A Fifteenth-Century Spiritual Anthology from the Monastery of Mar Hannanya¯ ˙ H

A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY FROM THE MONASTERY OF MAR HANNANYA¯ ˙ H. TEULE*

INTRODUCTION

One of the more interesting volumes of the highly varied manuscript collection of the Library of the Syrian Catholic Monastery of Charfeh (Lebanon) is a massive florilegium consisting of a series of monastic writings composed by a great many different authors of both the Greek and Syriac spiritual tradition. In the field of Syriac studies research into monastic anthologies does not appear to be very popular;1 most scholars studying florilegia are only interested in those sections or folios which relate to their speciality, not in the florilegia as such.2 However, the study of monastic anthologies may provide great insight into the spiritual life of the monasteries where they were compiled and should therefore be part of the study of those monasteries or even of monasticism in general. If carried out from a

* H. Teule is a staff member of the Institute of Eastern Christian Studies at the Univer- sity of Nijmegen. He lectures on the Christian communities in the Middle East. Abbreviations used in the present article: CPG = M. Geeraard, Clavis Patrum Graecorum, 5 vols. (Turnhout, 1983-1987); CSCO = Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (Louvain); DS = Dictionnaire de Spiritualité (Paris); OCA = Orientalia Christiana Analecta (Rome); OCP = Orientalia Christiana Periodica (Rome); OS = L’Orient syrien (Paris-Ver- mont); PdO = Parole de l’Orient (Kaslik, Liban); PG = Patrologia Graeca, ed. J. Migne (1857-66); PO = Patrologia Orientalis (Turnhout); PTS = Patristische Texte und Studien (Berlin and New-York); ROC = Revue de l’Orient chrétien (Paris); TU = Texte und Unter- suchungen (Leipzig); SC = Sources chrétiennes (Paris). 1 The situation is much the same for the study of Greek spiritual florilegia, see M. Richard, ‘Florilèges spirituels’, III, ‘Florilèges grecs’, DS, V, col. 475-512. 2 This also holds true for the present compilation. W. Strothmann used it for his edition of the work of John of Apamea (Johannes von Apamea, PTS, 11 (1972)). He calls attention, however, (p. 37) to the close resemblance of MS Charfeh 212 with MS Syr. Berlin 198. A. Vööbus used MS Charfeh 212 for his study on Jacob of Sarug, see A. Vööbus, Handschriftliche Überlieferung der memre-Dichtung des Ja{qob von Serug, III, CSCO, 421 (1980), p. 146. For the description of MS Berlin 198 (Sachau 352) see E. Sachau, Verzeichnis der syrischen Handschriften der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, II (Berlin, 1899). 80 H. TEULE diachronic perspective it may enable the scholar to trace certain evolutions in the spiritual preferences of a particular community. So far, only a relatively small number of anthologies has been analysed.3 Hence the first step on the road to a more encompassing study is a careful and detailed analysis of separate florilegia, identifying as precisely as possible the different texts of a particular florilegium, not always an easy task. The origin of these texts is often very diverse; it may be Greek, Syrian or Egypt- ian. Not infrequently texts are incorporated into a florilegium anonymously or the authorship is attributed to some authority on the spiritual life instead of to the actual writer; more than once the compilers only give extracts without indicating the title of the work from which the extract is taken, and, last but not least, many spiritual texts in Syriac are still awaiting publication and have not yet found an editor or translator.

It is fitting that the analysis of a monastic compendium from the manuscript Library of Charfeh be included into the present special issue of Het Christelijk Oosten in honour of Father van der Aalst. In the fifties, Patrick van der Aalst was one of the Assumptionist Fathers engaged in the project of microfilming the manuscript collection of Charfeh.4 Fortunately his interest in the Syrian spiritual Fathers was not limited only to microfilming their works. As a professor of theology in the Patriarchal Seminary of Charfeh he not only lectured in dogmatics, but also paid attention to the teaching of the spiritual tradition of the Syrian Church. The thorough manner in which he prepared his courses and the same thoroughness which he expected from his students earned him, as I heard from one of them, the nickname of rohem {amlo, ‘the man who loves hard work’. This hard work in the service of the Syrian Catholic Church resulted in the publication of a series of articles on the spirituality of the Christian East which fully acknowledge the importance of the Syrian tradition.5

3 For an overview of articles dealing with separate florilegia, see H. Teule, ‘Les compilations monastiques syriaques’, Actes du VII. Symposium Syriacum, ed. R. Lavenant, OCA (forthcoming). 4 The microfilms can be consulted in the library of the Institute of Eastern Christian Studies in Nijmegen. It should be noted, however, that only part of the collection has been filmed. But for two exceptions, all filmed MSS are in Syriac. 5 See the bibliography of A.J. van der Aalst in the present issue. A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY 81

MS CHARFEH 212 (OLIM 38)6 AND THE MONASTERY OF MAR HANNANYA¯ ˙ According to the elaborate colophon (fol. 220v7), written in the shape of a Saint Andrew’s cross, this manuscript is a compilation (ktaba d-kunnase) of the writings of “the Holy Fathers, the excellent solitaries and the orthodox doctors”, written down in the Holy Monastery of Mar Îannanya and Mar Awgin on Saturday, the 29th of Ab (August) of the year 1777 of the Greeks (1466 A.D.). The copyists were the hieromonks Abraham and Îabbib from the village of Qal{a d-A(n)tta, sons of the Jerusalem Pilgrim {Abdallah. The Monastery of ‘Mar Îannanya and Mar Awgin’ is generally known simply as the ‘Monastery of Mar Îannanya’, after the name of its founder (eighth/ninth century), or under the name of Dayr al-Za{faran (saffron), after the saffron colour of its buildings or after the plant of this name found in great quantities in the neighbourhood of the monastery. The addition Awgin is a reminder of the time before Mar Îannanya, when a former monastery, no longer known in the time of Îannanya, existed under the name of Mar Awgin, the reputed father of monasticism in this region.8 It may also reflect the fact that Îannanya had brought the relics of Awgin and his companions into the monastery, which thus became an important centre of pilgrimage for the region.9 In 1466, the year of the composition of the manuscript, Mar Îannanya was the seat of the Patriarch, Mar Ignatius K(h)alaf, whose name is mentioned in the colophon. Somewhat puzzling is that the copyists mention Basil {Aziz as “(Maphrian)10 of the East” for the time of the composition of their florilegium. According to what is known of Basil {Aziz, he was only elevated to the maphrianate in the year 1471.11

6 See B. Sony, Le catalogue des manuscrits du patriarcat au couvent de Charfet-Liban (Bey- routh, 1993), pp. 66-67 [in Arabic]. Sony is responsible for the new numbers of the MSS which replace the older ones as found in the list of P. Sherwood, ‘Le fonds patriarcal de la Bibliothèque manuscrite de Charfet’, OS, 2 (1957), pp. 91-107. 7 For the numeration of the folios, however, see my remarks infra. 8 For a monastery with the name of Awgin, see G. Aydin, Dayra d-kurkma, bayt patri- yarkuta d-Antyukya d-Suryaye (St Ephrem Monastery, Glane-Losser, 1988), p. 3. 9 A. Vööbus, History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient: A Contribution to the History of Culture in the Near East, III, CSCO, 500 (1988), p. 381. 10 The word Maphrian is erased in the colophon. 11 J.-M. Fiey, Pour un Oriens Christianus novus: Répertoire des diocèses syriaques orientaux et occidentaux, Beiruter Texte und Studien, 49, p. 36. 82 H. TEULE

Apparently the copyists were proud of their monastery and village. On the folios 180r-181r they give a short account of the life of Mar Îannanya and his dealings with the foundation of the monastery and the village. The story as they give it has a close resemblance to comparable accounts found in the famous juridical compendium known as the Synodicon, where they open the section of the monastic rules of the monastery.12 The text of MS Charfeh 212, however, gives one detail not found in the fragments of the Syno- dicon.13 Apart from its historical value, it reflects the great admiration in which Îannanya was still held in the fifteenth century when the present anthology was composed and therefore deserves to be translated here in full.

On the Triumph of Mar Îannanya, the Bishop of Mardin and Kfartuta He renewed the citadel [Ìesna] which had been built by the Roman Emperors and which was partly in ruins. It was situated below the Monastery of Ntapha and in the neighbourhood of Qal{a-d-A[n]tta. From that time onwards till today it was called the Monastery of Mar Îannanya. In those days the then Patri- arch took the initiative to ordain Mar Îannanya Metropolitan of Mardin and Kfartuta. He possessed the things of this world in abundance, but his generosity exceeded that of others. He loved strangers [aksnaye] and took care of the poor and the unhappy, the orphans and the widows. He was elected for the function of pastor and bishop of Mardin and Kfartuta from the Monastery of Mar Mat- tai on Mount Alfaf. And there were in the neighbourhood of Mardin, east of Qal{a d-A[n]tta, a fortified citadel, formerly built by the Roman Emperors with cut stones, and some huge buildings. These had been ruined by the Persians. And bishop Îannanya came and asked [permission] from the rulers of that time and he made this citadel a well-known and famous monastery and convent. He col- lected many books there and brought together chaste and venerable monks. He satisfied all their needs from what he [possessed]. He planted vineyards and gardens as well as trees of all kinds. And he embellished the monastery with all sorts of good things. He presented the rulers of that place with much gold, so

12 The synodicon was edited and translated by A. Vööbus in his The Synodicon in the West Syrian Tradition, I, CSCO, 367/368 (1975); II, 375/6 (1976). For Mar Îannanya, see I [text], pp. 202-210. 13 Sc. the fact that, before becoming bishop of Mardin, Mar Îannanya was a monk of the monastery of Mar Mattai (actually northern Iraq), cf. A. Vööbus, Syrische Kanones- sammlungen, I, Westsyrische Originalurkunden, IB, CSCO, 317 (1970), p. 381. A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY 83 they loved him very much. And he managed to sooth their jealousy. And in the time of Mar Îannanya eighty monks assembled in the monastery. Nowadays there are kept there innumerable relics and bodies of Saints14 as well as the body[ies] of Mar Awgin and of the ten elders [who had lived] with him, brought there by Benjamin of Dugan, as it is written in the story about his [life].15 And this is the reason why this [monastery] is called the monastery of Mar Îannanya since he restorated it and [thus] gave it its name. It is situated below the monastery of Ntapha, towards the south and near the monastery of Kar- kaphta of Mount Mardin, which had been built by the great Byzantine Emperor in honour of the monks who lived there. And Îannanya also built the village. This village is Qal{a d-A[n]tta16 near the monastery. And he restorated it and donated it to the monastery and put it under its jurisdiction [puqdana]. End of the Triumph of Mar Îannanya. His prayer[s] be with us.

Purpose of the Copyists Is it possible to find an answer to the question whom Abraham and Îabbib had in mind when they compiled their anthology? We may safely exclude the possibility that they merely transcribed a kind of standard florilegium, in general use by the monks of the West Syrian Church. Such a standard florilegium probably never existed. Although the monastic anthologies often contain the same spiritual writings, frequently of the same spiritual authors, each anthology reflects the personal choice of the copyists who included certain texts and omitted others, arranging the material according to what they deemed important for their personal spiritual development. This may also be the case for the present florilegium.

14 Probably the deceased monks of the monastery. 15 Benjamin was one of Mar Awgin’s disciples. He is reported to be the founder of a monastery near Dugan, south of Mardin. His life was edited by V. Scheil, ‘La vie de mar Benjamin - Texte syriaque’, Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, 12 (1897), pp. 62-96. In one of the MSS used by Scheil, the life of Benjamin is followed by the same story of Mar Îannanya as is also found in MS Charfeh 212. 16 On modern maps this village is found under its arabicized name of Kalit Mara (Qal{at Marra), Turkish: Eski Kale. According to H. Anschütz, Die syrischen Christen vom Tur {Abdin: Eine altchristliche Bevölkerungsgruppe zwischen Beharrung, Stagnation und Auflösung (Würzburg, 1984), pp. 41-143, there would only have been one Christian family left in the eighties. 84 H. TEULE

There is however another possibility. It is striking that most of the treatises included into MS Charfeh 212 deal with the ‘practical’ or ascetical aspects of spiritual life and rarely with themes related to the more advanced mystic or ‘gnostic’ level. A great mystic author such as John of Dalyata is only rep- resented by a few prayers. Isaac of Nineveh is absent from this anthology, though his name is already found in West Syrian florilegia from the twelfth or thirteenth century.17 The works of John of Apamea or Evagrius of Pontus selected by Abraham and Îabbib are again their basically ascetical texts and not, for instance, Evagrius’ Chapters of Knowledge,18 written for the Initiated or Gnostics. Martyanuta, admonition or exhortation, is one of the most frequently recurring terms of the present florilegium. Admonitions are normally given to beginners, in Syriac sharwaye, the common term used to desig- nate the novices of a monastery. It would seem to me that these candidates for monastic life were the first persons for whom this anthology was composed.

Codicological Description In its present state19 the manuscript consists of 220 folios with a clear Syriac numbering for folios 2-211. One can distinguish the handwritings of the two copyists. That of Abraham is a very careful and regular Ser†a (the attribution to Abraham is possible thanks to a short note on fol. 55r, which suggests that he was responsible for the preceding folios). The other hand- writing, apparently that of Habbib, is a somewhat more negligent Ser†a with occasional deletions of certain words and corrections in the margin. Fol. 142, 162 and 171v-172 are in a different hand and seem to be later addi- tions. The following leaves are lacking: fol. 21-32, 161. For the numbered folios (2-211) there are 21 quires, each quire consisting of ten folios (first quire: 11 folios). Folios 212-220 bear no Syriac numbering, only a modern European one. Strangely enough, on folio 219r one finds the sign of the beginning of quire 21 for the second time, the first time being on folio 202r

17 E.g. MS Rich. 7190, fol. 309r-319, a voluminous anthology of the thirteenth century. See J. Forshall and F. Rosen, Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum orientalium qui in Museo Britannico asservantur, Pars I, cod. syriacos et carshunicos amplectens (London, 1838), p. 32. 18 Fragments of the Kephalaia gnostica also in MS Rich. 7190 (fol. 57v-59v and 69). 19 One should bear in mind that my description of the MS is based on a study of the microfilm only. Hence remarks of a codicological character are necessarily of limited value. Working from a microfim may also have influenced the identification of some items, since titles (in red ink?) are sometimes hardly discernible. A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY 85 in accordance with the correct arrangement of the manuscript. The script, however, of these last two folios seems to be identical to that found in the rest of the manuscript. Except for folios 208-211, there are two columns on a page, 24 lines to a column (fol. 1, 12-20 lines). There are some marginal notes in Syriac (corrections) and one in Arabic (prayer). Sony’s judgment that the general condition of the manuscript is good, seems slightly exaggerated.20

Description of the Contents 1. Abba Isaias The first section of this florilegium is devoted to the works (Logoi) of Abba Isaias. According to R. Draguet,21 the editor of the Syriac version, this Abba Isaias would be Isaias of Sketis, one of the Fathers of the Egytian Desert, living around the turn of the fourth to fifth century, and not Isaias of Gaza (d. 491) as is held by, for instance, A. Guillaumont or D. Chitty.22 Isaias composed (CPG 5555-5556) a number of treatises (Logoi) in Greek, dealing with many practical aspects of ascetical and spiritual life. 26 Logoi were translated into Syriac and enjoyed great popularity. Parts of the Syriac translation even circulated in no less than five different recensions. The present compilation from Charfeh always follows the most current recension (‘l’Isaïe clas- sique des Syriens’), labelled Rec. S by the editor of the Syriac text.23 The practical character of Abba Isaias’ advice and the clear and simple language of his logoi earned him a place in a great number of Syriac monastic anthologies. The texts incorporated into this florilegium are the following: – Fol. 1r-6r. Letter on the Rule for the Novices. This corresponds to Logos X, ed. Draguet I, 104-120 (complete text). – Fol. 6r-8v. The next item bears no title. In fact it gives the text of Homily 19 of ps.-Macarios.24 In the Syriac tradition (only Rec S), however, this

20 E.g. Sony, Catalogue (see n. 6), did not notice the lacking pages. 21 R. Draguet, Les cinq recensions de l’asceticon syriaque d’Abba Isaïe, 4 vols., CSCO, 289- 290, 293-294 (1968), esp. vol. I (version), introduction. 22 For an overview of this problem, see L. Regnault, ‘Isaïe de Scété ou de Gaza’, DS, 7 (1971), col. 2083-2095. 23 See Draguet, Les cinq recensions, vol. I (version) (see n. 21), p. 10*. 24 Ed. of the Greek text H. Dörries, E. Klostermann, M. Kröger, Die 50 geistlichen Ho- milien des Makarios, PTS, 4 (1964), pp. 182- 187. 86 H. TEULE

homily opens the series of Logoi of Abba Isaias and is generally ascribed to him, ed. Draguet I, 2-8 (complete text). – Fol. 8v-9r. A short Treatise On Humility, corresponding to Logos IV, ed. Draguet I, p. 21. Again our florilegium provides the complete text. – Fol. 8v-9v. Commandments to those leaving the World. This is Logos V, ed. Draguet I, p. 23-29 (almost the complete text). – Fol. 9v-15r. On what he heard and saw among the Elders. Logos VI, ed. Draguet I, p. 31-51 (complete text). – Fol. 15r-20r. Again no title, but this item is an extract from the long Logos XI (A Letter directed to his Pupil Peter), of which it gives about one third of the text, corresponding to Draguet I, p. 53-65, l. 16). – Fol. 20r-20v. Precepts for the Brethren. Logos VIII, ed. Draguet I, 92-95 (incomplete).

Folios 21- 32 are lacking.

– Folios 33ff. do not continue with the works of Abba Isaias himself. They appear to contain, however, extracts from some commentary on Isaias’ logoi. In the Syriac monastic literature we know of two such works, one composed by the East Syrian Monk Dadisho{ of Qatar (seventh century), covering the Logoi 1-15, and a second one by an anonymous author, who, however, knew the commentary by Dadisho{. This anonymous Commentary was again edited by Draguet, who discovered nine different fragments of it.25 In our florilegium one finds quotations from the fragments 3-9.26 Fol. 33r, after the lacuna of 11 folios, only provides the end of the third fragment. Con- sidering the fact that on the next pages one can find all the subsequent fragments of this Commentary, we may safely assume that the lacking folios contained the text of the first three fragments. Hence our Anthology must have contained the complete text of the Anonymous Commentary.

25 R. Draguet, Commentaire anonyme du Livre d’Abba Isaïe, CSCO, 336-337 (1973). 26 Fol. 33r, end of fragment 3, corresponding to ed. Draguet (see n. 21), p. 38; 33r: fragm. 4 (ed. Draguet, pp. 39-42); 34r: fragm. 5 (ed. Draguet, pp. 42-47; fol. 36r continues without any transition with fragm. 6 (ed. Draguet, pp. 47-50); 37v: fragment 7 (ed. Draguet, pp. 50-53); fol. 38v (again without transition): fragm. 8 (ed. Draguet, pp. 53- 55; fol. 39v: fragm. 9 (ed. Draguet, pp. 56-68, l. 12). Our florilegium does not give the complete text of the fragment as found in the edition of Draguet. The portion of text given, however, corresponds to what is found in the monastic florilegium Berlin 198. A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY 87

The section on Abba Isaias ends with a direct quotation (fol. 44r-45v) taken from Logos II, On the 12 Wandering Monks (ed. Draguet, I, 9-13, slightly different ending).27

2. Evagrius The next section is devoted to an impressive series of writings under the name of Abba Evagrius. Though originally writing in Greek, Evagrius of Pontus has become one of the most important authors on spiritual life in the Syriac tradition. The commentators of Abba Isaias extensively used his writings in their commentaries. Hence there is a certain logic in the fact that in the present anthology Evagrius follows Isaias. In the Greek tradition Eva- grius’ writings had become suspect on account of the condemnation of his teaching on the eve of the Fifth Ecumenical Council. They could, however, partly survive under a different name (mostly Nilus), but the Greek text of a number of his writings is irretrievably lost. Since the decisions of the fifth Ecumenical Council did not affect the West Syrian Church, his writings continued to be studied there. The thirteenth century scholar Barhebraeus (d. 1286) considered him “the greatest of the gnostics [yaddu{tane]”, by which term he alluded to persons possessing a personal and intimate knowledge (gnosis, ida{ta) of God. The present florilegium, however, in accordance with what we stated above, does not contain Evagrius’ gnostic or mystic texts, but gives extracts from his treatises of a more ascetical or, as Evagrius would say, practical character. The works incorporated into MS Charfeh 212 are: 1. Fol. 46r: De octo spiritibus malitiae (CPG 2451).28 Muyldermans, who studied the Syriac versions of Evagrius’ writings,29 discovered two different Syriac recensions of this treatise. The text of our florilegium follows the so called recensio longior, a fairly complete translation of the Greek text.30

27 For yet another text by Isaias, see infra section 6. 28 Greek text in PG, 79, 1145-64 (under the name of Nilus). 29 J. Muyldermans, Evagriana Syriaca: Textes inédits du British Museum et de la Vaticane, Bibliothèque du Muséon, 31 (Louvain, 1952). 30 For this treatise see ibid., p. 55 ff. An example of the rec. longior given by Muyldermans (p. 56) is found on folio 51r of the florilegium. 88 H. TEULE

2. Fol. 52v: the following extract (on the ways of avoiding distraction) bears no title, but is taken from the Praktikos, the section devoted to the struggle against the eight evil thoughts (par. 15).31 3. Fol. 53v: the Protreptikos (CPG 2440/1). The Greek text of this treatise is lost. The Syriac translation, however, survives under the title Admonition on the monastic way of life.32 The florilegium of Charfeh gives the complete text. 4. Fol. 56v: Paraeneticus (CPG 2440/2), lost in Greek. The text of the present florilegium is according to the edition of Frankenberg, o.c., p. 556. 5. Fol. 59v: a long fragment ascribed to Evagrius, in the genre of an admonition. The same text is also found in other spiritual anthologies, e.g. MS Berlin 198, fol. 69b. 6. Fol. 66r: On Prayer (CPG 2452). In the Greek tradition as well as among the Syriac speaking melkite Christians of Antioch, this treatise is found under the name of Nilus. In the West Syrian Church it is correctly attributed to Evagrius, but the Syriac version is much shorter than the Greek original. The text of our florilegium corresponds entirely to the edition by Hausherr.33 7. Fol. 68r: Sententiae ad Monachos (CPG 2435). Our anthology gives the complete text.34 8. Fol. 73r: the next item bears the following Syriac title: On Monachism and Rest (shelya). It is taken from Rerum Monachalium rationes (CPG 2441). The beginning, however, is incomplete.35 9. Fol. 78r: Admonitio de signis quietis (CPG 2469). In Greek this short treatise exists in no less than 3 different recensions, none of which, however,

31 Ed. of the Greek Text: A. and C. Guillaumont, Évagre le Pontique: Traité pratique ou le Moine, I, Introd., II, Ed. critique du texte grec (compte rendu des versions orientales), trad., comm. et tables, SC, 171 (Paris, 1971) p. 536. For the three different Syriac versions of this treatise, see Muyldermans, Evagriana Syriaca (see n. 29), p. 26 and Guillaumont, Traité pratique, I, p. 326, as well as the notes to the edition of the Greek text. 32 Edited by W. Frankenberg, Evagrius Ponticus (Berlin, 1912), pp. 554-556. 33 I. Hausherr, ‘Le “De Oratione” d’Évagre le Pontique en syriaque et en arabe’, OCP, 5 (1939), pp. 7-71. 34 For the Syriac version, see Muyldermans, Evagriana Syriaca (see n. 29), p. 29 ff; Greek text: H. Gressmann, Nonnenspiegel und Mönchsspiegel des Evagrios Pontikos, TU, 39, 4 (1913), pp. 152-165. 35 Greek Text: PG, 40, 1252-1265. MS Charfeh 212 begins on p. 1253B’ (2nd par.). For the Syriac version: Muyldermans, Evagriana Syriaca, p. 31. A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY 89 under the name of Evagrius. The 3rd recension, attributed to Makarios of Egypt, was translated into Syriac. The text of the present florilegium corresponds (with some varaint readings) to this Syriac text, which was edited and translated by Muyldermans.36 10. Fol. 79r1: The next item has again no title, but appears to be an extract from De jejunio (CPG 2467). The Syriac version of this short treatise was edited by Muyldermans.37 MS Charfeh 212 begins only in capitulum 7 of Muyldermans’ edition, which is in accordance with what can be seen in other spiritual florilegia as e.g. MS Vat. Syr. 126 or BrL Add. 12.167. 11. Fol. 79r2: Institutio (seu Paraenesis) ad Monachos (CPG 2454). In the Greek tradition there exist two recensions of this treatise, one attributed to Nilus,38 a longer version to Evagrius. MS Charfeh 212 follows this rec. longior.39 12. Fol. 80r seems to give a new treatise bearing the title On Purity. As a matter of fact it is simply the continuation of the foregoing treatise Institutio ad Monachos.40

3. Ammonas Folio 82r continues with the writings of a solitary from the same monastic milieu as Evagrius. This “Holy Ammonios”, as he is called in our florilegium, is the author of a collection of letters, originally composed in Greek (CPG 2380), but which, judging from the numerous monastic anthologies containing them, were much appreciated by the West Syrian monks. In the Syriac tradition there exists a collection of sixteen letters under his name. They were edited by M. Kmosko.41 The first fragment of MS Charfeh 212

36 Muyldermans, Evagriana Syriaca, pp. 120, 154. 37 ibid., pp. 115-117. 38 Ed. PG, 79, 1236-1240. 39 See J. Muyldermans, ‘Evagriana: Le Vat. Barb. Graec. 515’, Le Muséon, 51 (1938), p. 200. This article is a study of the extra sentences of the rec. longior (cf. Muyldermans, Eva- griana Syriaca, p. 61). For the present florilegium this means that after the seventh sentence in the edition of J. Suarez (PG, 79, 1236), MS Charfeh 212 gives the first eight sentences of MS Vat. Barb. Graec. 515 according to the numbering of Muyldermans and concludes with what is also the ending of this treatise in Vat. Barb. Graec. 515 (Muyldermans, Eva- griana Syriaca, p. 203). 40 It begins with sentence no. 9 (ed. Muyldermans, Vat. Barb. Graec. 515, p. 201). The end corresponds to the ending of the ed. of Suarez, PG, 79, 1240B). 41 Ammonii eremitae epistulae, PO, 10 (1914), pp. 556-616. 90 H. TEULE is taken from Letter XII, nr. 5 (Kmosko, 606-606, line 1). The ending of the first fragment, however, is different from Kmosko’s edition. The text of the florilegium continues (still under the name of Ammonios) with another fragment, which remains unidentified.42

4. (Ps.-)Nilus Our florilegium (fol. 83r) offers a selection from a collection of Sententiae, which in the Syriac tradition is normally attributed to Nilus of Ancyra (d. around 430), one of the popular spiritual authors of the Byzantine Churches. In the Greek manuscript tradition, however, there is no unanimity about this attribution to Nilus. M. Geerard (CPG 6583) lists the Sententiae among the works of Hesychius of Jerusalem.43 In the Syrian world the Sententiae were known as the Pearls. The Syriac version was edited and translated by P. Bettiolo.44

5. “John the Solitary” The following section gives the text of three writings ascribed by the compilers of our anthology to “John the Solitary, the Prophet of the Thebaid”. Apparently they identified John the Solitary with John of Lycopolis, the fourth-century monk from upper Egypt, not far from the Thebaid, but dis- tinguished him from John the Visionary (Îazzaya), who, in section 17 of the present florilegium is introduced as a different person (see infra). Recent research has demonstrated that most probably John of Lycopolis did not compose any writings. As J.-Cl. Guy puts it: his greatness is elsewhere.45 The fact that the name of John the Solitary covers several distinct persons means that the question of his identity is more appropriately discussed in close connection with the separate treatises attributed to him. 1. Fol. 89r: A Letter on the weapon of shelya (hèsuchia). This letter was written by John of Apamea (Syria, beginning fifth century), who is commonly

42 Inc. “Take heed of your souls, o Brethren”. 43 Cf. J. Kirchmeyer, ‘Hésychius de Jérusalem’, DS, VII, col. 403; and M.G. Guérard, ‘Nil d’Ancyre’, DS, 11, col. 351. In PG, 79, 1240b- 1249B and 1252B-1261C the Greek text is edited under the name of Nilus. 44 ‘Gli scritti syriaci di Nilo Solitario’, Publ. de l’institut orientaliste de Louvain, 30 (Louvain- la-Neuve, 1983), pp. 1-45. The Syriac text has a number of appendices not found in all MSS used by Bettiolo. MS Charfeh 212 contains appendix 3 (ed. Bettiolo, ‘Gli scritti’, p. 27). For this appendix Bettiolo bases himself on MS Berlin 198, which, however, shows certain lacunae. These can be filled in with the help of the present florilegium. 45 See J.-Cl. Guy, ‘Jean de Lycopolis’, DS, VIII, col. 619-620. A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY 91 designated as “John the Solitary”. John of Apamea influenced many later monastic authors on account of his threefold division of spiritual life into the levels of body, soul and spirit. The text included here clearly belongs to the second level, characterised by the monk’s decision to turn away from the body and to devote himself to the works of asceticism, such as shelya, as a prerequisite for his life in the Spirit. This treatise was edited and translated by L. Rignell.46 2. Fol. 93r: On Instruction. This short treatise is not by John of Apamea. In other monastic collections it is found under the name of Makarios.47 Actually, it consists of quotations from the Liber graduum and the Historia Monachorum.48 3. Fol. 94v: Counsels (puqdane) fitting for those who love beautiful Things. Strothmann49 reckons this treatise (rules for monks) among the genuine works of John of Apamea. It has not yet been edited.

6. Abba Isaias (cf. supra, section 1) Fol. 95r: On the Departing of the Soul. This is an extract from Logos XV, which according to Draguet is only a compilation of miscellaneous fragments. The fragment included here corresponds to ed. Draguet II, p. 228, l. 2 - 229, l. 5, but has some important variant readings. (rec. S). The same fragment is also found in other monastic compilations, e.g MS Berlin 198 (fol. 106a) and MS BrL Add. 18.813.50

7. Jacob of Sarug Fol. 95r: On the naqosha.51 This memra is also found in other monastic compilations under the name of Jacob of Sarug (e.g. Berlin 198, 113b).52 The text is still unedited. Section 23 (see infra) contains many more texts of Jacob of Sarug.

46 Drei Traktate von Johannes dem Einsiedler (Johannes von Apameia) (Lund, 1960), pp. 3- 12 [Syriac], pp. 21-31 [transl.]. 47 See W. Strothmann, Die syrische Überlieferung der Schriften des Makarios, 1, Syrischer Text, Göttinger Orientforschungen, I. Reihe, Syriaca (Wiesbaden, 1981), pp. 213-220, for an edition of the Syriac text. 48 See W. Strothmann, Johannes von Apamea (see n. 2), pp. 37-38 (3.6). 49 Idem, p. 33 (2.4.2). For the attribution to John of Apamea, see p. 30 (under 2). 50 Cf. Draguet, Cinq recensions (see n. 21), I, p. 24*. 51 The naqosha, the simandron of the Greeks, regulates the daily life of the monastery. 52 See also A. Vööbus, Handschriftliche Überlieferung der Memre-Dichtung des Ja{qob von Serug, IV, CSCO, 422 (1980), p. 57 and p. 71. 92 H. TEULE

8. Xystus of Rome Fol. 96r gives a series of admonitions, which bear no title, but are attributed to Xystus of Rome. Actually, these admonitions are taken from the so-called Sentences of Sextus, a collection of injunctions and counsels of a moral character. The original language was Greek (CPG 1115) but they were soon translated into other languages, among which Syriac. The identity of this Sextus is uncertain, but the editor of the Greek text, H. Chadwick53, does not exclude the authorship of Pope Sextus II (third century), who was of Greek origin and had the philosophical background required for the composition of this kind of moral texts. In the Syriac tradition the Sentences were frequently included into monastic anthologies, where they are generally attributed to “Mar Xystus, (bishop) of Rome”.54 The Syriac text was edited by P. de Lagarde.55 The text in our anthology corresponds to this edition (beginning p. 11, line 3), but provides only a selection.

9. John Klimakos Fol. 98r gives a fragment from the Scala Paradisi (CPG 7852) by John of the Ladder.56 It took some time before this, possibly the most popular work of the Byzantine spiritual tradition, also reached the monastic circles of the Syrian Orthodox Church. Quotations, mostly of limited size, are only found in more recent compendia, such as the present one or MS Berlin 198. He was, however, one of Barhebraeus’ preferred monastic authors.57 The Syriac version of the Scala, which probably originated in melkite circles, has not yet been edited.58

53 H. Chadwick, The Sentences of Sextus: A Contribution to the History of Early Christian Ethics, Texts and Studies, 5 (Cambridge, 1959). 54 See also A. Solignac, ‘Sextus (Sentences de)’, DS, XIV col. 765-768. 55 Analecta Syriaca (Leipzig, 1858 and repr. Osnabrück, 1967), pp. 2-31. 56 Corresponding to the ed. of M. Rader, PG, 88, 633, enkratès estin. It is interesting to notice that dayraya does not only translate the Greek monachos, but also enkratès. A second fragment of the Scala (PG, 88 633B) is found on fol. 132r, where it was inserted by mistake, for which the copyist himself apologises in a marginal note. 57 In his Ethicon (I, ed. H. Teule (Louvain, 1992/II-IV); P. Bedjan (Paris and Leipzig, 1898)) Barhebraeus gives about 40 quotations from the Ladder. 58 For a first assessment of the Syriac translation, see H. Teule, ‘Jean Climaque dans la tradition syriaque’, PdO, 20 (1995), pp. 279-293. A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY 93

10. Mar Thomas Fol. 99r-101v contain a text bearing no title, but ascribed to “the Blessed Mar Thomas”. This fragment presents the reader (a “Brother”) with the choice between life in the company of men or life with God. The author could not be identified. This treatise (letter?) is, however, found in other ascetical compendia of roughly the same period, e.g. MSS Berlin 198 (fol. 173b), BrL 849.2 (thirteenth/fourteenth centuries), or Cmbr Add. 2019.8 (A.D. 1452).59

11. (Ps.-)Basil of Caesarea Under the name of Basil fol. 101v gives an ascetical treatise directed to the dayraye (monks). This appears to be sermo XII De ascetica disciplina (CPG 2890), which both in the Greek and Syriac tradition is ascribed to Basil of Caesarea.60 The text of this fragment closely follows the Greek text as found in PG 31, 648 till 652A, but has a short anonymous addition, which may be a kind of commentary by the copyists.

12. Abraham of Natpar A series of short writings under the name of Abraham Naftaraya or Abra- ham of Naftar (sic), under which form the correct Natpar is frequently found in West Syrian circles, begins on fol. 102v.61 This Abraham (end of the sixth century) belonged to the Church of the East and, together with Gregory of Cyprus, is one of the first ‘nestorian’ spiritual authors whose writings were incorporated into the West Syrian monastic florilegia. The problem is that not all the writings ascibed to him are necessarily by him. Moreover, only very few of them have been edited or translated. MS Char- feh 212 gives the following fragments: 1. fol. 102v: (inc: bkul {dan). 2. fol. 103v gives the text of the treatise translated by Tonneau, a.c., p. 345. 3. fol. 104v: (inc.: dakka lebbak, purify your heart).

59 See references in A. Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur (Bonn, 1922), p. 122. 60 J. Gribomont has some doubts about the correctness of this attribution, see Histoire du texte des Ascétiques de S. Basile, Bibl. du Muséon, 32 (Louvain, 1953). 61 R. Tonneau (‘Abraham de Natpar’, OS, 2 (1957), pp. 337-350) gives a somewhat far- fetched explanation for the form Naftar which he suggests is an intentional mutilation of the original name Natpar by West Syrian monks reluctant to attribute the authorship of important monastic texts to a nestorian author (see note 1 to his article). 94 H. TEULE

4. fol. 105r gives the text translated by Tonneau under the title Avertisse- ments (a.c., p. 344). 5. fol. 106r: (inc.: reÌmteh d-{alma hana).

13. Antony On fol 109v one finds the text of the first letter of a collection of seven ascribed to St Antony. He has been called the Father of the Elders of the Egyptian desert, whose spirituality exerted a strong influence on the monks and solitaries from Syria and Mesopotamia. It therefore seems a bit strange that only one letter (Epistula I, CPG 2330) was translated into Syriac. This letter was edited by F. Nau.62 It is found in several other monastic compilations. The text of MS Charfeh 212 shows a number of differences compared to the edition of Nau, it is incomplete (the end corresponds to Nau 294, l.16), gives an abridged text and has many variant readings.

14. Philoxenos of Mabbug Under the name of Philoxenos, a treatise entitled On the monastic Way of Life ({al dubbare d-dayrayuta) begins on fol. 111v. The text can be identified. It belongs to the so called paranetical memre, which are conserved in a great number of MSS, all of which attribute them to Philoxenos of Mabbug (d. 523). The authorship of Philoxenos is confirmed by the analysis of the content of these memre by De Halleux.63 The text as quoted in MS Cahrfeh 212 is also found in other compilations, e.g. BrL 837.64 The Syriac text of these memre was edited by E. Wallis Budge.65 MS Charfeh 212 gives a long extract from memre IX (ed. Budge, 305, l. 4-327). For Philoxenos, see also infra, section 16.

62 ‘La version syriaque de la première lettre de Saint Antoine’, ROC (1909), pp. 282-297. About this translation, see S. Rubenson, ‘The Arabic Version of the Letter of St Antony in S. Khalil’, Actes du 2e congrès international d’études arabes chrétiennes, OCA, 226, pp. 19-29, esp. p. 27. 63 A. De Halleux, Philoxène de Mabbog: sa vie, ses écrits, sa théologie (Louvain, 1963), p. 281 ff. 64 See W. Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum Acquired Since the Year 1838, II (London, 1871), p. 868. 65 The Discourses of Philoxenus of Mabbogh (London, 1893-1894). French translation by E. Lemoine, Philoxène de Mabboug: Homélies, SC, 44 (Paris, 1956). A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY 95

15. John Naqar Fol. 120v gives the beginning of a series of three short treatises ascribed to “the Holy John who is surnamed Naqar”. Vööbus, who discovered the name of this John in a monastic anthology from the village of Enhil,66 called him “ein unbekannt gebliebener Schrift- steller” and for J. Gribomont67 he remains an obscure personality. His writings were incidentally confounded with those of John of Apamea.68 All we know about this Holy John is that he lived on a mountain in the neighbourhood of Edessa.69 We may therfore assume that he belonged to the West Syrian Church. He must have lived before the ninth century when his name was incorporated into the monastic anthologies. MS Charfeh 212 gives the following texts: 1. fol. 120v: On Genuflections (Burke). 2. fol. 121r: He who wishes to understand the simple Law. 3. fol. 121v: On Dwelling in the Cell.

16. Again Philoxenos (cf. supra section 14) Fol. 122v-125r contain two items which are considered by the editor of the Charfeh catalogue, B. Sony as belonging to the work of John Naqar. The title of the first treatise is, however, illegible and the last two lines are effaced. The second treatise (fol. 123r) is a letter composed by the same person (dileh) and addressed “to someone tempted by Satan”. The letter concludes with: end of the (works) of Mar Aksnaya. Aksnaya being the Syriac name for Philoxenos of Mabbug, this treatise has to be attributed to Philoxenus, who is indeed the author of a letter to a lawyer who became a monk but was tempted by Satan. There is a translation by F. Graffin. The fragment of our florilegium gives extracts (beginning in par. 4 of Graffin’s translation).70

66 A. Vööbus, ‘Die Entdeckung eines Florilegiums der asketischen und mystischen Schriften im Syrischen’, in Erkenntnisse und Meinungen, ed. G. Wiessner, Gött. Orientforschungen, I, Syriaca, 17 (Wiesbaden, 1968), pp. 263-271, esp. 266. 67 ‘Le vieux corpus monastique du Vatican syr. 124’, Le Muséon, 100 (1987), pp. 131- 141, on p. 135. 68 W. Strothmann, Johannes von Apamea (see n. 2), p. 3 f. 69 In MS Mingana 4 he is called JoÌannan Naqar haw d-™ ura d-Urhay, cf. Strothmann, Johannes von Apamea, p. 4 70 F. Graffin, ‘Une lettre inédite de Philoxène de Mabboug’, OS, 5 (1960), pp. 182-196. 96 H. TEULE

If this second fragment can be attributed to Philoxenus, this means that the first fragment (written by the same person) has also to be ascribed to him, but it remains unidentified.

17. Again John of Apamea The following fragment (fol. 125r) is an Admonition attributed to the Holy man, JoÌannan Îazzaya or John the Visionary. This name alludes to John of Lycopolis, who was surnamed the “Seer” or “Prophet of the Thebaid”, but for the compilers of our florilegium “John the Solitary, the Prophet of the Thebaid” (see supra, section 5) and John Îazzaya were apparently two distinct persons. The fragment inserted here is taken from the Letter to Hesychius which can be attributed to John of Apamea. The identity of this Hesychius cannot be established but S. Brock suggests that he had only recently adopted the monastic life. The Syriac text as well as an English translation were published by Brock.71 The fragment quoted in our florilegium does not provide the entire letter but covers par. 22-47 of Brock’s edition, with many abridgments.72 The beginning of the text deals with the theme that “normal” labour (not beyond one’s strength, but the asceticism of the greater community (gawwa)) is sufficient for the beginner, who should have a preference for vigils, which are more beneficial than all other labours.73

18. Gregory of Cyprus Under the name of Gregory the Solitary, fol. 128v gives an untitled ascetical fragment on retreat from the world (inc.: {ruqya d-men {alma). The author is probably Gregory of Cyprus, a monk of the Church of the East who lived in the sixth or seventh century. After a first monastic stay near Mount Izla he spent part of his life in Cyprus before returning to the Izla

71 Malpanuta d-abahata Suryaye d-{al-slota (Glane, 1988), pp. 30-47. English translation in The Syriac Fathers on Prayer and the Spiritual Life, Cistercian studies series, 101 (Kala- mazoo, 1987), pp. 78-100. 72 It continues, however, (fol. 127v) without transition with another fragment ascribed to “John Hazzaya”. 73 Brock has a somewhat different interpretation of this fragment: “interior labour ({amla d-gawwa) is sufficient for you: choose vigilance (sahra) ... which is more beneficial than all other labours.” It seems to me that this spiritualised interpretation of gawwa and sahra is not required by the context of this fragment. A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY 97 region, where he died.74 He is the author of an important mystic treatise On the Divine Vision,75 but the ascetical fragment of the present anthology was not borrowed from this homily, which deals with a more advanced stage of the mystic path. His name is frequently found in other monastic anthologies.76

19. Mark the Solitary Again we are not too well informed about the identity of this spiritual writer. His activities can be situated mainly in the second half of the fifth century. He is the author of a number of dogmatical works and of three monastic treatises, whose popularity earned them a place in the Byzantine Philokalia as well as in several West Syrian anthologies.77 The extracts given in MS Charfeh 212, presented as a single treatise, are actually taken from two different works, De lege spirituali (CPG 6090); and De his qui putant se ex operibus justificari (CPG 6091). MS Charfeh gives a selection beginning (fol. 130r) in par. 4 of De lege (ed. in PG 65 905), the end corresponds to par. 132 of the second treatise (PG 65 949).

20. Sergius the Solitary Fol. 131r gives an untitled fragment ascribed to a Sergius the Solitary. Unfortunately, the short fragment remains unidentified.78 It deals with the pre-eminence of the virtue of silence above all other virtues.

21. Apophthegmata The next folio (132r) continues79 with a number of sayings attributed to Moses the Ethiopian and Abba Zekhariyya and with some words of Abba Moses to Abba Poimen. The last quotation is found in Paladius’ Paradise of

74 J. Kirchmeyer, ‘Grégoire de Chypre, moine nestorien, 6e-7e siècles’, DS, VI (1967), col. 920-922. 75 I. Hausherr, Gregorii monach Cyprii “De theoria sancta quae syriace interpretata dicitur visio divina”, OCA, 110 (1937). 76 E.g. MSS BrL 752 789 790 793 806 819 826 839; Berlin 198; MS Enhil (cf. n. 64); Vat. 123 (cf. n. 65), etc. 77 Cf. Baumstark, Geschichte (see n. 59), p. 91; also MS Enhil. About Markos, see Marc le Moine: Traités spirituels et théologiques, trad. française Cl. A. Zornheld, Spiritualité Orientale, 41 (Bégrolles-en-Mauge, 1985), with an introd. by K. Ware. 78 The extract quoted is not taken from the spiritual letter by Sergius d-Ris{ayna, ed. P. Sher- wood, ‘Mimro de Serge de Resayna sur la vie spirituelle’, OS, 5 (1960), pp. 433-457. 79 Apart from the fragment of the Scala Paradisi mentioned in note 56. 98 H. TEULE the Holy Fathers, the Syriac translation of which by the East Syrian monk {Enanisho{ (seventh century) is frequently used in West Syrian monastic compendia.80 More citations from the Apophthegmata are given in Section 29.

22. Abba Shenudin This is the Syriac name of Abba Shenute, the vehement and violent organiser of Egyptian monastic life (fourth century). Fol. 133r gives a short unidentified fragment.81

23. John of Dalyata Fol. 134r announces a series of madrashe of John of Dalyata, “written for monks, but even more fitting for solitaries who in time of dejection will receive consolation from them”. Actually, the MS of Charfeh only gives a selection of short prayers, entirely in the style of the prayers found in John of Dalyata’s Letters82 or in his spiritual Homilies,83 which, however, do not seem to contain the prayers quoted here.

24. Jacob of Sarug (cf. supra section 7) On fol. 135v, a long and important section devoted to several memre of Jacob of Sarug begins.84 Barhebraeus (d. 1286) gives us an idea of his popularity in the West-Syrian Church when he states that Jacob is the author of no less than 760 memre!85 Several of them deal with ascetical

80 Ed. by P. Bedjan in Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, VII (Paris and Leipzig, 1897); transl. by E.W. Budge, The Paradise of the Holy Fathers, 2 vols. (London, 1907) [the Saying of Moses to Poimen is on p. 180]. 81 Cf. Baumstark, Geschichte (see n. 59), p. 284, for the prayers of Shenute in the Syrian Orthodox Office of the hours; ed. and transl. of works of Shenute: E. Amélineau, Oeuvres de Schenoudi (Paris, 1907-1914) [no indices]; J. Leipoldt and E. Crum, Sinuthii archi- mandritae: Vita et opera omnia, CSCO, 41-42, 73 (1906-1913); transl. H. Wiesmann, CSCO, 96, 108, 129 (1951-1953). 82 Ed. by R. Beulay, La collection des lettres de Jean de Dalyatha: éd. critique du texte syriaque, inédit, trad. française, introd. et notes, PO, 39, 3 (1978). 83 Ed. and transl. B. Colles, The Mysticism of John Saba, I, The Mystical Discourses of John Saba (unpubl. Diss. PhD, Melbourne, 1963). Colles has announced a new publication in PO. 84 This section was, however, overlooked by Vööbus, Handschriftliche Überlieferung (see n. 52), III, CSCO, 421, 1980, p. 146, who mentions only two memre by Jacob of Sarug for Charfeh 212. 85 Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, I, ed. J. Abbeloos and Th. Lamy (Paris and Louvain, 1872), p. 191. A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY 99 themes, which explains why his poems are frequently included in monastic anthologies. The compilers of MS Charfeh 212 mostly limited themselves to giving extracts, only incidentally were complete memre selected.86 1. Fol. 135v: untitled fragment (inc. Ma d-Ìate (a)nas, when a man sins). 2. Fol. 136r: On the End, ed. Bejan II, p. 836 (complete text). 3. Fol. 143v1: very short untitled fragment (hab-li d-edÌal, give me to fear). 4. Fol. 143v2: untitled fragment (hzateh d-alma, seeing the world). 5. Fol. 145v: untitled fragment (sda zban balÌud). 6. Fol. 146r: untitled fragment (mettul hemta wa-hsama, on account of anger and jealousy). 7. Fol. 147r: fragment from the memra On the Antichrist. 8. Fol. 147v: extracts from the memra On the Word of Qohelet ‘(All) is van- ity’. This memra was edited by K. Deppe.87 9. Fol. 149v: untitled fragment (Bis(h)u {alma, bad is the world). 10. Fol. 150r: extract from On Balthasar. 11. Fol. 150v: memra On admonition, ed. Bedjan I, 627. 12. Fol. 154r1: untitled extract (ma dmsallem). 13. Fol. 154r2: fragment from On Zachariah, beginning in ed. Bedjan II 155, l. 15. 14. Fol. 154v: fragment from On Fasting, beginning in ed. Bedjan I, 567, l. 6. 15. Fol. 155r: quotation from On ‘Sing for the Lord a new Song’, beginning in ed. Bedjan III, 903, l. 3. 16. Fol. 155v: On the Fall of the Idols and the Love of Possessions, beginning in ed. Bedjan III, 813, l. 7. 17. Fol. 159r: fragment from the memra On the Son who squandered his Possessions, beginning in ed. Bedjan I, 274, l. 19. 18. Fol. 160v: extract from the memra On the Lame Man cured by Peter and John, beginning in ed. Bedjan V, 721, l. 6.

86 Many memre by Jacob have been edited by P. Bedjan, Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, 5 vols. (Paris, 1905-1910). For other editions and translations see Kh. Alwan, ‘Bibliographie de Jacques de Saroug’, PdO, 13 (1986), pp. 313-384. Alwan himself has published four homilies on the creation in CSCO, 508-509 (1989). 87 Kohelet in der syrischen Dichtung, Göttinger Orientforschungen, I., 6, pp. 68-121; the extract of MS Charfeh 212 begins on p. 72, l. 27. 100 H. TEULE

19. Fol. 162r: extract from On that one should not [leave?] the Church before Prayer. 20. Fol. 162v: from memra On Jona beginning in ed. Bedjan IV, 381, l. 15 21. Fol. 164r: from memra On ‘quid prodest homini?’ beginning in ed. Bed- jan I, 687, l. 16. 22. Fol. 165v: from memra On the Table, beginning in ed. Bedjan IV, 905, l. 5. 23. Fol. 169r: the complete text of memra On the Solitaries, ed. Bedjan IV, 818-836.

25. Îannanya Fol. 180r-181r give the story of the Life of Mar Îannanya as translated in the introduction to the present article. The manuscript continues with a thematical section, the subject of which is:

26. ‘Laughing is forbidden’ Fol. 181r introduces this theme with a short fragment ascribed to Atha- nasius, followed by a few sentences on the same subject by “IsÌaq” and an anonymous Abba.

27. Ephrem and Ishaq of Antioch Fol. 182r gives a memra “fitting for the night”, attributed to Ephrem. A section announced as Sweet Memre by Mar Ephrem and Mar IsÌaq, begins on folio 186v.88 1. Fol. 186v: Ephrem, On Humility and Fasting (inc. b-’urheh d-malka sma- yana). 2. Fol. 190v: Ephrem: On Learning (inc. law daqtira(h)u yulpana). 3. Fol. 197v: On the Perfection of the Brethren. Text according to the edition of Bedjan.89

28. Abu NaÒr from Bartelli Fol. 202r surprises with an original memra not found in other anthologies. It is entitled On the Holy and Excellent Mar Mattai on Mountain Alfaf,

88 For the correct attribution of certain memre which are found in the MSS under the names of both Isaac and Ephrem, see J. Melki, ‘Saint Ephrem: bilan de l’édition critique’, PdO, 11 (1983), pp. 3-88. 89 Homiliae S. Isaaci Syr. Antiocheni, I (Paris and Leipzig, 1903), pp. 296-305. A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY SPIRITUAL ANTHOLOGY 101 written “in the metre of Ephrem”. Sony correctly ascribes this text, which in the present anthology is unfortunately incomplete, to Abu NaÒr from the village of Bartelli, who later became Superior of the Monastery of Mar Mattai,90 where, as we learn from Barhebraeus, he lost an eye during a raid by the Kurds.91 Acording to Patriarch Barsaum he was still alive in the year 1290.

29. Apophthegmata On fol. 207v, the ‘Questions and Answers of the Holy Fathers and the profitable Stories necessary for the One who desires to conduct himself correctly’, ascribed to Bishop Palladius, begin. The text which follows gives a substantially developed selection from the Apophthegmata in the redaction of {Enanisho{ (see also supra, section 21), beginning with apophthegma I of the first series (Arsenius) and ending with nr 96 (Sylvanus and Zakhariyyah) of the edition by Bedjan.92

30. Ephrem and Isaac (continuation of section 27) Fol. 212r begins in the middle of a metrical homily. From the postscriptum it appears that this homily is the memra On Cupidity by IsÌaq. In several manuscripts it is also attributed to Ephrem, under whose name it was edited by Th. Lamy.93 Fol. 214v gives the memra On the Humility of the Brethren and on Reprehen- sion under the name of Isaac. This homily was also attributed to both Ephrem and Isaac and was even edited twice.94 MS Charfeh 212 gives the complete text.

Fol. 220r. The text of this folio is possibly the personal note of a reader and did not belong to the original manuscript. Under the name of Epiphanios of Cyprus, it gives a list of names of persons from the Old and New Testament. Fol. 220v. Colophon. See supra, the introduction.

90 About his life and work, see Ephrem I Barsaum, Al-lu’lu’ al-manthur fi ta’rikh al-{ulum wa l-adab al-Suryaniyyah (repr. Glane, 1987), p. 433. 91 E.W. Budge, The Chronography of Gregory ( ...) Barhebraeus, I, p. 441. 92 See note 80. 93 S. Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, IV (Malines, 1902), pp. 226-242. 94 Under the name of Ephrem by Lamy, ibid, p. 242; under the name of Isaac by Bedjan (see n. 89), p. 13. 102 H. TEULE

CONCLUSION

It seems that for the greater part MS Charfeh 212 does not distinguish itself from other more recent (twelfth/thirteenth century) West Syrian monastic anthologies which frequently contain the same names of authors and treatises as those selected by Abraham and Îabbib. However, further research into those compilations is needed. In this respect especially a systematic comparison with MS Berlin 198 (thirteenth century) is appropriate, since this anthology from ™ur {Abdin partly has the same sequence of fragments as found in MS Charfeh 212. A particular characteristic of MS Charfeh 212 is that this anthology was compiled for novices of the monastery of Mar Îannanya.

SUMMARY

A Fifteenth-Century Spiritual Anthology from the Monastery of Mar Hannanya¯ The present article gives a description of MS Charfeh 212 (olim 38), a ˙West Syr- ian monastic anthology (1466), intended for novices of the Monastery of Ma¯r Hannanya¯ or Deir al-Za‘fara¯n in south-eastern Turkey. The introduction contains the˙ translation of a fragment dealing with the foundation of this monastery. The greater part of this article is devoted to the identification of the different treatises selected by the compilers of this anthology.