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The Use of Coin in the Carolingian Empire in the Ninth Century

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The Use of Coin in the Carolingian Empire in the Ninth Century © Copyrighted Material Chapter 12 Te Use of Coin in the Carolingian Empire in the Ninth Century Simon Coupland ashgate.com Viking raids were a constant fear in Brittany in the mid-ninth century. According to the near contemporary Life of St Malo a peasant farmer inashgate.com the region of Alet named Hetremaon heard that the invaders had torched the neighbouring settlements and were now approaching his village, Cherrueix in Ille-et-Vilaine. So he placed four denarii on the threshold of his cottage with a prayer to St Malo: ‘Take this money and protect my home’. Other monasticashgate.com tenants did the same, ‘each according to his means’ (unusquisque secundum quod poterat). Teir secular neighbours, however, who owed their loyalties only to the Breton ruler Judicael, said to themselves, ‘Why bother to give anything? Our houses are next to theirs, so St Malo will look afer us, too’. Te Northmen arrived at the village, burned down the houses of Judicael’s half of the villageashgate.com and drove away their cattle, but 1 spared those belonging to St Malo. One modern reader with a hermeneutic of suspicion towards miracle texts2 sees this as a tribute of four deniers per house which has been disguised by the hagiographical author,3 but this surely misses the whole point of the story, namely that the money ended up with the Church, not the invaders. For the numismatistashgate.com and economic historian the tale has a very diferent signifcance, however, in that it implies that an ordinary Breton peasant could have owned at least four denarii during the period in question in order for the miracle to have had any plausibility. Tis is particularly interesting, because as will becomeashgate.com clear below, minting in Brittany at this time was limited, and if any region of the Frankish west might be expected to have had little access to coin, it would be Brittany. Tis incident – whether legendary or based on a genuine event – thus ofers an invaluable insight into the contemporary perceptions of the use of coin in the Carolingian empire in the ninth century. ashgate.com 1 Bili, Vita sancti Machutis, ch. 15–16: Vie de Saint-Malo, évêque d’Alet, ed. G. le Duc (Saint-Malo, 1979), 250–51. 2 ashgate.com An expression of Paul Ricœur commonly used in Biblical criticism: see e.g. D. Stewart, ‘Te hermeneutics of suspicion’, Journal of Literature and Teology, 3 (1989), 296–307. 3 J.C. Cassard, Le Siècle des Vikings en Bretagne (Paris, 1996), 37. © Copyrighted Material © Simon Coupland (2014) From Rory Naismith, Martin Allen and Elina Screen (eds), Early Medieval Monetary History: Studies in Memory of Mark Blackburn, published by Ashgate Publishing. See: http://www.ashgate.com/isbn/9781409456681 258 Early Medieval Monetary History © Copyrighted Material Numerous other contemporary sources (generally hagiographical texts) mention in passing the use of coinage, props in the drama of the everyday life they describe. Tus at the annual fair near the monastery at Fleury two friends who had come to trade (mercandi gratia) had an argument over 12 deniers which one of them had in his bag.4 In a tavern at Saint-Philibert-de-Grand-Lieu a pilgrim ordered half a penny’s worth of wine and paid with a penny, but was 5 mistakenly given a penny’s measure of wine and an obole (halfpenny) in change. On the ‘British Sea’ the various monastic fshing feets banded together to catchashgate.com whales, paying what was essentially a guild fee (solidos contubernii), but in 875 the St Vaast fshermen fell out with them, were blessed with a great catch, and gave the money to the monastery instead: two solidi, or 24 pennies.6 In the 830s in Fulda (another region where there was probably little minting) a father is said to have placed three denarii on the withered hand of his daughter,ashgate.com who was 7 healed as the coins fell on the altar. At a similar time in Mulinheim, also in the coin-poor east, a young man in Louis the German’s retinue named Drogus who had been ill for months reportedly spent four deniers on candles as an ofering to St Marcellinus.8 Other texts mention similar sums: three denarii stolen by a monk of the abbey of la Croix-Saint-Ouen in Normandyashgate.com and hidden in his 9 10 clothing, four denarii paid for wine in Dorestad, two denarii belonging to a poor woman in Hochfelden in Alsace, dropped by her neighbour on his way to market but then found thanks to divine intervention.11 All these anecdotal references paint a vivid picture of the everyday use of ashgate.com coin in the ninth century, but do not by themselves provide a sound historical basis on which to determine the extent to which coin was used in the lands which made up the Carolingian empire in the ninth century. For one thing, hagiographical texts are viewed with considerable scepticism as historical ashgate.com 4 Adrevald of Fleury, Miracula sancti Benedicti, ch. 35: MGH, SS, XV.1, ed. O. Holder-Egger (Hanover, 1887), 496. 5 Ermentarius, De translationibus et miraculis sancti Filiberti, I.71: Monuments de l’histoire des abbayes de Saint-Philibert, ed. R. Poupardin (Paris, 1905), 49–50. ashgate.com 6 Miracula sancti Vedasti, ch. 6: MGH, SS, XV.1, ed. Holder-Egger, 400. 7 Rudolf, Miracula sanctorum in Fuldenses ecclesias translatorum, ch. 12: MGH, SS, XV.1, ed. G. Waitz, 338. 8 Einhard, Translatio et miracula sanctorum Marcellini et Petri, IV.1: MGH, SS, XV.1, ed. Waitz, 256. ashgate.com 9 Vita S. Leutfedi, ch. 26: AASS IV Iunii 21, 110. Most of the above are also cited in O. Bruand, Voyageurs et marchandises aux temps carolingiens. Les réseaux de communication entre Loire et Meuse aux VIIIe et IXe siècles (Brussels, 2002), 160–61. 10 Vita Anskarii, ch. 20: MGH, SSRG, 55, ed. G. Waitz (Hanover, 1884), 66. 11 Translatio et Miracula sancti Adelphi Mettensis, ch. 12, reproduced and translated in R. ashgate.com Naismith, Money and Power in Anglo-Saxon England: the Southern English Kingdoms 757–865 (Cambridge, 2012), 281. © Copyrighted Material Copyright material: You are not permitted to transmit this file in any format or media; it may not be resold or reused without prior agreement with Ashgate Publishing and may not be placed on any publicly accessible or commercial servers. Te Use of Coin in the Carolingian Empire in the Ninth Century 259 © Copyrighted Material documents: they were written not to record contemporary events but to glorify the saint, and could be infuenced by biblical or other earlier model accounts. In this context, however, such suspicion is unjustifed. Many ninth-century authors were notably circumspect in their accounts, with a clear emphasis on establishing the veracity of the miracles they reported.12 What is more, where these miracles display similarities to biblical episodes, the obvious diferences in the ninth-century texts actually support their veracity. Tus although there are two stories in the gospels of a miraculous catch of fsh (Luke 5:6, John 21:6) the ashgate.com St Vaast account bears no similarity to either, and no money is ofered by Jesus’ disciples. Or again, in a parable of Jesus a woman loses and then fnds a coin (Luke 15:8–9), but it is one of ten, not both of two as at Hochfelden. Where the text is contemporary in its origin (and all the above date from the ninth century), the point made earlier merits reiteration: for the story toashgate.com have had any impact on a contemporary audience it must have described what was usual at that time and in that locality in order to have been plausible. For example, it must have been possible to buy wine for half a penny in the Loire region, and two pennies must have been a signifcant sum for a poor villager in Alsace, or the tales lose all impact. Yet these few texts cannot ofashgate.comer an adequate answer to the questions this chapter seeks to address, namely: did everyone in the Frankish lands really have access to coinage? Was coin used for everyday purchases, or primarily for taxation and long-distance trade, with barter being the order of the day for everything else? Is it possible to estimate, even broadly, how much coin was in circulation? ashgate.com Te remarkable thing is that for more than a century scholars have looked at the evidence – both historical and numismatic – and come up with diametrically opposing conclusions. A debate has raged between proponents of two very diferent views of the Carolingianashgate.com economy, represented on the one side by those who draw the same conclusions as Alfons Dopsch and on the other by those who share the outlook of Henri Pirenne.13 Put simply, Dopsch saw the Carolingian period as one of economic development: rejecting the then prevailing view of a closed economy based on barter, he argued that contemporary sources revealed ashgate.com 14 the increasing use of coin in trade and other everyday transactions. In contrast, Pirenne saw the Carolingian era as an age of economic stagnation, with the closure of the Mediterranean and the Viking invasions leading to localised 12 See several papers in P. Riché and E. Patlagean (ed.), Hagiographie, cultures et sociétés, IVe–XIIe sièclesashgate.com (Paris, 1981), notably those by M. van Utyfanghe (205–31), M. Heinzelmann (235–57) and M. Rouche (319–37). 13 For a brief recent discussion see M. Costambeys, M. Innes and S. MacLean, Te Carolingian World (Cambridge, 2011), 326–8, though there is minimal consideration of the use of coin.
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