities in the neighbourhood of the monastery. The addition Awgin is a reminder of the time before Mar Îannanya, when a former monastery, no longer known in the time of Îannanya, existed under the name of Mar Awgin, the reputed father of monasticism in this region.8 It may also reflect the fact that Îannanya had brought the relics of Awgin and his companions into the monastery, which thus became an important centre of pilgrimage for the region.9 In 1466, the year of the composition of the manuscript, Mar Îannanya was the seat of the Patriarch, Mar Ignatius K(h)alaf, whose name is mentioned in the colophon. Somewhat puzzling is that the copyists mention Basil {Aziz as “(Maphrian)10 of the East” for the time of the composition of their florilegium. According to what is known of Basil {Aziz, he was only elevated to the maphrianate in the year 1471.11 6 See B. Sony, Le catalogue des manuscrits du patriarcat au couvent de Charfet-Liban (Bey- routh, 1993), pp. 66-67 [in Arabic]. Sony is responsible for the new numbers of the MSS which replace the older ones as found in the list of P. Sherwood, ‘Le fonds patriarcal de la Bibliothèque manuscrite de Charfet’, OS, 2 (1957), pp. 91-107. 7 For the numeration of the folios, however, see my remarks infra. 8 For a monastery with the name of Awgin, see G. Aydin, Dayra d-kurkma, bayt patri- yarkuta d-Antyukya d-Suryaye (St Ephrem Monastery, Glane-Losser, 1988), p. 3. 9 A. Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient: A Contribution to the History of Culture in the Near East, III, CSCO, 500 (1988), p. 381. 10 The word Maphrian is erased in the colophon. 11 J.-M. Fiey, Pour un Oriens Christianus novus: Répertoire des diocèses syriaques orientaux et occidentaux, Beiruter Texte und Studien, 49, p. 36. 82 H. TEULE Apparently the copyists were proud of their monastery and village. On the folios 180r-181r they give a short account of the life of Mar Îannanya and his dealings with the foundation of the monastery and the village. The story as they give it has a close resemblance to comparable accounts found in the famous juridical compendium known as the Synodicon, where they open the section of the monastic rules of the monastery.12 The text of MS Charfeh 212, however, gives one detail not found in the fragments of the Syno- dicon.13 Apart from its historical value, it reflects the great admiration in which Îannanya was still held in the fifteenth century when the present anthology was composed and therefore deserves to be translated here in full. On the Triumph of Mar Îannanya, the Bishop of Mardin and Kfartuta He renewed the citadel [Ìesna] which had been built by the Roman Emperors and which was partly in ruins. It was situated below the Monastery of Ntapha and in the neighbourhood of Qal{a-d-A[n]tta. From that time onwards till today it was called the Monastery of Mar Îannanya. In those days the then Patri- arch took the initiative to ordain Mar Îannanya Metropolitan of Mardin and Kfartuta. He possessed the things of this world in abundance, but his generosity exceeded that of others. He loved strangers [aksnaye] and took care of the poor and the unhappy, the orphans and the widows. He was elected for the function of pastor and bishop of Mardin and Kfartuta from the Monastery of Mar Mat- tai on Mount Alfaf. And there were in the neighbourhood of Mardin, east of Qal{a d-A[n]tta, a fortified citadel, formerly built by the Roman Emperors with cut stones, and some huge buildings.
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