RESETTING the LEFT in EUROPE CHALLENGES , ATTEMPTS and OBSTACLES • Resetting the Left in Europe Challenges, Attempts and Obstacles

Home , Movement of Socialists, Pasokification, Saskia Esken, Socialist Initiative, Yugoslav Left

• Andrija Krešić This volume provides a timely contribution to the urgent problem Thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Europe is U svom i našem vremenu of how to resolve the dead-end of the present European and global struggling with itself. Inequalities are growing, nationalism • Ка бољој демографској multi-dimensional crisis. It demonstrates the intellectual strength and is increasing, and populism is exploding. New emerging будућности Србије theoretical breadth of left-oriented social sciences at present. Contrary political movements, if these exist at all, are predominantly to the now conventional pessimistic bent, the volume offers a solid base arising from the (populist) right, despite the fact that the edited volumes • Multiculturalism for a brighter view towards future endeavours and political projects on majority of people in need belong to traditionally left in Public Policies the left, for future research, and constitutes an excellent instrument for constituencies. But instead of embracing these people, • Кa evropskom društvu - ograničenja scholarly and educational purposes. Students of all levels will be able the Left is struggling too: with the wrong paths of the edition i perspektive to use it to inform and orient themselves. I hope the volume will find a Third way it opted to take during the 1990s, with the edited volumes broad reading public, and will stir new discussions upon the horizons that consequences of globalization, and – most of all – with • Филозофија кризе и отпора - мисао it opens with competence and perspicacity. detaching itself from the dominating capitalistic economic и дело Љубомира Тадића RESETTING order and offering a sustainable economic, political • Xenophobia, Identity and Prof. Dr. Rastko Močnik and social alternative. This volume sheds light on the New Forms of Nationalism THE LEFT theoretical and political challenges that the Left has faced This volume comes at the right moment, when the world is emerging over the past three decades, looks at attempts at and • Contemporary issues and from a global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. And it is very hopes for new beginnings, and outlines the challenges and perspectives on gender research much needed in an atmosphere of, as two authors point out, an “an or- IN EUROPE prospects encountered on the road to a recovery. And, • Traditional and Non-Traditional ganic, permanent crisis, which is failing to create a revolutionary poten- among the many conclusions we can draw, one certainly Religiosity tial”, and in which all classical, liberal solutions have already been tested, CHALLENGES cannot be dismissed: the overlapping of the crises that with horrifying results. The diversity of theoretical perspectives and case both Europe and the Left are facing is not a coincidence, • Different Forms of Religiosity studies contained in this book converge into an overarching analysis, but moreover a sign that the decline of Europe is and the Modern World ATTEMPTS AND which, I believe, will trigger further discussions about this topic. closely linked to the decline of the Left. Consequently, • Strategic Streams 2019: European neither Europe nor the Left will be able to reconsolidate Elections and The Future of Europe Prof. Dr. Vladimir Ilić OBSTACLES themselves without one another.

• Србија: род, политике, становништво A great deal of academic writing about the Left is being written without EDITED BY data and sufficient knowledge about the contemporary Left. This vol- Irena Ristić • Promišljanja aktuelnih društvenih ume countervails this absence by providing an insight into the historical izazova: regionalni i globalni kontekst and current conditions of the Left. • Izazovi održivog razvoja u Srbiji i Evropskoj uniji

Dr. Goran Bašić RESETTING THE LEFT IN EUROPE CHALLENGES , ATTEMPTS AND OBSTACLES • Resetting the Left in Europe Challenges, attempts and obstacles

www.idn.org.rs RESETTING THE LEFT IN EUROPE CHALLENGES, ATTEMPTS AND OBSTACLES PUBLISHED BY Institute of Social Sciences Belgrade 2021

PUBLISHER Goran Bašić, Ph.D.

REVIEWERS Goran Bašić, PhD Prof. Robert M. Hayden Prof. Vladimir Ilić Prof. Rastko Močnik

SERIES Edited Volumes

SERIES EDITOR Mirjana Dokmanović, Ph.D.

ISBN 978-86-7093-245-6 edited volumes Irena Ristić EDITED BY AND OBSTACLES CHALLENGES, ATTEMPTS INEUROPE THE LEFT RESETTING Institute ofSocialSciences|Belgrade 2021.

Contents 5 edited volumes IV BACK, IS THERE A WAY ARE THE AND WHAT CHALLENGES? ć Natalija Mićunovi the Left to Challenges for go global: The disparity between and periphery centre Catherine Samary a new European Towards project internationalist dilemmas: without false Against/within/outside Union the European ABOUT THE AUTHORS ć Jasmin Hasanovi (im) Post-Dayton the Left possibilities for in Bosnia and Herzegovina Bakić Jovo in left of the Left What’s the Serbia following of capitalism? restoration Katerina Labrinou, Katerina Ioannis Balampanidis and the Social Democracy Left in the Radical South: European and Strategic governmental in the experimentation of the crisis cauldron José Castro Caldas José Castro and monetary Economic integration: and practice Theory, in the EU experience periphery 260 282 310 206 238 164 184

III THE DIFFERENT CASES IN EUROPE Philippe Marlière The rise and decline of Left populism in France Heikki Patomäki Left: of the On the future A global perspective šonc, Alpar Lo Josifidis Kosta crises: The Left between of Antinomy and power powerlessness Irena Ristić The changes and in challenges of the Left Europe contemporary – An introduction Ognjen Pribićević ideology: to Return stumbling A solution to Social Democracies: of Corbyn The case The rise and fall of theThe rise and fall Left in Europe ordoliberal Shampa Roy-Mukherjee Vassilis K. Fouskas, Vassilis II WHERE ARE WE, AND DID WE GET HERE?HOW I INTRODUCTION Foreword 144 114 86 54 26 14 7

7 edited volumes - - The con- 1 Not all authors of this volume participated in the conference, while some conference participants chose to contribute to this book on topics differ ent to those on which they had presented. The aim of the conference was to provide a framework for un- The aim of the conference was to provide inspired by the international conferenceThis edited volume was 1 “The Changes and Challenges of Left is Dead, Long Live the Left? The that took place on 28 and 29 No- the Left in Contemporary Europe” in Belgrade. vember 2018, at the Institute of Social Sciences Foreword ference was conceptualized by the Institute of Social Sciences andference was conceptualized Belgrade. Ebert Foundation in with the Friedrich jointly organized and historical causes derstanding the institutional, socio-economic left idea and the left agen- and the patterns of the downfall of the of the Left in contemporarycy, as well as to grasp the challenges This of course required going beyond the usual (and until Europe. recently) dominant explanatory according to which the cri- model, financial crisis in sis of the Left was triggered by the global the complexity of the eco- 2007/08; an argument that overlooked after the fall of the Europe nomic and political transformation in of globalization. Neither did this and of the acceleration Berlin Wall seem- into account the failures of the Third Way, explanation take by social democratic par ingly interpreting the firm decisions taken ties throughout the 1990s as being merely aimed at a restructuring , classic rhetoric terms, and ex- pathos and logos After an introduction to the topic,After an introduction the first section of this book of the social welfare state and enhancement of free trade, as op- enhancement of welfare state and of the social - deregu far-ranging paving the road to the reality of their posed to and market fiscal austerity privatizations, lation, non-transparent of all ex- in spite Therefore, Europe. throughout fundamentalism kindly which have not looked ternal factors and circumstances, certainly over the last three decades, there is upon leftist policies when of the Left for its continuous stumbling also a responsibility to lie clear stances on political issues that used it comes to taking this book politics. In this sense, the discussion in at the core of Left roots of the crisis, back to the (structural) is not reduced to looking finally, regarding failures of the Left and, but also opens questions future, in which the Left will out ideas for the near also sketches to (re-)position itself. sooner or later need by Alpar traces the roots of the crisis of the Left. The opening chapter, Josifidis, discusses the philosophical and economic is- Lošonc and Kosta part of the Left in thesues lying at the crux of the crisis as an inherent the problems of the Left inframework of capitalism, but also embeds the broader picture of the crisis of the contemporary societies in the in his chapter looks at the crisis of the world. Heikki Patomäki Western Left by using ethos, plains the minimal turns the Left has to make in order to reach out to make plains the minimal turns the Left has to the also in an excursus people again on the basis of these, illustrating to examples of successfulcase of the Left in Finland. While referring points to the states, Patomäki social movements in individual European andtransnational, European, necessity and importance of a broader even worldwide movement, examples of local or na- given that many the long run, they are unabletional Leftist parties have shown that in to sustain themselves without a wider front. He also warns that an au- movement” – a dialectical process in which “double tomatic Polanyian si- a deregulated free market, societies, in their development towards act against these uncertain- that multaneously create counter-forces for – is not to be taken ties and consequently undermine capitalism granted, and that instead the Left needs to counteract through political agency this first section of the book is and collective actions. Finally, K.concluded by Vassilis Fouskas and Shampa Roy-Mukherjee, who in and the long-termtheir chapter deal with the failure of the Third Way consequences of accepting ordoliberalism. They show how this did not

8 Foreword 9 edited volumes - Bearing many of these discussed aspects of the crisis in mind, the of the crisis in mind, discussed aspects of these Bearing many the book then Europe, from Western these two examples From - into a variety of di of this volume delve the second section chapters in European states. Philippe of the Left in different mensions and aspects - Insoumise and, by an movement La France on the French Marlière takes movement,alysing not only the leader Jean-Luc Mélen- but also its Left the by employing populism as a strategy, chon, he shows how, Contrary ex- the French to discrediting itself. runs the risk of eventually Jeremyhope of the Left in the United Kingdom, perience, the white societal calling for radical changes, addressed Corbyn, despite also As way. problems in a less populist demonstrates in Ognjen Pribićević spark of hope, not only for the Labour Corbyn was a true his chapter, throughout Europe. United Kingdom, but also for the Left in the Party was ultimately less due toAnd his sudden decline only two years later once again irrelevant for thethe fact that all these social issues became British public overnight, in the but rather because the 2019 elections by the nationalistic narrative ofUnited Kingdom were again dominated Brexit, in which political parties and actors from the Right had a clear predominance. a look takes José Castro Caldas turns to cases from Southern Europe. but – in contrast to the previous chapters – his focus is notat Portugal, He deals with two op- on political, but rather economic developments. and the en- to the market posing philosophies and ideologies related it,visaged economic model and society behind and indirectly questions over political integrationwhether giving the precedence to economic which was a conser Economic Community (EEC), within the European just weaken the Left itself, but how it has also had a significant influ- had a significant but how it has also the Left itself, just weaken 2010. of populism since the transatlantic rise ence over vative decision, served the EEC, only the centre of while its peripheries priority to political (and social)would have rather benefited from giving in the south, Katerina Labrin- integration first in the long term. Staying relationship and interactionou and Ioannis Balampanidis analyse the based on three com- between the Radical Left and Social Democracy, They show how Radicalparative examples: Greece, Spain and Portugal. Left forces in all three countries started as challengers to the existing and established Left, of a pariah, but then not only with an image became relevant participants in the political arena, but also, due to successes, turned into a threat to the mainstream social electoral - - these two streams ofthese two came closer to one another in some aspects, while in otherscame closer to one another The final two chapters of this section stay thematically in theThe final two chapters the challenges faced byThe last section of the book focuses on ic parties in these countries were confronted by their own process of confronted by their these countries were ic parties in As- a con or resignation”. of “renovation and the dilemma pasokification show, as Labrinou and Balampanidis sequence, the Left apart.they moved further - deal with Bosnia and Herze They but outside the EU. south of Europe, heri- countries that shared the same socialist govina and Serbia; two mostly politically have undergone verytage until 1989, and similar, traumatic, Jasmin Hasanović looks at the opportunities periods since. with a of the war, since the end and Herzegovina of the Left in Bosnia political developments. Asspecial focus on recent for the majority of organizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina,political ideas and grass-root from the dominating eth- for the Left the biggest challenge comes reinforced by the politicalno-determined narrative, which is not only elites but also, to a great extent, institutionally cemented by the Day- ton Agreement. Hasanović analyses whether such a scenario poses a to in Bosnia and Herzegovina chance or rather an obstacle for the Left dedicates one part of his chapter toregain ground. Jovo Bakić likewise is predominantly active atthe emerging Leftist scene in Serbia, which its strengths and weaknesses, and frames itthe local level. He sketches Left,in a wider context of the European while simultaneously bearing peripheral position of Ser in mind the geographically and economically problematic legacybia. By doing so, he also sheds light on the of the Serbian Left, given that during the 1990s Serbia was governed and came to compromise the termruled by two formally ‘Left’ parties, that Left for a long period to follow. Natalija Mićunović looks atthe Left on the road to its potential return. perspective. What she iden- this from a broader theoretical and global Left are first,tifies as the two main problems of the parallel, though within the Left,not necessarily conflicting, narratives which may ham- per a sustainable cohesion on the Left. This to a great extent stems from the change in the constitution of the Left over time, and the larger role that vulnerable groups, which are usually attached to left- wing parties, are being afforded. The second problem of the Left that Mićunović focuses on is the existing disparity between centre and democratic democrat same time, social parties. At the and centre-left

10 Foreword 11 edited volumes - Irena Ristić new normality, which will amplify inequalities and the existing This book was supposed to have been published much earlier. much earlier. This book was supposed to have been published Two unforeseen events, one after another, however, came in between: however, unforeseen events, one after another, Two of the editor of this volumeone personal and marginal – a new-born – and a global and striking,and subsequent one-year maternity leave pandemic, which led to a slow- and rather sore one, the COVID-19 processes. And while both events gave rise to delays,down of many were moments There the responsibility lies solely with the editor. seemed to no longer hold at during 2020 when the topic of this book periphery; also put forward arguments that are Caldas and by Castro Samary Catherine 3. Finally, Bakić in Section two major politi- analyses - and lack of capaci weaknesses the key that unveiled cal developments to offer a common goal and Left to unite toward European ties of the Brexit and the Greek crisis fol- entirety of the EU: a new vision for the referendum in 2015. Samarylowed by the bailout false bi- shows the to either “re- nary the Left has manoeuvred itself, choice into which in theto “leave” and accept its neoliberal rules or within the EU main” name of “national sovereignty”, being a narrative exploited the latter of the dom- racist political streams. Given the crisis by nationalistic and a system, which certainly also provides inant neoliberal economic Samary offers a proposal as to the floor, to take chance for the Left look, and what aims Left should European how a new Internationalist it should prioritize. I hope and the need for left alternatives more pressing than ever. make to the creation of these al- wish that this book will offer a contribution - further discussions, exchang ternatives, even only in that it will trigger the authors, their institu- es, collaborations and interactions among they are attached in onetions and left political organizations to which way or another. traction, especially as the COVID-19 pandemic rose to dominate alltraction, especially as the COVID-19 the more it became obviousspheres of life. But the more time passed, and in particular the eco- that the developments around the world, nomic and social consequences of the pandemic, are about to lead to a striking 12 Foreword 13 edited volumes I Introduction IRENA RISTIĆ Institute of Social Sciences, Belgrade of Social Institute

14 Ristić 15 edited volumes - 1 eft-wing parties in Europe have been faced by a crisis for more for crisis a by faced been have Europe in parties eft-wing L in the 1970s started as a challenge bythan three decades. What charac constellation conservative post-war the to elites political an institutionally regulated market, by a welfare state and terized Wall Berlin the of Fall the by strengthened onward, 1989 from was, globalization and the subsequent acceleration of economic in Europethroughout the 1990s. Most social democratic parties of deregulateddid not only fail to question this emerging model capitalism, but also went so far as to embrace it, thus triggering a in shift structural also and political ideological, ground-breaking traditional con- themselves. The consequence was a loss of their right-wing to turned extent, insignificant not a to which, stituency, of the estab- populist parties. New Left movements, challengers the after again once started parties, democratic social lished in which global economic crisis to garner support in countries economic deprivation had hit hardest, in Southern Europe. mostly need, butTheir examples showed that there is not only a strong scattered be- also a huge demand, for leftist policies. But being tween different countries, these movements also showed that without a united, transnational and solidary front of leftist move- sustainablea achieving of chances the Europe, throughout ments willmodel economic dominating the of shift paradigm and impact remain low. : Left, crisis, change, critical mass, internationalization Keywords This chapter was written and this publication edited as part of the 2020 Research Program of the Institute of Social Sciences with the support of Development of the the Ministry Science and Technological of Education, Republic of Serbia. 1 Abstract The changes and challenges of the Left of and challenges The changes - An introduction Europe in contemporary - - - - It was however already a decade earlier, during the 1970s, a decade earlier, It was however already For a long time, the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 was seen as in 1989 was Berlin Wall time, the fall of the For a long a pivotal and undisputedly progressive event in world history, event in undisputedly progressive a pivotal and end socialism and the of the true state both the end which marked had al- Capitalism division of Europe. and physical of the political the only game by whose rules humanity legedly proven to be model of liberal democracy while the had completed should play, so blunt Although nobody spelled it out societal accomplishments. ly, the fact that communist regimes had collapsed brought about regimes had collapsed brought the fact that communist ly, such had that the Left and socialist ideas as the general conclusion that the Left had lost to the Right. moreover, become redundant; period started to turn away from the post-war when the Right had is no al- welfare state and to claim that there of reconstruction and that a suc Moreover, market. self-regulated ternative to the liberal is centred around individu- cessful political and economical system society”als in which “there is no such thing as (M. Thatcher), while rather than a solution or governments were perceived as problems, The deregulated (R.even merely contributors to solutions Reagan). then started to regain capitalism that is in place today had already the upper hand, with conservative beginning to dominate elites of politics once more, with policy reversals following in the wake convincing to significant por this. What back then had only seemed United Kingdom at first tions of the populations of the USA and factors. The first of these was soon after fuelled by additional two communism, that all that was the doctrine rising from the fall of in were and Central Europe the emerging national states in Eastern and financial market, need of was a free and deregulated labour with democracy following as a natural outcome, due to the ab- factor that helped fuel de- sence of political repression. The other al- globalization, which, regulation was the economic (hyper-) historical moment in global though being the result of a specific economic development, stood nevertheless in close relation to the pushing of economic global- other two factors. In other words, the ization beyond the boundaries of institutions in charge of regulat (Rodrik 2016), was both in ing, stabilizing and legitimizing markets addition to the economic agenda of transatlantic conservative political forces in power and also largely driven by the wind of change blowing in Eastern and Central Europe.

16 Ristić 17 edited volumes

- - Abdelal shows 2 Interestingly this paper was published when both the Labour Party under Interestingly this paper was published when both the Labour Party under Ger Blair and the Social-democratic Party the leadership of Tony ahrd Schröder were already in power, and hence it was neither meant as a ahrd Schröder were already in power, nor demanded by their constituency. tool to come to power, Within this back-then-new narrative of the triumph of capitalism of the triumph narrative back-then-new Within this 2 and the rising self-confidence of the conservativeas its carri- parties self-confidence and the rising and parties found themselves disillusioned left-wing European er, to was at that moment certainly not conducive discouraged, which would dif an alternative economic model that the development of The choices of the Left and the reasons behind them and the reasons of the Left The choices fer from capitalism, and at the same time be ideologically detached and at the same time be ideologically fer from capitalism, 2020, 611-725). Con- (Piketty existing state-socialism from the really eco- developing political, but more importantly instead of sequently, nomic, of Europe social democratic parties in much alternative ideas, the doctrine with relative haste, and during embraced this new capital lib- began to both adopt and internalize 1990s systematically be the processes of what later would eralization and to approve paper of the the Schröder-Blair While coined ‘hyper-globalization’. this trend manifestation illustrating was the best-known Third Way 1999), it was certainly not the only one to ema- and Blair, (Schröder profile. nate from parties with a social-democratic that in France it was, in fact, the So- more the elite gathered around that in France and hence formally around the Left, as opposed to thecialist party, Right, that was more ferventnew paths, in the introduction of these Right and Left on further essentially making the views of the French (Abdelal 2006, 6-7). Eventually, capital liberalization indistinguishable parties had more in com- by the end of the 1990s social-democratic mon with conservative their own position three de- parties than with regula- and market cades earlier in regard to economic governance K. 2008, 32). And while Vassilis - Fous Zorn Schäfer and tion (Manow, volume leave no doubtskas and Shampa Roy-Mukherjee in this parties in adoptingabout the responsibility of the social-democratic if not un- tends to find also some explanation, Piketty the Third Way, - parties found them left-wing derstanding, for the position in which was partially also the Zeitgeist selves after 1989: according to him, it to a scenario in whichof that period that drove social democrats they did not feel that an attempt to change the dominant doctrine - - - century throughout Europe. st However, one cannot but notice that, one cannot but notice of the as a consequence However, These social processes during the 1970s and 1980s in effect ist parties also had to adapt to such change, both internally and with- to adapt to such change, both internally ist parties also had Right than was the case for parties on the much more in society, the left- 2018). Up until the end of the 1960s, (Krell and Hollenberg were associated with lowerwing (social-democratic/labour) parties Then, in the class). education and lower income voters (working be- parties voters for left-wing 1970s and 1980s, the structure of the higher education, turninggan to change, including also those with 2018, 16- elite/class (Piketty them also into parties of the intellectual the beginning of a representation gap, in which a 19). This marked and interests of themismatch developed between the preferences parties (Berman traditional voters and the policy profiles of left-wing them from the negative2016): those parties that used to protect the principles of cap- consequences of capitalism now had embraced voters consequently, italism. In such a situation, traditional left-wing and representation of being dissatisfied with the political choices the parties during the 1990s, opted – in fered to them by left-wing – either for exit or forcategories employed by Albert Hirschman from the party that had: exiting by abstaining and turning away voice their voice against them byrepresented them for decades, or raising felt better represented, most voting for other parties by whom they the second populist parties, as witnessed during ly (far-)right-wing decade of the 21 in Europe was necessary,in Europe to just it was sufficient but instead that which they would free market the road’ to the winning help ‘pave social this, begin to tackle and through of, control to take then come parties so, left-wing 611-725). By doing 2020, (Piketty inequalities as it in which, by failing to challenge capitalism created a paradox, remain- only the as it establish helped they 1989, after emerging was effectively rendering themselves superfluous. ing economic model, traditional voter bas- period, the in the post-war economic progress parties went through bigger and left-wing es of social democratic of conservativechanges than those the left parties, and that hence triggered the creation of new dimensions of inequality and conflicts, and the gradual development of new cleavages, against which left- wing parties had to position themselves. In addition to these changes, the increase in economic growth, global integration and

18 Ristić 19 edited volumes - - - - Finally, also the sensitivity for socially vulnerable groups and and for socially vulnerable groups also the sensitivity Finally, the crisis ofIn spite of these obvious detrimental circumstances, technological progress from the 1990s primarily benefitted only the the 1990s primarily progress from technological wealthiest,traditional constituencyand hence not the of leftist par ties (Milanović 2016), producing another burden for such parties. another burden 2016), producing ties (Milanović parties the leadership of left-wing social structure of the Further, volume argues – in this so that – as Patomäki also shifted over time, the contemporary byLeft is no longer even formally controlled and claim to represent,those who they want which consequently additionally at stake. puts their credibility more over time, as these groups gained minorities had changed parties, left-wing attached to Traditionally rights and recognition. to be expectation that they would continue there had been an would adjust to parties and that left-wing represented by them, social groups are nowadays vulnerable their needs. However, of economic backgrounds highly diverse regarding the social and narratives within the Left,their members, creating conflicting cohesion and the cre- which might not only impede a sustainable and policy, but also rein- ation of an overarching Left ideology regardless of the fact force divisions among different groups, of the Left.that they are all supportive of the policies This is also because the historically-used category became too nar of class of addressing all issues row and less functional for the purpose which naturally fall in the realm of the Left. In ad- within a society, and experiences of all dition, combining the interests, needs groups, and at the same these socially and economically diverse model that would ac time developing an alternative economic up another essential ques- commodate all of them has opened parties should structure and nar tion: that of whether left-wing social group or class, or row down their programs around one (Krell and Hollenberg 2018). rather attempt a ‘catch-all’ approach remains mainly a product ofthe Left over the last three decades still it is questionable whetherits own making. Given its long time frame, the crisis of the Left can be described as a current crisis of the Left, or whether there are rather intrinsic structural problems pertaining to capitalism that cause the Left to be in a “permanent crisis”, as Lošonc the question remains as Further, and Josifidis in this volume argue. to how the Left can once again regain credibility and power. - - In Southern Europe, indeed, Left movements have already tak In Southern Europe, As the left- of Europe, the party landscape just discussed, in and social democratic According to Chantal Mouffe, left-wing tive. Calling them prisoners of their post-political dogmas, Mouffe dogmas, Mouffe tive. Calling them prisoners of their post-political which, as their mistakes, thinks that they are reluctant to admit to allow moving with a personal ‘new beginning’ is a precondition in the capitalist system that on. Being stuck both in their past and of recognizing all these they have embraced, they are incapable an issue for the Left negative effects of globalization – originally by populist Far- per se – and instead leave them to be addressed parties are the ones that Right parties. These populist right-wing frame, articulating de- are stepping out of the given capitalistic lie also some democratic mands among which, Mouffe believes, answer or a Left alterna- ones, to which a progressive and Leftist work on its future, the Left tive must be given. And if it wishes to to face such demands will sooner or later need to position itself (Mouffe 2019). made an attempt to address en upon this argument of Mouffe, and popular demands. Coming out of a particular historical moment in which the discontent with the dominant neoliberal system was growing and heavily impacting the lives of the majority of people parties in belonging to the middle and lower classes, left-wing have succeeded in formulating an Greece, Spain and Portugal The difficult return last three de- biggest loser of the seem to be the wing parties globaliza- But when looking closer at what cades of globalization. - climate change, migra – growing inequality, tion has produced to think of the welfare state – one tends tions, the deconstruction textbook consequences of globalization are that all these negative that are servedexamples of issues Left. up on a plate to the In- strength- in particular have traditionally come and class cleavages ened the political Left, to do is and the only thing the Left needs who address the concerns of those to reach out and resolutely a high most as a result of these changes, with have suffered the this not hap- is a chord of resonance. But why chance of striking pening? are stifled because they refuse to be introspec parties in Europe

20 Ristić 21 edited volumes - - - - - A large part of their success has to date been of their success A large part 3 cess of the left in the south of Europe and hence also without reaching a cess of the left in the south of Europe majority to form the government, as Marlière and Pribićević analyse in this volume. - other left movements in Eu The same can be to some extent said for two leadership of Jean-Luc Mélenchon Insoumise under the rope: For France under Jeremy Corbyn Labour Party and for Momentum and the in France in Great Britain. Both movements achieved a remarkable success for a but still far from the ground-breaking suc party, left European Western One reason for this critical mass (still) having not reached One reason for this critical mass (still) 3 alternative program. alternative based on a populist strategy, and on explicitly distancing them- on explicitly distancing and a populist strategy, based on countries and act parties in their the social democratic selves from ing as their challengers, as Labrinou and Balampanidis show in this show in this and Balampanidis challengers, as Labrinou ing as their only the readiness and credibility of it was not volume. However, a dis- to question the system as such that drew these movements and Left movements in Southern Europe tinction between these Momentum in the e.g. Europe, in Western other similar movements Auf or the movement in France Insoumise United Kingdom, France It was also an – at least temporarystehen in Germany. – critical not simply and the will of this mass to break mass in these societies pro- deprivation imposed by austerity with the life of economic and de- overall neoliberal logic of humiliation grams, but with the a policyhumanization of which element in of austerity is just one the complex logistics of economic, political and moral devastation. even after the re- Syriza, for example, The persisting popularity of, be understood in the jection of the referendum outcome, should (Douzinas 2017). light of this larger historical mandate countries is because they – contrary European Western to the of inequality and depriva- South – did not (yet) reach such a level in the process of being ac tion, while their welfare state is, though to maintain a minimal social tively dismantled, still strong enough to different paths of eco- balance, which certainly also goes back period. Apart from the nomic growth and expansion in the postwar soci- European in Western absent critical mass the political agenda to a great extent dominat eties have been for more than a decade and in the United King- ed by the issues of migration and terrorism, and nationalistic issue of dom in addition by the highly polarizing Brexit. Contrary to class cleavages, these are identity cleavages and consequently traditionally based on race and ethnicity, - - Many examples, from Syriza, through Momentum, to small lo- examples, from Syriza, Many Internationalization, and moreover an international mobiliza- Internationalization, and moreover an cess of the Left. After all, history shows that the requirement of in- previous times, and is even ternationalization was also present in The lack of such a strong world of today. more so in the globalized - Left and social democra solidarity movement within the European it once cy was, according to Douzinas, the main factor for Syriza, a critical mass, failing to had gained political office and gathered of the Left. dominance However, translate this into a longer-lasting he urges of Syriza, at the same time, and based on the experience and to resist what the Left to give up its ideological puritanism “Left melancholy”; Benjamin termed the a militant commit Walter action. The Left should not ment to a high ideal at the expense of longer about nor is it any confine itself to resistance and rebellion, the Left has to be power, reform vs. revolution. When assuming over the responsibility for both in and against the state, and to take running a country, of social balance the institutionalized disrupt pragmatic compromises (Douzinas 2017). forces and make movements show that leftist social policies are cal (grassroots) exploited by right-wing parties, often in a populist manner (Rodrik in a populist manner parties, often by right-wing exploited and under Corbyn of the Labour Party as the examples 2016). And adopting a these domains means entering show, Insoumise France rhetoric and sliding into a right-wing technique and similar populist which, nation, and even xenophobia, into narratives of sovereignty, a game in this volume, was eventually as Pribićević demonstrates only destined to lose to the Right.which Corbyn was on Marlière, Insoumise, through an analysis of France the other hand, shows for as a strategy – strongly advocated by using populism how, of the Left are principles Mouffe – many among others by Chantal how she explains simply ignored. But,being sacrificed or moreover, social is- and the simplification of complex the usage of populism and Mélenchon, eventually backfires sues, as done by Jean-Luc does a disservice and the future strengthening of Left ideas to This certainly is overall contrarymovements throughout Europe. to points out,a New Left doctrine, which as Patomäki has to be based transnational institu- on international interdependence, common national borders. tions and hence upon the rejection of for a sustainable suc tion, is certainly one of the crucial elements

22 Ristić 23 edited volumes - - 2018/7.

century and cre- world politics and economy, st , 48(6), 197-201. und Soziales für Arbeit Zeitschrift Sicherheit: Soziale World Inequality Database.world Working Paper Series, Working Inequality Database.world World , 13 (1), February, 1-27. Economy Political of International Review , 27(4), 66-76. zialdemokraten.” cy in die Irre führt.” Parteien Inter linke und Kommunitaristen zwischen Kosmopoliten alization.” , 9.10.2018. Politik und Gesellschaft nationale Journal of European Public Policy 1957-2003.” Gravity, , 15(1), 20-39. Harvard University Press. Britain and the US,France, from Conflict (Evidence Changing Structure of Political 1948-2017).” Abdelal, Rawi. 2006. “Writing the rules of global finance: France, Europe, and capital liber France, Abdelal, Rawi. 2006. “Writingrules of global finance: the . C.H.Beck. und Ideologie Thomas. 2020. Kapital Piketty, , 11.7.2016. Rodrik, Dani. 2016. “The Syndicate Abdication of the Left.” Project So- nach vorne für Europas 1999. “Der Weg Blair. Gerhard, and Tony Schröder, References References ating cohesion within this, is a challenge for the Left on many many this, is a challenge for the Left on ating cohesion within frame, and outside the given capitalistic fronts. It requires thinking sheets. It model that goes beyond balance offering an economic solidarity. joint action and political requires further a transnational the accumulation Patomäki, that in line with And finally the hope, in one part changes in specific areas of relatively small quantitative transforma- or the world can lead to ruptures, sudden of Europe in this way qualitative changes in other parts, tions and substantial of a that will gradually lead to the formation triggering a reaction change. support and implement substantial critical mass able to possible, because they are needed. And that social freedom has And that social because they are needed. possible, its limit.still not reached the variety complexity of addressing The Left in the condi- voter base of the wide and growing within the by 21 tions imposed Syriza in Power. Polity. Douzinas, Costas. 2017. Syriza die Polarisierung Hollenberg. 2018. “Balance halten! Warum Krell, Christian, and Sönke Berman, Sheri. 2016. “The The Lost Left.”- Specter Haunting Europe: Journal of Democra Manow, Philip, Armin Schäfer, and Hendrik Zorn. 2008. “Europe´s Party Political Centre of Political Party 2008. “Europe´s and Hendrik Zorn. Philip, Armin Schäfer, Manow, . the Age of Globalization for A New Approach Inequality. Global 2016. Milanović, Branko. . Verso. Populism a Left Mouffe, Chantal. 2019. For vs. Merchant Right: Rising Inequality and the Thomas. 2018. “Brahmin Left Piketty, 24 Ristić 25 edited volumes II Where are we Where and how did we get here? and how ALPAR LOŠONC ALPAR KOSTA JOSIFIDIS KOSTA University of Novi Sad of Novi University Sad of Novi University

26 Lošonc / Josifidis 27 edited volumes The starting point of this paper is the notion that crisis can offer a for the antinomian situation of the comprehensive perspective attempting to transform capitalism “fromportion of the Left that is how the Using political-economical terms, we describe within”. by the constitutive tension between itsleftist proviso is determined and the fact that it is embedded in thecapacities for transformation trajectories are there hand one the On capitalism. of fields structural i.e. pose a threat to the Left,of crisis that disarm its capacities, while, the crisis can be seen as an entry point for riots, pro- on the other, and articula- tests and resistances that call for leftist “translation” tion. This work consists of three parts: In the first, conceptual part, political concerning of neutrality discourse the standard we criticize process polarization, and present the crisis as a multidimensional that inevitably involves the crisis of the Left. In the second part, gap the dealt with, and are crisis select dimensions of the 2007 between the organic and revolutionary crises is presented. The third part analyses the contemporary aspects of a crisis when viewed as one, changinga process that is merely a continuation of a previous opening up new of the crisis, and the temporality of the horizon - self-transcend and self-reflection the for possibilities (contradictory) ing of a Left whose future remains uncertain. Left, determinations, crisis, structural capitalism, : Keywords temporality of crisis Moment of truth” Although the focus of this paper is not the definition of the Left, we still, first,define the important thread of our argumenta- have to tion. The heterogeneity of the way in which the concept of the Left is applied, its negation that even goes so far as to write its obituary, antinomy of the Left: antinomy Structural Crisis as the “ Abstract eft between crises: crises: The Left between and power of powerlessness Antinomy - - - - - In fact, the

century heralded the dusk th We are especially interested in a provocative attitude towards We view of “impossibility” the mentioned the goes beyond Even of both the Radical Left, which relied on emancipation based a the - social-demo teleological perspective, and the gradualist-revisionist engineering" of the struc cratic Left which, based on "piecemeal ing estimates of its disorientation and historical regression have taken and historical regression of its disorientation ing estimates been stated that theits existence. It has it the certainty of away from its footing. made the Left lose axis has of the Left-Right relativization the Left and the classical polarization between In accordance with this, and consolidated Revolution with the French Right that emerged relevant.around 1848 is no longer 1994) or ha- way” A “third (Giddens offered (Howard 2019, Mair 2007) were sense” “common bitualized Right. exhausted dichotomy of Left and up to oppose the alleged Fur processes have changed the models of advances in globalization ther, pre- perception, and articulation of interests, political mobilization, as a valid of the Left and Right being used venting the confrontation soci- (Nowak, Gallas, 2014). The post-industrial ideological navigation of orientation towards “post-materialist ety has shifted the patterns class’s usefulness as a refer values”, and in this way also weakened underlined the importance ofence point for ideological attitudes and has and, finally, (Poulantzas) the middle class or new petite-bourgeoisie (Azmanova 2011). brought about total “individualization” we will the “structural impossibility” of the Left (Hamza 2016). Yet, the well- such a view exceeds modify Namely, the hypothesis. known diagnosis that the end of the 20 to maintain a class balance. tural tendencies of capitalism, intended had to learn that the nega- Hence, while the first form of the Left lead to an emanci- tion of the bourgeoisie would not automatically attempted to build pation from capitalism, the second hopelessly and democracy. mechanisms of mediation between capitalism its own defeats, and is aimedemphatic attitude of the Left towards the dialectics betweenat learning “through defeats” and conducting 2018, Adamczak 2017). (Sotiris defeats and “redemption” does not allow us to apply the term in a conformist way. The devastat way. term in a conformist us to apply the does not allow Left has always sublimed defeats. Pessimism, therefore, did not nec Left has always sublimed defeats. Pessimism, attitude (Achcar essarily imply paralysis, but rather a combat-biased the cited attitude goes beyond the orientation of 2000, 28). Finally, Left” and the dogmatism of the “Old the “New Left” that criticized

28 Lošonc / Josifidis 29 edited volumes - - to throw light on the present cri- 1 Of course, it should be kept in mind that the starting point of in mind that the it should be kept Of course, con- by the structural Still, the Left will always be confronted “Passive revolution” has multiple interpretations. revolution” “Passive 1 of the Left was its “tragic” position (Clark 2012). However, 2012). However, (Clark was its “tragic” position one part of the Left further of the “impossibility of the Left” goes the quoted assertion According to it,than is stated above. Left is the project of the organiza- of collective patterns of life based on the transcendence com- practices of the state and tion, such as the coercion-based same project promoted work the of the market: modification bias only added certain subjects to the repertoire of the Left in terms of the repertoire of certain subjects to only added domination.power and place democracy de- as the seedling of comprehensive economic leaving some space The Left would be impossible without mocracy. and in- of anti-capitalism, without plebeian for the manifestation ternational interest,as well as concern for equal-power design, or inequali- certain forms of human suffering without the fact that the ; unlike in capitalism ty are heavily rooted in social mechanisms Right, which explains, for example, suffering as existing on the ba- from the logic of natural sis of natural inclinations or as resulting those who are trying Even to renew the concept of the Left order. 2019, Renault 2002), that today think in a similar manner (Bauman of the orientation. is, suggest innovation of the stated elements the Left itself is (over-)deter straints of capitalism. More precisely, idiosyncra- power-domination mined by the laws of capitalism and its of capital- there is a high intensity of creative resilience Moreover, sy. the frequent resistances to it,ism: it does not only neutralize but also radical impulses within itsappropriates these and accommodate capitalism can absorb the intention of the Leftsphere. Consequently, will use here social relationships. We to progress or to revolutionize Gramsci’s term “passive revolution” sis: the capitalist class reacts to “sporadic and disorganized subversive and disorganized sis: the capitalist class reacts to “sporadic restorations that accept somemovements of popular masses through restorations” (Gramscipopular demands, and therefore progressive 1975, De Smet, 2016) but without interruption to the system. Any if they “grew to a point of or, such resistances could be neutralized threatening the dominance of capitalism, they would simply be 2018). crushed” (Wright - - -

2 Left which, even unconsciously, even unconsciously, Left which, there is the mimetic Eventually, This tendency Nev- precisely the existing constellation. explains the structural antino- Crises are historical sequences in which For austerity in the perspective of fascism, see C. E. Mattei (2017). 2 shifts into the zone of the Right, of the the zone shifts into per it or appears as a and imitates - such as the impera through its laws of capital by passing fect agent began in 2007. Unlike the crisis that of austerity during tive measures be- point to something beyond the division previous opinions that tween Left and Right, of the “impossibility of we have here a scheme we could reach the conclusionthe Left” and (at least tendentiously) the “im- only player in town (i.e. there may be that the Right is the the Right?). but is there a non-impossibility of possibility of the Left”, avoid fatalistic conclusions, we are talkingertheless, in order to . At the same in capitalism of the left antinomy about the structural articles the tacit assumption of numerous time, we do not accept axis can be treated as confrontation-competitionthat the Left/Right various obituar space; the social democracy, for which in one neutral 2016), was troubled with theies have already been written (Lavelle this had been resolved.same problem, although it believed that shown, the contradic as the current crisis has repeatedly However, tions between capitalism and democracy are constantly renewed 2014) and capitalism must undergo a process of de-politici- (Merkel reproduction. This meanszation in order to ensure its unobstructed democracythat the contradiction of capitalism and is inscribed with- the creation of a neutral space which prevents in the system itself, in which the Left would find afor the development of a polarization studies that prove steadysymmetrical position. Elaborate empirical against “Majoritarian Plu- domination” existence of “economic-elite constellation arising confirm the original non-neutral strongly ralism” 2014). and Page, from the structure of power (Gilens example, while one part of my of the Left arises to the surface. For the other anti-austerity, the Left initiated the struggles against certain forms of austerity part of the (established) Left promoted fact that austerity mea- by itself; a risky gambit considering the instru- sures had traditionally been a component of the right-wing had been mentarium, insofar as parties from the right and far-right apt to apply this measure (Kraft 2017).

30 Lošonc / Josifidis 31 edited volumes - is the crisis of the left that is compelled is compelled that of the left is the crisis 3 But crisis flows are a constant reminder that reforms inevita- But crisis flows are a constant reminder test for the Left,Crises are, at the same time, a strategic as Thus, every major crisis Thus, every The attribute “major” meaning (Aglietta 1997). is imbued with analytical 3 The Left is crisis-embedded The Left is with positional antinomy. to compromise by its very Depression (1929), turn to the Great constitution. If we the gigantic the one to have caused as if this crisis was it seemed end of the breakthrough of Nazism; at the defeat of the Left and contra- the 1970s, the crisis manifested the 1960s and throughout taming of democratic of Fordistic-social diction of the combination ), that Glorieuses management (Trente capitalism and its Keynesian cage of between the logic of capital, the iron is, the contradiction crisis of state arrangements, as well as the capitalism and welfare from contradictions of capitalism transitioned the belief that the Recession system of governance. The Great the economy into the marriage between the end of an (un)happy of 2007 announced that is, (Poulantzas), statism” neoliberalism and “social-democratic social democracyneo-liberalized itself reached a crisis. After all, social democracy wished to apply infinite “fine-tuning” of capitalism against the “adventurous” in order to affirm pacified reformism blindly relied on revolution- revolution of the Radical Left that had ary force. - of capi of self-reproduction imperatives bly face a limit: the structural Thus, the Left,tal are cruelly imposed against reformism. which is democracy)integrated in capitalism risks (as is social the suspicious process without alternative; affirmation of capitalism as an infinite negation risks underes- on the other side, the Left that propagates preferences/orientations are timating the way in which people’s Thus, the antinomy is ex- formed by the mechanisms of capitalism. - immanent and transcen pressed in terms of contradiction of the capitalism. dent perspective of the Left in relation to of issues certain when self-reflection of moments (tortuous) as well part of (cer of the Left become a permanent self-understanding Thus, a crisis acts as an undecided pro- public deliberations. tain) of the Left. At the same time, we cess of the self-problematization know that for a large swathe of the Left, the crisis is an immanent , an "expression of its normality", and, accordingly, part of capitalism - century as “major” allow it to be categorized st Numerous characteristics of the aforementioned crisis of the Numerous characteristics of the aforementioned Of course, crises affect far more than just the self-reflection of self-reflection more than just the crises affect far Of course, question: What is the Having said all this, we can now ask the rganic crisis without revolutionary crisis Organic last decade of the 21 , always situated in-between, in-between, , always situated way, Left is, in a certain the respective the two crises. i.e. between as are a cyclic know that they the Left. of temporality, form We the peri- of disruption on the basis of which well as periodic forms of the course of historyodization and framing just is performed, of interruption and continuity. the re-channelling of meanings like In retrospect,a crisis phe- is an impression of multiplicity of there the prob- epistemological problems, that is, nomenon that cause knowl- regimes compared to acquiring lem of special accessibility Describing Koselleck 1961). (Habermas 1973, edge and reflection interpreta- struggle over its hegemonic the crisis and the discursive frames of its meaning permanently tion and the operationalization Roitman 2014), al- 2019, (Gilbert paradigm” crisis as a “conceptual “conceptual repertoire”. beit one with a contested of the crisis that began manifestation of the idiosyncratic nature in 2007, to which nu- (at least in terms of standard interpretation) This ques- even today? merous dispersed traces can be attributed that each crisis produces tion is not posed in the sense of tautology whether this prolonged crisis certain differences, but rather as to the Left? of in the conceptual horizon a change has evoked pret it as a generic excess of greed. Nevertheless, the depth and pret it as a generic excess effects of the relevant crisis upon the overall societal structure cannot be called into question. The crisis could have been expected by the Left,been projected ex ante as an ex- as such a crisis has always pression of the structural tendencies of capitalism. In other words, (Carchedi and Roberts 2018). There was heterogeneity of interpre- and Roberts 2018). There (Carchedi (the Recession” the “Great tations: some interpreted the crisis as some as “Long De- here), term we ourselves have chosen to employ debt or in- still as a crisis of over-financialization, others pression”, and inter merely frame while other mainstream thinkers equality,

32 Lošonc / Josifidis 33 edited volumes - - answer to the classic If this happens, we can offer a situative However, this does not mean that there are already framed this does not mean However, and out configuration of the There is an under-determination of the crisis. Ascomes pointed already mentioned, Gramsci rightly : the explosion of contradic of every (major) crisis to the ambivalence the “crisis of hegemony”,tions entails the ruling classes being in and motivational re- destabilization of the structures of authorities But the crisis is also a field of possibilities sources being weakened. (De Smet 2016). Crisis is for coercive measures of the ruling class opportunity for the Left, but for the ruling class as well, an objective its hegemonic potentials based on “trans- which can reorganize for the purpose of the combination of “passive (Gramsci) formism” (Azzarà 2018) – we would emphasize and “restoration” revolution” on the basis operationalized that the related reorganization can be of a “politics of fear” negative , based on discursive constructions of (unemployment,expectations by potentiating danger Other as the etc.), thus demobilizing the re- an intruder who can steal “my job”, sources of resistance. question: “What By impos- does the ruling class do when it rules?” domination ing economic barriers, it renews its structural power/ during a crisis, through crisis. Ruling classes are often homogenized aligning themselves toward restoration, and the state develops a “strategic selectivity” (Jessop 1999) toward the restoration of the order hit by the crisis. and effective alternative strategies of the Left regarding the crisis strategies of the Left regarding and effective alternative chains between so- meaning of the stabilized as a disruption of the a diag- and ideological-political forms. Such cio-economic relations challeng- confirmed by the crisis, which deeply nosis has also been es the Left, both analytically and strategically. as the Left incorporates into its self-conscious attitude the thesis attitude the its self-conscious incorporates into as the Left on the immanency should not have been of capitalism, it of a crisis - the mainstream dis the crisis, unlike by the eruption of surprised machinery belief of a flawless was lulled in the course that - of capi hav- insignificant conjunctural oscillations talism that only allowed Asing been discovered. this crisis re- far as the Left is concerned, includes the “crisis of social democracy”,fers to a totality: it “crisis as well (Pitts and Din- of social reproduction” of work” and “crisis Aruzza 2016). nerstein 2017, 10, - - The aforementioned “transformism” has also been reflected in been reflected has also “transformism” The aforementioned At times of crisis, the Left faces the structure-agency-problem two ap- Let us draw a clear distinction here: we recognize various state-mediated interventionsvarious state-mediated bailouts – during – for instance conclusions to draw This has led some commentators the crisis. midst of the resur in the return of former Keynesianism about the gence of the crisis. Asgence of the crisis. can be that Keynes an aside, it must be noted and his extensive as a “saviour of civilization” selectively exploited (Mann 2017) for promoted as the “panic button” opus can always be the survival has been work that but it is now Keynes’s of capitalism, capitalism. the whirlpool of neoliberalized roughly dragged into itself in the” actually manifested “transformism Thus, the expression - in the form of authoritarian neoliberalism of crisis as a metamorphosis of its “progressive lines”, that is, the overcoming ism and rejection of no accident 2019). It was hence (Fraser “progressive neoliberalism” new concepts and, in fact,that the crisis produced research a new Tansel, 2018). (Bruff and program: “authoritarian neoliberalism” This stems an articulation of crisis subjectivity. and, consequently, - determina that is, from the political-economic from the “anatomy”, too, reflects dilemmas for . And this controversy, tion, of capitalism theo- such leftist-objectivist the Left. can notice that there are We subordinate the structure-agency-issue by ries of crisis that de facto the crisis subjectivity (possi- suspending class struggle and reducing such traditional institution as bly) to the desirable strengthening of most relevant representa- trade unions. Here belongs one of the - post-Keynes crisis; namely, tives of critical narration of the present the pernicious ten- ianism, which (while consequently perceiving at dency of stabilization of inequality and austerity in capitalism) tempts to reconstruct the theory (J. M. Keynes) its spiritus rector of main- of demand. Unlike and breathe new life into the politics argues that capital- stream economic theories, post-Keynesianism does not have automatic sta- ism is inherently unstable, and that it At the same time, it must defend itself against accusations bilizers. those in relation to that cannot be easily refuted; largely and to the unjustified belief in (neutral) techno- “trade-unionism” Jordan and Morton, 2019) of the con- cratic management (Bieler, tradictions of capitalism. proaches regarding the given problem and the crisis (2007). The

34 Lošonc / Josifidis 35 edited volumes - - - The supremacy 4 line, and is open to line, and is open to version is along a “bottom-up” The second of analyses the range of various forms This version carefully The melancholy is the frequent topic of leftist intellectuals; however, it The melancholy is the frequent topic of leftist intellectuals; however, see the application of Pascalian does not automatically refer to passivity, Bensaïd, 1997. wager by D. 4 of structural capital domination still successfully epitomizes the ob- epitomizes still successfully capital domination of structural of emancipation against capital; consequently, jective possibilities we de- more about the course of the crisis if we can learn much capitalism. processes that consolidate scribe capital-restructuring that develop in fragmentarythe riots and resistances and mo- form of the me- on the micro scale. The crucial elements resources bilize philoso- thinking are expressed by the French ta-framework of such age of ri- who has declared that we are “in the pher Alain Badiou, Smith 2015). ots” (Badiou 2011, that the previous (leftist) resistance and struggle, and raises doubts to the dynamics of those forms approach is insufficiently sensitive question the established insti- of resistance and revolt that call into tutional channels of expression of interest. In accordance with this, due to the continuous par the failure of the Left is also manifested leftist forms (parties, alyzing diagnosis of the collapse of classical the problematization of the few which subordinated syndicates), of struggle for emancipation. visible, in fact non-contagious, forms political economy”For example, the literature of “critical supports beyond the framework of such gestures and arguments that go the “un- more specifically, or, “elite-orchestrated domination”, forms of struggle that are “elite-contested” der-conceptualized” - and therefore emerge from the institutional chan are recognized, instead of the analysis of the dominance nels of conflict. Moreover, persistent monitoring of of capital, they call for a responsible and Thus, various per “disruption”. acts of protest-based “incomplete” reduction of against austerity, petuated forms of “popular protest” position that is wages, etc. are perceived, and a reflexive left-wing the gloomy reca- Unlike “beyond defeat and austerity” is called for. that,pitulations, the analysis here emphasizes ex- during the crisis, perimental forms of resistance have developed, that is, even version develops causal explanations based on a “top-down based on causal explanations first version develops ap and is open to perceiving the constant fading of emancipa - constant fading to perceiving the and is open proach” tory “left(ist) melancholy” by supporting interests - - In accordance with this, the Left lags behind in the perception In accordance with this, the Left lags ist term: “concrete utopia” that embraces the actual forms of “com- ist term: “concrete utopia” 2012, 2016), communalism, moning” (De Angelis 2017, Dinerstein exists in a crisis is counter and solidarity economics. The fear that by doing within move- balanced by emerging hope or by learning ments. modes of conflict conscious- and articulation of such struggles, or teleologically based ness that cannot easily fit into the traditional forms of strug- concepts of emancipation. New (underestimated) gle that are relevant to the survival the Left cannot be subordi- of as it is an im- nated to the unique imperative of emancipation, critiquing the doubts mense procedural task. Thus, this orientation, Wall regarding the effectiveness of movements such as Occupy the necessity of Street or the Arab Spring phenomena, emphasizes regarding the configuration of he- the struggle (a cultural one, too) cohe- of capital logic (Rehman 2013) and the weakened gemony of the hegemony sion of capitalism. New struggles bravely provoke tendencies that do not manifest the traditional “teleology of the traditional that do not manifest tendencies impulses in represent “extra-capitalist but rather emancipation” - 2018). This orien 2019, Bailey et al. of the crisis” (Bailey the midst that support,of those movements appreciative tation is highly for hori- egalitarianism and develop leaderless example, biopolitical of ruling hegemony: which transform the conditions and zontalism, underestimate those leftists who criticize at the same time, they and for their serious strategic deficits the movements mentioned the ap- radicalism. This is the criticism of insufficient (political) - the social movement and renewed move proach that treats light of perspective of the state, and, in the mentism only in the addressed to the state apparatus (Maeckelberg different demands con- the preoccupation with state-oriented 2016). In critiquing of such move- the importance emphasize cepts, these theorists and “interstitial in special combat zones, ments that here and now, They relations. of post-capitalist the “prefiguration” spaces” realize from the strategic analysis of suggest that the Left should benefit patterns of spaces and times creation of different socio-economic arguments there is a new by the mentioned movements. In their in these movements, relationship between “doing” and “believing” rehabilitate the classic left and these theorists without hesitation

36 Lošonc / Josifidis 37 edited volumes And so a new concept of resistance(s) is proposed, one that re- is of resistance(s) And so a new concept there is no linear relationship between need to know that We cannot be function- The political economy of various struggles Are we in a situation Is this temporality now questionable? case, even if we stick to the standard temporal frame- In any lies on the hermeneutics of empirical results of different contests, of empirical results of different lies on the hermeneutics preferences” despite projected “market-based as in the case of the austerity”the epoch of “permanent 2015) (Douzinas 2014, Bailey parties of the Left. established by many Howev- that is legitimized - does not need forgive the aforementioned conceptualization er, articulations of the Left,ness of the old institutional rather a but and analysis, party and move- between strategy restored dialectics ments. Several decades ago, the fa- the crisis and (class protest) struggles. - the thesis on the “rela mous economist Ernest Mandel promoted ” in relation to crises, that is, the struggles of class tive autonomy of capital (Mandel 1992, Toscano in accumulation breakdown of class struggles depends 2017). He suggested that the dynamics namely whether already-ha- on the continuity of these struggles, presently or relatively stable forms of the same struggles bitualized exist in the given context. Mandel, however, ally derived from the dynamics of accumulation. - the dis crisis, namely, assumed a certain temporality of the tacitly of the capital accumula- tribution of continuity and discontinuity ”, “amid” and “after” the crisis are tion process, whereby a “before known. and stabilization of in- where, in the context of stable disparities and “after”, it is difficult to distinguish a “before” and thus equality, clearly bound crisis cycles? it remains unclear as to what In addition, and “ultimate” “proximate” the “triggers” are, what represents the causes of this struggle. work (the crisis exploded in 2007), we can say that, despite the withdrawal of the Left,movements that expressed re- there were sistance to different forms of neoliberalism even before this time ruling classes, break the continuity of their reproduction, and try of their reproduction, break the continuity ruling classes, to of power. of the problematization discursive frames change the interest in capitalism representation of from the crisis of They start mobilization. of effective democratic the possibility that destroys The following provisional conclusions are therefore proposed The following provisional conclusions At the same time, we have to be open to criticisms against in- ). Consequently, in a ). Consequently, Movement Justice the Global (for example, , the Great Recession context of combative strongly differentiated in relation continuity and discontinuity see elements of we can also on the protests can also report We constellation. to the previous against which the Left should out and broken and riots that have interest in social move- not remain indifferent. The crisis awakened cap- themselves in opposition to neo-liberalized ments that aligned were re- about such social movements italism, and old dilemmas move- it must be noted that a wide range of newed. In addition, have world and on different scales exist that ments around the 2015, 2017). Be- (neoliberal) capitalism (della Porta problematized employees in the public sector by on strikes sides frequent reports have also of the working middle class, studies and certain portions (even some with transna- new forms of strikes reported different of success forms without stabilized although tional elements), Gallas and Nowak 2013). In spite of 2013, and Weinmann (Schmalz and Pradella, 2019) (Cillo the “crisis of social democratic unionism” the capacity of renewed (radi- researchers have recognized many 2019), which have proven their po- 2016, Nowak cal) unions (Gallas orient the thinking of the tential to learn from the crisis and to Left. There have also been – and remain to be – fragmentary and and non-hierarchical alternative emergent forms of post-capitalist economies (Zanoni et al. 2017). perspective of crisis based on the briefly regarding the left-wing claims about the paralysis of presented constellation. Despite the (Haiven 2014) in the protest mood and the “crisis of imagination” certain forms the era of “permanent austerity” and politics of fear, that overcome an em- of crisis subjectivity with critical potentials developed. The Left,beddedness into passivity have been which of the third class, citizens has always sought out subjects (working mi- proletarianized workers, world, indigenous people, knowledge grants, “new masses”, etc.), should perceive this kind of subjectivi- Criticisms directed toward the Left may underscore the fact that ty. it has failed at doing this, and has not transferred “extra-capitalist impulses” into a discursive macro-problematization of capitalism. adequate strategic non-articulation of the aforementioned

38 Lošonc / Josifidis 39 edited volumes - - - A repetitive prediction of the upcoming crisis (Williams 2019, A repetitive prediction of the upcoming Let us answer the previously posed question: Uncertain, “re- Let us answer the previously posed question: We believe that it is a sign that the “organic crisis” (Gramsci) sign that the “organic crisis” (Gramsci) believe that it is a We cantilism with the elements of trade war, secular stagnation, dis- secular war, cantilism with the elements of trade crisis lead to such a situation semination of the traces of the 2007 clear time sequences be- that the temporality that distinguishes ” and “after” is questioned. tween “before of discourse than those of Spencer 2019) within other frameworks prognosis, as well. Namely, the Left seems to act as a diagnosis and ef crisis has a performative the projecting of the forms of the next fect, as it affects the perception of present day and forms expecta- of the projected time (the antici- get the known paradox tions. We based on which the future retroac pation of prophetic message) in- tively determines the present and past (Dupuy 2002). Moreover, stead of clear sequences in time, there are doubts regarding the which represents a problem meanings of “interregnum”, luctant” recovery the crisis, the establishment of capitalism from stabilization of the regime with high profits but low investments, the existence of neo-mer of inequality as a long-term tendency, n organic crisis without end: An organic crisis next the projected The Left in relation to existed in a contradictory space of crisis but without a revolutionary to the cri- means “unevenness” of the replica crisis: “organic crisis” of a crisis “in favour”sis and “incapacity” (Kouvelakis) to “polarize” classes still which also means that “ruling the agencies of struggles, have important reserves 2019, 78). (Kouvelakis, at their disposal” movements (and it should be borne in mind that those criticisms borne in mind that (and it should be movements of the mentioned representatives the interests of the stated that be explained by unemployed, could for example for the struggles, - rather than criti of immediate risk and articulation the perception point McNally 2011). Their crucial its totality, cism of capitalism in neo- mentioned struggles merely addressed was the fact that the confused . The Left remained capitalism as such liberalism, and not between immanence and transcendence regarding the relationship of capitalism. - - A characterization of the present epoch as an “age of riots” of the present epoch as an “age of riots” A characterization in regard to the pres- event,In any of “interregnum” the sense ist intellectuals have warned about the next crisis (Durand 2019) warned about the next crisis (Durand ist intellectuals have In this re- the intensified tendencies. because they can recognize of an upcoming crisis is a minimum gard, an alertness regarding self-reflection. left-wing cycles. new elements of protest could additionally incorporate The (Mouvement des gilets movement jaunes) appears in- Vests Yellow in Northern and the Rif movement emerges stead of Nuit debout Morocco, for example. This means that, in parallel to the crisis, on- by new motivational im- going protests are additionally supported 2015). Furthermore, Luke pulses (Rasmussen and Routhier 2019, aspects of the ecological we should bear in mind that perpetuated political-economic crisis ten- crisis are also included in the field of and paths, but are dencies. These have various special meanings mechanisms of certainly not independent of the political-economic chance of achieving a resolu- capitalism and affect the space for a highly critical inter if we also involved tion to the crisis. Moreover, between crisis and the pretations of the climate crisis, the nexus and complicated in terms Left would become even more complex of possibilities. As a result, consistent argumentation can be used of climate regression to prove that different subjects’ experiences possibilities of transforma- and change can objectively affect the that is, it can cause both regressive and way, tion in a contradictory consequences for the progressive tendencies, with corresponding food crises for the revolu- Left (see the different implications of tion, Malm 2014, 35). ent situation, which will only heighten, is evident among those left- technological wing interpreters who believe that self-destructive dynamics have already exhausted opportunities for potential re- 2017), although a (possible) constitutions of capitalism (Carchedi, transition that would be both very long and uncertain is still concerning the elements of uncertainty; it describes uncertainty in uncertainty uncertainty; it describes the elements of concerning pre- mentioned post-Keynesianism and the already a certain way 2012, 114-117). “ontological uncertainty”cisely explains (Voss be understood of capitalism must unstable dynamics Therefore, case, In any of this type of uncertainty modus. from the perspective of left A number faced with such uncertainty. the Left is inevitably

40 Lošonc / Josifidis 41 edited volumes - - - At the same time, it should be emphasized that the fears of that should be emphasized At the same time, it The Left was unable to ignore the fact, however, that a former The Left was unable to ignore the fact, however, the existing tendencies of capitalism are experienced by those non- of capitalism are experienced by the existing tendencies capitalism “as we circles that notice that this is no longer left-wing by the cri- the core of capitalism is affected know it”, and that even critical countries that are fundamentally sis. In addition, in certain been weak motivational resources have to the status of capitalism, anticipated. Neoliberal capitalism is characterized by a number of by a number is characterized Neoliberal capitalism anticipated. set of methods structure; the in spite of its power weaknesses, be expected, is poorer than should to resolve the crisis that it uses minded econo- a number of critically pronounced by as has been 2019). mists (Patnaik ened, in particular among younger generations (Howard, 2019), in- among younger generations (Howard, ened, in particular of legitimation deficit.dicating the presence Some relevant theore- result of a deep anxiety that has arisen as a ticians have mentioned 2018), in (Collier numerous “catastrophic failures” of capitalism anti-capitalist tenden- spite of the fact that they do not represent present form by people cies. Are the attacks on capitalism in its such as Bill Gates only a cynical bon mot, or something more concrete (Ben-Ami 2013)? of capitalism has returned and that serious dis- suspicious “term” leads to the conclusion cussions about its fate have ensued. This that the present intermediary situation is not just a mere conjunc stage in the re-composi- tural regression of capitalism nor a simple that is, it is not even a change in the tion of neoliberal hegemony, the present public representation of neoliberalism. Consequently, the performance of discursive framework, which also determines the Left, has changed in comparison to the situation that arose af presented as a sys- ter the ecstatic euphoria of 1989. Capitalism, of alternative, is nevertheless disrupted, in spite tem without any It seems that a politics of the existence of additional potentials. but also the ruling classes: one fear now affects not only subaltern notion that there is fear be- provocative interpretation proffers the tween members of the very same class due to the fact that the imbalance of power is growing (Bichler (dysfunctional) post-crisis and Nitzan 2019) that is, because capitalism can only be repro- of inequality and additional authoritari- duced by more intense forms capital. an increase in affirmation of the power of

5 - These endeavours deserve critique, see, the problematization of the synthesis between basic income and futuristic techno-conceptions (Pitt, Lom- 2017), or refer to the phrase “the mainstreamization and Warner bardozzi by the Left (Monticelli, 2018). of critiquing capitalism” Therefore, enough elements existed for different scenarios to Therefore, enough elements existed have already mentioned that the crisis is an undetermined We - of planning has re socialist problem a classical Furthermore, 5 In reality, some strands of left-wing thinking projected the end of some strands of left-wing In reality, it in a “de-totalized” the already-known capitalism, presenting - years ago, by predicting alternative forms of bifurca form, many present in the here and now tion of the form of capitalism already thinkers to this, some left-wing 2005). In parallel (Gibson-Graham ultimate resilience have also already re-addressed the issue of the et al. 2016). of capitalism and its future (Streeck be played out. And this assertion challenges the paralyzing form of - is it enough for the self-transforma However, leftist melancholy. without left-wing tion of the Left? Will there be a post-capitalism Can the Left have a powerful impact on the develop- orientations? This would certainly represent a concepts? ment of post-capitalist historical fiasco for the Left. events that yet prove process, which means that there are possible to be a surprise. No one expected Jeremy Corbyn to become the nicek and Williams, 2015), with some being determined by a strain nicek and Williams, 2015), with some with the structural of techno-futurism that avoids confrontation mechanisms of exploitation. determinations of capitalism, and the turned (i.e. that there is a keen interest of trade unions in plan- interest of trade that there is a keen turned (i.e. the Big interpretations, to some (non-left-wing) ning): according of the revive the phenomenon will actually Data “revolution” (Thornhillplanned economy is proven, 2017). If this hypothesis limited extent,even to a relatively witnesses then we will become should are left to wonder: How economics. We to new contours of SAP or Aliba- that Google, plausible hypothesis the Left accept the (N.N. 2017, future unwillingly? post-capitalist ba will prepare the Left will 2012). Does this mean that the Durand and Keucheyan dramaturgy in the post-capitalist anything now be unable to invest its otherwisedue to withering of necessary creative imagination? scenarios on po- (theoretical) left-wing there are certain Naturally, 2008, Sr Kouvélakis (Mason 2015, tential forms of post-capitalism

42 Lošonc / Josifidis 43 edited volumes - -

6 ), namely, the contradiction of parliamentary-biased), namely, 7 deserve attention (Bolton and Pitts 2018, 46). “You can refuse to take power, but then it will take you” (Bensaïd 1997). but then it will take power, can refuse to take “You We do not wish to exaggerate the radicalism of Corbynism, but it does do not wish to exaggerate the We At the same time, the Left was unable to avoid the recuperation of power: However, the question remains as to how similar tendencies the question remains as to how similar However, There are different strategies of the Left in relation to capital- There are different strategies of the 6 7 nor Bernie Sanders to gain such a level of support in the USA and in the USA and a level of support Sanders to gain such nor Bernie of the lat to intensify there. Persistence interest for socialism the insurgency”, and impres- unexpected of “French est forms namely, “rou- struggles (which have challenged certain sive continuities of the in- of the Left by promoting, for example, tine-biased” tactics see the forms of “occupying roundabouts”, novative and militant repre- movement Vest 2019) of the Yellow analysis of Kouvélakis the dilemmas about pose many phenomena. They sent contingent that par about subjects tactics and strategy, relationship between - self-defin months of struggles, and about the ticipated in several ing of the Left, to the should be aware of the facts in regard which created by forms of collective identity are manner in which certain struggle. caused by the collapse can compensate the deep inconveniencies governance in Latin America (for the bitter diagnosis, of left-wing in Greece and recurring defeats of Syriza see Gonzalez 2019), many which, at the (I. Wallerstein) defeats of “anti-systemic movements” of the imperative that same time, threaten the conceptualization Left that is, the formation of the Global has been long emphasized, of the Left in terms or the articulation of an adequate performance the Left really has come to power of scale, all over again. Namely, has experienced sharp- in certain situations during the crisis and - poli of “Left-determined ened contradictions of the commonality and Gin- (Panitch state” tics” and “remaining structures of capitalist din, 2017, 53 leader of the Labour Party, or the development of “Corbynism” or the development the Labour Party, leader of ism, with complex configurations existing between them. Eric Olin ism, with complex configurations existing enumerates five strategies with diverse implications: Wright and escaping capitalism” “smashing, dismantling, taming, resisting, 2018). This classification reflects the history(Wright and present of translation of Left-projected reforms, or the ambiguity of leftist reforms, or the ambiguity of leftist translation of Left-projected seizure of power in the context of capitalism. - - - - The crisis is an objective-subjective process that opens up a process that opens up The crisis is an objective-subjective to planning is but one The aforementioned issue pertaining firm its (eventual) strength under historically presented conditions under historically strength firm its (eventual) Such an analysis is necessarywithin a concrete analysis. if it is able about of those social entities that care to articulate the needs of sta- and challenging the existing forms transforming capitalism, neces- it is regimes of inequalities; put simply, bilizing the existing sary and frame channels for the different struggles if it can offer left- of structural contradictions to capitalism. them in the context act as an interlocutor of emancipatorywing orientation should en- if it is to act of an emancipatoryergy and a catalyst way-of-thinking and equality. in the name of freedom new cycle for of struggle, which represents the field of reflections consideration. At present, into Left is affected the the Left to take of differ by two crises between which there is an interpenetration of capitalism represent ent elements. Structural determinations reflexive conditions of the Left: strategic readiness, the objective of different struggles repre- learning, openness to empirical wealth results of the Left, and these are nowadays mea- sent subjective moment for the Left is the sured. The idiosyncrasy of the present the Great Recession, but still fact that it has not yet recovered from crisis. must be ready for the (next) upcoming one – of how the Left example – albeit an extremely paradigmatic issues in terms of dilemma. The is again faced by political-economic not discussed here as a reduc aforementioned issue of planning is of political-economic mat tive-technical issue, but rather as a set participation. In addi- citizens’ ters that entail and problematize of con- oppose the “culturalization” tion, the Left should at least and understand the politi- flicts in capitalism (Rasmussen 2018) structure of the same conflicts, that is, the structure cal-economic of power. This would imply that, new syntheses be- at a minimum, tween biopolitical (Hannah 2011) and class perspectives should be developed. A rejection of the “cultural war” as the “last determina- of or persistent resistance to “culturalization” tion of capitalism”, orientations (Trump, antagonism in capitalism that the right-wing the Left, strategic and as well. It should provide and its dilemmas relationships the multidimensional considering tactical scenarios In fact, of opportunities. multifaceted field across the af it should

44 Lošonc / Josifidis 45 edited volumes - - To sum up: In today’s circumstances, the paths of antinomical To Finally, it indicates such “structural” reforms that involve a true Finally, the Left remain uncertain. In other words, there is a radical uncer the Left remain uncertain. In other words, Pegida, Le Pen, Wilders’ Party, etc.) their intensive promote in Wilders’ Party, Pen, Le Pegida, fear”“politics of called for. should also be of migrants or others, rehabilitation with the far-reaching be concerned The Left should logic, political-economic of the “anatomical” is to be used in which : it is of crucial importance of capitalism an analysis of the structure dimen- battles” to hide the structural that a misuse of “cultural mean that capitalism is proven. This does not sions of conflicts in articulation, up culture as a field of struggle and the Left shall give power-domination-fix substantive the consider should it rather but regarding and avoid making compromises inherent to capitalism, In being subordinated to of the power. the structural dimensions from the itself of conflicts, the Left excludes the culturalization design. post-capitalist tainty regarding its self-transformation. Its identity within the re- Its identity tainty regarding its self-transformation. guaranteed. Certain leftists cent configuration of capitalism is not as a peculiar chance, as a see the reflected experience of defeat note the break but we should purgatory for self-transformation; between “defeat and ing-off of the complicated relationship change of the strategy” 2018) after 1989. A parliamentary (Sotiris Left has been able to strug- presence does not guarantee that the in capitalism. Its rise gle with its antinomies regarding its existence Dilemmas that determine it in today’s crisis is just a pure possibility. Therefore, self-reconceptualization occur in an intensified manner. Left.must remain a guiding principle for the to be The Left needs a pretence of relevance. But,re-invented if it is to continue to have This implies change itself. it will not remain relevant if it cannot that the Left will try learn from numerous experiments during to on seeking synthesis be- the crisis on collective life organization, success and extra-parliamen- tween “politics and protest”, electoral tary between strategy struggles, as well as on new relationships radicalization. and analysis, i.e. dialectics of reform and years ago ago, transformation of the structure of capitalism. Many (Gorz André Gorz suggested the concept of “non-reformist reform” 1968, see especially Rooksby 2011, 2018, Caillé and Fourel 2013) that implied the aforementioned type of transformation of - - We have analysed the multi-faceted importance of the ambiv- We Many “extra-capitalist” impulses, “pre-figurative” effects, impulses, “pre-figurative” “extra-capitalist” Many onclusion C of the Left.alence towards the crisis for the situation This includes conditions, and the the analysis of certain objective and subjective crises (2007 and the account of the interferences of two related the Left. for phenome- The crisis as an immanent upcoming crisis) - for the self-transforma non of capitalism opens up the possibility tion of the Left, which is plausibly proven by a current prolonged upcoming crisis. At the same crisis that has been deepened by the time, the crises expose the asymmetric position of those leftist protagonists who would reject the platform of pseudo-reforms and aim to transform structural determinations of capitalism “from This situation representatively highlights the antinomical within”. position of the Left in capitalism, and explains its embeddedness tural” reforms, leading to the reforms the reforms themselves be- to the reforms the reforms themselves tural” reforms, leading emancipation. progression in any coming the aim, without in “interstitial spaces”, aspirations utopian” emerging “concrete to ben- have been wasted; the Left failed and anti-capitalist niches of the protest efit from the dynamics manner. cycle in adequate the articulation of these There are deficits of the Left concerning Malm, regarding the (left impulses. The harsh criticism of Andreas ist) climate movement but, directed at the Left as a ad analogiam, Therefore, the Left “seemed whole, embodies the essence of this. turmoil: one could hope. to gain no momentum from the general the Left has “distin- But there are reasons to be pessimistic”, (Malm 2014, 39). agenda” guished itself [...] for the absence of [...] - and “reform “non-reformist” The distinction between capitalism. dichoto- of the traditional leads to the deconstruction ist-reform” that such re- reform, but also warns revolution and my between re- aim, should not a means and not the are to be only forms, which rational- patterns of the (commodity-based) produce the governing the name of the Left.ity of capitalism in (for The Centre-Left by the politics of during the period determined instance in France exactly such a series of “non-struc developed François Hollande)

46 Lošonc / Josifidis 47 edited volumes - - and fluctuated demands are demands fluctuated and 8 The Left has lost its certainties based on the traditional “tele- based on the traditional lost its certainties The Left has See the renewed debates, Walker, 2013. See the renewed debates, Walker, 8 features of features structural must concern the It ology of emancipation”. its political-economic engagement.capitalism and re-appropriate experi- with new complexities introduced by Besides, it is faced of communal prac “disordered coherence” mental micro-struggles, into the structure-agency-problem.- stra this, crisis has a In line with for the Left. 1968) (Gorz tegic meaning tices, and heterogeneous movements in different social locations movements in different social tices, and heterogeneous issues approach, and care for the relevant that call for an inclusive deconstruct The Left has not yet effectively of social reproduction. of capitalism; it is -historical existence trans ed the myth of the although the cri- by the "success of capitalism", (partly) fascinated else, namely the historicity of capitalism. ses prove something balance and the search for the (fragile) “Radicalization of reforms”, and “move- between “parliament and street”, representation the organization of parties, mentism”, aspects of the strategic benchmark for the Left in the context of aspects of the strategic benchmark for of future. Otherwise,unforeseeable conditions and opacity the Left remains a problem, not a solution. - 2000 (2), 196-202. Suhrkamp. & Society, 80(1), 9–30. Science Feminism and its Critics.” , Sociology International Political Ideological Geography.” Remaking of Europe’s 5, 384-407. International Critical in the Neo-liberal Cycle.” International Critical Revolution modern Passive Thought, 8(1), 66-78. , 13(1), 5-32 Review Socio-Economic ver age of permanent austerity.” of) economy Political Disrupting (the critical yond Defeat and Austerity: Neoliberal Europe. Routledge. , 16 (4), 371-385. and positions outside of capitalism.” Globalizations , 15.3.2013. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/Guardian mar/15/bill-gates-capitalism-attacks des metamorphoses. Fayard. Preprints 157830, ZBW - Leibniz Information of Capitalism. EconStor Future Centre for Economics. Journal of Critique.” Engaging the Post-Keynesian out of Crisis? mand As a Way Studies, 57 (4), 805-822. Market Common , 147(1), 9-28. tion.” Thesis Eleven References Marx, Gilbert. Actuel de Perry Anderson.” 2000. “Le pessimisme historique Achcar, . kommende 1917, 1968 und Adamczak, Bini. 2017. Beziehungsweise Revolution. . Odile Jacob. et crises du capitalisme Aglietta, Michel. 1997. Régulation Determinist,Aruzza, Cinzia. 2016. “Functionalist, Reproduction Reductionist: Social and the Globalization (Dis)continuum: the Left–Right Azmanova Albena. 2011. “After Restoration and Post Intellectual Mass-Transformism: Azzarà, Stefano G. “An 2018. . Éditions Lignes. de l’Histoire. Éditions Réveil Badiou, Alain. 2011. Le The impact of disruptive protest in the sil- “Resistance is futile? David J. 2015. Bailey, 2018. Be- Olatz Ribera-Almandoz. Huke, Clua-Losada, Nikolai David J., Mònica Bailey, “Extra-capitalist David J. 2019. impulses in the midst of the crisis: perspectives Bailey, a left?” Soundings, 35, 8-16. 2007. “Has the future Bauman Zygmunt. The Is Nothing to Cheer.” Ben-Ami, Daniel. 2013. “Bill Gates’ Attack on Capitalism politique politique, Métamorphoses de la Pari mélancolique. Bensaïd, Daniel. 1997. Le Finance and the Modern Fear, Bichler Shimshon, and Nitzan Jonathan. 2010. Systemic Aggregate De- Jordan, and Adam David Morton. 2019. “EU Andreas, Jamie Bieler, Andreas, and Adam David Morton. 2018. “Interlocutions with passive revolu- Bieler,

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Palgrave Depression in the Long Mobilisation , 5 (3), 306-321 Journal Assessment”, A Strategic Labour Europe: Global & Society, 82(1), 94–119. as a Strategic Concept.” Science , 53, 40-56. mation.” The Socialist Register Associates http://www.networkideas.org/featured-arti Economics - velopment cles/2019/05/finance-and-growth-under-neo-liberalism/. , 41 & Class Capital and the politics of social reproduction.” ideas: Postcapitalism (3) 423-434. Foundation for European come: Overcoming the Crisis of Social Democracy?” Progressive Studies. http://www.feps-europe.eu/en/publications/details/517. , 32(5-6), 682-688. Text Third sis Theory: Theory, the Crisis, and the Breakdown Kurz, Krisis, and Exit! on Value , 31(2), 173-193. Marxism of Capitalism.” Rethinking cian Analysis.” Socialism and Democracy, 27(1), 1-18. Mouvements, 5, 24, 21-32. ciale?” of Socialist Theory, 46(1), 27-48. Critique-Journal , 39(1), 27-51. and Against the State.” Critique-Journal of Socialist Theory . Supplement der Vergleich ropa. Die Jahre 1968 bis 1973 und seit 2008/09 im 7/8. Zeitschrift Sozialismus Materialism, 23(2), 239–256. ou.” Historical How close are we to another next-economic-crisis-looms-large-c80b2d377e4, Mass Strikes and Social Movements in Brazil and India, Popular Popular and India, and Social Movements Brazil in 2019. Mass Strikes Nowak, Jörg. against Austerity in Western 2014. “Mass Strikes and Alexander Gallas. Nowak, Jörg, the Left: The Historical Bloc and the Challenges for Sotiris. 2018. “Gramsci Panagiotis, of State Transfor and the Challenge Party 2017. “Class, Leo, and Sam Gindin. Panitch, Patnaik, Prabhat. 2019. “Finance and Growth under neoliberalism”, International De- Prabhat.Patnaik, 2019. “Finance and Growth under neoliberalism”, conveyor belt of Harry, 2017. “Corbynism’s and Ana Cecilia Dinerstein. Pitts, Frederick 2017. “Beyond Basic In- Harry, and Neil Warner. 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52 Lošonc / Josifidis 53 edited volumes - , Times Ready for the Financial Crisis of 2019?” New York Are You

ganization, 24(5), 575 -588. financial crisis? https://www.vox.com/2018/9/18/17868074/financial-cri - financial crisis? sis-dodd-frank-lehman-brothers-recession. . Verso. without Work , 14(1), 163-183. Review Socio-Economic italism have a future?” ismus. Suhrkamp. , 4 September 2017. nancial Times com/2016/09/06/limits-to-periodization/. and Mogens Ove Madsen, 113- , edited by Jespersen Jesper Today Theory for Elgar. 130. Edward Event, 16(4), https://muse.jhu.edu/article/530492 10.12.2018. , 16(2), 490-500. Capitalism Communication, scending Capitalism.” tripleC: politics in the making: The imaginary and praxis of alternative economies.” Or Inventing the Future: Postcapitalism and a World and a World Postcapitalism the Future: Inventing and Alex Williams. 2015. Srnicek, Nick, Etzioni. 2016. “Does cap- and Amitai Toynbee, Craig Calhoun, Polly Streeck Wolfgang, - Kapital des demokratischen Die vertagte Krise Zeit. 2013. Gekaufte Streeck, Wolfgang. Thornhill, John. 2017. “The Fi- Big Data revolution can revive the planned economy.” https://www.viewpointmag. Alberto. 2016. Limits of Periodization. Toscano, General “When Stefan. 2012. Mandelbrot.” and Minsky meets Keynes In: Keynes Voss, Theory & Gavin. 2013. “The On the Concept of the Party.” Body of Politics: Walker, Williams, Alex. “ - Wright, Erik Olin. 2018. “The for Tran Continuing Relevance of the Marxist Tradition 2017. “Post-capitalistic and Raza Mir. Alessia Contu, Stephen Healy, Zanoni, Patrizia, HEIKKI PATOMÄKI University of Helsinki University

54 Patomäki 55 edited volumes The crisis of the Left has many reasons and causes, some of causes, some of reasons and many The crisis of the Left has in terms of classical rhetoric: ethos, which are understandable reducible not causes real has crisis this Yet logos. and pathos “modernization” at alone. Attempts rhetoric and language to of social democracy while the supposed have eroded hope, legacySoviet “radical” Left more the haunt to has continued Over time, collective memorymovements and parties. shifts - most-success two recently The changes. audience political and Syriza ful leftist parties have emerged from social movements: populist left-wing adopted consciously have Podemos and stances. A problem is that the story of “people versus the loses part of its emotional appeal if the repre- dominant elite” appear to be enmeshed with “elite” sentatives of the “people” country own of fate The one’s in either elsewhere. or practices even a moderate reveals also how difficult it is to make Syriza Left, the toward turn broader a is cautious and there unless or worldwide movement behind it.European It is here further Polanyian argued that there is no automatic or mechanical history world on also depends Rather, movement”. “double agency. The discrepancy between territorial states and global be best overcome by globalizing that can is an obstacle capital being from far that argued is It politics. democratic-socialist a grand task exhausted as a project or in terms of pathos, awaits the Left. Obstacles can Social freedom can be increased. be removed. Existing global political economy contradictions of rational and global problems can be resolved by means adequate com- collective actions and by the building of more mon institutions. An experimentalist leftist vision can inspire hope and optimism about our future possibilities. political movement”, “double Left, crisis, : Polanyian Keywords agency Abstract Abstract On the future of the Left: future On the perspective A global - - - century. st It is in this geo-historical context that the COVID-19 crisis and the COVID-19 It is in this geo-historical context that At the heart of the rhetoric of contemporary populism lies the The Left often talks about crises, but is arguably itself em- but is arguably often talks about crises, The Left - Decades of neolib of the 2020s. a crisis at the beginning broiled in to a resurgence of the Left,eralism have not led in a limited except in these countertrends see below). Rather, manner (more about ground from seized the nationalist populist Right has places, many leftist par and perhaps especially so from the mainstream parties ties. Mainstream politics has become fragmented and divisive. Pro- has become fragmented and divisive. ties. Mainstream politics and global politics, European characterize cesses of disintegration and the US-China trade Brexit,as evidenced by Ukraine, Trump, forces have turned national–populist right-wing Within the EU, war. and HungaryPoland governance, toward increasingly authoritarian more split and parti- has become Parliament and the European coup attempt and its the failed 2016 Turkey, tioned. In Erdoğan’s membership talks. Tur EU repressive aftermath have all but ended brink of dictatorship, in spite of ongoing demo- is now on the key developments can be cratic resistance. Similar national–populist observed for example in Brazil, Indonesia and the also elsewhere, 2018). Philippines (Patomäki is existential. It is a turning its consequences have unfolded. A crisis in the existence, nature point in a process that can lead to a change organization or system. Etymologically, or identity of a community, it suggests that to the word ‘criticism’: the term ‘crisis’ is linked Criticism concerns the causes there is a crucial turning point ahead. also an opportunity to learn. of the crisis, while the crisis provides crisis of the Left must This is the context within which the current intertwined reasons many be understood. The crisis of the Left has in terms of the ba- and causes, some of which are understandable (character and credibility of sic formula of classical rhetoric – ethos and logos (emotional framing of the issue), pathos the speaker), These distinc (plausible reasoning, argument and demonstration). tions were originally made by Aristotle in The Art of Rhetoric (1991), and remain useful also in the 21 Introduction idea of “people” as a morally good force, which is set against the idea of “people” group. This frames described as a corrupt and self-serving “elite”

56 Patomäki 57 edited volumes - Ethos concerns the extent to which the speaker is able to con- extent to which the speaker Ethos concerns the Logos, in turn, refers to rational argumentation in contexts the character and credibility of actors and gives emotional meaning emotional meaning of actors and gives and credibility the character of everyday and insecurities that explain problems to stories in life to turn Attempts of the “elite”. actions and policies terms of the causes (Laclau to support leftist and framings populist categories without merit.2005) are not entirely the Left has But the crisis of the de- reducible to language and rhetoric (cf. also real causes not in 1998). The dispositions of the audience bate Laclau vs. Bhaskar tend to evolve through the dy- societies modern capitalist market as a Essential changes have occurred economy. namics of political - such as globalization and deindustrial consequence of processes and viable institutional and policy feasible alter ization. Moreover, natives are unlikely to emerge from a mere analysis of rhetoric. to natives are unlikely on the other hand, they are credible. Pathos, vince the public that that often involves some means appealing to emotions in a way can at least as pathos grandiosity and high-mindedness. However, with the suffering of others. importantly stem from identification And there by the pronoun “we”. This requires identification marked Rhetoric, Aristotle discusses are further possibilities. In part two of in persuading the audi- a number of emotions that can be relevant fear and confidence, calm, friendship and enmity, ence: anger, envy A successful pathos requires pity, and jealousy. shame, favour, perhaps making the au- their feelings into play, to put the speaker dience laugh and cry. The most important means to achieving an a storyimpression at the level of pathos is through resonating with of categories life experiences and taken-for-granted the audience’s everyday they may be (MacIntyre practice, however fragmented are expressed and shared as 2007; Ricoeur 1984). Our experiences and deeds become understandable as parts of sto- stories. Words and their actions, their vices ries, including the character of actors acquire their full meaning and virtues. Local or small-scale stories that relate the life of an indi- through merging with grander stories vidual or community to larger processes. where uncertainty prevails, and claims are only to be deemed more plausible reasoning im- or less plausible or probable. Well-informed them look prepared and reliability and makes proves the speaker’s knowledgeable to the public. Nonetheless, the world is complex, - century: st century, by processes such characterized This kind of “modernization” has eroded This kind of “modernization” 1 st Anthony Giddens (1994) remarked that, for some two centuries, socialism (1994) remarked Giddens Anthony which he defines as the no- advocate of “progressivism”, was the keenest tion that there is a direction to history and that political intervention can Although geo-historical experiences vary, and each leftist party 1 ed a version of the Enlightenment belief in a progressive time, anded a version of the Enlightenment belief conservatives where Margaret Thatcher and other market-oriented – in claiming thesucceeded – even if only partially and paradoxically direction of “progress”. The case of Finland The case a unique history, there are also broad directionshas in its own way(s) to converge. Since the 1970s –around which these experiences tend to wage-earner funds infollowing defeats such as those related socialist program in France Sweden in the 1970s and to Mitterrand’s and socialist parties began toin the early 1980s – social democratic Asretreat from their more ambitious programs. - a result of these de velopments, the “Third already in the came to be redefined Way” pure social democracy1980s and 1990s as a compromise between way between capitalism andand neoliberalism, rather than as a third 2000; 2003). 2002; Patomäki communism (for discussions, see Ryner social democracy What emerged was an attempt to “modernize” common sense incorporat (e.g. Moschonas 2002) in a context where and attempts to understand and explain it can easily appear de- and explain it can to understand and attempts - immediate ev viewpoint involving the common-sense tached from eryday nonetheless needs What the Left and concerns. categories - the possibili processes conditioning analysis of the is a systematic and emancipatoryties for democratic circum- politics under the 21 stances of the early The character and credibility of the Left in the 21 The character as neoliberal globalization (verging already on de-globalization) (verging already on de-globalization) as neoliberal globalization only that political matters. It is not Truth and de-industrialization. about but better stories designed accordingly, programs must be reflect in the wider scheme of things must politics and our place replaced by of the obstacles to be removed and our understanding - to appeal at the level of ethos and pa In order something better. be related back to everydaythos, the analysis must experiences.

58 Patomäki 59 edited volumes - -century twists th century metaphysics th or 19 th of improvements and progress (Patomäki 2009: 432-6). of improvements and progress (Patomäki help speed up the journey toward the desired end-point.help speed up the journey toward the desired Giddens was also the notion of progress among the first to see how Thatcherism captured in Britain in the 1970s, as a particular response to the economic troubles para- welfare state. A key following an era of constructing a democratic - and Frie Friedman here is that neoliberal intellectuals such as Milton dox drich Hayek were essentially conservatives and advocated a return to liberalism. “Wewhat they considered pure classical economic neither can reality of the nineteenth wish nor possess the power to go back to the its ideals” (Hayek we have the opportunity to realize century, [however], that due to manifold 20 1944: 240). It is also noteworthy and turns in the dominant conception of time (from the catastrophe of what to the postmodernism of the 1980s and 1990s), War the First World remained was a techno-commercial version of the belief in linear progres sive time that is quite different from the 18 By 1989, the socialist and communist parties either started to parties either socialist and communist By 1989, the At the level of ethos, these kinds of historical developments - in a legitima or found themselves follow suit, however reluctantly, the Communist 1989 elections in Poland, tion crisis (in the April every lost Party The Left single seat contested in the Parliament). founded in these tendencies. It was exemplifies Alliance in Finland as Democratic League (known Finnish People’s 1990 to succeed the Finland. In elections of the Communist Party SKDL), which included of votes, 1966, the SKDL gained more than 20% between 1945 and SKDL formed a majority in the parliament,and in 1966 SDP and but the of votes was down to 9.7%. Moreover, by 1987 the SKDL share party split, at log- two main sides becoming increasingly with the in- taken majority of the party had long gerheads. The democratic SKDL was the only party in dependent stances – for instance, the in of Czechoslovakia Finland to condemn the Soviet occupation work with the social demo- 1968 – and was consistently willing to to the Soviet was usually loyal crats, whereas the Communist Party the party financially (with leadership, which in turn also supported eventually being destroyed in the accumulated wealth of the party The end and a new beginning came in 1990, financial speculation). when the Left Alliance was founded. and leftist parties in Europe continue to pose problems to many of a speaking on behalf across the world. The problem for anyone social democratic party is that the discipline of “free neoliberalized - the inner motiva and imagination, hope without curiosity, hope; and tends to weaken. actions tion for social/democratic - - - It is also true, however, It is also true, however, 2 For instance, Habermas (1987: 116) summarizes the early historyFor instance, Habermas (1987: 116) summarizes of the Theory School: “Critical initially developed in Horkheimer’s was Frankfurt circle to think through political disappointments at the absence of revolu the development of Stalinism in Soviet Russia, and the tion in the West, Marxvictory It was supposed to explain mistaken - of fascism in Germany. ist prognoses, but without breaking Marxist intentions.” The Finnish Left Alliance exhibits all these ambiguities in a curi- The Finnish Left Alliance exhibits all these 2 that many Marxiststhat many communists – including public intellectuals and to rationalize Sartre – continued and Jean-Paul such as Samir Amin the 1980s, existing state-socialism well into variations of the really and even beyond. elements of the ous mixture. An alliance of various pre-existing ‘radical’ Left, the program it adopted in its founding meeting is essentially social democratic. It took part in the coalition govern- Lipponen (1995-1999 and 1999-2003), consolidat ments of Paavo Finland (the storying the process of neoliberalization in is told in 2007: esp. Chapter 4). AsPatomäki a result, the party was split, governments of Lipponen’s with those most critical of the policies etc.)(involving cuts in social expenditure, privatizations being typi- Party in with the Communist cally those who had been affiliated deep and ironic: those the 1970s and 1980s. The ambiguity was credibility among a lacked most loyal to social democratic ideals association with the CPSU, wider audience because of their past losing credibili- risked while those allowing for neoliberal ‘reforms’ such as social justice and ty in relation to fundamental leftist values foster unity by means recurrent attempts to democracy. Moreover, worsened the situation, and of internal repression and exclusions Similar developments occurred further undermined credibility. ceived lack of moral character and credibility. Meanwhile, the sup- Meanwhile, and credibility. of moral character ceived lack posed legacy the more Soviet Union has continued to haunt of the that a and parties, in spite of the fact ‘radical’ Left movements number of Marxian and parties had al- intellectuals, movements of at a critical distance from the practices ready placed themselves Soviet Marxism-Leninism the 1920s and 1930s (with a as early as scale of distance-taking occurring after the new round of critical in the 1950s). terror was revealed Stalin’s markets” tends to undermine the legitimization principles and in- principles and the legitimization tends to undermine markets” In political by social democracy. presupposed dustrial relations rhetoric, a problem of per easily into contradiction translates this

60 Patomäki 61 edited volumes - Over time, collective memoryOver time, collective the shifts. With new generations, Electorally speaking, the most successful leftist parties have composition of an audience also changes. Old memories become also changes. Old memories composition of an audience the condi- of memories evolve. Thereby also blurred, and new layers in other similar leftist parties many Like tions of credibility change. advocates red- elsewhere, the Finnish Left Alliance and Europe liberal values (representing ‘postmaterialgreen ideas and culturally competesInglehart 1977; 2018). In that regard it values’ in terms of Mean- democrats but also with the Greens. not only with the social voter part of its traditional working class while it has lost a large proportion of the form an ever-decreasing base. Blue collar workers of the remaining members of this many workforce, and, moreover, populist nationalism.toward ideologically moved have demographic Surveys also place greater indicate that a majority of unemployed than the social democrats or the Left Alli- trust in the Finns Party Alliance has become a par ance. Especially in larger towns, the Left recently emerged from social movements and various party frag- in Spain were formed in this in Greece and Podemos ments. Syriza and gained wide popularity during the euro crisis of 2010- way, was formed in 2004 as a coalition of several parties 2015. Syriza again in 2011-2013 when the Left Alliance participated in Jyrki Left Alliance participated when the again in 2011-2013 (conservative) government. coalition 2019, the party In Katainen’s of a wake government (in the coalition (SDP) Rinne’s joined Antti on 8 December became prime minister Sanna Marin postal strike, 2019). of emotions and populist pathos The role ty associated with young educated females. Social policy, identityty associated with young educated females. the main focus of the party. politics and green issues have become assessments of the moral character of the party and its rep- Popular by the party’sresentatives continue to be affected ambiguous past, of manifold changes bothbut in gradually altering ways. In spite popularity haswithin and in the overall context, the Left Alliance’s 7-9%, and its potential votersremained at the relatively low level of (i.e. voters of social demo- are confined to those close to its ideas is not geared up to lead national politics. It crats and Greens). - Syriza built its political coalition in exactly the way Laclau pre- built Syriza - – as Essex pro 2005 book On Populist Reason scribed in his key fessor David Howarth puts it, “binding together different de- to a common enemy”mands by focusing on their opposition 2015). (Hancox - of pathos is to induce a sentiment and judge d’être The raison As new parties, Syriza and Podemos did not carry and Podemos Ashistorical the Syriza new parties, ties were consciously left-populist, but in a way that is in part based ties were consciously left-populist, in the academic world. Ason reflexive political theories developed : explains in an article published in The Guardian Dan Hancox must be changed. The ment about what must be done and what leftist parties of the 2010s were two most successful European to stories explaining problems thus able to give emotional meaning and insecurities of everyday of the actions and policies life in terms Syriza’s But in both cases the success was short-lived. of the “elite”. leaders as to the irrationality of the rules attempt to persuade EU of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), austerity policy and privatization failed (the story is told in great and illuminating detail In a leaders were stuck to the rules). 2017; the EU by Varoufakis and left-wing groups. It rose to a broader awareness with the euro awareness with It rose to a broader groups. and left-wing won the parliamentarycrisis, and elections in January 2015 in of parliamentary- (149/300). Po seats a near-majority Greece with demonstrations of extensive founded in the aftermath demos was a short in gathering 350,000 members in in 2014 and succeeded ex- gaining 25% support in Spain. Both have period of time and as a morally good force versus idea of ‘people’ ploited the populist it essences of populist politics is that One of the the corrupt ‘elite’. and groups of uniting a wide range of people is rhetorically capable that The goal is to constitute a ‘people’ enemy. to resist a common This was not difficult in the ‘dominant elite’. can be set against Troika the high point of the economic crisis: Greece or Spain during were the elite, austerity the main enemy. and the old parties of both of these the recent pasts baggage of the past (moreover, military They were an- dictatorships). countries involved right-wing political movements, which chored in civil society and spontaneous austerity policy. Both par and the Troika’s rose to oppose the EU

62 Patomäki 63 edited volumes - - - Rather than being inspired merely by Laclau and political Rather than being inspired merely by 3 Wikipedia reports that the party lost much support in the polls during the final months of 2015 when elections were approaching (sinking to 13%), whereas during the election campaign it experienced a huge rise in support in the polls – of up to 20% of the vote – just days before the election, still were close to 28%. which falling short of earlier figures in polls, however, In a remarkable feat at the Spanish election in December at the Spanish election in December In a remarkable feat 3 sudden turn, as in a classical tragedy, amidst a deep economic crisis economic crisis amidst a deep tragedy, as in a classical sudden turn, sur referendum and results of the Greek ignored the Alexis Tsipras rendered to the Troika. Yanis Varoufakis resigned, and soon the resigned, Varoufakis Yanis to the Troika. rendered - power after the Sep remained in and Tsipras split.party was Syriza to im- but from that point on they started tember 2015 elections, of their former “enemy”.plement the program July 2019 In the al- New Democracy lost to the centre-right party, elections, Syriza to secure its position as the main opposition though it was able the votes. party with 23.8% of the third 20.65% of the vote and became achieved 2015, Podemos Spanish parliament.largest party in the have fared And yet it could the one the July 2015 debacle in Greece, on even better without on the especially with Venezuela, hand, and alleged connections, other. theory, Podemos had also connections with the leftist-populist with the leftist-populist theory, had also connections Podemos proportion of the fund- governments in Latin America. A significant ing for their TV broadcasts and 2015 electoral campaign came from consultancy work for those governments (Badcock 2015). Although and al- new party, any a lack of funding is a major problem for has been strongly anti-corruption, these kinds of though Podemos a problem of moral charac connections were widely perceived as ter. The “people” versus the “dominant elite” storyversus the “dominant elite” its loses part of The “people” ter. appear to of the “people” emotional appeal if the representatives own country practices either in one’s or be enmeshed with “elite” to be an appeal- is unlikely Venezuela elsewhere. Nicolás Maduro’s in Spain or any to be taken ing target destination for the direction country.other European Also the escalation of the conflict in Catal- It is the only Spain-wide onia has complicated things for Podemos. in Catalonia, party that favours a referendum on self-determination voters. Inter and many straining its relationship with the Socialists At the appeal. Podemos’s nal quarrels have further weakened - - Populism also has limits on its own normative terms. The identity own normative terms. also has limits on its Populism without problems ofThere are obvious alternatives, but not nie Sanders’s case for socialism in the US rely on this kind of framingnie Sanders’s case for socialism in the After decades of neoliber of the political situation and possibilities. the younger genera- alism and rising inequalities in both countries, national social democracytions have started to find the idea of attractive. Following on (with a dose of leftist internationalism) the 99%” – and turning to- from spontaneous protests – “we are proposals, the more leftistward concrete policies and institutional Labour – have of Corbyn’s Democrats – similarly to the supporters often turned their eyes to the achievements of the universalist social democracy Nordic countries. The problem is that they in the have not paid sufficient attention to the causes of the decline of social democracy of neoliberalism in Sweden, Finland, Norway and rise and Denmark. The idea that emancipatory, globally oriented general election in April 2019, it lost 29 seats in the parliament, it lost 29 seats in in April 2019, general election the same elections in November 7 at the general and a further year. friends and have often been about defining politics of recent decades a From at least non-violently. or peacefully, enemies, albeit mostly spirit of this can be interpreted in the democratic leftist perspective, adversaryin terms of agonist politics, in which the Laclau and Mouffe for de- their existence are also respected, allowing and the enemy and the only confrontation of However, mocracy, not just confrontation. and the “elites”. Experi- between the “people” populist rhetoric is not the Left can relatively populism and Rright-wing ence also shows that agonis- steep confrontation. The line between easily fall into the same have politics is thin, and populist identity politics tic and antagonistic upon social media.repeatedly amounted to mere hate speech/writing this possibility has been systematically exploited by many Moreover, groups, organizations and states. nationalist-populist right-wing with the promise emerged and Podemos their own. Whereas Syriza politics itself in additionof something radically new – of reforming etc. leftist parties have usu- – the established to opposing austerity, ally resorted to defending and trying to renew the achievements of concepts remain temporal- social democracy. Given the way political - in the 2010s and 2020s, this boils down to a past-ori ly organized and Ber Labour in the UK ented political rhetoric. Jeremy Corbyn’s

64 Patomäki 65 edited volumes - - Even though something like Laclau’s theory though something like might of populism Even even a reveals how difficult it is to make The fate of Syriza well help to increase popularity and build a wide coalition, it does popularity and build a wide coalition, well help to increase let government or economic policy, not guarantee a successful theo- or global policies. While Laclau’s EU alone an ability to change everything,ry see every it also tends to is liable to over-politicizing - Roy Bhas- In a well-known debate with thing in terms of discourse. differ struggled to systematically explain how kar in 1998, Laclau a more social-democratic di- moderate and cautious turn towards unless there is a goals) rection (not to mention more ambitious or worldwide movement behind broader transnational, European by na- across the globe have become disillusioned it. citizens Many have contributed tional politics. The latest rounds of globalization national many bent among to the appearance of a post-democratic vs. This has given real grounds for ‘people’ 2004). parties (Crouch was not simply an example of how Mi- fate Syriza’s framings. ‘elite’ the Greek debacle works. More importantly, chels’s law of oligarchy of summer 2015 is an illustration of the power of creditors over debtors in the world economy and the lack of equitable rule of law in worldwide financial relations. Since the early 1980s, a large number of countries in the global south have gone through similar experiences. These experiences are precisely what gave rise to global political action is a condition for anything resembling the Nordic resembling for anything is a condition political action under further developed and ambitions to be realized ideals and - ago (Pa being argued two decades was already new conditions tomäki 2000). of the situation: understanding Logos as rational Some preliminary considerations ent causal mechanisms and processes produce effects in the open and processes produce effects in ent causal mechanisms a good It is impossible to conduct and society. systems of nature policyand successful economic under unless one has an adequate and processes standing of how political economy mechanisms work. An inability to identify that a (small) EU those real constraints and in the intertwined world member state faces, both in the EU project. political left-wing may be equally fatal for any economy, - - The narrow power of the EU leadership or organizations such The narrow power of the EU The feasibility of policies depends on trans- and supra-national on trans- and of policies depends The feasibility ceeded in September 2015) – to cancel the mandate given to Syriza the mandate given to Syriza ceeded in September 2015) – to cancel in January 2015 elections. From successful leftist policy. as the IMF is not the only obstacle to the essential totality is not the point of view of economic policy, is but a part. of which the EU The the state but the world economy, and the whole works, for ex- interdependence between the parts demand and the multiplier ef ample, through effective aggregate fect. A significant part of the impact of the expansionary economic EU as a whole, assum- policy flows abroad. This also applies to the policy. The difference is that,ing that it would pursue its own fiscal exports to GDP is 40-90%, but for most member states, the ratio of key as a whole this figure stands at around 15%. Thus, a for the EU fiscal capacities. In the absence of problem is the absence of EU high level of actual de- systems that would ensure a sufficiently mand for the goods and services politico-economic de- produced, velopments tend to lead to overcapacity and unemployment. What matters is whether potential consumers and investors can afford to buy goods and services. Propensity to consume tends to fall as income increases. Therefore, effective demand also depends on income distribution. debt campaigns in the 1980s and 1990s (for an overview and 1990s (for an in the 1980s debt campaigns of the 2007). and Sehm-Patomäki movement, see Reyes Tagle of the Left being reason for the future This is a key power relations. of political to understand the broader context bound to the ability un- models is short-sighted as and Podemos Syriza action. Taking own actions relate the conditions of one’s less one can reflexively and constraints imposed by the processes and successes to the of its and world economy (including systems EU mechanisms of the (as explicated by Will and power are connected governance). power means that one does not have narrow Deutsch 1963). To and the leaders can force others to do so. EU have to give up, but When narrow power over Greece. exercising IMF were capable of de- of EU there is no need to learn. The position such power exists, simply that the Greek government must give up was cision-makers a – and preferably organize and retreat from its electoral program in July 2015) or election (suc new referendum (unexpected result

66 Patomäki 67 edited volumes - - - - Many leftist movements and parties have favoured sover Many Keynes (1969) argued that the world economy is character Keynes It is up to public authorities to ensure full employment and to to ensure full employment public authorities It is up to eign-state-based policies and institutional arrangements. A number of leftist scholars have focused on revealing “the myths” of ized by contradictions in trade and finance that can – and must – by contradictions in trade and finance that can – and must ized (see Markwell 2006). be overcome by better common institutions institutions, and faced by In the absence of adequate common states tend to the fear of a spiral of downward developments, that are aimed toward at engage in counterproductive policies competitiveness. ‘Differ maximizing economic growth through [can easily] whatever their origin, ences in competitive power, (Robinson 1980: 39). Short-sighted set up a spiral of divergence’ and contradictory to problems of the methods of responding effect of additional prob- world economy are both the cause and partly because dy- itself, lems. The process tends to reinforce and across states, often namics lead to political changes within orientations. self-regarding deepening and entrenching myopic competition between states, In the context of re-territorialized of the system can thus lead and blocs, the dynamics super-states new alliances and an arms to securitization, enemy-construction, globalization is that, in the end, of (neo)liberal race. The paradox and borders. The de-glo- it will instigate the closing of the mind crisis is historically deeply balization triggered by the COVID-19 rooted in these processes. tors always look at things from their own limited point of view, and view, things from their own limited point of tors always look at often commit the fallacy of composition. The fallacy of composi- for from the assumption of what is possible tion generally stems at the same time. For actors all (or at least many) one is possible for states tryexample, if many problems to move their economic the volume of exports relative to imports abroad by increasing their and competitiveness policies, through internal devaluation contradictory,economic policies are to be with the result tending irrevers- at least most) of them. Our fates are detrimental to all (or ibly intertwined. promote and direct investment and growth. The problem is that and growth. The and direct investment promote wider the effects activities are, the intertwined economic the more policyof state economic ac individual state spread. In addition, will Currently perhaps the most popular variant of this autonomy perhaps the most popular variant of this autonomy Currently globalization and exposing the ways in which they have been they have been the ways in which and exposing globalization can This critical project political purposes. for specific mobilized developments careful look at recent of forms. A a variety take there is, in fact,shows that that can be variety of capitalisms a is Soskice 2001; Clark 2016). What is needed successful (Hall & 2011). The (Rodrik not hyper-globalization smart globalization, resusci- and the social-democratic project state can be reclaimed al- more autonomous than usually assumed, tated. The state is institu- of its sovereignty may require though the full realization On the oth- instance exit from the eurozone. tional changes, for may committed to ethical cosmopolitanism er hand, even those of supra- exit as the only option in the face start to see such an 2015 Varoufakis For example, in spring national powers-that-be. and James K. for a Greek exit from Galbraith started to prepare help (reported in Galbraith the euro, as nothing else seemed to with the result of the July 2016). This attempt ended abruptly 2015 referendum. for a popular thesis is based on Modern Monetary Theory (MMT; 2012) and the idea of monetaryintroduction, Wray sovereignty that if a state can finance its ex- 2017). This claims (Mitchell & Fazi no budgetarypenditures in its own currency, it faces constraint in or at least they would be, normal situations. States are sovereign, at least to a sufficient de- if they were to emancipate themselves, through constraints now operating gree, from the ‘self-imposed’ legal arrangements. Aus- various international organizations and terity is not only irrational; it is also unnecessary. A central claim - and essentially re of MMT is that valid money is state-authorized lated to its capacity to tax. Assuming a system of floating ex- in monetarychange rates, a government that is sovereign terms – that has its own currency and central bank – can, and should, use fiscal policy to achieve full employment, creating new money to that has the pow- fund governmental expenditure. A government er to create its own money cannot default on debt denominated - The power of transnational ideas, internation in its own currency. al organizations and international law that currently determine obstacles that can be states’ public policyare, according to MMT, removed.

68 Patomäki 69 edited volumes Suffice it to say that MMT is it to say that MMT Suffice 4 - merits and problems, see Pa For a popular discussion on the MMT and its tomäki (2020). In contrast to what MMT purports, not all money is debttomäki (2020). In contrast to what MMT purports, by way of tautologically defining money and not all debt is money (except acceptance of The as debt and vice versa, however counter-intuitively). and, amongst othersomething as money is a matter of social positioning, things, requires trust, which is always a matter of degree (Lawson 2018; 2019: Chapter 6, “The credit theories of money com- positioning and although the quantity theory of money is wrong, and pared”). Moreover, on (international) bondalthough state finances are not as such dependent it is not true that there is no budgetarymarkets, constraint until the level Existingof full employment of all resources is reached. resources are never nested, looped and overlap- fully in use; and in a world of continuous and all the time. It is theseping processes, forces of production are changing in an interdependent dynamics that matter (e.g. Kaldor 1972). Moreover, relations (often sectors and complex input-output economy with many to emerge, starting local bottleneck sectors are likely spanning the globe), to speed up inflation. The inflationary process is historical and path-dependent, and evolves through the interdependence of different sectors It is also related to and affected by and positionings in the world economy. habits, class structures, trust and legitimacy 2016: Chapter 15). (Shaikh must always have Argentinas on their minds” (ibid.: Thus “central bankers 690). In open systems, the same phenomenon can be manifested as aIn open systems, the same phenomenon It is beyond the scope of the current paper to go into the de- current paper to go the scope of the It is beyond 4 right in claiming that a central bank can be used to finance public bank can be used that a central right in claiming n- (the unconve conventionally assumed more easily than is deficits as proof of tional monetary can be taken policies of Fed and ECB Nonetheless, vi- 2017). this, see e.g. Marcuzzo something similar to able economic policy capacities of cannot be built on merely on the expansion- A large portion of the impact of a national central bank. ary economic policy in production ca- will be external. Differences spend- power cannot be reduced to fiscal pacities and competitive The world account deficits can cause problems. ing alone. Current interconnected also at the level of investment economy is tightly although the to production. Moreover, and relationships relating quantitative theory to provide a of money has failed time and again not necessarily follow that general explanation of inflation, it does money would not reduce increasing public spending by creating trust in the economic policy of the state and give rise to inflation. example, severalresult of different causal processes. For inflation as being an outcome of an unre- regard post-Keynesians solved distributional conflict, with such socio-economic conflicts tails of this theorytails of this and its problems. - century construction of a self-regulat th and 19 th The process of developing democratic welfare states contin- - of recent politico-eco A possible way of making sense of many ing market led to (often anxious) political responses advocating so- political responses advocating led to (often anxious) ing market self-regulating and decommodification. The cial self-protection society to protect and reassert effects that evoke has social market social relations, land, labour, itself against the commodification of natural things. One of the possible syntheses of a variety and many of the democratic of related responses led to the development It re-embed- novelty. welfare state, which constituted a historical relations and ethico-political considerations, in social ded markets (e.g. health and education), and decommodified aspects of society with witnessed been previously had than method different a by but of the mercantilist state. the mediaeval guilds or the absolutism the twin process- ued for several decades. Relatively soon, however, es of economic globalization and neoliberalization started to fashion a new round of the ‘first movement’. A new process of commod- began to gain markets ification and extension of self-regulating The future of the Left and the global Double movement The future (1957) thesis about a nomic developments is through Karl Polanyi’s , Polanyi historical ‘double movement’. In his Great Transformation argued that the 18 usually being seen as conditioned by the institutional context (e.g. by the institutional seen as conditioned usually being concrete any an open social system, 1996). In and Burkett Burdekin inflationary process is path-dependent, in- evolves through the and situ- policies. In many sectors, actors and of different terdependence new in- of inflation could best be solved through ations, the problem (on such as democratizing the ‘economic’ stitutional arrangements, In addition, the Patomäki 2019b). see reflexivity, the implications of just by in- of global finance does not go away problem of instability of national monetarycreasing the degree yet im- Finally autonomy. - leftist project could also co-contrib a sovereignty-centred portantly, rise to im- minds and borders, over time giving ute to the closing of This closing can strategies and similar tendencies. port-substituting to the in- potentially fateful consequences, due have cumulative and global political economy. terconnectedness of

70 Patomäki 71 edited volumes st - - The global ‘first movement’ started with the collapse of the started with the collapse of The global ‘first movement’ was theAs different economic theories, why there are many strength. Assuming that Polanyi’s scheme holds true also in the 21 scheme holds Assumingstrength. Polanyi’s that century, to protect it to rise once again should expect society we - of self-regu the ‘stark utopia’ version of the present-day self from spatial scale has process, the relevant During the lating markets. the world economy was in an exceptional changed (in the 1940s, of the as a result of the dual catastrophes state of disintegration most plausible The War). the Second World Great Depression and from the rise of neoliberalism is that it emerged explanation for the discrepancy spaces of the world of territorial states and between - and became a self-rein economy, market the globalizing capitalist forcing process. adequate of absence The 1970s. early the in system Woods Bretton deci- set the context for the unilateral common global institutions regime to set the US dollar on a floating ex- sion of the Nixon finance. Other standard exchange rate system and to deregulate (i) a turn to ‘modern’ planations of the change of the era include: was a ‘rational’ response to the problems economics free-market such as inflation (mainstream economics); caused by Keynesianism toward post-Fordism (ii) changes in the relationships of production regulation school); (iii) neo- led to neoliberal globalization (French position of upper classes liberalism is an attempt to restore the (David Harvey); attempt to restore the posi- (iv) neoliberalism is an Gowan). economy (Peter tion of the US and the UK in the world categorically wrong, but each None of the standard explanations is complex. covers only limited aspects of the causal to inflation and unem- standard neoclassical framing and response post-Keynesians many For example, ployment adopted so widely? decades before it actuallyhad anticipated the problem of inflation is more a result of neoliberalization than its occurred. ‘Post-Fordism’ (and also information tech- cause, although it is not reducible to it nologies, globalization, etc. matter). Growing inequality is in part a result of neoliberal economics and has clearly motivated some ac (capitalist) sense of justice has always tors, and yet the Lockean While the US and the society. been a part of the capitalist market choices – although alternative UK have been active players, the key – have been structurally conditioned. paths could have been taken - - 5 Already in the 1960s and 1970s, some actors had begun to ex- Already in the 1960s and 1970s, some of global society has yet […] a protective response at the level the elements of opposition to the socially form. Yet to take are visible. The ques- disruptive consequences of globalization as to may take, tion remains open as to what forms these coherent and more whether and how they may become more powerful, so that historical thesis and antithesis may lead to a 528) 1996: new synthesis. (Cox The explanatory that the general presented here is hypothesis For more details, Patomäki 2008: Chapters 5 and 6. For more details, Patomäki 5 ploit this discrepancy in struggles over income distribution and As- Eu this project has succeeded in transforming national, power. further deepened and consoli- ropean and global institutions, it has the Left,dated the underlying discrepancy. For this discrepancy is it can be best overcome an obstacle that must be overcome; and Polanyian While the first politics. by globalizing democratic-socialist the modern national double movement was instituted through movement’ has thus far states, the first phase of the new ‘double via systems of regional and global gover been largely realized globalist? This raises the nance. Will the second phase be equally wrote in 1996: Cox question of transformative agency. Robert tendency towards the prevalence of free market orthodoxy be- orthodoxy tendency of free market towards the prevalence seem fa- economic developments when: (1) the comes stronger stable growth i.e. when there is in the world economy, vourable and high employment, econo- at least in the centres of the world (and thus seen as the main problem and inflation is increasingly my, and liber and for financial de-regulation demands for monetarism alization, etc., arise); and (2) the position of private capital becomes and (2) the position of alization, etc., arise); position- of structural power and/or political more secure in terms shift toward more secure cap- condition explaining the ing. The key reach of terri- the limited ital concerns the discrepancy(a) between liberal world economy. an increasingly open torial states and (b) income dis- lie in the struggles over The origins of neoliberalization this grow- and power in the context of tribution, competitiveness ing discrepancy.

72 Patomäki 73 edited volumes - - - - Even when there is a need and opportunity for something, is a need and opportunity for something, when there Even - alter-globaliza civil society and the rise of a global Following to Alegre, Brazil. This was a critical response to the World Econom- was a critical response to the World to Alegre, Brazil. This ‘double as in Polanyi’s The logic was the same ic Forum (Davos). protection and to the market self-regulating movement’: from a global social. In the years that followed, such development of the - regional meetings were spawned, pro and meetings grew larger, and net of vital platforms for interchange viding a rolling series the WSF has civil society actors. However, working among diverse to fa- contradiction between its promise suffered from an internal to a better world and its central organizing cilitate the transition agency space. Political principle of simply providing an open re- which a mere open space for dis- quires transformative capacity, hesitant to move into course lacks. Because the WSF has remained leaving the WSF’s future the realm of action, interest has waned, confined to Brazil. In 2019, fragile and uncertain – and increasingly proto-fascist regime in Brazil, with the rise of Jair Bolsonaro and his it continues to exist,the WSF seems all but finished. While with the place in Mexico in 2021, the enthusiasm next WSF being set to take organised only virtually). is gone (the 2021 WSF was eventually 1996: 533). (Cox it is up to them’ take ‘whether or not [the actors] understanding historyWhat is more, there are also limits to detailed discussion in scheme (more through the basic Polanyian and ab- highly idealized 2014). Because of Polanyi’s Patomäki of all forms of his lumping together stract concept of the market, even when the protection may serve‘social protection’, the pur large landowners’ specific interests or militarist na- say, poses of, The curtailing of the market tionalism, was somewhat misleading. the rules, customs and in- may also coincide with an assault upon or Soviet stitutions that protect labour rights, as in Nazi Germany it is also possible that an enlightened capi- Russia. Contra Polanyi, highly skilled and motivated work that healthy, talist may realize ers are better for production than miserable slum dwellers with world, the substantial know-how or skills (in the OECD barely any tion movement in the 1990s, the turn of the new century the turn of the new in the 1990s, tion movement saw the civil so- of global political expression a self-consciously creation of inaugurated in Social Forum (WSF), form of the World ciety in the in Por international meeting of 12,000 activists June 2001 with an - synthesis’ movement. synthesis’ antithesis  antithesis century. way of see- An unprecedented th century catastrophes. th The new ‘great transformation’ of remaking the market soci- of remaking the market The new ‘great transformation’ latter have been largely replaced by machinery). been largely replaced latter have In other words, singular ‘thesis  there is no pretations of episodes such as Brexit and the rise of Donald and the rise of Donald pretations of episodes such as Brexit to the US presidency in terms of the double movement Trump that populist–nationalist are thus problematic: it is not evident or elsewhere are tryingmovements and parties in Europe - to pro tect themselves ‘from the predatory funda- nature of market perhaps most, many, 2017: 127), but rather, (Pettifor mentalism’ funda- adopted market of these movements and parties have albeit in a somewhat ambig- mentalism as part of their platform, ‘a rise of Trump, Largely as a consequence of the uous manner. order is’ has emerged lack of consensus even on what a liberal and global com- (Leonard 2017). There is a growing perception mentary liberal dominance is ending, and that the era of Western is dawning. At the same time, to world order that a post-Western double movement is in motion, right- the extent that a Polanyian increasing in dominance, and wing ideological manifestations are wars, but also to a glob- may be paving the way not only to trade al repetition of the 20 ing and constituting society as a market – understood through – understood through society as a market ing and constituting rational choice theorythe categories of neoclassical economics, prevalent but is now and business studies – has not only become granted in numerous everyday for largely taken practices. Inter Rather, the reality involves complex multi-path developmental multi-path developmental involves complex the reality Rather, that can be interwovenprocesses or contradictory in numerous reason it is thus clear that the new double ways. Also for this only but can come about semi-automatically, movement will not argument here is through transformative praxis. The be realized can devel- the Left is dependent on whether it that the future of that be- transformative praxis: the process op this kind of global decades. several well take gan in the 1990s may en- extended and institutionally more ety is spatially more 19 trenched than in the

74 Patomäki 75 edited volumes - - -fulfill- century st In this process, actors increasingly lock In this process, actors increasingly lock 6 ample of this: The belief that others (members of some out-group) are in- ample of this: The belief that others (members of some out-group) and/or unequal sustains practices of exclusion ferior or untrustworthy treatment that tend to reproduce the expected qualities and provide The idea of culture as a self-fulfilling prophecy is that actors act on the ba- The idea of culture as a self-fulfilling and others, which tends sis of beliefs they have about their environment a sociological From to reproduce those beliefs and mutual expectations. one in which the self perspective, the most interesting situation is ing prophecy is, in the beginning, a false definition of the situation but false conception come the originally a new behaviour which makes evokes true (Merton 1948: 195). Ethnic and racial prejudices provide a good ex A sense of disillusionment and hopelessness is widespread. A sense of disillusionment and hopelessness - soci sphere of intimacyLeaving the market aside, in capitalist 6 Socialism and the rational tendential direction direction tendential and the rational Socialism history in the 21 of World rent circumstances, including the collapse of ‘true’ state socialism, state socialism, including the collapse of ‘true’ rent circumstances, voters, decreasing numbers of blue collar economic globalization, Espe- and the prevalence of individualism. increased consumerism GDP growth has slowed down, while world, cially within the OECD benefitted the wealthiest.the overall developments have primarily is becoming increasingly dis- Alternative indicators tell us that GDP wellbeing. Unemployment connected from sustainable welfare or it was during the social has of late been, on average, higher than conditions of employment democratic (and state socialist) era, and 2018). precarious (Patomäki have become ever-more the more neoliberalized, The more deeply the world has become The language of everycommonsensical neoliberalism has become. - workplace borrows increas- day practices at home, school and the corporations and media, ingly from the prevailing discourses of Overwhelmingeven if sometimes only ironically. evidence seems It is ‘the only game in town’. to support the idea that neoliberalism through has become a culture that is being reproduced expectations. self-fulfilling ety where marketization prevails, people relate to one another in- prevails, people ety where marketization the through to other ends such as profits), strumentally (as means which is by buying or selling labour power, commodity form and work-related of power within the firm, and in the basis of relations power to Socialism started to lose its generally. organizations more – even if only in a qualified marketization inspire when it accepted (or at least necessary)form – as a desirable the cur direction under - cial situations strongly encouraging (if not enforcing) behaviour in line that informs with the atomistic and amoral logic of homo economicus those theories in the first place. For discussions about the performative et.al.role of economics, see MacKenzie (2007). evidence for the original belief. Similarly, many neoliberal practices and in- neoliberal many Similarly, evidence for the original belief. economics, theories of stitutional arrangements are based on neoclassical rational and public choice, and related theories of organizations (e.g. New Public Management) that impose an economistic logic upon a variety so In the course of this self-reinforcing process, various layers of process, various layers of self-reinforcing In the course of this to disappear once pow- A sense of hopelessness should start - which may also be positions, into particular epistemic themselves Over time, of being and agency. of their mode come constitutive it to the extent that learning may lead to pathological this process – less openness learning capacity reduction in collective involves a and hard- – and a narrowing of power to surprises and discoveries briefly explained above). ening of the will (as of the collective memoryillusion, such as narcissism only (actors in the their own unique success or suffering see themselves and mirror of history) evil (neo- a Manichean dualism of good and and are seen as what is good and deviations from it liberalism defines also begin to play an a more or lesser degree), approaching evil to simultaneously. things happen role. Two increasingly important prob- will, the more there are recurring For a hardened neoliberal differences, resistance and lems and apparent threats as well as will – vision to impose one’s conflicts, the more there are reasons society – even against resis- of a free, efficient and just market remains the option of tance. For the discontent masses, there action is motivated by populist identity politics. Instead of hope, hatred of ‘X’, prob- which is allegedly responsible for the current lems. ‘X’ denotes an abstract social position that can be filled in in - (X could also be seen as an empty signifi principle with anything faces off the ‘people’ er). Whereas the basic populist antagonism in contemporaryand the ‘elite’, ‘developed’ world contexts the also include refugees, guilty others and associated groups usually political and cultural immigrants, Islamists, Greens and leftists, media. elites, and the ‘mainstream’ erful reinterpretations of contemporary conditions demonstrate have sought that alternatives do, in fact, and Podemos exist. Syriza populism in theory and in (Laclau) inspiration from left-wing

76 Patomäki 77 edited volumes century Axel world politics and economy. Hon- st (2017) is a step in this direction. The The Idea of Socialism (2017) is a step in this direction. The If socialism is to regain its power to inspire, its fundamental its fundamental If socialism is to regain its power to inspire, While we must fundamentally exclude any certainty about the any While we must fundamentally exclude principles and conceptions must be rearticulated in relation to the in relation to the principles and conceptions must be rearticulated conditions of 21 practice (in Latin America). A number of leftist intellectuals have in- of leftist intellectuals A number Latin America). practice (in but also to what is happening not only to explain Polanyi voked future. The idea is about a different for being hopeful give reasons protect itself is bound to we know that society Polanyi that from that one change will be and it seems certain against the market; one. But this is veryfollowed by a different abstract. as Expressed historical development or in mechanical a conviction in inevitable interpre- the pendulum, the ‘double movement’ metaphors such as as a conjuncture can all too easily be criticized tation of the current which is The vision of MMT is more concrete, mere dream or desire. politi- for its gaining popularity among leftist probably the reason at pin- aiming as a concrete utopian exercise, cians. It can be read in modern possibility inherent non-actualized, pointing a real, but emancipa- inspiring grounded hope to inform capitalist states, thus it also has a utopian side: the Bhaskar 2010: 84). But tory praxis (cf. emerges almost as a power of the central bank to create money making national social democracykind of deus ex machina possible the good is a socialist vision, however, for again. Paradoxically even society, market equated with more money in a capitalist and foremost,though this money is intended, first for public spending. final state of the process, ‘we must welcome all proposals that are somehow committed to freeing producers from constraints and concept of social freedom entails that individual freedoms can be individual freedoms can be concept of social freedom entails that of coexistence in solidari- made to coincide with the requirement The idea is to free the human subjects as bearers of progress ty. negative determinations, from dependencies and mere external and together on the subject and to enable them to reason freely question of how to The of their aims in an autonomous manner. - social freedom in various spheres of social life, includ best realize can be based on experimen- ing – and especially – the ‘economic’, tation with different combinations of institutional arrangements and mechanisms. neth’s neth’s - - - As already argued, in practice it is difficult to make even a As already argued, in practice it is difficult to make 7 Honneth notes that, given the prevailing consciousness and political economy dynamics, the progressive democratic socialist project is torn be- omy dynamics, the progressive democratic socialist of the prevail- disregarding many (cosmopolitanism, tween avant-gardism and populism (nationalism and various an- ing sentiments and identities) tagonisms, disregarding the real world-historical conditions of increasing He concludes that the democratic and socialist project social freedoms). local action but ‘socialism must take on a global scale, must be organized (ibid.: 103). where-ever possibilities for collective action are clearly visible’ The socialist doctrine must therefore progress along with this must therefore progress along with The socialist doctrine tendency re- international interdependence by no longer toward - in its experimental search for possibili specting national borders seen, freedom. And because, as we have ties of expanding social must somehowthe initiative for such experimental explorations this initiative wouldcome from the democratic public sphere, in order to be able to standsoon need to be transnationalized 2017, 100) up to opposing international forces. (Honneth would soon need to be ‘initiative point is that any The key 7 mation in the wider community. Political community can no longer community can Political community. mation in the wider with the nation-state: be merely associated in order to be able to stand up to opposing inter transnationalized situational experimentation national forces’. The wider context of concerns world poli- with various possibilities of social organization . This wider context tics and the governance of world economy and itself be democ must be made conducive to experimentation ratized. - as free con them to view themselves thus enabling dependencies, satisfyingto the task of equally tributors all members the needs of be fulfilled in reciprocity’ task that can only a (Honneth of society, social differentiated society, in a functionally However, 2017, 69). field of only the historically separated freedoms do not concern the ‘economy’, both also social freedoms but, just as importantly, will for and in the processes of democratic in the intimate sphere moderate and cautious turn towards a more social-democratic di- moderate and cautious turn towards experimental goals – un- rection – not to mention more ambitious - or worldwide move European less there is a broader transnational, ment behind it. There is no automatic or mechanical ‘double movement’; instead, world history depends on agency, and this on a

78 Patomäki 79 edited volumes - - - There is nothing inevitable in world history:There is nothing inevitable - it is both open-end reasoning about social Ethical and political learning concerns global (as opposed to local) scale. The discrepancy opposed to local) global (as - between territo can be best over is an obstacle that and global capital rial states - And while, for ex politics. democratic-socialist come by globalizing economic orthodox in criticizing the theorists are right ample, MMT theory and prevailing ideas about budgetary constraints, they tend - possibilities inherent in the national money-issu to exaggerate the for orga- bank and downplay potentials ing powers of the central or global scale. on a European nizing similar powers inon agency. In a given situation, understood ed and dependent be a ratio- processes, there can nonetheless terms of wide historical reasons rational because there are good nal tendential direction: for it, to because some real forces have a capacity and tendential world historytake direction. Three elements of ra- in that particular of world history.tionality constitute the tendential directionality falsehoods and attitudes thatThe first is truth, involving criticism of overcoming contradictionssustain falsehoods. The second concerns institutions, such as thosethrough collective action and common Keynes at the level of the world economy as a whole. identified by adequate common in- Contradictions can be overcome by building systems, but the emergentstitutions such as clearing unions or tax – in- be most adequate? institutions would what question – Exactly Thus, the third elementvolves ethical and political considerations. and our capacityof rationality involves normative universalizability social freedom belongs here,to resolve social conflicts. The idea of be universalizable: everyonefor the idea is that real freedom must their aims and each per has equal concrete possibilities for realizing of others for with the self-realization concerned son is, ideally, non-instrumental reasons. the cognitive scheme of rules and principles. The more adequate for resolving conflicts, the reasoning is for human cooperation and of gener consideration is the degree a key better it is. Normatively, alizability – indicating acceptability and stability of judgements in differentiated and complex multi-actor contexts – and the related capacity for abstract role-taking. The self learns to assume the role reasoning is more differen- and perspective of others. Higher-stage tiated (implying a more nuanced understanding of social realities) -

8 Here I am most indebted to Lawrence Kohlberg (1981), see especially (1981), Here I am most indebted to Lawrence Kohlberg and Commit the Naturalistic Fallacy Is to Ought: How to Chapters “From Development” and “The with It in the Study of Moral Get Away Claim to Moral Adequacy died in of a Highest Stage of Moral Judgment”. Kohlberg 1987, but subsequent research has largely confirmed, method-inde pendently, the existence of a common scheme of development of moral pendently, reasoning and judgement, across a and related social perspective-taking, variety of cultural and politico-economic contexts. The basic thrust of the argument outlined in his chapter sug- The basic thrust of the argument outlined and identities While it is true that the prevailing sentiments Cosmopolitan democratic socialism is thus reliant on process- is thus reliant democratic socialism Cosmopolitan 8 and more integrated (implying symmetry integrated (implying and more than consistence) and stages. that of prior Conclusions ex- from being gests (in terms of pathos) a political narrative. Far hausted as a project, a grand task awaits the Left. Social freedom Existingcan be increased. Obstacles can be removed. global politi- problems can be resolved cal economy contradictions and global and by building more ade- by means of rational collective actions process towards qualitative- quate common institutions. A learning develop regional and global ly higher levels of reflexivity can help to involve actions are likely transformative agency. Thus, collective new forms of political agency- (Pa such as global political parties The Left must be bold and declare that there tomäki 2011; 2019a). historyis a rational tendential direction of world toward something that,akin to democratic global Keynesianism in turn, will enable new syntheses concerning processes of decommodification and nexus, in the spirit of social experimentation. the market/social populist framings and and political economy dynamics support - made be more fa contexts can be learning, and social es of moral these remain fairly abstract However, vourable to such learning. - praxis has to be processu inspire hope, transformative notions. To and directional, involving political programs al, developmental specifying forms must aims and concrete utopias. Its organizational must these requirements; its means and ends be compatible with be consistent.

80 Patomäki 81 edited volumes - It would be a mistake to conclude that, because developments It would be a mistake are not smooth and linear, and because many developments seem and because many are not smooth and linear, regressive or chaotic, to there is no rational tendential direction world history. The main idea is that accumulation of relatively small changes in specific areas can lead to ruptures and (‘quantitative’) changes’) in others, as issues sudden transformations (‘qualitative After reaching a critical point, changes fa- and processes are linked. mutually (self-)reinforc vouring a particular direction can become antagonistic identity politics, it is also noteworthy that right-wing that right-wing it is also noteworthy identity politics, antagonistic generations, fails to attract younger populism usually nationalist of a better belief in the possibility they lack hope and even when - ethical and po is room for further indicates that there future. This idea of transformative global agencylitical learning. The must different social classes: ‘this is a wide rational appeal across make of for us to do!’. In addition to the perceptions what is reasonable small planet,shared risks on our injustices and the acute sense of a what is important is that there is also power, and asymmetries of vi- tendential – direction. This is a left-wing positive – rational and possi- optimism and ambition about our future sion that can inspire - this vision must involve political pro truly inspire hope, bilities. To grams specifying- concrete utopias (with both being sub aims and and compatible politi- A series of feasible jected to critical debate). and forged into a cal economy reforms can be put together transformations. Some strategy of democratic global Keynesian steps forward level, such as can also be achieved at the regional and in specific functional areas. within the EU, ing, and this should also be their deliberate purpose. Asing, and this should also be their deliberate a result will come to be replaced one world-historical developmental path and its increasingly This will be the end of neoliberalism by another. and the beginning of some- regressive and dangerous aftermath, something that can both facilitate new emancipatory thing better, across a variety of social experiments pertaining to social freedom out planetarycontexts and make future more sustainable. - Cultural Evolution. People’s Motivations Are Changing, and and Changing, Are Motivations People’s Evolution. Cultural publishes full accounts as it tries to shake off links between its leaders and off links between its leaders and as it tries to shake publishes full accounts 2 Mar 2015, revolutionary Telegraph Latin American regimes”. The Daily available at https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/ worldnews/europe/ spain/11444876/Podemos-struggles-to-rebuff-Venezuela-link.html. 1994). Hartwig. Routledge (originally published in new introduction by M. . MacMillan. Perspectives and Historical Theoretical Inflation. . Oxford University Press. Economy the Global Press. . The Free and Control University Press. of Europe. Yale and the Future Greece . Cambridge University Press. the World Reshaping . Trans. Frederick Lawrence. MIT Press. Frederick tures. Trans. Advantage. Oxford University Press. of Comparative tional Foundations 9 Feb 2015, available at https://www. The Guardian and Podemos”. - theguardian.com/commentisfree/ 2015/feb/09/ernesto-laclau-intellectu al-figurehead-syriza-podemos. Press. Polity Publicsamong Western . Princeton University Press. References Books. Penguin H.C. Lawson-Tancred, . Trans. The Art of Rhetoric Aristotle. 1991. link. Podemos Venezuela struggles to rebuff “Podemos Badcock, James. 2015. . With a and their Resolution Etc. of Philosophy 2010. Plato Problems Roy. Bhaskar, and Burdekin, Richard C.K., (eds.). 1996. Distributional Conflict Burkett and Paul in of Capitalism Varieties Systems: Clark, Barry. 2016. The Evolution of Economic . Cambridge University Press. Order to World 1996. Approaches Robert W. Cox, Press. . Polity Crouch, Colin. 2004. Post-Democracy Deutsch, Karl. 1963. The Nerves Communication of Government. Models of Political of The Destruction to the Poisoned Chalice: Galbraith, James K. 2016. Welcome Lec of Modernity: Twelve Discourse Habermas, Jürgen. 1987. The Philosophical - The Institu of Capitalism: A.,Hall, Peter and David Soskice (ed.). 2001. Varieties Dan. 2015. “WhyLaclau is the intellectual figurehead for Syriza Ernesto Hancox, A. to Serfdom. University of Chicago Press. Hayek, Friedrich The Road 1944. by J.Ganahl. . Trans. a Renewal Honneth, Axel. 2017. The Idea of Socialism. Towards Styles and Political Changing Values Inglehart, Revolution: Ronald. 1977. The Silent Inglehart,2018. Ronald.

82 Patomäki 83 edited volumes - - - - - edition. Bristol edition. Bristol rd Classical Press (Bloomsbury Academic). . Princeton University Press. of Economics On the Performativity Markets? vindicates it.”of money: A note on how quantitative easing Journal of Post 40 (2), 260-271. Economics Keynesian ing) Union”, the fourth draft given to Ministers on February 11, 1942. In: J. to Ministers on February the fourth draft given ing) Union”, 11, 1942. In: J. Monetary Fund 1945-1965: (ed.). 1969. The International Horsefield Keith III: Documents. Volume Monetary Cooperation. of International Years Twenty DC: Monetary International 9–18. Washington Fund, 1(2), 9-14. Alethia 1165–1181. . Oxford, Oxford University Press. nomic Paths to Peace 193-210. . Pluto. World a Post-Neoliberal for Sovereignty ledge. February on Euronews.com, Posted 28, available at www.euSyndicate, - ronews.com/2017/02/28/view-will-the-liberal-order-survive-if-so-which-ver sion. 35 (2), 115-154. and Conflict of Global Governance.” Cooperation ic System book review essay on M.J.Ryner: Restructuring, Globalisation “Capitalist - and Con Cooperation Lessons from the Swedish Model”. and the Third Way. 38 (2), 175-78. flict Keynes, John Maynard. 1969. “Proposals for an International Currency for an International 1969. “Proposals John Maynard. (or Clear Keynes, Do Economists Make Make Siu. 2007. Do Economists Muniesa, and Lucia Donald, Fabian MacKenzie, critique of the quantity theory Maria Cristina. 2017. “TheMarcuzzo, ‘Cambridge’ Eco and International Relations. Keynes Markwell, Donald. 2006. John Maynard . Verso. On Populist Reason Laclau, Ernesto. 2005. theory 1998. “Discourse vs. Critical Realism”. Bhaskar. Laclau, Ernesto, and Roy 42 (2), Journal of Economics as money”. 2018. “Debt Cambridge Lawson, Tony. . Rout Issues in Social Ontology 2019. The Nature of Social Reality. Lawson, Tony. 8 (2), Merton, Robert K. prophecy”. 8 (2), 1948. “The Review The Antioch self-fulfilling the State: A Progressive Vision of 2017. Reclaiming Mitchell, Bill, and Thomas Fazi. Envisaging a Social/Democrat Heikki. 2000. “Beyond Nordic Nostalgia: Patomäki, Leonard, Mark. 2017. “Will the liberal order survive? If so, which version?” Project Leonard, Mark. 2017. “Will Project the liberal order survive? If so, which version?” Theory. 3 2007. After Virtue. A Study in Moral MacIntyre, Alasdair. Patomäki, Heikki. 2003. “Explaining the rise and decline of the Swedish model”. A Heikki. 2003. “ExplainingPatomäki, of the Swedish model”. A the rise and decline

. [Neoliberalism in Finland. A Brief History in Finland. A Brief . [Neoliberalism vaihtoehdot Alterna- and Future WSOY. tives]. . Routledge. Governance and Changes in Global 4 (2), 81-102. Available at http://www.ethicsandglobalpolitics.net/index.4 (2), 81-102. Available php/egp/article/view/7334. 11 (5), 751–768. tury: movement?” Globalizations double A Polanyian . Routledge. and Conflicts February 2019, available at https://www.greattransition.org/ publication/ Republished by OpenDemocracy at https://www.world-political-party. opendemocracy.net/en/can-europe-make-it/time-for-world-political-party- has-come/ in March 2019. Economy”. Applied and In R.Poli (ed.) Handbook of Anticipation. Theoretical 555-580. Aspects of the Use of Future in Decision Making, Springer, blog, 1.1.2020, available at https:// New Europe Brave ible Alternative?”, braveneweurope.com/heikki-patomaki-modern-monetary-theory-populist-rhetoric-or-a-credible-alternative. . Beacon Press (orig. published 1944). of Our Time ment of the global debt movement. A North-South dialogue.” Civil Society 28, January Number and Social Movements Programme Paper Gene- 2007, available at http://www.unrisd.org/ 80256B3C005BCCF9/ va: UNRISD, (httpAuxPages)/2A35FE558DCA39A0C12572C9002F6D79/$file/Reyes.pdf The University of Chicago Press. er. Uusliberalismi Suomessa. Lyhyt historia ja tulevaisuuden historia ja tulevaisuuden Suomessa. Lyhyt 2007. Uusliberalismi Heikki. Patomäki, Future Crises War, Security. of Global Economy Heikki. 2008. The Political Patomäki, Ethics Politics Parties.” & Global Global Political Heikki. 2011. “Towards Patomäki, Patomäki, Heikki. 2014. “On the dialectics of global governance in the 21st cen- the dialectics of global governance Heikki. 2014. “On Patomäki, Exits Economy: Political Global in Tendencies Heikki. 2018. Disintegrative Patomäki, GTI essay, world political party: the time has come.” Heikki. 2019a. “A Patomäki, in Economics and Political Heikki. 2019b. “Reflexivity of Anticipations Patomäki, Heikki. 2020. “Modern MonetaryPatomäki, Theory Rhetoric Or A Cred- Populist – 14 (1), 127-132. Ann. 2017. “Brexit and its consequences.” Globalizations Pettifor, Origins and Economic The Political Karl. 1957. The Great Transformation. Polanyi, 2007. “The and Katarina Sehm-Patomäki. rise and develop- Yovana, Reyes Tagle, - K.McLaughlin and D.Pellau . Trans. vol. 1 and Narrative, 1984. Time Paul. Ricoeur, . Basil Blackwell. to Modern Economics Robinson, Joan. 1980. Further Contributions

84 Patomäki 85 edited volumes - . Oxford University Press. . Oxford University Economy World . Routledge. Model from the Swedish Lessons Press.

lishment. The Bodley Head. MacMillan. . Palgrave Monetary Systems Sovereign Capitalist Restructuring, Globalisation and the Third Way. Way. and the Third Globalisation Restructuring, 2002. Capitalist Magnus. Ryner, Crisis. Oxford University Conflict, Competition, 2016. Capitalism: Shaikh, Anwar. Deep Estab with Europe’s 2017. Adults Battle My In The Room: Yanis. Varoufakis, The Globalization Paradox. Democracy and the Future of the Paradox. Democracy 2011. The Globalization Rodrik, Dani. the Future of the and Modern Money Theory. A Primer on Macroeconomics for L. A Primer on Macroeconomics for Wray, Randall. 2012. Modern Money Theory. VASSILIS K. FOUSKASVASSILIS University of East London University University of East London of East University ROY-MUKHERJEE SHAMPA

86 Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 87 edited volumes - - One of the most cherished myths of the ‘ThirdOne of the most cherished that remains Way’ democracy is that social in Britain and Europe had to change and neoliberal agenda because supply-side embrace aspects of the policy of globalization and constraints laid out by the process in the integration were insurmountable. Similarly, European of wake the global financial crisis and the crisis, eurozone this arguing that “There austerity, form of the Left embraced Is No the branch of more sophisticated, (TINA). Another, Alternative” as at a the fieldEU Left oflooked socialist action for the imple- challenge We agenda. Keynesian full-fledged a mentation of Third Way argue that the neo-revisionist these false realisms. We for important are which of two counts, several on failed has Left our purposes here. First, being con- restructuring, and not just capitalism, strained by the new contours of global and national Second, by has always been an organic part of the supply-side. – a disciplinar embracing the austerity agenda of ordoliberalism ian form of neoliberalism put forth by German-Austrian intellec ian form of neoliberalism put forth by German-Austrian – that had been inserted into the EU tuals and policy-makers its constituency lost Left this (ordoliberal) by Germany, Treaties - xeno of the rise the to directly contributing attractiveness, and phobic Right across Europe. - Keynesian ordoliberalism, neoliberalism, Way, Third : Keywords ism, financialization/globalization Abstract The rise and fall of and fall The rise Left in Europe the ordoliberal - - The global financial crisis, which trickled down to the euro- The global financial crisis, which trickled For some time now, a well-informed argument has seen the has seen the argument a well-informed time now, some For convergence of the Third Way Blairite Left with the neoliberal Left with the neoliberal Blairite of the Third Way convergence Left ad- supply-side economics as follows: the Right buttressing opted all major policy of capi- tenets abiding by the constraints having and neoliberal globalization because, talist restructuring policy adapt; Keynesian no choice, it had to instruments could no the realis- at the nation-state level, hence longer be operational ‘rights’ New Left programmatic agenda of tic adoption of the on the ‘rule of law’,and ‘freedoms’, centred of com- ‘promotion privatizations’, ‘flexible labour mar and healthy petitive markets kets’ and so on. In other words, social democrats in Britain and democrats in Britain and and so on. In other words, social kets’ the a sensible neo-revisionist path from elsewhere pursued strategy from national 1980s onwards, when they shifted their to the embrace of the new constraints imposed by Keynesianism Europe and the capitalism in the new phase of financialized was the famous U-turn of world. A landmark case in this respect Mitterrand, unable 1983, when Francois socialists in the French in the EMS, compete with Germany and had to defend the Franc program (Sassoon to devalue and abandon his nationalization one of the itself, Party 1996, 534-71). The Italian Communist Left in Euro-communist most precious laboratories of the radical changed its name and identity in 1989-1991 not because Europe, but because of the of the collapse of ‘really existing socialism’ and global European changing contours of capitalism at national, levels (Fouskas 1998). transatlantic banking sector (Lapa- via the inter-connected zone followers of this type of ar vitsas et al. 2010, 1-35), caught the Left, gument, by surprise. As including the reformed Third Way - in Eu model of capitalism long as the neoliberal financialized Left faced no the Third Way rope and the world was doing well, in, blowing up the entire major problems. Once the crisis kicked transatlantic financial system at its core, triggering one of the greatest systemic depressions in modern capitalism, Third Way politics and rhetoric lost their attractiveness. This happened not just because austerity cynically the burden of the transferred Introduction: Flawed realisms Flawed Introduction:

88 Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 89 edited volumes - - (1852). The effects of of Brumaire (1852). The effects th Despite the havoc inflicted on societies by the crisis of neo- Despite the havoc inflicted on societies of the Left, another more sophisticated branch at However, crisis to the poor and the deprived, but also because it began to because it began to but also poor and the deprived, crisis to the middle classes, tax breaks of the class privileges and erode the - bi-parti base of this neo-centrist and electoral the real political and, indeed, everysan regime; as Marx capitalist regime, point ed out long ago in his The 18 ed out long ago in the 2007-08 crisis were felt most strongly in the European pe- were felt most strongly in the European the 2007-08 crisis riphery, core transferred banking system of the as the European and Ireland via a of Southern Europe its debt onto the taxpayers of agreements, imposing a bondage regime number of bailout unparalleled in the historyausterity and discipline of the EU As 2012; Fouskas and Dimoulas 2013). (Fouskas and Dimoulas a in the social strata, failing to find expression consequence, large - and xe turned to the radical hit by austerity, neoliberal Left and nophobic Right, and although in some cases (namely Greece the support to the radical Left. they extended However, Spain) movements and parties trend of supporting extreme right-wing by new migration and is exacerbated has been much stronger, of the broader from the war zones flows coming into Europe Middle East and Central Asia. integration, one branch of the liberal globalization and European subscribe to the main tenets of neo- Left continues to Third Way seen as the only way out liberalism and its harsh austerity policy, has participated in govern- of the crisis. This branch of the Left serving market, ment as a reformist force of the capitalist the the extraction of financial needs of neoliberal globalization and creation of the financial bub- profits, thereby contributing to the ble just as much as the neoliberal Right. re-invent Euro-communism, times drawing from the tradition of crisis. What eurozone as a response to the ed Euro-Keynesianism the pro-European, It criticizes realism say? does this Euro-Left radical currents , but it also criticizes Left from the Left Third Way of the Left that insist that socialism must first start from one country and then expand whenever possible and feasible, a position articulated by Costas Lapavitsas (Lapavitsas 2018). Euro-Left realism entails: a fiscal union, a banking union, a generous in- budget – which currently stands at just 1% of crease of the EU - - The first section of this chapter outlines the key develop- the The first section of this chapter outlines This chapter places the above discussion into a differing ana- the above discussion into a differing This chapter places alism’. Whether during its initial expansion phase in 1940s and expansion phase in 1940s and Whether during its initial alism’. it received after the or during the great boost 1950s in Germany, to German of the 1970s and Mitterrand’s capitulation stagflation set in the early 1980s, or even during its first serious hegemony crisis, ordoliberalism has been by the eurozone back when shaken form of public policya stylized spearheaded by Germany’s estab- transplanted into lishment and political system and successfully By putting forth this original analytical framework, we the EU. neoliberal- show how ordoliberalism preceded Anglo-American ism, conjured up theory practice, and recruited the and political social democratic Left, transforming it into an organic component project. Neoliberalism and ordoliberalism have a of its right-wing more to An- the former applies great deal in common; however, to Germano-Austrian ones. glo-American contexts and the latter intellectual and practi- mental phases of ordoliberalism as an policy cal-political movement. The second section lays out its key overlap with those of Anglo-American tenets, which, arguably, latter stems from the scien- neoliberalism, not least because the the ordoliberal evolu- Lastly, matrix of the former. tific-historical mainly on will be examined by focusing tion of the Left in Europe The conclusion provides a the German and the British Left(s). position of the summing-up of a critique to the ‘post-Keynesian’ can be trans- Euro-Left, which believes that the Euro-system formed towards a progressive-socialist direction from within the EU’s institutional framework. the bloc’s GDP – pro-welfare reforms, official issuing of European European issuing of reforms, official GDP – pro-welfare the bloc’s in short,bonds (debt), the agenda at entire leftist Keynesian the by such aggre- is incarnated type of leftist politics level. This EU sections or large Varoufakis, Yanis the DiEM25 led by gations as in Britain, but also other left- Labour Party of Jeremy Corbyn’s some of of a social democratic stock, wing forces, not necessarily tradition. draw from the Trotskyite which arguably even Way It shows that the ‘realisms’ of the Third lytical framework. in the devel- are constitutive components Left and the Euro-Left institu- EU neoliberal project in the scope of opment of a specific for which we reservetion-building, a project ‘ordoliber the term

90 Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 91 edited volumes - - - Ordoliberalism is an intellectual and political movement and political movement is an intellectual Ordoliberalism century ‘neoliberals’/ dominated by England, Austro-German th order and an ordoliberals envisaged a social economy premised on order price mechanism economic constitution that supports a healthy and competition. Some ordoliberals opposed big cartels and mo- was that state in- nopolies. A view shared by all ordoliberal thinkers stitutions and strict legal rules are the mediums for instituting whose origins can be traced back to interwar can be traced whose origins Austria. and Germany and all-en- to re-invent an inter-disciplinary It formed an attempt of social and public policycompassing model to practical conducive policy of government away application in order to steer the course Fouskas of the 1920s (Bonefeld 2017; from the defunct liberalism and Jo- 2019; Mirowski and Plehwe 2009; Hien and Roy-Mukherjee Republic and after, of the Weimar the end erges 2017). Towards and other social economists, constitutionalists sociologists, many began work in contact with each other, scientists, not necessarily What is Ordoliberalism? ing on theoretical hypotheses drawing on liberal modern traditions drawing on liberal modern ing on theoretical hypotheses going but aiming to provide a synthesis of the previous centuries, group centred around Franz beyond those traditions. A notorious at the University of Freiburg, was based Eucken Böhm and Walter thinking to the hence the common attribution of ordoliberal reference point for ordoliberals, and the School’. The key ‘Freiburg - to be avoided, was the hy politico-economic experience that had Weimer Republic and the disorder brought of the per-inflation about by its political, nearly anarchic, pluralism. The main aim of or for in the 1930s came to be the doliberals in Austria and Germany mation of a policy proposal that goes beyond the failed classical from the prevailing para- liberalism, but which is also different - and the vogue of Keynes digms of the ‘actually existing socialism’ Deal. At the same time, ianism as incarnated in Roosevelt’s New of the German the majority of them opposed the organization the fact that the Nazis economy under the Nazi regime, despite substantially improved the country’s economic performance; as did all the dictatorial regimes in Mussolini’s fascism in Italy and, indeed, at the time. The ordoliberals were liberals but of a peculiar Europe trade liberalism of the stock: as opposed to the free market/free 19 - - The ordoliberal reconstruction of liberal doctrines was formal- The ordoliberal reconstruction of liberal the above discussion demolish- Although descriptive and brief, Ordnungsgefüge (ob- an Ordnungsgefüge and markets; political institutions ulation of termed it in , as Alfred Müller-Armack jective order constellation) and so- institutional nexus between the state 1932. This complex of law, on the ‘non-political’ disciplinarian rule cial economy draws bank mechanism central is a de-politicized at the centre of which rule an anti-inflation bias. Forms of authoritarian structured around gets out of the price mechanism, i.e. inflation, are allowed if/when are under threat. and competition This control and free markets of of ordoliberal thinking brought some fundamental principle very Nazi party close to the himself, them, such as Müller-Armack (Scheuerman theoryand Carl Schmidt’s of the ‘state of exception’ 2015). Lippmann Colloqui- to some degree in the notorious ‘Walter ized Paris, from 26 to 30 held over five days in central or Colloque, um’, August von from Friedrich August 1938. Most arch-ordoliberals, to Ludwig Wilhelm Röpke Hayek to Alexander Rüstow and from attend, but the Nazi was invited to von Mises, were there (Eucken Along to leave Germany). authorities did not give him a permission economists, and philosophers such as with businessmen, French inter launched effectively a neoliberal Raymond Aron, the Colloque but which , an effort that the war interrupted, national collective in 1947 of Mont Pelerin was to be re-launched in the Swiss resort and Plehwe 2009, 45-67). under the leadership of Hayek (Mirowski ordoliberalism/neo- Society, With the founding of the Mont Pelerin because it began to directly liberalism gained prominence simply Europe and the USA. political establishments in influence post-war the opening meeting of the Society, attended Milton Friedman of neoliberal with this attributed with aiding the systematization in the 1950s, whereas Lud- economics at the University of Chicago Germany’s Minister of Economic Affairs from wig Erhard, West - 1949 to 1963 and Chancellor from 1963 to 1966, joined Mont Pel erin in 1950. es the myth that neoliberalism is an Anglo-American phenomenon order, and not the market itself via its spontaneous mechanisms. its spontaneous mechanisms. itself via market and not the order, a and that is why and economic order undermine social Markets and a robust artic a strong state in command requires free economy

92 Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 93 edited volumes In a 1939 essay titled “The Conditions of Interstate Economic Federalism”, Hayek presented a blueprint on how a European fed- Hayek presented a blueprint on how a European Federalism”, impediments to the free eration could work by way of removing as he put it (Hayek movement of “men, goods, and capital”, place, Hayek wrote, is in 1939/1947). As long as a ‘single market’ production costs across the prices and wages would tend to match continent. All that would be needed to achieve a balanced price be a federal regulatorysystem without state interference would – and even eliminate – framework whose aim would be to reduce support for domestic indus- state interference, undermining state tries and eliminating independent monetary policies. Effectively, framework of rules Hayek advocated the setting-up of a liberal in order to eliminate the power of nation states, across Europe making them instead serve liberal-federal’ rules. From ‘interstate this perspective, national currencies and sovereignties disappear. the ‘framework’ envisaged by Hayek adumbrates nothing Arguably, of more and nothing less than the binding neo-ordoliberal Treaties mechanism, eliminate the which, in a single market the EEC/EC/EU, In this power of the nation states that signed up to those Treaties. stemming from the theories of Milton Friedman and implemented and of Milton Friedman from the theories stemming re- and the USA Reagan in Britain Thatcher and Ronald by Margaret more complex, and are rather far in the 1980s. Matters spectively that grounds to argue reasonable historical authors have many in inform of ordoliberalism as it was shaped neoliberalism, in the terwar economics and Austria, preceded the neo-classical Germany n (Kiely 2018, 35-94). Hence, Anglo-America of the Chicago School of ordo- from the Germano-Austrian matrix neoliberalism resulted policy vice versa. Thus, both movements and liberalism, and not ordoliberals things in common, although proposals share many and emphasis upon the role of institutions tend to place greater (An- whereas and de-politicizing capacity via law, their disciplinarian as disruptive and see free markets neoliberals do not glo-American) here that, For our purposes others, aim at show- among disorderly. was transposed onto ing the way in which German ordoliberalism of Rome, the most treaties over the decades since the Treaty EU theorysignificant contributions to ordoliberal and practice, espe- and Europe, Germany cially as regards the construction of post-war are those of Hayek and Müller-Armack. - In post-war (West) Germany, Müller-Armack was directly in- Müller-Armack Germany, (West) In post-war it is important that one begins understand Marktwirtschaft To der can exist and thrive, was of utmost importance. der can exist and thrive, policyvolved in shaping economic to the and directly contributing project.European He, under the command of the German Minister of Economic Affairs, Erhard, was Germany’s chief negotiator in the - of Rome, which proclaims without hesitation “the establish Treaty is not distorted in the ment of a regime ensuring that competition facilitating an increase in the “competitive common market”, considered a factor this end, state aid, strength of enterprises”. To to be pro- was the market, that distorts the price mechanism and established the basic economic Having scribed by the 1957 Treaty. servicesliberties (free movement of people, capital, and goods), economy’ notion, the ‘social market constitutionalized the Treaty already in , put forth by the German negotiator Marktwirtschaft represents of Rome, Marktwirtschaft the Treaty since 1932. Ever , which is effective- acquis the most fundamental aspect of Europe’s Court of ly the EU’s Constitution, today endorsed by the European and the Council. Justice and upheld by the Commission divided into classes and to understand society not as an organism – in fact,constantly permeated by class struggle a Marxist would class struggle – but as an on- argue that classes exists only through , whether individual or entrepre- tology premised on competition ex- and Willgerodt 1989, 16-39). Müller-Armack neurial (Peacock is ‘social’ because it pleases the choices of the plained that market consumer and puts pressure, through competition, on enterprises to improve productivity and quality of the and workers respect, monetary federal is paramount: interstate sovereignty interest bank liquidity and central dictate that a state’s principles bank that sits outside central by the federation’s rate is determined loss of this indicates Clearly, proper. of that state the jurisdiction monetary which is a fundamental aspect of national sovereignty, be- time, it indicates democratic deficit At the same sovereignty. above any central bank mechanism is over and cause the federated and struggle social by unassailable check, and control socio-political Hayek that occur within the modern state. For political pressures of in- the price mechanism, that is, the control and the ordoliberals, or of rules within which a competitive flation and the framework

94 Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 95 edited volumes - - - - However, indi- However, 1 analysis of ordoliberalism as biopolitics (Foucault 1979/2010, 33-178). This aspect is analysed brilliantly by Michel Foucault in his pioneering This aspect is analysed brilliantly by Michel Foucault in his pioneering In the beginning, ordoliberals were faced by a couple of seri- In the beginning, ordoliberals were faced 1 vidualism is something to be constructed and not left to the spon- vidualism is something to be constructed In this respect, Mark taneous mechanism of free markets. directly opposes the Keynesian welfare state and social- twirtschaft directly opposes the Keynesian because economics. However, faire ist alternatives, as well as laissez welfare state in Germany, of the embeddedness of the Bismarckian the or the Cold War, an embeddedness that persisted throughout with this policydoliberals had more success in Europe notion, in itself. the long run, than in Germany and 1960s. especially during the 1950s ous obstacles in Europe, the dominant position of Above all, they had to come to grips with policy-makingKeynesian its variations – within the nation – with all states and the virtuous cycle of capitalist development – the so- to the early (1945-1970). Due Age of Capitalism’ called ‘Golden integration, ordoliberals had to stages of the process of European , especial- with the principle of Marktwirtschaft a compromise strike despite having problems matching the who, ly with the French (D-Mark) in the common dominant position of the German Mark away national power with- were extremely hesitant to give market, mechanism rate) out surrendering the D-Mark in an (exchange end-product to be consumed. Keynesians and socialists criticized socialists criticized and Keynesians to be consumed. end-product - social co such a postulate undermines that this by counter-arguing nor ‘socialist’ (Dar be neither ‘social’ solidarity and can hesion and dot and Laval 2013, 90-1). Müller-Armack responded by saying that responded 2013, 90-1). Müller-Armack dot and Laval economy, notion of a liberal is not the same as the Marktwirtschaft and represents a col- is desired by society because Marktwirtschaft a social machine in need of a regulatorylective choice. It is eco- a fair because this type of regulation orders nomic constitution, enterprises and checks the price mechanism. competition between at form- interference aims In addition, this regulation-institutional expect for their actions, not individuals ing individuals responsible In benefits at the expense of the taxpayer. ing to receive welfare effect, of the individual as treats the interests Marktwirtschaft and the enterprise. the market identical to those of - - Neverthe 2 It was de Gaulle’s France that initially proposed a common currency. This currency. that initially proposed a common France It was de Gaulle’s Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, who in Finance Minister, was through de Gaulle’s counterpart,March 1964 made such a proposal to his German Kurt this sort of This came as a surprise to the Germans but Schmücker. through to the semi-structured and rather secret meeting continued Monetary (EMS) 1970s, when eventually an abortive European System was established. Germany’s was un- objection throughout had been that it able to give up its currency- without first putting in place a political (Euro primary union. De Gaulle’s aim was to undermine the dominant po- pean) sition of the dollar as a reserve and he further wished to con- currency, who Henry geo-politically. with the Soviet Union nect Europe Kissinger, was already Germany could see the dominant economic position (West) would de Gaulle how France asked assuming within the common market, from dominating the continent.prevent Germany The General’s answer ” (Dyson and Featherstone 1999, 131-336; Varoufakis guerre! was: “Par la 2016, 20-56). A few conclusions can be drawn from this before we return to A few conclusions can be drawn from 2 less, the ordoliberals had left an important imprint on the common on the common an important imprint had left less, the ordoliberals from the very governing structures and its subsequent market be- - did not evolve in re of the EU that the institutions ginning: given life be- and political-social pressures – its sponse to class struggle and output and coal which controlled prices gan as a cartel of steel bureaucracyby means of an unelected – it enjoyed all the requi- norms at a governing aggregation of rules and sites to develop into model the Germano-Austrian ordoliberal a later stage, resembling points were the collapse of Keynesianism of capitalism. The turning - accompanied by high infla (economic stagnation in the stagflation when, Mitterrand’s U-turn in 1983 of the 1970s and Francois tion) with the D-Mark in the EMS,unable to compete his he abandoned to the single mar and committed France nationalization program and the launch (1991-2) the Maastricht Treaty that adumbrated ket the Growth and Stability in 1999 (2001 for Greece), of the Euro repre- by the Council’s resolution in 1997, which Pact, formalized rules. set of ordoliberal sented a near-comprehensive our analyses of the Left. First, important to understand that it is of a Germano-Austrian ordoliberalism, as a systematic elaboration Europe, preceded An- in continental thought collective neoliberal practice. This is highly signifi- glo-American neoliberal thought and cant, because due to the linkages between ordoliberalism and poli- capitalist development cy-making, the German model of post-war providing currencyproviding market. across the common stability

96 Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 97 edited volumes - - - of the 1970s shattered the Keynesian consen- of the 1970s shattered the Keynesian The stagflation The second major point that needs to be made is that the con- The second major point that needs to sus across Europe. This historical process enthroned ordoliberalism This historical process enthroned ordoliberalism sus across Europe. Act of 1986-87 and the in the Single European formalized in power, a tri- is to be considered Treaty The Maastricht Maastricht Treaty. - lev at the European umph of the Germano-Austrian ordoliberalism dominant power of German el, and represents the structural and a stable cur being a surplus state with From capitalism in Europe. - that British capi neoliberal elements a number of accommodated in Britain Neoliberalism triumphed not yet considered. talism had Thatcher’s of Margaret with the advent in 1979; rise to power employed a policyThatcher of ‘shock therapy’, similar to a kind de- capacity of the countrystroying the industrial a social and building of financial serviceseconomy on the dominance banks. In and the ordoliberal-cum-neoliberal full-fledged a to transition the Germany, - it was orderly and did not resort to de longer, process took much industrial capacity of the country.struction of the exporting During dominance was a constant fight between the there the Cold War, both in the advancement of ordoliberalism and of Keynesianism represented Marktwirtschaft Müller-Armack’s and Europe. Germany poli- of compromises with Keynesian an unstable equilibrium cy-making nationalized centrality of the welfare state and and the industry. rency during the Cold War, Germany came to institutionalize its pri- came to institutionalize Germany rency during the Cold War, launch of harking the macy of Treaties through a number in Europe a single currency Central Bank modelled after the and a European (Lapavitsas had miscalculated the French Bundesbank. Obviously, 2018, 5-9): the single currency they proposed in the 1960s turned the watchful eye of a strict out to be a camouflaged D-Mark under Central Bank, commit European ly independent and ‘de-politicized’ same as the Bundesbank. A ted to anti-inflation policies – much the commitment was that surplus countries, such as Germany, Treaty as Italy or Greece. could not bail-out debtor countries, such had been an anti-socialist project from the verystruction of the EU as the project was unfurled through the es- beginning. Importantly, tablishment of a binding ordoliberal framework of rules and norms undermining state sovereignty – Hayek’s blueprint – those signing up to those rules and norms were effectively entering an ‘iron -

- 3 Sound money and anti-inflation policies Sound money and of bailouts and exclusion Balanced budgets and (fair) competition policyAnti-trust legislation of the central bank mechanism Complete independence growth Export-led and biopolitics through Mark social discipline Rule of law, twirtschaft framework (the ‘economic constitu- Strong institutional – free markets embedded in – and ordering tion’) It should be emphasized again that all of these policyIt should be emphasized tenets represent material constraints and constitutional commitments, and are inserted in national polities to ad- thereby binding all EU/eurozone Treaties, the EU here to them. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 1. parties are agencies that always operate within a giv- Political 7. Constitution of the Having said this, the economic and political 3 cage’ from which it was almost impossible to escape (Ryner 2015, to escape (Ryner was almost impossible from which it cage’ policy- tenets of ordoliberal the key Stemming from this, 275-294). are as follows: from our analyses as they result ism/neoliberalism The making of the ordoliberal Left: A bird’s-eye glimpse Left: A bird’s-eye The making of the ordoliberal laid out by national and en set of material-institutional constraints At the same time, as ac international class structures and interests. EU is but a supply-side Constitution, overturning the demand-led EU struck within the nation democratic constitutional arrangements under pressures arising from social struggle. From states of Europe has always had a ‘democratic deficit’, a this perspective, the EU drawback transformed into straightforward authoritarianism as (Fouskas and the horizon soon as the banking crisis appeared upon Gökay 2019). struggle – and this is valid es- tive participants of social and political are in a position, at least in pecially for the parties of the Left – they theory, to push the boundaries of those constraints, bringing them parties are committed to. closer to the class interests that these The Right has a moral and class obligation to push the boundaries

98 Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 99 edited volumes - - The question of social 4 governmental power. A accept the distinction between state power and governmental We power but without controlling key party may be in governmental left-wing such as the Ministry or of Defence sections of the bourgeois state power, the Interior Ministry. This distinction was first put forth by Marx and later by such Marxists in the late 1960s. Anto- systematized as Nicos Poulantzas in his Quad- nio Gramsci also elaborated on the issue of class hegemony on these themes is The bibliography (Prison Notebooks). erni del Carcere immense. Sadly, the Keynesian Left could not push the boundaries of Left could not push the Keynesian Sadly, 4 ism and state power arises from the moment that the subaltern arises from the moment that the subaltern ism and state power of pro- the bourgeoisie and alter the relations classes can suppress to corresponding and the markets duction (property relations) - issue has been posed only during radical-rev this them. Historically, olutionary periods in world history Russian Revolution, the (the Revolu- period, the Cuban Chinese Revolution, the de-colonization tion, etc.). Here, we confine ourselves to the case of the social Left.democratic Keynesian of power between la- capital accumulation towards a new balance stagflation during the post- bour and capital in favour of the former parties did succeed in this, pushing right-wing years. As we know, be- towards neoliberal/ordoliberal globalization/financialization, for the falling tendencycause this was deemed to be the remedy profit. rate of do not end here. The But problems of the (average) the class boundaries of parties of the Left not only failed to push working classes, but also capitalism in favour of the subaltern and of those boundaries contributed to the shaping and strengthening the class and popular in- together with the neoliberal Right against a brief look at Let us take terests they supposedly represented. that process. towards the maximization of profit for enterprises, while holding profit for enterprises, maximization of towards the and class obligation Left has a moral class power; the onto political and social welfare. high wages boundaries towards to push those for the Left, of state power The question distinct from a question - arises always at the level of the na power, that of governmental the inter political party is able to project tion state when a leftist ests of the class it represents as broader popular-national interests as broader popular-national ests of the class it represents the broad ensemble within class hegemony – the issue of working – without relinquishing the primacyof subaltern classes of the core i.e. the working class. class it represents; - - - - its pro-

It should not be forgotten that Britain is a very peculiar case. The German Social Democratic Party (SPD) was not the kind of was not (SPD) Party Social Democratic The German gram would state most dramatically that Germany needs “as much dramatically that Germany gram would state most and as much planning as necessary”competition as possible - (Sas not only trade unions were incorporated soon 1996, 250). German into government, “where but were also placed into boardrooms, wage restraint in directors, delivering company unionists sat next to as neo-revisionism, return for power” (Varoufakis French 2016, 63). of the began with the abandonment we briefly stated above, program by Mitterrand in 1983. In Britain, matters were Keynesian had laid the foundations of the more complicated. The Labour Party the 1960s and 1970s wereBritish welfare state in the 1940s, and - type of neo to any dominated by Labour governments’ resistance the country’sliberal reform, whether it came through member EEC the party sixteen yearsship or through internal pressure. It took from 1979 – when it lost power to Thatcher’s triumphant neoliberal – to come to grips with itsproject amid a dramatic economic crisis abolishing the fa- commitment to socialism and nationalizations, leader 4’ in 1994 under the neo-revisionist Third Way mous ‘Clause This neo-revisionist act, a direct concession to Blair. ship of Tony neoliberalism,German ordoliberalism rather than Anglo-American Ef paved Blair’s way to governmental power. as we shall see below, simply accept the new con- did not the Labour Party fectively, straints imposed by Thatcher’s the neoliberal reforms, setting out and economic gamenew boundaries within which the political place; in the event, an active insti- it began a journey as should take neoliberal finan- tutional participant in shaping and strengthening the Under Blair, power. cialization from positions of governmental the neoliber of the process of became part-and-parcel Labour Party key tenets of German ordoliberalism al financialization, adopting Thatcher had fought against. something that from the EU, and with it has always stood with one foot in Europe Historically, party that could push class boundaries in favour of the working class in favour could push class boundaries party that of Eduard tradition Bound by its reformist-revisionist and its allies. is everything, – “the movement Bernstein end-aim (of socialism) the aban- in its Bad Godesberg program of 1959 nothing” – the SPD struggle and nationalizations but,doned not just class in a signifi- , the ordoliberalism of Marktwirtschaft cant concession to

Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 100 101 edited volumes - - y and 5 Mxa-mE). Thatcher answered the question by Alan Beith – a Liberal Democrat – Thatcher answered the question by Alan Beith against a single currenc about whether she would continue her fight another she could answer, an independent central bank as follows (before going to be a governor”):MP interjected: “No, she’s “What a good idea”, “I had not thought of it.Thatcher boasted, answering to the interjection. Central Bank accountable to no But if I were, there would be no European under that kind of cen one, least of all to national parliaments. Because taking powers tral bank there will be no democracy [and the central bank] away from every single parliament and be able to have a single currency and a monetary policy away from us rate policy and an interest that takes 20 all political power” (Margaret Thatcher’s last speech as Prime Minister, November 1990, available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uF_GX Well, she was right. of criti- intention because she had any Not Well, 5 the other in the world as a global imperial power. It preferred to It preferred imperial power. in the world as a global the other in East-Central expansionist designs affairs and manage German affairs and de- French and through France and the Balkans Europe mastered Britain balancer, An off-shore Germany. signs through empire in history,the largest formal only to lose its primacy and re- WWII. colonial powers, after other European Because of treat, like role of naval-commercial power and the its geographical position, financial centre, Britain has always had main London as the globe’s Con- Heath, Britain’s Edward with Europe. relationship a lukewarm servative Prime Minister and the most pro-European PM in 1973 – – and inner-party to overcome French Britain ever had, managed had had the same membership. Labour EEC objections, achieving Benn, Tony the socialist star of Labour politics, internal divides, but as a capitalist and un- project the European vehemently criticized she and the Thatcher herself – although democratic endeavour. neoliberals inspired by majority of her ruling group were arch monetaryHayek’s work – never agreed to concede sovereignty to In her final parliamentaryBrussels and, through it, to Germany. fu- argue that Europe’s speech, on 22 November 1990, she would to no parliament and that ture central bank would be accountable such a bank would be completely undemocratic. cizing the EU from a socialist or social democratic position, as Tony from a socialist or social democratic position, as Tony cizing the EU but because her ideologi- Benn and others were doing at the time, sustain a neoliberal project at cal formation and political aim was to while re-launching Britain as home under the aegis of Westminster, the a neo-imperial power abroad, re-imagining/re-inventing - - - - 6 erendum hoping to “withdraw the withdrawal”, as the late Stephen Hasel er put it in a private conversation (Fouskas 2018). Today, after the Brexit vote of summer 2016, Blair fights for a second ref Today, Blair’sgovernmental power in 1996, in New Labour assumed 6 many. However, Blair’s Third Way neo-revisionism went beyond neo-revisionism went Blair’s Way Third However, many. Thatcher’s the ordoliberal agenda com- embracing Euroscepticism, prehensively. Empire. There are elements of realism in Thatcher’s view. By turn- of realism in Thatcher’s are elements Empire. There view. hub in the era of globalization, financial into the globe’s ing Britain - Britain into the gate to transform neoliberalism aimed Thatcherite of global production and supply chains of financialization keeper dominated by Ger which was already Europe, networks, by-passing cept free market economic principles (the other two conditions cept free market should be given were that within three years the Kosovo-Albanians and possible annexation to the chance of voting for independence to de- forces should be given permission Albania; and that NATO Blair’s New La- but anywhere in Yugoslavia). ploy not only in Kosovo bombing of NATO’s bour was one of the most hawkish advocates lacks that the Third Way campaign, a fact that demonstrated clearly separate foreign policyany instrument, and as this is nothing more nothing less than mere neo-imperialism led by the USA in post-Cold the midst of Bill Clinton’s successful Presidential terms, and when successful the midst of Bill Clinton’s Wall financialization was at full expansion. the bubble of neoliberal of a of London had already become the hubs Street and the City low inflation, capitalism, delivering prosperity, triumphant global rates, easy borrowing at tempting interest high financial profits, in global competitor any and all this in an environment freed from of the collapse of the Soviet Union and its satellite states. the wake Un- ‘end of history’ the It seemed like corner. was just around the headed eastwards, providing new and the EEC/EU impeded, NATO conditionality: you reform members with security and neoliberal direction ‘becoming prosperous like your economy in a free market what clubs. Interestingly, us’, and then you too can join the two in 1999 by Yugoslavia triggered the bombing of Belgrade and delegation forces was the refusal on the part of the Yugoslav NATO B’ (Fouskas 2003, 13-33), at Rambouillet to the so-called ‘Appendix would ac that Yugoslavia which stipulated, among other things,

Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 102 103 edited volumes - - Tony Blair did not challenge the global neo-imperial role the global neo-imperial Blair did not challenge Tony old fashioned state interventionold fashioned state But did not and cannot work. The government must reliance on markets. neither does naïve and in- stimulating enterprise, flexibility promote competition, […] In government, business, in novation by opening markets we must do much in our universities and throughout society spirit (cited in Finlayson more to foster a new entrepreneurial 2003, 177-78). in June 1998, Blair signed jointly with Gerhard Revealingly, Thatcher envisaged for Britain in the context of neoliberal finan- in the context of envisaged for Britain Thatcher - that role as being supplementa he perceived cialization. However, In this respect,had been Britain’s he ry role in the EU. to Britain’s occasion, On more than one par excellence. ordoliberal politician the Labour Party’sand having abolished commit constitutional War conditions. But, in spite of this, did the Third Way have a dis- have a conditions. But, did the Third Way in spite of this, War tinct, social policy? economic and progressive ment to socialism as enshrined in Clause 4 before he assumed of enshrined in Clause 4 before he assumed ment to socialism as fice, he stressed that a ‘working paper’ Germany’s and SPD leader, Chancellor Schröder, (Blair of the Left in Europe laying out in full the ordoliberal agenda sponsored by the SPD’s and Schröder 1998). The initiative was Ebert Foundation. The “trademark of this the Friedrich think-tank, in Germany is the ‘New Centre’ the two leaders argued, approach”, And after confirming that both politi- in Britain. and the Third Way Union”, within the European cal forces “share a common destiny function of the market they go on to assert that “the essential by political action, not ham- must be complemented and improved public expenditure is not an end in itself pered by it.” Moreover, people to help themselves”. but must be used in order to “enable “universal safeguards” must In a direct attack on the welfare state, in their stead, what needs cease to be the norm, the paper argued; to be promoted is the “importance of individual and business en- ideas, the paper con- “left-wing” terprise to the creation of wealth”. and global- tinued, “should not become an ideological straitjacket” ization should be promoted by government actions that “create conditions in which existing business can prosper and adapt, and - - - Blair openly embraced the agenda of Europe’s ordoliberal Europe’s Blair openly embraced the agenda of ordoliberal policy. On the At home, Blair followed a two-prong ment should be well-calculated and “directed at activities most ment should be well-calculated and “directed beneficial to growth and fostering necessary structural change”. both leaders avoided Left, embracing all of its postulates. Crucially, or the as the role of the ECB the tackling of perplexing issues, such government by the EU’s ordoliber constraints imposed on each EU by denouncing close , issues that Thatcher tackled head-on al acquis links with the ‘Brussels bureaucracy’ as unaccountable and undem- for that matter – conceived of ocratic. At times, he – and Schröder, and the regulatorythe EU framework it provides somewhat disin- stating that “companies must not be gagged by rules genuously, of the EU’sand regulations”, as if they were unaware cumbersome competition policy and anti-trust legislation. for setting inter one hand, he conceded operational independence inflation under to keep est rates to the Bank of England in order asset price inflation he actively promoted control but, on the other, feature of a key (Kiely 2018, 158), especially in the housing sector, the financialization bubble in the Anglo-American world and elsewhere, such as Spain. Thus, when the neo-imperial financialization chain blew up in 2007-08, necessitating the pumping of trillions of new businesses can be set up and grow” can be set up new businesses “effi- by way of boosting to And, in an attempt and high performance”. competition ciency, is “far too high” challenge, which unemployment address Europe’s this address “To revealingly state: the authors in some countries, and social democrats must together formulate challenge, Europe’s out a “ro- for the Left”, setting agenda implement a new supply-side This sup- framework” (our emphasis). bust competitive market govern- as it will put a break on the ply-side agenda is essential, ment’s borrowing requirement, the issue of debt. addressing Defi- be avoid- – should of the pillars of Keynesianism cit spending – one because it is excluded, high taxation on corporations ed. Further, jobs. Hav- competitiveness, while jeopardizing reduces profits and at all and “flexible job is better than having no job ing a part-time joint paper goes The aim”. are a modern social democratic markets social capital”, two fields on to explain the notions of “human and that in a “modern service economy” and knowledge-based mean training, while public invest continuous education and vocational

Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 104 105 edited volumes - - - The punishment, as well all know, did not take long to arrive. arrive. long to take did not The punishment, as well all know, One after another, the ordoliberal/neo-revisionist Left parties Left parties the ordoliberal/neo-revisionist One after another, for the emer collapsed, creating ample space across Europe - to save capital sector in order money into the banking taxpayers´ Schröder’stotal collapse, neither ism from nor Blair’s New Centre innocent. can be considered involved They were directly Third Way by way of globalization/financialization of neoliberal in the shaping by but also ordoliberal book in its entirety, not just adopting the writing of its verycontributing to the the pub- rules and misleading lic that voted for them. gence of the radical-xenophobic Right, but also for the radical Right,gence of the radical-xenophobic the radical but also for Left. under the such as the British Labour Party In some cases, be- Corbyn, ordoliberal leftist principles leadership of Jeremy in Spain, In others, such as within the party. came thwarted from born, contesting enduring new Radical Left aggregations were a promising radical par austerity and bondage. In Greece, Syriza, swept to power in January ty, 2015 on an anti-austerity agenda, bitter negotiations with only to capitulate, after six months of a popular referendum outcome and after over-turning the Troika event, At any the euro- that voted against ordoliberal austerity. crisis was not just a lesson for the ordoliberal European zone movement as a Left; it represents a lesson for the ordoliberal guarantees of whole. For all the safety valves and regulation the Commission, the Coun- fered by the strong hand of the ECB, capitalism Court of Justice, free market cil and the European to tame. The ordoliberal proved to be an animal too difficult not useless pieces of paper, proved to be of the EU Treaties them. The banking sector of worth the ink and paper used to pen intertwined: this is, in fact, the North Atlantic area was extremely of financialization. In the end, it re- dimensions one of the key quired massive cynicism cum political anxiety on the part of the elites to launch an entire operation in which the core European could displace their banking crisis to pe- surplus states of the EU riphery imposing on states (Ireland, Greece, Spain and Portugal), them unprecedented austerity measures through bailout agreements offered and imposed on humiliating, neo-colonial terms. should think and the eurozone Those who aspire to join the EU twice before they embark on such a trip. - - The trip was predictable. The Euro-sceptic Left had always crit Euro-sceptic predictable. The The trip was There is, as was stated in our opening comments, also a so- Conclusion icized the movement towards further European ‘integration’ on on ‘integration’ European towards further the movement icized engineered by a frame- institutionally the basis of free markets, state, after the interest of the core surplus work of rules shaped - 1999; Callinicos 2010). The Eu (Fouskas 1997; Gowan Germany forth a socialist agenda at home first,ro-sceptic Left put in particu- un- development and industrialization, lar a program of green de- of banks and finance, while boosting the power der-cutting uneven institutions (Lapavitsas, 2018). Placing mand and welfare this at the centre of its investigation, (and combined) development could create a construction that the European Left never believed national societies, where soli- demos of equal states and European class interests of multina- darity and amicability prevailed over the European lay at its core. The tional corporations and finance that periphery developmental gap with the never managed to close the Monetarycore, with the introduction of the European Union (EMU) only serving destroying the competi- to widen this gap, completely ex- the EMU mechanism tive capacity of the periphery. Further, being inter cludes external devaluation, the only apparent option . The euro- nal devaluation – a polite way to say austerity bondage crisis brought matters to a breaking point,zone especially with the the Brexit case, although case of Greece. The saga continues with Unfortu- new sick man’. Italy will soon bounce back as ‘Europe’s tried to show in this contribution, the European as we have nately, exploitative ordoliberal sys- Left has contributed to the rise of this further contributed to the tem and its crisis, and since 2009 it has with a harsh program of en- ordoliberal management of the crisis Thus, its electoral power and political influence is during austerity. Its fall is an indisputable matter of fact, al- on the wane universally. though its survival be said, are completely and renewal, it should program across Europe, dependent on the success of the austerity albeit possibly under different names, as appears to be the case in Greece and elsewhere. phisticated branch of the Left, the Euro-Left. In its attempt to provide a response to the collapsing ordoliberal Left, this Left sees the

Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 106 107 edited volumes - - First of all, as we showed earlier, being a member of the EU/ a member of the being as we showed earlier, First of all, of and disciplinarian structure is a hierarchical Second, The EU the Bundesbank as its model and fo- took In practice the ECB on maintaining a verycused exclusively low rate of inflation, obligation to finance fiscal deficits by memberwithout any convergence of infla- states. The ostensible logic was to ensure it possible to sta- tion rates across EMU countries, thus making and to sustain the international transactions in Europe bilize monetary that the operation of union. The actual outcome was the common currency rebounded in the interests of German ex- for Ger domestic market porting capital and the EMU became a man industry. (Lapavitsas 2018, 31). regulating the fiscal perfor With the Stability and Growth Pact mance of the member states, austerity assumed an enduring em- mance of the member states, austerity beddedness for all of them, insofar as budgets must always be balanced and move within narrow limits, without a ‘bailout clause’. even these arrangements were not suffi- But when the crisis broke, cient. treaties, such as the Fiscal Compact New austerity-oriented Semester program, had to be envisaged, and the European eurozone, or even merely pegging your domestic currency or even merely pegging your domestic to the eurozone, to the poli- that you have already signed up euro, essentially means Mem- cy as applies across the EU/eurozone. of enduring austerity subscrip- loss of national sovereignty and entails bership of the EU but democratic and which is anything acquis, tion to the European demos. national or European accountable to any the continent’s stron- which stands Germany, states, at the top of with its ‘sound money’ ordoliberal policy, Germany, gest economy. countrybecame the anchor system, providing it of the European Treaty was with a firm reference point. By the time the Maastricht signed, Germany’s monetary policy, i.e. the Bundesbank’s anti-infla- model is the The ECB’s tion bias, was in charge of the situation. summa- de-politicized arrangement of the Bundesbank. Lapavitsas this well: rizes EU as a field of socialist action prone to the implementation of a prone to the implementation of socialist action as a field EU How- itself. EU at the level of the platform socialist, post-Keynesian than this. more misleading there is nothing ever, - - acquis is becoming increasingly cumber acquis Third, the European some, reactionary and regressive. Two rulings from the European from the European rulings some, reactionary regressive. Two and cases, have cre- Court of Justice (ECJ) in 2007, the Viking and Laval with regard to in the EU ated impediments to trade union activity country from one EU being em- are workers These postal workers. countryployed in another EU con- but under the arrangements and ditions of the country- or Bal an Eastern European of origin, usually The ECJkan state, which are generally worse. found that the trade countryunions of the host EU cannot act to protect discriminatory because such worker, wages, for example, for an Eastern European an action would undermine the very premises of the single market. This is highly significant. it demolishes the myth of pro- Essentially, prior gressive and pro-labour legislation on the part of the EU/ECJ, that is, protecting the price itizing the welfare of the single market, . In a similar vein, one can look at mechanism of the Marktwirtschaft bringing especially the debtor countries of the periphery countries of the the debtor bringing especially to their veryknees at the to register continued Germany moment when by the Greek banks were saved French while German and surpluses, taxpayers of the periphery,and other received bailout who in turn lies else- But the secret of the German success austerity packages. the late in the stagnation of wages from where. It is to be found capitalism that peculiarity of its financialized 1990s onwards, the the proof liquidity for massive lending, and allows accumulation The German sector. manufacturing tection of an export-oriented country public and private investment in the success is not due to it is the product of a deflationary(Lapavitsas 2018, 64-5); policy wage in- rate due to low nominal exchange and, hence, of a low the German exports in a highly competitive creases. This protected Lapavitsas writes, “Germany’s “In sum”, international environment: 1990s has been based less on rising competitiveness since the late more on its capacity to its ability to raise output per person and (ibid. 49). Thus, the paramount suppress compensation per person” becomes the paramount concern of the EU: concern of Germany prevent the monetary defend the value of union from collapsing; the euro as an international reserve currency so that EU/German countries suffer Peripheral products can compete internationally. compete with the core, es- more because their economies cannot pecially since currency devaluation is not an option.

Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 108 109 edited volumes Having said this, one conclusion seems to be inescapable, conclusion seems to be inescapable, Having said this, one namely, that the Euro-Left ‘post-Keynesian’ project is, at best, project is, at uto- ‘post-Keynesian’ that the Euro-Left namely, The pian and, at worst, Treaties. a naïve interpretation of the EU Balkan states that aspire to become members of the EU, Western they embark on such a such as Serbia, may well think twice before predictable journey. - illegal immi regarding refugees, ‘Dublin Regulations’ the so-called agreement between or the despicable asylum seekers, grants and ‘humanistic’ The core aim of the the same issue. over and Turkey EU its Marktwirtschaft, was to protect and ‘pro-solidarity’ allow in EU could profitably refugees and immigrants as the system as many others, (amounting to hundreds of thousands absorb, whereas all Greece and the Turkey, may be left eternally trapped in of people), first that is how imperialist powers behave: Balkans. But Western Central societies in the MENA region and causing havoc to entire Asia religious wars of them and instigating ethnic and by bombing dividends, to secure energy-related and other aggression in order ground as block population movements on the then attempting to become unbearable. lives in their homelands people’s - - ing Document No. 2/June, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. Friedrich No. 2/June, ing Document Press. Politics, 3/2, 119-137. Union.” Contemporary . Ashgate.nism and the European Imperative . Pluto Press. East Greater Middle December 2018. . Palgrave-Macmillan. Power-Shift and New Authoritarianism.” Global and Near Eastern Project.” of the European Journal of Balkan and the Failure Studies, 14/1, 1-31. . Palgrave-Macmillan. of Debt and Destruction Economy EU. The Political published Sociology, An Introduction.” Critical Critiques? eralism. One or Two online first, 8 April 2019, https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/ full/10.1177/0896920519835008 . Verso. nance . The University of Chicago Press. Order Individualism and Economic nomics. Hart. eferences R Way/DieNeue Mitte. Work Third Europe. The 1998. Gerhard Schröder. and Tony, Blair, . London. Free Economy 2017. The Strong State and the Bonefeld, Werner. . Polity. Economy Political Callinicos, Alex. 2010. Imperialism and Global . Verso. of the World Dardot, Laval. 2013. The New Way Pierre, and Christian . Oxford University to Maastricht 1999. The Road Featherstone. and Kevin Dyson, Ken, . London. Finlayson, Alan. 2003. Making Sense of New Labour Foucault, Michelle. 1979/2010. The Birth of Biopolitics. Palgrave-Macmillan. K.Fouskas, Vassilis 1997. “The Enlargement of the European Italian Left and the - Italian Commu of The Transformation Europe, the Left. K.Fouskas, Vassilis 1998. Italy, and the Foreign Policy US Balkans in the of Conflict. K.Fouskas, Vassilis 2003. Zones a Second Brexit Referendum.” openDemocracy, 1 K.Fouskas, Vassilis 2018. “Against K., “The 2019. Fouskas, Vassilis and Bülent Gökay. Disintegration of Euro-Atlanticism K.,Fouskas, Vassilis and Constantine Dimoulas. 2012. “The of Debt Greek Workshop K., and the Financialisation Fouskas, Vassilis and Constantine Dimoulas. 2013. Greece, K.,Fouskas, Vassilis and Ordolib- and Shampa Roy-Mukherjee. 2019. “Neo-Liberalism Domi- World Bid for Faustian Washington’s Gamble. 1999. The Global Gowan, Peter. In: of Interstate Federalism. Conditions von. 1939/1947. The Economic Hayek, Friedrich of Eco and the Rule Law 2017. Ordoliberalism, and Christian Joerges (eds). Hien, Josef, . Edward Elgar. . Edward 2018. The Neo-Liberal Paradox Ray. Kiely,

Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 110 111 edited volumes - Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies, 12/4, 321-373. Studies, and Near Eastern Journal of Balkan . Harvard University Press. ing of the Neo-Liberal Thought Collective . Macmillan. Economy Market Area Crisis and its Management.” 22/2, Euro Policy, Journal of European Public 275-294. 21/3, 302-312. Journal, Liberalism Redux?” European Law . Polity. Against the EU Case 2018. The Left Lapavitsas, Costas. The Mak from Mont Pelerin. The Road 2009. (eds). and Dieter Plehwe Mirowski, Philip, Lapavitsas, Costas et al. 2010. “Eurozone Crisis. Beggar Thyself and Thy Neighbour.” Neighbour.” and Thy Beggar Thyself Crisis. et al. 2010. “Eurozone Lapavitsas, Costas Peacock, Alan, and Hans Willgerodt (eds). 1989. German Neo-Liberals and the Social Willgerodt (eds). Alan, and Hans Peacock, the Economy, Iron Cage: Critical Political Ordoliberal Magnus. 2015. “Europe’s Ryner, of Socialism . Fontana. One Hundred Years Sassoon, Donald. 1996. Crisis. Authoritarian “Hermann Heller and the European Scheuerman, William. 2015. Suffer What They Must. Vintage. 2016. And the Weak Yanis. Varoufakis, Fouskas / Roy-Mukherjee 112 113 edited volumes III The different cases in Europe cases in The different PHILIPPE MARLIÈRE PHILIPPE University College London College University

Marlière 114 115 edited volumes Parti socialiste (PS), the gamble paid off as Mélenchon re- In the run-up to the 2017 presidential election in France, Jean- 2017 presidential election in France, to the run-up In the the Radical had been associated with Luc Mélenchon who, so far, Insoumise (Un- France Left, La formed a new movement called in launching populist strategy FI). Mélenchon’s - France bowed FI was blatant. the masses along to organize This was an attempt and ‘the cleavage between ‘the people’ the lines of an agonistic forms well as to forge a radical break with the collective as elite’, Left. the demise of With of leadership and action on the French the ceived significant support voters from in segments of left-wing fash- populist true In election. presidential the of round first the and people’, federate ‘the to attempted has leader the FI ion, to use the notion of voters. He has ceased not simply left-wing What definesFI’s Left populism altogether. isthe roleand the strategy and politics style, Mélenchon’s centrality of the leader. electorate (the young fragments of the left-wing have energized also created and working-class voters notably) but they have tensions with other parties of the Left. Those organizations fear detrimental to thebe may moment’ ‘populist Mélenchon’s that altogether. politics in France future of left-wing popu- Left Insoumise, France Mélenchon, Jean-Luc : Keywords Elites, Oligarchy. lism, People, The collapse of the Reformist Left in France embodied by the The collapse of the Reformist Left in France was sudden and brutal: François Hollande’s party held Hollande’s Parti socialiste was sudden and brutal: François 2013,all the power when he was elected president in 2012 (Sawicki 104-119). The president and the government were socialist; the PS Introduction: Introduction: and the rise of left populism The demise of left reformism Abstract The rise and decline of and decline The rise in France Left populism Those 1 Ni Dieu, ni César, ni Tribun, Ni Dieu, ni César, Producteurs, sauvons-nous nous-mêmes Décrétons le salut commun. Il n’est pas de sauveurs suprêmes Il n’est From Napoleon III (Marx de Gaulle (Mitterrand 2008) to Charles From Populism does not sit well with the French Left. Historically, Left. Historically, does not sit well with the French Populism A very seems to have reached a stage of terminal unpopular PS 1 verses are a clear refutation of leader-centric populism. verses are a clear refutation of leader-centric or ex- right-wing 1984), in recent times, populism has characterized has helped label demagogictreme-right regimes or leaderships. It fears and frustration. policies and the art of exploiting people’s Populism and the French left French and the Populism movements, have rejected populist forces in France the left-wing of The Internationale, the ideas and leaders. In the original version Pottier Eugène anthem of the socialist movement worldwide, wrote: “There neither God, nor Caesar, are no supreme saviours, producers, let’s save ourselves.” nor eloquent speakers, had a majority in the lower house (National Assembly) in the lower house had a majority upper and of cities biggest number most regions and the it ran house (Senate), dilapidated structural reforms Five years of neoliberal across France. - election, a pro the 2017 presidential political capital. At this unique lost both the presidencyfoundly disunited party majority in and the only the socialist presidential candidate, the house. Benoît Hamon, in share of the vote (Hollande scored 28.69% received 6.5% of the At the 2017 legislative election, 2012 election). the first round of the elected compared to 295 in 2012. the PS had 29 deputies be they of 2017, there have been no signs, crisis. Since the collapse of recovery.electoral or political, a hard The PS is between a rock and and centre-right,place: on the centre has cap- Emmanuel Macron Left, socialist voters. On the Populist ‘moderate’ tured and retained who felt that the Hol- Jean-Luc Mélenchon has appealed to those lande presidency had betrayed the values and ideals of the Left interesting to study the(Bréchon 2017, 193-203). It seems, therefore, has established itself as thespectacular rise of leftist populism, which political spectrum. the French main political force on the left wing of

Marlière 116 117 edited volumes It was, therefore, unexpected to hear Jean-Luc Mélenchon, a to hear Jean-Luc Mélenchon, It was, therefore, unexpected against the accusation want to defend myself anymore “I don’t - are disgusted by the elites. Do they de of populism. People should all quit! I’m calling upon the They serve better? anything against the arrogance of the privilegedenergy of the many I am!” (Mélenchon 2010b) classes. Am I a populist? Yes, be described as a ‘pop- Thus, as early as 2010, Mélenchon could / (Front de gauche Presidential candidate for the Left Front Populism is a frequently used yet problematic concept; the Populism Populism in theory leader of the Radical Left,leader of the Radical declare in a 2010 interview: ulist’, and he was indeed among the very few politicians in Europe to (Marlière 2010). willingly embrace this characterization 2017 as an independent can- FDG) in 2012, Mélenchon ran again in In- movement’ called France didate supported by a ‘citizens’ on the by many politician’ soumise. He has been called a ‘populist Left and Right, not least by some of his close political allies (Clavel brand of populist ideas 2017; Stangler 2017). What is Mélenchon’s How original is his ‘populist stand’ compared to other and policies? populism,’ such as forces which also embrace ‘left-wing left-wing What is his strategy to conquer power? in Spain? Podemos Given the near-exclusive association of populism with the Far-Right, with the Far-Right, of populism association near-exclusive Given the extends to ‘demonization’ of populism often the diagnosis Left in the 120). Conversely, Katsambekis 2014, and (Stavrakakis and forms of leadership supported collegial has always France and on collective endeavours. For communists placed an emphasis on neglects class struggles because it focuses socialists, populism and ‘populism’ 2017). Consequently, (Blin an undefined ‘people’ populist notions because a proper ‘Left’ are arguably incompatible 2017, 81). voters (Fassin to far-right strategy can only appeal term is often ill-defined and randomly applied. The concept is prob- use in pub- lematic because of its unsystematic (notably pejorative) lic discourse. The notion of populism is regularly used to denote - - - Most political scientists insist on the “plurality of populist hy There are normally four core values at the heart of populismThere are normally populism is more than rhetoric.Scholars suggest that They de- have used populist One might note that mainstream parties ties and refused to take part in the centre-left primaryties and refused to take election. politics is now Left-Right What is more, he argued that traditional pit the people against obsolete. Although Macron did not explicitly bore all the marks of popu- the elites, his rhetoric and positioning lism (Marlière 2017a). should try bias and thus ef to strip definitions of any brids […] [O]ne 2016, 391). By so (Katsambekis populism” fectively de-hypostasize doing, one comes to embrace Ernesto Laclau’s definition (Laclau 1977, 172–3), who construes the notion as a political and discursive anti-incumbent/elite rhetoric or to describe politicians who pander who pander or to describe politicians rhetoric anti-incumbent/elite as a political define populism opinion. Other authors to public to seek and be a tool for a leader they consider it to and strategy, of resentment to tap feelings rhetorically designed power, exercise politically (Betz 1993). and to exploit them of analysis: the existence of two broad units 2008, 102): a) (Stanley relationship between the antagonistic b) and ‘the elite’; ‘the people’ people andelite; c) the positive valorization of the the people and the elite, and d) the idea of popular sovereignty. the denigration of the or ‘thin-centred’ one (Mudde albeit a ‘thin’ scribe it as an ideology, provide ideology is an ideology that does not 2004). A thin-centred should about how a particular society a comprehensive programme of existing, more wide-ranging, ideologies can and function. Parts (Marlière 2014). Thus, popu- should be added to the populist core because the ideological lism lacks core values and it is chameleonic and the values of the con- colour it adopts depends on the context - 2000). The lack of a program stituency to which it appeals (Taggart it difficult to speak of a populist ide- matic centre of gravity makes 1999). In the end, one should reject the idea that ology (Canovan it might be – and populism is an ideology – however thin-centred (Aslanidis 2016). should conceive of it as a ‘discursive frame’ a response to the challenge methods and strategies themselves as of a populist Zeitgeist of populist actors, leading to the dawn led a very(Mudde 2004). Thus, Emmanuel Macron personalized traditional political par presidential campaign in 2017. He shunned

Marlière 118 119 edited volumes - - In the first instance, I shall identifyIn the first instance, the personal and organiza- Between 1972 and 1976, Jean-Luc Mélenchon was a member A mainstream professional politician distinction between ‘the people’ and ‘the oligarchy’ (or, in certain cir in oligarchy’ and ‘the (or, between ‘the people’ distinction Populism to Mitterrandism From cumstances, ‘the caste’ or ‘the establishment’). Giovanni Sartori de- Giovanni or ‘the establishment’). ‘the caste’ cumstances, concept. to describe The term is used as a ‘cat-dog’ fines populism category placed in a single that cannot be political actors (Sartori populism is lack of a clear definition means that 1991, 243–57). The actors to the erroneous inclusion of many This leads used randomly. 2013). the heading of populism (Marlière and movements under a is not an ideology per se but,Therefore, if populism essentially, sides the political field into two antagonistic strategy that divides brand of while using a particular the oligarchy) (the people versus rhetoric, for the populism of the FI can be made. then the case of FI, a movement, which was officially born in Feb- tional backdrop ruary Mélenchon, was launched by Jean-Luc 2016. The organization presidential elec leader and candidate in the 2017 a self-appointed to understanding what tion. The personality of FI’s leader is key embodies. Mélenchon’s particular type of populism the movement closely examined: What and FI’s brand of populism will then be of Large constituencies does it incarnate? kind of populist hybrid avoided being associated with popu- Left have always the French the main party on the lism. Thus, how did FI manage to become movement? Is it a left-wing Left in such a short period of time? FI a populist which make What are the main ideas and aspects, I will trymovement? Finally, to clarify the extent to which FI’s popu- breakthrough at the lism did facilitate the movement’s electoral extent,2017 presidential election and, to a lesser at the subsequent legislative election. L’Organisation communiste internationaliste (International Com- communiste of L’Organisation parties in France. one of the Trotskyist munist Organization/OCI), The OCI has always maintained close links with the Parti Socialiste a Strength/FO), (Workers’ Ouvrière Force Party/PS), (Socialist - - is no standard left-wing This being said, Jean-Luc Mélenchon In 2012 Jean-Luc Mélenchon was the candidate representing was the candidate representing In 2012 Jean-Luc Mélenchon This is how Jean-Luc Mélenchon describes himself: “I am a re- dah 2017). belong to the Far He has consistently argued that he does not er. can be seen as a Left or the Radical Left (AFP 2017). Mélenchon from mainstream politics, al- seasoned career politician who comes of the PS (he was, nonethe- though he was always on the Left wing Mitterrand). This is a major less, a faithful supporter of President - of the Radical Left in Eu difference between him and other leaders Iglesias in Spain, They include Pablo rope, who tend to be younger. Only Os- in Greece, and Catarina Martins in Portugal. Alexis Tsipras has followed a similar political trajectorykar Lafontaine in Germany ). (from SPD to Die Linke reformist union, and freemasonry.reformist the PS in Mélenchon joined and 2004–10) and (1986–2000 moved up to the Senate 1976. He of Prime Minister in the government to the cabinet was appointed From (2000–02). Education Vocational as Minister of Lionel Jospin of the Mélenchon was one of the leaders the early 1990s onward, faction within ), a militant left-wing Socialiste Socialist Left (Gauche the PS. that social democracy Having diagnosed force was a spent left (Mélenchon 2009), Mélenchon as a progressive organization /PG). He (Parti de Gauche launched the Left Party the PS in 2008 and parliament (2009– a member of the European was elected twice as (member of the National Assembly)17) and elected FI deputy in June 2017. and election. He won fourth place the FDG in the presidential vote. After founding achieved 11.10% of the share of the national of the FDG,PG and being seen as the de facto leader Mélenchon Hollande, and the rela- was the staunchest opponent to François fraught and tense (Ber tions between the two men were always A break with the left’s traditions A break with the left’s publican, I believe in representative democracy and in elections. revolution through the ballot box” I call for a citizens’ That is why He is inspired primarily by Jean Jaurès’s (Mélenchon 2010a).

Marlière 120 121 edited volumes - Hence, Mélenchon’s Hence, Mélenchon’s 2 Ironically, the PG – Mélenchon’s party – made similar alliances with the So- the PG – Mélenchon’s Ironically, cialists in the 2015 regional elections. Such tactical agreements enabled the PG to win several seats. Jean-Luc Mélenchon was deeply hostile to the Left’s primaryJean-Luc Mélenchon was deeply hostile In February presi- one year and three months before the 2016, 2 reluctance to use the notion of the Left at present,reluctance to use the notion of the Left as he considers label for the public.it has become an empty and confusing election which was, in theory, open to all factions of the Left (from In late 2016, /EELV). Verts Les FDG to PS, as well as Europe Écologie run again and would winMélenchon believed that Hollande would the primary contest. Had he competed and lost in this Left primary, in the awkward position ofthe FI leader did not want to put himself fiercely opposed for the pasthaving to support a candidate he had argued that the FI critics left-wing five years (Mélenchon 2016b). ideas were so strong and pop- leader should have run that risk: if his he would have no doubt won the primary election (Filoche ular, ambition was to run a campaign “above political 2016). Mélenchon’s democratic brand of socialism, which relies heavily on French re- on French which relies heavily brand of socialism, democratic version of Marxism and a ‘humanist’ publican values (Mélenchon Contrary2016a: 45–91). Left, of the French most constituencies to Mitterrand’s en- defended François has, to date, always Mélenchon tire political legacy 2012). While the late Mit (Alemagna and Alliès terrand was still in power, Mélenchon, then a young senator, was a then a young senator, Mélenchon, power, terrand was still in (Mélen- supporter of the socialist president vocal and indefatigable chon 2016a: 91–140). Mélenchon proposed his candidacydential election, Jean-Luc to for By opting the main private channel in France. the nation on TF1, without consulting his FDG allies, Mélenchon the decision to run First, the death strategy. this officialized followed a true populist of the moribund FDG.motivated by His decision to go alone was throughout Hol- his contempt for the PCF’s electoral strategy presidency: opposed the socialist although the communists lande’s in the country,government’s policies in parliament and they were alliances locally with the PS in order to safe- still willing to make is on record as saying guard their electoral positions. Mélenchon the FDG because Hol- that this ambivalence eventually discredited electorate and was, in turn, lande had lost all credibility before the rejected by the majority of the population. - - France Insoumise eventually received the support of PG, Insoumise eventually received the France Nou- In the 2017 legislative elections, Mélenchon ran in Marseilles. lière 2012), in 2017, he ostensibly turned his back on the history, turned his back in 2017, he ostensibly lière 2012), a typically populist (Marlière 2016). In unity of the Left culture and the support of ‘ordinaryfashion, he sought Unbowed people’. Since then, he has ag- but a ‘mass of citizens’. is not a party, France of rallyingthis tack. His goal is no longer a matter gressively pursued them but rather of replacing forces together (behind him) left-wing partisan and political landscape. and reshaping the Socialiste (New Socialist Left/NGS, Gauche a splinter group velle FDG. Ensemble!, another component of from the PS), PCF and played a part in setting up Mélenchon’s None of those parties over the were profoundly divided Ensemble! agenda. The PCF and the only credible candi- issue. Some argued that Mélenchon was date the radical Left could support. Others were of the view that candidacy because was deeply divisive and dangerous Mélenchon’s insurrection’, Mélenchon speaks of a ‘citizen of its ‘populist turn’. through the ballot box. an expression which refers to a revolution as his Marine Le Pen In the 2012 presidential election, he targeted main opponent, con- and he took on the FN leader in the northern stituency of Hénin-Beaumont in legislative elections which fol- rallying cry campaign’s lowed. He lost each time. In 2012, the was: tous!” (“They aillent must all go!”): the ‘they’ referred to “Qu’ils s’en (Mélenchon 2010c, a like-for-like 13). This is the ‘corrupt elite’ a slogan borrowed from the translation of “¡Que se vayan todos!”, 2005 (Philip and Panizza Piquetero movement in Argentina in ‘dégagisme’ (the act of clear 2011). In 2017, Mélenchon referred to the revolutions in North Afri- ing out), an expression coined during noting that he (Andureau 2017). It is worth ca, notably in Tunisia and imaginaryhad started tapping into the rhetoric of various pop- years before the 2017 ulist movements across the world several presidential election. He did not choose a constituency the FN was strong but one where where he had fared very well in the first round of the presidential election, the constituencyPS deputy and Mennucci, a of Patrick former comrade in PS’s Left wing. It is worth stressing that as early parties”. While, in 2012, he had received the support of several left- received the support in 2012, he had parties”. While, candidate (Mar identified as a leftist and was clearly wing parties

Marlière 122 123 edited volumes Re- th In 2014, 4 Republic in the place of the 5 Republic/M6R), a loose structure to th th Republic does indeed confer on the president tre- Republic does indeed confer on the president th Mélenchon and his followers had been promoting a new Mélenchon and his followers had been 3 The current institutions are often labelled “republican monarchy” by its critics on the left. The constitution of the 5th Republic was adopted by referendum in 1958. The constitution of the 5th Republic was adopted return to power. de Gaulle’s The new text was voted shortly after Charles notably the president.It strengthened the power of the executive, www. conseil-constitutionnel.fr/conseil-constitutionnel/francais/la-constitution/ la-constitution-du-4-octobre-1958/texte-integral-de-la-constitution-du-4- octobre-1958-en-vigueur.5074.html What is most remarkable is Mélenchon’s change of vocabulary is Mélenchon’s What is most remarkable by Ernesto La- in the sense given Another important signifier, 4 3 - 6e Ré Mouvement pour la Mélenchon conceived and launched the publique (Movement for a 6 mendous power. The aim is, first and foremost, to address the mendous power. institutions. democratic deficit at the heart of current public. and register after the 2012 campaign. The FI leader wanted to stop 2012 campaign. The FI leader wanted and register after the language and discursive imaginaryusing the traditional of the Left. to “spread attempt in line with Podemos’s This is, of course, much in a language geared toward the common the ideas of the Left majority”sense of the social and Sola 2015). In true (Rendueles - from different politi idea was to rally ‘people’ populist fashion, the against the ‘oligarchy’. Thus, backgrounds cal and ideological sing- red flags from his rallies, and he stopped Mélenchon banned meetings. These tradi- ing The Internationale at the end of public symbols were replaced by tricolour flags and La tional left-wing eyebrows on the Left as Marseillaise. Those changes raised a few and the national anthem have been the national flag the French sym- for a long time. left-wing emblem of the Right and Far-Right Left culture of the French bols, which are deeply ingrained in the to the mass of the were deemed too divisive or simply meaningless people FI wished to connect with. clau, is the promotion of a 6 as 2010, Mélenchon’s discursive practice uses a populist pattern: a) a) a populist pattern: practice uses discursive as 2010, Mélenchon’s of ‘the people’; the nodal point is articulated around its discourse the socio-political primarily divides of society his representation b) oligarchy’) and ‘the camps (‘the people’ two antagonistic field into (Katsambekis 2016). Republic which would break with the pomp of the current institu- Republic which would break with the tions. The 5 - Republic. initiative outside was his first political This th Jean-Luc Mélenchon also believes that the era of the party, as Jean-Luc Mélenchon also believes that the era of the party, Mélenchon points out that unifyingMélenchon points is a three- ‘the people’ as they essentially live in urban areas, are the multitude of banus as they essentially live in urban areas, In individuals who merely go about their daily routine. depoliticized conscious individuals who the second stage, there are politically political claims. In the third stage, a start taking action and make action. In this scheme, network constitutes itself through collective The future belongs to move- political parties do not get a mention. type of organization. Long before the 2017 ments with a horizontal populist narrative had been presidential election, Mélenchon’s between Mélenchon’s formed. It is here interesting to distinguish attempt to politically unify sense of an active the people (in the homoge- Marine Le Pen’s and conscious political community) and along ethno-cultural lines (Geisser community nizing of the French explana- does not give a convincing 2015). Mélenchon, however, can overcome their divi- tion of how the people, as a multitude, conclusion that can ethnic). The sions and conflicts (class, gender, has adopted a resolutely ‘in- be drawn from this is that Mélenchon in bloc.terclassist’ approach to building a majoritarian Syriza in Spain had attempted to follow a similar Greece and Podemos results, but with steady electoral progress. with mixed path earlier, coordinator and aggregator of popular demands and expectations and as a vanguard, has passed. The ‘movement’ has replaced it. The and not vertical (as in traditional organization should be horizontal refers to The question of horizontality socialist/communist parties). Peuple du of PG, L’Ère Mélenchon published At that time, his party. out, attempt to spell an early if not to (The of the People), Time and ‘the oli- ‘the people’ cleavage between the new major theorize, ideological turning This essay is an garchy’ (Mélenchon 2014a). point. of society and Mélenchon bids farewell to an interpretation of class class. He stops referring to the notion conflicts based on obviously a major break with Marxist This is struggles altogether. Instead of addressing a politically politics. theory and with left-wing proletariat,and culturally fragmented argues that progressive he beyond their to gather together ‘the people’ politics should seek differences. class, race and gender homo ur first stage, the people, which he calls stage process. In the promote a 6 promote

Marlière 124 125 edited volumes - - Republic, dispensing with political notably by th Eventually coming fourth in the presidential election with a sig- coming Eventually In late February so- facing a threat on the Left from the 2017, Republic, has fully embraced the very Mélenchon personalized th traditions of the 5 ers by combining a statesman-like discourse, wise and strong, with ers by combining a statesman-like to the disenfranchised (the a populist rhetoric that could appeal “In short, the the idea of obliterating young and the working class): Left shibboleths, and language of the traditional Left and Radical from campaign rallies, of banishing red flags and certain references albeit perhaps a little late in really well in my view, was executed the day” (Lago 2017). vote, Mélenchon called on vot nificant 19.6% per cent share of the elections of June 2017.ers to elect an FI majority in the legislative the Extreme/Radical Left,He insisted that unlike which allegedly FI wanted to whatsoever, had no intention of winning an election is reminiscent of the claimaccede to power as soon as possible. This in Greece (Katsambekis 2016: 398) and Podemos made by Syriza In the end, FI fell largely short of 2015). leaders in Spain (Tremlett with seventeen deputiesan overall majority in the lower house, parliamentaryelected in total, but enough to form a group (fifteen deputies are required). This was a better result than what the polls forecast after the first round. In the second round, all the opposi- - ) gained from a relative demo Républicains tion parties (including Les bilization of the Macron electorate. The PCF won in eleven constituencies and the FN in eight.also formed its own The PCF parties and by seeking to create a personal relationship with the to create a personal relationship parties and by seeking a lesser extent, people. Emmanuel Macron and, to Marine French of a same. This bears all the characteristics have done the Le Pen populist stand. populist campaign in- Hamon, Mélenchon’s cialist candidate Benoît onward. Bastille Rally on 18 March (Lago 2017) tensified from the of approved cadre who has lived in France, Jorge Lago, a Podemos doubt convinced many Mélenchon this tactical change. In his view, democracy: Who draws up the programme? Who decides the main Who decides the democracy: the programme? Who draws up policy (notably open procedures There are, of course, proposals? re- proposals and it such to make for FI supporters on the internet) - and trans are genuinely democratic seen whether they mains to be parent. creation of argued that despite promoting the Critics have a 6 - - - under threat. 5 The Labour Code incorporates all legislation regarding work relations be tween employers and employees. Following a controversial law passed by new comprehensive re- the last socialist government, Emmanuel Macron’s it easier to hire and fire and reduces the forms of the legislation makes power of the trade unions when negotiating with employers. Where does Mélenchon’s populism come from? Chantal populism come from? Where does Mélenchon’s 5 ed, FI deputies positioned themselves on the Left,ed, FI deputies positioned to be claiming opposition to Macron and his government. only, the main, if not the that FI is a the public at large, there is no doubt For FI voters and for - FI concentrated on defend the PCF, movement. And, like left-wing ing the Labour Code parliamentary to the addition of from FI, thanks group, separate the relationship the 2017 elections, deputies. Since five overseas has been verythe FI and PCF leaders between - tense. The two parlia mentary on both sides rarely lives and activists groups lead separate tension between the two parties is evidence of the mingle. Further did not over the past twelve years, Mélenchon that for the first time in September 2017. This is a political l’Humanité’ attend the ‘Fête de newspaper, annually by L’Humanité organized and festive gathering As soon as the parliamentary session start PCF. which is close to the Which populism? influenced him.Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau have undoubtedly Argentina in 2013. The threeMélenchon met Laclau and Mouffe in a conference on populism (Proust 2017). Since La- at of them spoke Mélenchon has 2015a), clau’s death in October 2014 (Mélenchon can be spotted alongsidemaintained close ties with Mouffe, who Both have debat him at most important rallies or demonstrations. ed further since their first encounter in Argentina. The FI leader hased further since their first encounter Iglesias leaders Pablo also established contacts with the Podemos Chávez 2016). He was also close to Hugo and Íñigo Errejón (Chazel In the years preceding and Rafael Correa in Ecuador. in Venezuela po- was also one of Mélenchon’s Alexis Tsipras his ascent to power, in June 2014, him in Paris litical friends. The FI leader welcomed Relations leader became Prime Minister. months before the Syriza in the summer of 2015 afterbetween the two men started to cool

Marlière 126 127 edited volumes - - - Chantal Mouffe believes that Mélenchon is no ‘communist rev- that Mélenchon is no ‘communist Chantal Mouffe believes Mélenchon may have come across to some as ‘too radical’ or Personal and ideological changes Personal and ideological Greece signed a third memorandum with the European Union. with the European a third memorandum Greece signed as a who was presented of Tsipras, was publicly critical Mélenchon re- to start This prompted Mélenchon in under pressure. man caving in the future, heFrance he win power in on a Plan B. Should flecting treaties. If for a radical revision of the European has pledged to ask under his Mélenchon has said that France, this is not conceded, altogether (Besse if not the EU the Eurozone, leadership, would exit Desmoulières 2017). olutionary’ a him as a ‘radical reformist’ against and describes Mélenchon and FI embody ‘mounting oligarchy’. According to her, a few with Podemos the ‘populist moment’ that Spain experienced a real and “demand years earlier: people reject ‘post-democracy’ aims to federate ‘the people’ participation in political decisions”. FI Mouffe further ar classes). (i.e. the working classes and the middle gues that Mélenchon has recognized the “crucial role of emotions the “crucial role of emotions gues that Mélenchon has recognized FI leader aims to “bring toin constructing political identities”. The will around a project of cit gether the people, to create a collective revolution, in order to write a new constitution that opens izens’ of popular sover up more debate and facilitates the expression populism eignty” (Mouffe 2017). While endorsing Mélenchon’s ‘chains of up she points to his efforts to make quite emphatically, between various groups of dominated or marginalized equivalence’ Mouffe class they belong to). groups in society (whatever the social between the Latin American context (societies a distinction makes (where the and Europe with powerful, entrenched oligarchies) societies our European Given that divide remains key). Left-Right she advocates an end to are allegedly being ‘Latin-Americanized’, by way of a democratic re- the domination of an oligarchic system construction. in 2012. But in 2017, his objective was certainly to ‘too subversive’ The word ‘humanist’ was and ‘statesmanlike’. be perceived as ‘wise’ widely used. In a note published on his blog, he claimed that - Mélenchon has taken stock of the traditional media’s declining stock of the traditional media’s Mélenchon has taken Labour issues were indeed at the heart of the Mélenchon cam- Over the months, language, symbols and communication tech- symbols and communication Over the months, language, ter Phi (φ) has become the movement’s logo, used everywhere, has become ter Phi (φ) in- allows some wordplay: it cluding on ballot papers. The word Phi phi- Phi also evokes Insoumise acronym. France FI, the sounds like past. and love and is unburdened by a political harmony It losophy, is a symbol of neither Right nor Left, but a neutral marker. on his image down to the smallest details influence. He has worked occasions, less formal(such as the clothes he wears on different PR stunts, suchand closer to what ordinary wear). He likes citizens He works simultaneously. as using holograms to address two rallies veryis a professional politician, closely with PR consultants and time in the past.more than at any His economic programme has (Mélenchon 2016c). It is notchanged little qualitatively since 2012 promotes a radicalanti-capitalist or radically leftist; it essentially approach (Dusseaulx 2016) with a far greater emphasis Keynesian on ecological questions than in the past. He wants to abolish the re- out by the socialist gov- form of the Labour Code which was carried and Investment Trade ernment, the Transatlantic and he opposes (TTIP)Partnership with the United States and the Comprehensive with Canada. (CETA) Agreement Economic and Trade paign, but not social classes as such. He referred to the ‘99%’, “Disobedience is a new humanism” (Mélenchon 2017). This new dis- 2017). This (Mélenchon is a new humanism” “Disobedience history has its roots in the obedience emancipation from of human He insists powers and churches). institutions (political oppressive of thought. of freedom on the question - re But, true to his French reli- this means for him emancipation from publican credentials, may eman- he contemplate that individuals gions. At no point does religious by worshipping a god or by following cipate themselves reads veryprinciples. This manifesto traditional French much like republican ideology. ‘inclusive’ change. For instance, as a familiar and niques did, indeed, gens’ (people), uses the expression ‘les form of address, Mélenchon - gente) (Gri leaders (la Podemos in Spain by which was popularized in other countries, such studied what worked jelmo 2017). He has and Bernie Sanders’s use of social media in the as Barak Obama’s experience in Spain. The Greek let United States, or the Podemos

Marlière 128 129 edited volumes - Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s relationship with left-wing parties and relationship with left-wing Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s This uncompromising stand is the source of extreme tensions France Insoumise and the ‘Old World’ Insoumise and the ‘Old France - against the rich too large population undefined and far pitting an from lower seg- receives support In truth, the ‘1%’ est oligarchs. status quo. the social and economic also benefit from ments that is not class-based. vs. 1%’ opposition is that the ‘99% The problem and and misleading. The more important It is, therefore, simplistic mid- societies is that between the upper widening gap in Western dle class and everyone accurate, thus, to say else. It would be more ‘20%’. distinction is between the ‘80%’ and that the real wealth the system as it is, al- clear incentive to keep Those 20% have a separa- part of the infamous 1%. The growing though they are not middle class and everyonetion between the upper can be else effec and lifestyle. The 20% are more seen in access to education tive at passing on their status to their children, reducing overall so- status to their children, reducing tive at passing on their ap- prospects for more progressive cial mobility and corroding proaches to policy (Reeves 2017). the trade unions has been tense. The FI leader has no time for po- the trade unions has been tense. The litical parties, which, as he puts it, belong to the ‘old world’. After had called for a Macron vote in the Pierre Laurent, the PCF leader, Mélenchon sent him an second round of the presidential election, angry ten months to decide to text message saying: “It took you to vote for Macron. support me, but only ten minutes to decide and nothingness!” (Dodet 2017). His communists, are death You, they all stand accused of objective is to replace those ‘old’ parties: Monde 2017). Hence he sticks ganging up to block FI’s progress (Le to a strict policy of non-alliance with other forces on the Left local- Their decline is not enough for Mélenchon; he actively wants to ly. En République La them. In this respect,marginalize FI’s and Macron’s of the same coin. (LREM) anti-party stances are two sides Marche on the Left. issue of a coalition forming to oppose Em- It raises the policies in the National Assembly and outside of it.manuel Macron’s With about 12–14% of the share of the national vote, FI is far from Mélenchon being in a position to challenge LREM on its own. Yet - - - - - Since the 7 ‘fully de facto Critics argue that such strategy is the antithe- Critics argue that such 6 tember 2017, just a week after a similar event had been organized by the had been organized tember 2017, just a week after a similar event with for mingling criticized trade unions. Mélenchon was singled out and unions’ traditional business and trying to highjack for his own political gains a collective struggle and endeavour. port his campaign to click on a page on his campaign site. Since then, Mélenchon has argued that those online supporters are fledged’ members of FI. FI organized a demonstration against the Labour Code reform on 23 Sep a demonstration against FI organized When in February 2016 Mélenchon declared his candidacy at the presidential election on television, he invited the people who wished to sup FI comes across as the archetypal post-modern organization: the archetypal post-modern FI comes across as 6 7 announcement of his candidacy in the presidential election in Feb- ruary contest to elect the FI 2016, there has been no leadership One cannot join FI as a leader or to elect the party representatives. This is a major difference party of organization but as an individual. with FDG, other parties. In other words, which regrouped several Their members have to inte- other parties of the Left cannot join FI. its name, identity and therefore, loses The party, grate individually. be no room in FI for a political orientation. Thus, there would faction in Podemos a far-left equivalent of Anticapiatalistas, French The or new Spanish party. and one of the founding groups of the support groups cannot ganization has also highly unusual rules: not coordinate their work have more than 15 members and should there should be no zones; with each other within larger geographic These rules, which have local FI conventions or general assemblies. ’ (grubby) (Tronche 2017). Often, he is accused of 2017). Often, he (Tronche ’ (grubby) ties as ‘tambouille himself and his parliamentaryportraying the natural par caucus as liamentary move- of the struggles that the trade union expression ment will undertake. refuses to consider any type of alliance with other political forces of with other political type of alliance consider any refuses to between par those negotiations pejoratively describes the Left and sis of unity, and they stress the need to unite all resistance forces atstress the need to unite all resistance and they sis of unity, offensive against workers’ by Macron’s the risk of being defeated social protection. to formally membership, so it is not possible there is no fee-paying join it. in claims that FI is now the biggest organization Mélenchon internet users politics on the grounds that over 500,000 French on the his campaign website by simply clicking have registered on candidacy. page as a sign of support for his presidential

Marlière 130 131 edited volumes - For left-wing populists, patriotism is a very notion. positive For left-wing traditional brand of republicanism has Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s Republic) as untouchable, if not sacrosanct. For instance, he in- th gued that this would be contrary to the principle of equality of all law (Mélenchon 2014b). before French citizens veighs against the European Regional Languages Charter on the veighs against the European grounds that it grants ‘specific rights’ to people according to their ar Member of Parliament linguistic practice. The then European A staunch patriotism A staunch Errejón have em- Iglesias and Íñigo Pablo leaders The Podemos braced it. sought to reclaim patriotism for ‘progressive They have ends’. This is a novelty in a country implemented a Franco where its defence and values. fascist regime in the name of the ‘patria’, works here as an empty signifier in order to stir up a Patriotism of patriotism is a ques- ‘new national spirit’. For Iglesias, the notion tion that goes beyond Left and Right. This is about behaving in a ‘decent’ manner (Bassets 2015). for long been patriotic. Most of his speeches are peppered with vi- to quote, in particu- . The FI leader likes patrie brant references to la almost be said that, this famous Jean Jaurès sentence: “It may lar, separates a man from his while a little dose of internationalism country, a large dose brings him back. A little patriotism separates brings back to it.”from The Internationale; the higher patriotism Based on strong revolutionary principles, patriotism and republican Left as an acceptable point of is largely perceived on the French reference, although not everyone agree with it (Philippe would ‘one and Republic (France’s 2012). Mélenchon sees the unity of the according to the first article of the Constitution of the indivisible’ 5 - strengthen the au abided by locally, been discussed nor not always and informal FI has a horizontal the national leadership. thority of - vertical control ex local level and tight on the type of organization core leadership national level. The leadership on the erted by the PG,group is drawn from first is composed of Mélenchon’s which Mélenchon, members like Most were previously, circle of allies in FI. of the PS. - - - - stand. And although the FI leader Running for the presidency, Mélen- 9 8 ing the French Revolution. Jacobinism, today, in the French context, gen- in the French Revolution. Jacobinism, today, ing the French republican state and strong erally indicates a supporter of a centralized central government powers and/or supporters of extensive government intervention to transform society. In France, the Jacobin Society was the most influential political club dur the Jacobin Society was the In France, - In his Hareng de Bismarck essay (the subtitle of which is “le poison alle as never before, Mélenchon writes: “Arrogant mand” – German poison), for those who do not blackmail and punishment uses brutality, Germany obey immediately the new order which it has managed to impose.” (p. 7) Regarding the position of France in international politics, in international the position of France Regarding 9 8 does not embrace Marine Le Pen’s ethnocentric conception of na- does not embrace Marine Le Pen’s has nothing to nationality to stress that French he is keen tionality, is related to the in- but do with questions of culture, race or gender, person, A French dividuals’ emancipation from those ‘particularisms’. adheres to the ‘nationalaccording to Mélenchon, is someone who historynarrative,’ made up of French and its ‘great’ republican chon enjoyed speaking as the country’s in chief commander (future) military, Al- whose capacities he wants to strengthen. of the French strongly opposes the use of civil nuclear though his ‘ecosocialism’ and even enhancing, nuclear weapons he supports keeping, power, (Rousset 2012). As a result, on the Left he has widely been criticized for his ‘patriotic’ and ‘Jacobin’ Mélenchon shows features of a more conservative shows features of Mélenchon type of patriot. the spanning all global power, as a praises of France He sings the for instance, quit NATO, to He wants France world’s seas and oceans. and Gaulle, in order to better defend its interests Charles de but, like world. In line with that,prestige around the all French he regards as fully part of countries, but not as colonized overseas territories French not fight against (Branchi and Philippe 2012). FI does France to for such a fight is unwarranted. Its approach imperialism because eign policy a geostra- based on an internationalist outlook but is not on an as- the situation in the Middle East relies tegic one. Its view of the between global powers – hence sessment of the relationship terms Russia, even if this means negotiating calls to cooperate with with Bashar al-Assad. The same approach of rival global powers can Ger – so the target becomes Angela Merkel’s be applied to Europe with border people’, if not the ‘German (Mélenchon 2015b), many line Germanophobic rhetoric.

Marlière 132 133 edited volumes - - - Republic rd On the night of the first round of the presidential election, first round of the presidential election, On the night of the It is undeniable that Mélenchon’s performance in the first It is undeniable that Mélenchon’s Interpreting the electoral sequence Interpreting the electoral - He is, in this re the 1789 Revolution. which stem from values, those spect, of the 3 republican ideology true believer in the a Was France Insoumise’s populist strategy successful? strategy populist Insoumise’s France Was - the multicul this approach ignores Critics argue that (Renan 1997). and it may nation today, of the French multi-ethnic fabric tural and if not neo-imperialistic overtones wheneven have chauvinistic but those republican values are not French Mélenchon claims that 2016). ‘universal’ (Martelli Jean-Luc Mélenchon lamented that he narrowly missed the qualifi- Jean-Luc Mélenchon lamented that he separated him from cation for the second round: about 600,000 subsequent legislative who came second. In the Marine Le Pen, to LREM 309 depu- election, 17 deputies were elected (compared But how good are these elec ties and 112 Républicains deputies). toral results overall? compared to the results round of the presidential election is good This being said, the top of the Radical Left of the past 30 years. Extreme Right, and Fil- Pen, three candidates (Macron, Centre, Le of the share of the vote. lon, Right) received a total of over 60% in this election. One The Left was, therefore, largely defeated combative campaign (which at could also argue that Mélenchon’s and working-class voters tracted a significant number of young managed to regroup traditional left-wing who normally abstain) he over the PS.voters and socialist voters who had deserted Yet in the polls only in mid- took Benoît Hamon (the socialist candidate) weeks. This happened March, after lagging behind for several PS leadership was defecting when it became clear that part of the the more cen- to support Macron. When the betrayal materialized, trist sections of PS voters also switched to Macron. Their change of allegiance was dictated by two factors: first, they did not relate to Second, their vote for Hamon, whom some found ‘too left-wing’. Macron was tactical in the sense that they wanted to prevent the - At the 2019 European elections, FI received 6.31% of the At the 2019 European In short, the op- and Mélenchon were adept at seizing Macron Commentators concur that Mélenchon’s dynamic 2017 presi- Commentators concur that Mélenchon’s FI and ‘The People’ geois bloc’, which gathered together the middle classes of the cen- geois bloc’, which gathered together 2017). It is and Palombarini tre-left and the centre-right (Amable could indeed become the too early to say whether this new bloc in the opinion polls, as deep slump hegemonic bloc, but Macron’s law reforms, augur rather well as the rising opposition to his labour badly in this respect. movement Mélenchon’s share of the vote and had 6 MEPs elected. the Green party and Les Répub- lagged far behind Macron, Le Pen, unpopularity and a Macron’s licains. The FI hoped to benefit from voters. But,French ap- Euroscepticism among diffuse but growing this election put an end to the short period of FI’s political parently, on the Left (Mestre 2019). and electoral hegemony qualification of Fillon and Le Pen for the second round. When it Pen for the second of Fillon and Le qualification to everyonewas clear recover from this act would not that Hamon collapsing in he started his own party, from members of of betrayal turned to sympathies left-wing PS voters with firmer the polls. largely economic programme and ideas were Mélenchon, whose voting This was tactical 2017b). (Marlière compatible with Hamon’s from persona. Benefiting to Mélenchon’s rather than a response voters in the PS and good performances the support of disgruntled close to debates, Mélenchon indeed came during the two televised qualifying the second round. for up for crisis of the two main parties opened portunity that the them: for the PS, to run, and for the late decision not Hollande’s collapse allegations against Fillon. The Républicains, the corruption long coming: the working of the two government parties had been and classes had long deserted the Left, and independent workers victory Right.artisans had turned their back on the Macron’s could new dominant bloc,be interpreted as the emergence of a a ‘bour dential campaign galvanized large constituencies of the electorate large constituencies of the electorate dential campaign galvanized which had stopped supporting the Left (the young and the

Marlière 134 135 edited volumes - - - - As a result, it made important elec 10 A war of movement is, for Gramsci, the phase of open conflict between classes, where the outcome is decided by direct clashes between revolu tionaries and the State. A war of position, on the other hand, is the slow, hidden conflict, where forces seek to gain influence and power. For FI supporters, the difficulty of the task ahead was to feder For FI supporters, the difficulty of the 10 ate voters across social groups and generations. Each of them had ate voters across social groups and generations. type. Some had suggest demands and expectations of a particular (motherland) could patrie ed that the ‘national community’ or la unify name collectively, prove handy ‘empty signifiers’ which and popular demands that represent the chain of equivalence among (Kioupkiolis 2016: 102). are left unsatisfied by the government during his presidential cam- Mélenchon toyed with those notions is a as follows: France paign. The narrative was, roughly speaking, of solidarity; the moth- national community based on the principle actions of the State. The aim erland protects the poor through the one that is progres- is to produce an alternative type of patriotism, (Benba- narrative of the Far-Right sive and opposes the xenophobic a creative version of in Spain, exemplifies Podemos ra 2017). FI, like that opens up to ‘ordinary the ‘politics of the common’ people’, of social majorities beyond and resonates with “the common sense (Kioupkiolis 2016, 100). divide” the left-right toral gains in all social categories and all age groups with the ex- categories and all age groups with toral gains in all social 18– Mélenchon received 30% of ception of the retired and elderly. and 9% of the over- but only 15% of 60–69 year-olds 24 year-olds, 2017). 70s (Teinturier popular classes). Well-organized and active on social media, FI was social media, FI was and active on Well-organized popular classes). presence and oratory his charismatic built around skills, and it difference.made a significant the conclu- FI leader put it in As the to find the debates: “I want people of the televised sion of one - again.” This may sound to some a grandilo taste for happiness this positive an unrealistic target.quent statement and However, the Left. discourse mobilized gave people new hope after so It 2017). The ‘hid- over the previous decades (Benbara defeats many et al. 2016: (Stavrakakis campaign den transcript’ in Mélenchon’s as the ‘be- anger at what was largely regarded 58) was the popular as well as his Hollande, by François trayal’ of socialist principles in the out a clever ‘war of movement’ promises. FI carried broken the term. Gramscian sense of - - - - Can left-wing populism work in France? Can a movement populism work in France? Can left-wing the best strategy toOne may wonder whether populism is Mélenchon’s populist strategy in launching France Insoumise is in launching France populist strategy Mélenchon’s toral proposition for both radical and moderate left-wing voters. moderate left-wing toral proposition for both radical and campaign become a launched by one man to bolster an electoral leader wants to federate the peo- The FI major progressive force? traditional Left.ple beyond the constituencies of the He has of the Left altogether. ceased to refer to and to use the notion are there to federate in the end. Elec One may ask what ‘people’ the traditional pattern toral polls show that FI’s electorate match educat voters: urban, youngish, public sector workers, of left-wing not attract a significant Mélenchon did ed, lower-middle-class. He appealed to Far-Right. number of voters from the Right or the who normally do not vote the young and the working-class voters is that,(Doubre 2017). The irony despite dismissing the notions of electorate is clear the Left and class, the sociology of Mélenchon’s and their vote is a class vote against the Right and the ly left-wing Extreme Right. was attracted in In other words, the FI’s electorate democratic pro- social left-wing the first place by Mélenchon’s gramme. thinks that left- broaden the Left’s electorate. Sociologist Éric Fassin do not tap into the same culture and populisms wing and right-wing do not express the same feelings. On the Left, the anger is directed the hatred of foreign- economics. On the Far-Right, at free market argues that both ers and immigrants is the main motivation. Fassin Conclusion blatant. the lines the masses along to organize This is an attempt and ‘the elite’ between ‘the people’ of an agonistic cleavage left-wing is quite remarkable in this unique (Mouffe 2018). What that it was not motivated by external is France type of populism in by one movements, but was manufactured factors, such as social cam- political purpose – to run a presidential person for a specific was Podemos from the situation in Spain. paign. This is different In France, of decisive social movements. formed in the aftermath ex- easily, social movements cannot be made the correlation with presidency amongst discrediting of Hollande’s cept for the strong an attractive elec voters. This certainly made Mélenchon left-wing

Marlière 136 137 edited volumes - In short, ‘1%’ and even the the common hatred of an elusive and the centrality of What defines FI’s populism is the role feelings and mindsets are incompatible: the former has a positive the former mindsets are incompatible: feelings and mindset, is based on resentment. whereas the latter set Therefore, ting aside the Left-Right cleavage is dangerous as it may have a con- as it may have cleavage is dangerous the Left-Right ting aside are less politicized. on voters who depoliticizing effect fusing and in electorate to the nature of Donald Trump’s also points Fassin came from the middle/upper classes. 2016: the majority the does not suffice to fill of neoliberal policies profound dislike populism. There is, indeed, and right-wing gap between left-wing electorate fraction of Mélenchon’s evidence that an insignificant the presi- in the second round of for Le Pen (less than 4%) voted would be more concludes by saying that it dential election. Fassin to appeal electoral and political point of view beneficial from an try voters who abstain rather than to lure right-wing to left-wing - agenda of the Left (Fas voters who do not share the social justice sin 2017). in August 2017, At the end of FI’s summer conference the leader. of the leadership, pro- Mélenchon declared that the “question 2017). In other words, gramme and strategy was settled” (Mestre would not as leader of FI, there following his self-appointment the debate or vote on the leadership. Laclau argues that be any around an individuality”“symbolic unification of the group – be it to the formation of a symbolic or even notional – “is inherent (Laclau 2005, 100). Mélenchon identifies with the peo- ‘people’” ple, has a fiery as a charismatic orator and character and is seen associated with a Those qualities are those normally performer. model of leadership is closer to Mélenchon’s populist leader. has never been a lonely Chávez’s than Iglesias’s. In Spain, Iglesias fairly collegial: Íñigo Errejón (who has remains Podemos leader. Luis Carlos Monedero, Carolina Bescansa, now left Podemos), - Echenique have played prominent roles in Po Alegre and Pablo 113). In Greece and Germa- demos’s leadership (Kioupkiolis 2016, and Oskar Lafontaine never played Alexis Tsipras respectively, ny the roles of strong and charismatic leaders to such an extent. In no other major figure has, to date, appeared on the front France, stage. Mélenchon incarnates FI for the public and he is, for the time being, its undisputed leader. - Political Studies 47(1): 2–16. Political , 1 May. www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières, 1 May. Political Studies 64 (1), 88–104. Political fr/flash-actualite-politique/melenchon-je-ne-suis-pas-d-extreme- gauche-16-04-2017-6858561.php. . Seuil (Raisons d’Agir). Français du Modèle et Avenir - Monde, 14 January. http://abonnes.lemonde.fr/les-decodeurs/arti Le - cle/2017/01/30/qu-est-ce-que-le-degagisme-de-jean-luc-melen chon_5071725_4355770.html. tive.” zine.org/article/marc-bassets-podemos-patriotism-spain. August. http://lvsl.fr/la-france-insoumise-face-a-son-destin. June. www.lefigaro.fr/politique/2017/06/08/01002-20170608ARTFIG00115- melenchon-etrille-hollande-un-pauvre-type.php. Monde , 11 March. http:// Radicales.” Le les Gauches Avec “Plan B” Européen abonnes.lemonde.fr/election-presidentielle-2017/article/2017/03/11/jean- luc-melenchon-va-defendre-ses-projets-europeens-au-sommet-du-plan-b-a- rome_5092939_4854003.html. Politics 25(4), 413–427. Comparative Europe.” in Western list Parties - www.liberation.fr/debats/2017/03/15/impensable-popu lisme-de-gauche_1555958. nies.” php?article25841. mocracy.” References Parisien. 16 April. www.leparisien. d’Extrême Ne Suis Pas Gauche.” Le 2017. “Je AFP. . Robert Laffont. Plébéien le Alliès. 2012. Mélenchon Alemagna, Lilian, and Stéphane Alliances Bourgeois. du Bloc 2017. L’Illusion Palombarini. Amable, Bruno, and Stefano Jean-Luc Mélenchon?” de Que le ‘Dégagisme’ “Qu’Est-Ce Andureau, William. 2017. and a New Perspec A Refutation an Ideology?: Aslanidis, 2016. “Is Populism Paris. , Summer. www.dissentmaga- Dissent, Summer. Bassets, Marc. New Patriots.” 2015. “Spain’s . 3 Se Lève Vent à son Destin.” Le Insoumise Face 2017. “La France Benbara, Lenny. Figaro , 8 Le Type’.” “Mélenchon Étrille Hollande: ‘Un Pauvre 2017. Berdah, Arthur. Rome, Mélenchon Creuse le Sillon du Besse Desmoulières, Raphaëlle. 2017. “À - Popu Betz, Hans-Georg. 1993. “The of Resentment Radical Right-Wing New Politics 15 March. de Gauche.” Libération, Populisme Blin, Simon. 2017. “L’Introuvable “Mélenchon, le PCF et les Colo- Branchi, Michel, and Pierre-Charles Philippe. 2012. of De- Faces and the Two Populism Canovan, Margaret.the People! 1999. “Trust

Marlière 138 139 edited volumes - , 16 October. www.lejdd.fr/Politique/Les- , 16 October. Journal du Dimanche Le - Politis, 27 March. www.politis.fr/articles/2017/03/eric-fassin-le-popu 10-premieres-mesures-du-programme-de-Melenchon-817699. http://filoche2017.fr/le-piege. , 26 September. Filoche2017.fr Sociétés 2(158). www.cairn.info/revue-mi- Prégnance Idéologique.” Migrations grations-societe-2015-2-page-3.htm). elpais/2017/02/24/opinion/1487932250_793206.html. 23(3), 391–403. Constellations from Minoritarian Opposition to Power.” Trajectory in Contemporary 21(2), 99–120. Populism Ideologies Spain.” Journal of Political Populism. New Left Books. http://lvsl.fr/du-front-de-gauche-a-la- , 10 May. Se Lève Vent Le Podemos?” Pour france-insoumise-quelles-influences-de-podemos-entretien-avec-jorge-lago. , 10 May. http://lvsl. , 10 May. 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Democracy, 4 June. www.opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/ philippe-marli%C3%A8re/demophobes-and-great-fear-of-populism. mediapart.fr/philippe-marliere/blog/070414/lesprit-des-populismes. , 14 February.- http://leplus.nouvelobs.com/con l’Histoire de la Gauche.” L’Obs tribution/1481855-melenchon-candidat-a-la-presidentielle-il-tourne-le-dos-a- l-histoire-de-la-gauche.html. , 18 January. is a Sham.” The Guardian www.theguardian.com/com- ti-System’ mentisfree/2017/jan/18/emmanuel-macron-anti-system-french-presidency. 21 February. www.contretemps.eu/marliere-vote-hamon-ps-gauche/. - www.regards.fr/qui-veut-la-peau-de-roger-martelli/article/melen chon-et-le-recit-national. published in 1852). - www.sudouest.fr/2010/10/10/j-appelle-a-une-revolution-citoy October. enne-207769-4585.php. . 2017. “Jean-Luc Mélenchon Accuse la Gauche de Bloquer la Percée de la de la Percée la Gauche de Bloquer la Mélenchon Accuse Monde. 2017. “Jean-Luc Le Marlière, Philippe. 2010. “L’Effet Mélenchon, un Risque pour l’Avenir de la Gauche.” de la Gauche.” l’Avenir Mélenchon, un Risque pour “L’Effet Marlière, Philippe. 2010. 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Marlière 140 141 edited volumes - https://www.lemonde.fr/politique/arti Monde, 26 May. Le - Monde, 27 August. http://abonnes.lemonde.fr/politique/arti Le cle/2017/08/27/melenchon-appelle-le-peuple-a-deferler-a-paris-contre-le- coup-d-etat-social-de-macron_5177148_823448.html. soumise’.” - cle/2019/05/26/europeennes-autopsie-de-la-defaite-in soumise_5467614_823448.html lished in 1964). , 19 April. www.versobooks.com/ Verso formist Against Mounting Oligarchy.” blogs/3171-melenchon-a-radical-reformist-against-mounting-oligarchy. - www.lexpress.fr/actualite/politique/melenchon-populiste-moi-j-as sume_919603.html. Flammarion. humanite.fr/sites/default/files/legacy/courrie_jlm_ppl_charte_langues.pdf. http://melenchon. , 29 September. du Peuple L’Ère clau-Mouffe-Mélenchon.” - fr/2015/09/29/populisme-et-hegemonies-culturelles-debat-laclau-mouffe-me lenchon/. Plon. - http://melenchon.fr/2016/11/02/pendant-va , 2 November. du Peuple cances-scolaires-de-novembre/. du Seuil. Éditions soumise et Son Candidat. - , 26 August.Peuple http://melenchon.fr/2017/08/26/linsoumission-nouvel-hu manisme/. Blabla.” Mestre, Abel. 2019. “Élections Européennes 2019: Autopsie de la Défaite ‘In- 2019: Mestre, Abel. 2019. “Élections Européennes du Seuil (first pub- d’État Permanent. Éditions Coup 1984. Le Mitterrand, François. Presidential Candidate Mélenchon is a Radical Re- Mouffe, Chantal. 2017. “French . Citoyenne Révolution la Vite, Mélenchon, Jean-Luc. 2010c. Tous! Qu’Ils S’En Aillent . Fayard. du Peuple Mélenchon, Jean-Luc. 2014a. L’Ère , 21 January. www. Mélenchon, Jean-Luc.Députés.” L’Humanité 2014b. “Lettre aux Débat La- et Hégémonies Culturelles: Mélenchon, Jean-Luc. 2015a. “Populisme Éditions Poison Allemand. Le Hareng de Bismarck. Mélenchon, Jean-Luc. 2015b Le du Seuil. Choix de l’Insoumission. Éditions Mélenchon, Jean-Luc. 2016a. Le Scolaires de Novembre.” L’Ère les Vacances Mélenchon, Jean-Luc. 2016b. “Pendant In- France de la Programme Le En Commun. Mélenchon, Jean-Luc. 2016c. Un Avenir du Est un Nouvel Humanisme.” L’Ère Mélenchon, Jean-Luc. 2017. “L’Insoumission du Jean-Luc Mélenchon Promet du Combat Pas Marseille, Mestre, Abel. 2017. “À , 16 September. , 16 September. Moi? J’assume!” Jean-Luc.Mélenchon, “Populiste 2010b. L’Express - , June. www.europe-solidaire.org/Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières . Polity Press. . Polity Bolivia and Ecuador in Venezuela, the Left Colonies.” spip.php?article25835. www.lopinion.fr/edition/politique/secrets-conquista-melenchon-123798. and What to Do About the Dust, Everyone Else in That Is a Problem, Why Leaving It. Brooking Institution Press. lished in 1882). April. www.jacobinmag.com/2015/04/podemos-spain-pablo-iglesias-european-left. www.eu, 9 May. Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières - et la Gauche Française.” rope-solidaire.org/spip.php?article25138. tics 3(3), 243–257. , edited by Cole, Alistair, Sophie Meunier and Vincent Sophie Meunier and Vincent ments Politics in French 5, edited by Cole, Alistair, Macmillan. Tiberj. Palgrave - com/2017/04/france-insoumise-melenchon-elections-sixth-republic-nation al-front/. 13(1), 95–110. ropean periphery: The case of SYRIZA.” 19(2), Ideologies Journal of Political 119–142. in Latin Populism and Thomas Siomos. 2016. “Contemporary Left-Wing For a Left Populism. Verso. a Left 2018. For Mouffe, Chantal. 2004. “TheMudde, Cas. Zeitgeist.” Opposition 39(4), 542–563. and Populist Government of Politics. of The Return 2011. The Triumph Francisco. and Panizza, Philip, George 2012. “La Question Oubliée: la République, la Gauche et les Philippe, Pierre-Charles. , 7 April. Proust, L’Opinion Raphaël. 2017. “Les Secrets de la Conquista Mélenchon.” Is Class Upper Middle How the American 2017. Dream Hoarders: Reeves, Richard V. (first pub- Qu’Une Nation? Les Milles et Une Nuits Renan, Ernest. 1997. Qu’Est-Ce Shift.”, 13 and Paradigm Jacobin Jorge Sola. 2015. “Podemos and Rendueles, Cesar, Nucléaire Mélenchon, l’Habit Présidentiel, l’Arme Rousset, Pierre. 2012. “Jean-Luc Poli- and Miscomparing.” Journal of Theoretical Sartori, Giovanni. 1991. “Comparing The Socialists and the Left.” Parties: In Develop 2013. “Political Sawicki, Frederic. , 4 December. www.jacobinmag. , 4 December. Rebels.” Jacobin “France Cole. 2017. Stangler, , “The Ben. 2008. Ideologies Stanley, Journal of Political Thin Ideology of Populism.” - populism in the Eu and Giorgos Katsambekis. 2014. “left-wing Stavrakakis, Yannis, Nikisianis, Alexandros Kioupkiolis, Giorgos Katsambekis, Nikos Stavrakakis, Yannis,

Marlière 142 143 edited volumes - - IPSOS. www.ipsos.com/fr-fr/1er-tour-presidentielle-2017-sociolo Latin American Politics American and Society 58 (3), 51–76. Latin - and Postdemocracy Venezue in Chavez’s Horizontalism, America: Leadership, la.” , 31 March. www.theguard The Guardian - Politics.” demics Changed European - ian.com/world/2015/mar/31/podemos-revolution-radical-academ ics-changed-european-politics. at.” gie-de-lelectorat. Politique Europe 1, 4 Sep- Lab Le en Corse.” PCF pour les Élections Territoriales - http://lelab.europe1.fr/jean-luc-melenchon-condamne-une-alli tember. ance-insoumispcf-pour-les-elections-territoriales-en-corse-3426401. Teinturier, Brice. 2017. “Premier Tour Présidentielle 2017: Sociologie de l’Élector Présidentielle 2017: Sociologie “Premier Tour Brice. 2017. Teinturier, . Oxford University Press. Populism. Oxford University 2000. Paul. Taggart, Giles. 2015. “The How a Small Group of Radical Aca- Revolution. Tremlett, Podemos Tronche, Sébastien. 2017. “Jean-Luc Mélenchon ‘Condamne’ une Alliance Insoumis/ Mélenchon ‘Condamne’ “Jean-Luc Sébastien. 2017. Tronche, PRIBIĆEVIĆOGNJEN Institute of Social Sciences, Belgrade of Social Sciences, Institute

Pribićević 144 145 edited volumes - - 1 European social democracies are in crisis. For more than a decade, social democracies are in crisis. European power of out driven been have parties democratic social leading with conservativeor forced to form coalitions parties. In this century, electoral support. they have already lost almost half of their an offer to failed have parties these decades, four last the During they when in power, even Moreover, alternative to neoliberalism. have pursued almost the same policies as conservative parties as of and the United Kingdom during the chancellorship in Germany For the Blair. Tony Gerhard Schröder and tenure of Prime Minister neoliberal- to alternative century, an a half almost after time first poli- left-oriented ism emerged in the United Kingdom, when the Corbyin servedtician Jeremy Corbyn took over the Labour Party. from 2015 to 2020. His plan, to na- as leader of the Labour Party universi- scrap and rich the on taxes raise utilities, public tionalize especially the ty tuition fees, won strong support among voters, the neoliberal conservativesyounger generation. Like in the 1980s, thechange to sought but elections win to wanted only not Corbyn political agenda in the UK. Similar developments have been seen It is not only the destiny and France. among the Left in Germany of these newof the social democrats that depends on the success since whole a as Europe of destiny the also but projects leftist to its econom- social democratic policies have crucially contributed the Second World ic progress and democratic stability following War. Cor Third way, neoliberalism, : social democracy, Europe, Keywords byn, Labour Party This chapter was written as part of the 2020 Research Program of the In stitute of Social Sciences with the support of the Ministry of Education, Development of the Republic of Serbia. Science and Technological 1 Abstract Return to ideology to Return Democracies: Social stumbling to A solution of Corbyn The case - - - - - In this context, the focus will be on the British Labour Party European social democracies are facing a huge crisis. The tradi- a huge crisis. The are facing social democracies European tional Left is practically out of power everywhere is practically out of tional Left or it in Europe par right-wing with moderate forced to form coalitions has been ties as in Germany. At the same time, its electoral support has more its electoral support At the same time, ties as in Germany. it has lost its ideas and vision. more importantly, than halved. Even over at the book titles on the subject published It is enough to look problem affect up the true scope of the to size the past ten years Left.European ing the traditional and au- Scores of researchers social democ crisis of European of the spoken thors write and have racy is in (Berman McCrone 2013), the death spiral it and (Keating we its death (Berman 2018). In this chapter, 2016) or even about affect the various shapes and forms of the crises will first focus on analyse their causes and then trying social democracies, to answer their his- leftist parties have accomplished the question of whether for their activities in a differ torical mission or if there is still space ent form. Corbyn (2015-2020), was which, under the leadership of Jeremy social democratic parties the only one among the most prominent that,in Europe election defeat in 2019, managed to in spite of the a political alternative to hold more than 30% of votes and to offer the ruling Conservative The question here will be whether Party. can be seen as a harbin- the radical left policies of Jeremy Corbyn and a promising turn for so- ger of a happier future for left parties cial democracy is it rather a strategy that will never be or in Europe as his political opponents to power, able to bring the Labour Party Before that, we will look at the policyclaim? of the so-called Third to come to power during the that enabled social democrats Way of ideology and voters 90s but which, over time, robbed them fu- this chapter also aims to ask what the Finally, (Pribićević 1989a). it could win and whether ture of social democracy could look like parties would of the left-wing over its voters, and if so, which ideas power. be crucial for getting them back into

Pribićević 146 147 edited volumes - The failure and decline of the European social democratic par social democratic European and decline of the The failure There are many explanations for the electoral catastrophe of There are many The first reason given for the declining influence of social dem- The decline of Social Democracy in Europe of Social Democracy The decline ties can be explained by a number of factors, one of which is their of factors, one explained by a number ties can be for the Social Dem- since 1945, support Germany, electoral results. In and 45%, with the ranging between 30 has held steady, ocrats (SPD) crisis in by the financial in 1998. Triggered last peak of over 40% 20.5% atdecline started with support falling to 2008, a significant the parliamentary their worstelections held in mid-September 2017, electoral result. rise of their sister party in Italy came The post-war leadership of Matteo Renzi; yet,later under the charismatic within as same destiny faced the Democratic Party four years, the Italian voter under the leadership of Renzi, to 40% While climbing, the SPD. 2018 this support dropped to 20%. However, support in 2014, in defeat was suffered by thecomparatively speaking, the strongest of the which, in 2017, won a meagre 6.4% Socialist Party French the social democratic PASOK In Greece, vote, its worst result ever. 19 in 2019. The Dutch La- dropped from 160 seats in 2009 to only bour Party’s 25% to only 5.7% in 2017, and even support fell from a leftist stronghold, arethe Scandinavian countries, once considered no longer that. There, the support for social democrats dropped 20%. Given the decline of social demo- from 40% to approximately not come as a surprise that atcratic parties in member states, it does parliament in May 2019, the group ofthe election for the European It got 24% of the loser. Socialist and Democrats was the biggest held in 2014, and insteadvotes, 6% less than in the previous election Parliament,they currently have 154. of 185 seats in the European Left.the traditional European Some claim that this is a normal moderate Left and the Right state of affairs, where the traditional claim that social democracysucceed each other in power; others welfare states and has fulfilled its historical mission of creating and movements. However, that the time has come for new parties most of them link the failure of these parties to the changed social the structures and the shrinking of their traditional electoral body, and McCrone 2013). working class in particular (Keating ocratic parties is the shrinking of their traditional electoral body. - - - - Second, traditionally, the basic instruments of the social demo- Second, traditionally, Third, the great success of neoliberalism in the field of eco- racy. The disappearance of the working class and the burgeoningracy. The disappearance of the working middle class, to a large extent, have disparaged former theories of and capitalists. class divisions and clashes between workers state and its corrective role incratic parties’ activities have been the owner In the 1970s, due to predominant state economy. a market could no longer markets regulation, European ship and excessive the US and Asiansustain a competitive advantage over markets. and their ideology of stateThis was blamed on the social democrats interventionism. the USA and the UK, At the same time, in claims for of the welfare state, support more deregulation and the reduction and became stronger, ed by Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan, introduced a new tendency in favour of conservative policies re- In this upcoming economy. garding the role of individuals and the start among workers era of individualism, the traditional solidarity of this neoliberal ideolo- ed to dissipate, while under the influence subjected all state institutions, from policies the new right-wing gy, crite- schools to utilities, hospitals and energy companies, to market ria, which included the privatization of a substantial segment of that sector in the UK (Pribićević 1989b, 1853-1856). of the nomic growth brought about the so-called Third Way “From the early socialists of the nineteenth century socialists of the nineteenth the early “From to Karl Marx twentieth centu- the nineteenth and socialists of and the leading represented the one thing: They were always clear about ries, they and ordinaryof workers interests people everywhere” (Berger and glo- technological development 2012, 13). Due to accelerated fallen along with the influ- has of workers balization, the number parties that supported them, leaving leftist ence of the trade unions have been number of voters. These tendencies without a significant unions Great Britain, where once-powerful trade most prominent in where half of their influence, and in Germany, have lost almost all whereas to the traditional working class, all employees belonged As the share a consequence of Thatcherism, this is a quarter. today, King- has fallen to 17% of GDP of the United of the industrial sector 6). There is no it is 26% (Blackburn 2018, dom, while in Germany, of modern capitalismdoubt whatsoever that the transformation social democ of European has largely undermined the foundations

Pribićević 148 149 edited volumes - - century and, last but st Fourth, this disappointment resulted in an extensive fragmen- Fourth, this disappointment resulted As a result, four decades of ascending neolib- after more than European social democratic parties, personified by the British by the parties, personified social democratic European Gerhard and German Chancellor, Blair Tony Prime Minister variant to a more moderate boiled down This approach Schröder. to power and these parties to come and enabled of Thatcherism was, by entire decade. The consequence of this hold on to it for an caused which politics, they lost their identity, conducting neoliberal among their traditional voters: “Thesemass disillusionment policies the politi- working class, alienating them from hurt members of the protect centre-left parties that had traditionally cal system and the ed their interests.” (Snyder 2019, 58). Globalization only accelerat 2019, (Snyder ed their interests.” pol- social democracies closer to neoliberal ed this trend of pushing of these parties feared that implementing icies because the leaders would and low wages) (increase in taxes more radical left policies elsewhere, especially to the Asiandrive capital to go continent. was particularly evident tation among the parties of the Left which won more than 9% of party Die Linke where the far-left in Germany, the votes at the parliamentary in 2017. In the first round elections in 2017, Jean-Luc Mélen- of the presidential elections in France insoumise from the left won 19.5%, while France chon, leader of La The same went for in 2015 won 36% of the votes in Greece. Syriza in 2015, Unidas Podemos, the Spanish party of the new left which, 2019 at the which later, scored a remarkable total of almost 21%, elections, dropped to 12%. by slumping economic growth, eral policies, the world is marked countries, unsuccessful rising poverty in most developed Western wars in the Middle East, a migrant surge from Arab countries dev- powers in the early 21 astated by Western not least, terrorist attacks in the USA, and France UK, Germany, countries. This crisis is being reflected in decisions other Western various issues. “For the first time since the by voters on taken a President that is actively 1930s, the United States has elected deci- Britain’s hostile to liberal internationalism... Simultaneously, and a myriad other troubles besetting Europe sion to leave the EU project of building a appear to mark an end to the long post-war greater union... Meanwhile, liberal democracy itself appears to be rise to new salience in retreat as varieties of ‘new authoritarianism’ - - 1.3 century social democracy st and early in the 21 th - in the UK, other Euro many and Germany As indicated earlier, 1.7 trillion, during his premiership from 1997 through to 2007. £ opted for the policy of the Third Way or New Labour. What did this or New Labour. opted for the policy of the Third Way with the funda- it implied coming to terms Basically, actually mean? to a large extent,mental elements of neoliberalism and, abandon- and values. Asing traditional social democratic goals we go along, we shall try journeyed from the tri- Party to explain how the Labour of these politics and theumph of New Labour to the total collapse his Corbyn, in 2015. Unlike politician, Jeremy election of a far-left (1997) at a time whenLabour predecessors, Blair came to power was falling. Thethe economy was still growing and unemployment in the international mar UK was increasingly asserting its position and interna- technology was advancing and there was domestic ket, London was becoming a global financial hub (Prib- tional stability. con- Blair rules of New Labour, ićević 2019, 143-147). In line with the tinued with the Thatcherite policies of curbing public spending and his La- Moreover, maintaining the same tax levels on the wealthy. from 35% to 28% bour Government reduced corporate taxes (Blackburn 2018, 7). The GDP in the UK continued to rise; from £ to The case of New Labour The case of Blair and Schröderpean countries that followed in the footsteps at the end of the 20 byn in the UK? in countries like Hungary, Poland, the Philippines, and Turkey” and Turkey” the Philippines, Hungary, Poland, like in countries (Ikenberry 2018, 7). As neoliberalism emerged in the 1970s, when policies, the newly social democratic to antiquated as a response and ideological different political changes, albeit with announced Dissatis- the United States and Great Britain. notions, emerged in policies and lead- have voted for new citizens fied and disillusioned of these devel- Brexit and Corbyn are just by-products ers. Trump, claims that: “…the most mortal Luce Edward opments. That is why Donald idea of progress comes from within. threat to the Western not cause the crisis of did his counterparts in Europe and Trump 11). But They are the symptom.” (Luce 2016, democratic liberalism. place before Brexit,what is it that took Jeremy Cor and propelled

Pribićević 150 151 edited volumes - The second wrong decision by New Labour, in addition to the in The second wrong decision by New Labour, Blair also In addition to abandoning leftist ideas in the economy, century, in the wake of Thatcherite policies pursued by Labour of Thatcherite policies century, in the wake st and Conservatives deepened dra- before them, social inequalities class in between 1980 and 2010, the middle For example, matically. by 60%. At while the number of the poor rose the UK shrank by 27% by 33% (The people rose number of wealthy the same time, the prominent social stratification was particularly Guardian 2015). The were dev- where former industrial centres in the north of England, to fill the technologies did not create new jobs astated, while new to big companies which had fled, primarily vacancies created by Asia.policies, despite even then evident that Thatcherite It was individual initiativessome good results, particularly in encouraging in the field of so- and economic growth, had adverse consequences crisis of the neoliberal con- cial policy, which ultimately led to the cept, the vote for Brexit and to the rise of Jeremy Corbyn. The Blair ite policies dealt a devastating blow to Labour in one of its majorite policies dealt a devastating blow to strongholds in the UK, of the tradi- i.e., Scotland, where the support to below 20%.tionally social democratic electorate fell neoliberal policies, was indiscriminate implementation of economic Europe, from Eastern the open-door policy to migrant workers (Pribićević 2018, in the EU which proved fatal to UK membership 196). In the last years of Blair’sthan 200,000 mi- mandate, more half of them from newly grants were coming to the UK every year, While a 2018). countries (Sturge EU admitted Eastern European boosted the British economy huge influx of migrants substantially support for the La- and increased real estate prices, it diminished from its traditional electoral body that felt threatened bour Party their national identi- Afraid of losing by this wave of cheap labour. but even more of losing their jobs or of suffering a drop in wag- ty, some Labour from Eastern Europe, es due to the incoming workers populist UK Independence Party voters turned to the right-wing which, among others, advocated an anti-migrant policy. abandoned another fundamental element of leftist policy His followers particularly highlighted substantial investment in the substantial particularly highlighted His followers period (Seldon and hospitals in that of new schools construction changed dramatically these circumstances However, 2007, 646). first decade of the at the end of the decade. Already within a single 21 - - - ing and protecting them.” (Dunne 2008, 340). At first,ing and protecting the Iraq war its alleged among the British public due to enjoyed popular support failure to find weapons of the However, humanitarian character. mass destruction, which had served a pretext for the military as intervention, that Blair had intention- brought about blunt accusations to justifyally deceived the public while seeking UK involvement. The Iraq Inquiry as the Chilcot Inquiry, (also known chair named after its has since confirmedman, John Chilcot) into the UK involvement serious criticism of the gov- these allegations. The report contains - According to the re ernment, and Prime Minister Blair in particular. port, Blair greatly exaggerated threats to UK security posed by Sadd- he failed to properly assess theam Hussein while, on the other hand, Also, the report claims that the UK consequence of entering the war. all peaceful options had beenhad resorted to the war option before planning for post-Saddam exhausted and that the preparations and Iraq had been wholly inadequate (The Guardian 2016). Speaking of Blair’s “The Andrew Gamble said that: failed Iraqi policy, impact of a major impact on British do- Iraq was substantial. It had already had the invasion had significantlymestic politics because the fallout from so much so as prime minister, Blair the position of Tony weakened obliged to announce that if La- that before the election, he had been as party leader and primebour was re-elected he would step down 2011, 306). Blair had not minister before the next election.” (Gamble only dragged the UK into an unjustified war but, weak additionally, ened the standing of his party by abandoning the non-intervention- - ist position which had always been one of the major pillars of Euro Gordon Brown, policy. His successor, parties’ foreign pean left-wing – non-intervention he became relations. Conversely, in international interventionism with synonymous in militaryafter joining the USA intervention Afghanistan to Sierra and from Kosovo around the globe: end to his politicaleffectively put an Iraq, which finally, Leone and, Blair’s Tim Dunne labelled policy foreign doctrine as liberal in- career. terventionism. “Such the quest for moral a doctrine develops out of of liberalism. In enemies in which there are many progress in a world this respect, was laid bywas not an aberration. The path to war Iraq missionary-like moderate or fundamentalist re- distinctions between todespotic governments, societies committed ligions, tolerant or nurtur of terrorism and those geared towards eradicating the threat

Pribićević 152 153 edited volumes - Blair’sextent, contributed, to a large policy of the Third Way The Corbyn bang The Corbyn 2007). power for more than a decade (until to Labour staying in - it contributed to the result of the Brex at the same time, However, over leadership being taken it referendum, as well as to the party with a landslide victory. Jeremy Corbyn in 2015, At by the far-leftist Corbyn achieved the big- the first elections with him at the helm, party between two election gest increase of votes for the Labour cycles since 1945: from 30.4% in 2015 to 40% in 2017 (The Inde- voted for Corbyn. For pendent 2017). In 2017, 12.9 million citizens the leadership of under a comparison, in 2001 and 2005, Labour, In 2010, Gordon won 10.7 and 9.6 million votes, respectively. Blair, in 2015. Miliband won 9.3 million Brown won 8.6 million, while Ed in the UK and the world at Corbyn has generated much interest - democratic party in Eu large as the first leader of a major social the 40-year rule of neoliber rope to offer a political alternative to immediately started to distance the party from the Blair legacy, as the party from started to distance immediately in relation to poli- Miliband, both Edward Labour leader, did the next being a to Labour and Despite belonging style of Blair. cies and the social democrat, greed and arrogance,become a symbol of Blair had in Europe and fall of a new political elite created symbolizing the rise de- he discredited the idea of social Moreover, in a neoliberalism era. mocracy. alism. He highlighted as his priorities the fight against poverty and alism. He highlighted as his priorities a commitment to nationalization and opposition to inequality, interventionist Corbyn stood, by Western policies. Consequently, elite, not only in terms all accounts, opposite the current political his style, which was remi- of the policies he embraced but also by Bruno Olof Palme, 1990s, like niscent of social democrats from the Mitterrand, or Willy Brandt. His program was Francois Kreisky, based on re-nationalization of the railways and utility services, es- energy and mail, and the scrapping of university tui- pecially water, for the wealthiest. His priori- tion fees. He also advocated tax hikes and the all-embracing privatiza- ty was to do away with austerity, 2016). tion initiated by Margaret Thatcher (Seymour - - An important segment of his program was the proposed es- program was the segment of his An important For the first time since the triumph of Thatcherism in Britain, For the first time since the triumph tablishment of the National Transformation Fund which, with £250 which, Fund Transformation of the National tablishment be invested in ten years, would over the following billion capital, interesting It is particularly and infrastructure. new technologies John McDonnell, shadow Finance Minister, that Corbyn and his in workers participation of employees and were advocating greater In his public enterprises, and profit-sharing. the management of 2017, Cor conference on 14 October Party speech at the Labour byn said that: “the technology of the digital age should be empow- technology of the digital age should byn said that: “the on a scale not possible be- enabling us to co-operate ering workers, and exit has enabled a more rapacious fore. And yet too often Deliveroo to emerge. Look at Uber, ploitative form of capitalism the driv- imagine an Uber run co-operatively by and others. (...) But own pay their futures, agreeing their ers, collectively controlling (Corbyn 2017). re-invested” and conditions, with profits shared or of Ownership conference in In his speech at the Alternative Models February pledged that Labour would 2018 in London, McDonnell servicesput nationalized and industries “‘in the hands of those who - learning from the everydayrun and use them’ experiences of (Blackburn 2018, 16). and consumers” workers the Conservatives project. were facing an alternative As with his not only to win Corbyn wished political opponents 40 years earlier, agenda: i.e., the popu- but to change the overall social and political lar mindset. congress in 2017, Corbyn In his speech at the Party or centre-ground is certainly not where it was twenty said: “Today’s from the great eco- thirty years ago. A new consensus is emerging when people started to find nomic crash and the years of austerity different and better. political voice for their hope for something win over the cen- are now the political mainstream!” To (...) We political mainstream, as Mar tre-ground and become a part of the ideology back into politics, garet Thatcher did, Corbyn had to bring elements of the Conservatives’attack key political programme, such as privatization and deregulation, and identify allies and political opponents. In short, he had to return to the old and somewhat forgotten policy between ‘us and them’. of making a distinction not the few”. For his political slogan was “For the many, That is why the main enemies are the leftist politicians who the Tories,

Pribićević 154 155 edited volumes - - ism and positioned him as a friend of the enemies of the UK.ism and positioned him as a friend of newspaper-reading The result has been a failure to give the own judgments about public a fair opportunity to form their the leader of the country’s- main opposition. The overall con journalism played an clusion from this is that in this case, UK This is unhealthy attack dog, rather than a watchdog, role. poses serious ethical from a democratic point of view and especial- in a democracy, questions as to the role of the media of the Govern- ly when it concerns the legitimate contestation 2016, 1). (Cammaerts ment of the day.” Still, contrary to all criticism, Corbyn could not be described as Faced with an alternative, for the first time since the 1970s, alternative, for the first time since with an Faced Corbyn was repre- “the results of this study show that Jeremy a process of vilifi- sented unfairly by the British press through limits of fair debate cation that went well beyond the normal more problematic, Even and disagreement in a democracy. (...) Corbyn with terror the British press has repeatedly associated an ideological fanatic, the British media sought as the majority of to portray him, but a convinced leftist, and a pragmatist, at that. Most of the major elements of his program discussed earlier enjoy vast electoral support, even 80%, exceeding in some cases advocate policies of public ownership and high taxes, support taxes, and high policies of public ownership advocate this is what makes a pro-Russia stance; up and take trade unions, time, a Labour after a long Now, to the voters. them distinctive in the state, programme. He believed with his own leader emerged His opponents were Conser and solidarity. justice public property, vatives favouring austerity, New Labour, the City and the right-wing the City and the right-wing New Labour, vatives favouring austerity, tryingmedia, all unsuccessfully down from the mo- to bring him of the reins of the Labour Party. ment he took hold the Conservatives upon an and the media close to them, embarked of the La- campaign against the leader unprecedented vilification a pro-Russian, anti-Semite, Corbyn as a traitor, labelling bour Party, hater of his own country British citi- and a threat to the security of out by the London 2015). A study carried (Thezens Telegraph articles on Corbyn from eight School of Economics, which analysed 1 November 2015, noted: national dailies from 1 September to Even when most sensitive issues related to defence and secu- when most Even ideas and the Labour manifesto Despite the fact that Corbyn’s especially regarding the re-nationalization of the railroad, utilities railroad, utilities of the regarding the re-nationalization especially fees (The of tuition and the cancelling - 2017). His tax poli Guardian “Un- cy accused him of. political opponents radical than his was less der Labour’s no taxpayers will be guaranteed 95 per cent of plans, 5 per cent tax payments. (...) Only the top increase in their income more in tax to help fund our to contribute of earners will be asked public services.UK tax is the lowest compared to other corporate business Our new settlement with major developed economies. keeping to pay a little more while still will ask large corporations among the lowest of the major developed UK corporation tax - Manifesto 2017, 9). In terms of re-nationaliza economies.” (Labour oppo- the greatest attention of his political tion, which attracted nents, Labour’s mainly being centred proposals were not radical, as their companies back into public ownership on bringing the rail the mail (Labour Manifes- franchises expired and to re-nationalizing to 2017, 19). did not propose leaving rity are concerned, the Labour Manifesto nuclear deterrent. Instead, it or abandoning the Trident NATO advocated the end of support for claimed that the Labour Party unilateral aggressive wars of intervention (Labour Manifesto2017, by an overwhelming120), which was a position already supported number of UK voters. exit referendum on Britain’s attracted a lot of attention, once the - in 2016 took place, the Brexit issue started to exclu from the EU May Prime minister Teresa sively dominate political life in Britain. tried three times to get parliamentary support for her proposals she re- but without success. Eventually, for Britain to leave the EU, as the new prime minister. signed and Boris Johnson was elected parliament to “get Brexit After a few unsuccessful attempts in called for an extraordinary he done”, election in December 2019 and won with an overwhelming43.6% of the vote. majority of suffered a heavyMeanwhile, the Labour Party defeat. It got 32% of the votes, 8% less than at the elections in 2017. These election results clearly showed that the major challenge for the Labour Party and other social-democratic parties are the so-called national or state issues, such as the relationship between national and

Pribićević 156 157 edited volumes - Apart from these issues, which were particular to Britain, ma- which were particular to Britain, Apart from these issues, jor challenges for the Labour Party and other social democratic par and other social Labour Party jor challenges for the supranational institutions (as in Brexit) or coping with immigration with immigration in Brexit) or coping institutions (as supranational faced with proved that when The case of Brexit and terrorism. tend to put parties and right-wing the voters choose those issues, of reform taxes, social inequalities, party issues such as aside left - the left parties are usually divid etc.the health system, Moreover, Party over these state issues, as the Labour ed within themselves Corbyn which led them to act inconsistently. was in 1975 and 2019, was trying soci- the divisions within his party and British to bridge for the issue, claiming that he would fight ety as a whole on this But he to protect jobs and living standards. best possible Brexit about his resignation, which eventually came failed and announced in 2020. ties in Europe include a growing individualism, new technologies ties in Europe between generations. reducing the number of jobs, and divisions to attract a large number of The fact that Jeremy Corbyn managed programme representing a young voters implies that with the right parties and the ensuing activism, political alternative to right-wing younger people who are traditionally dis- it is possible to mobilize that in 2017, as many trustful of politics. Research results indicated and only 23% Conservaas 61.5% of those below 40 voted Labour - tive. As those voting La- for the youngest voters, the percentage of 18 and 19 voting with 66% of those between bour was even higher, 24 (Independent 2017). Asfor Corbyn, and 62% between 20 and 56% of those between 18 far as the 2019 elections are concerned, But it turned out not to be and 24 voted for the Labour Party. enough for victory, since the crucial voting was that of the older generation, which overwhelmingly the Conservative supported 57% of those between 60 and 69 and 67% of those older Party: than 70 voted for the Conservatives 2019). (McDonnell and Curtis - - - After so long, the Labour Party appeared with a strong politi- After so long, the Labour Party Despite all the problems and challenges that the Labour Party challenges that the the problems and Despite all tractive enough to a broader circle of potential voters. An attempttractive enough to a broader circle of Miliband, to win Ed Party by the former leader of the British Labour, Blue Labour or One Nation ended in failure, support with ideas like Democrats at the 2017 elec while the slogan of the German Social tions “Time became a subject of ridicule, even for more Justice” among their own voters. In today’s modern age of powerful ideas First” or that of the Brexit propo- “America Trump’s and slogans like slogans are diffi- leftist Brexit done”, “Get nents for leaving the EU; political space Left has any cult to sell. The question is whether the - by strong individual to formulate new ideas at a time characterized and the revival of nation- ism, egoism, violence, terrorism, migration Is the time right for the Left? al identity. the few”. not voters Corbyn attracted his cal slogan: “For the many, the ideological projects of by clearly disassociating himself from the right. projects and free tuition at The state-sponsored housing tracted a large number of young voters, whose turnout at the 2017 elections reached 66% compared to 43 % in 2015 (Adler 2017). ideas are not new; they a significant number of Corbyn’s However, are mostly recycledarsenal of traditional social ideas from the Conclusions - that for the rehabili revival confirms facing, their political was and is it is necessarytation of social democracy, to identify an idea – an al- parties. For almost to challenge the right-wing ternative programme half a century, social agenda, the entire have monopolized the right development,including economic unemployment, migration, nation- old social-democratic and more. Conversely, al issues, terrorism, wages and free health-care, the welfare state, minimum ideas, like in of generally accepted policies, particularly have become a part is it countries, which is why and the Scandinavian France Germany, and the between the parties of the right not easy to differentiate left. Therefore, social democracy come up with new ideas that has to employed and notwill attract a wide range of voters comfortably class and public em- only traditional voters – primarily the working prob- and is a key this is not as simple as it sounds ployees. However, at Left is facing. There are simply no new ideas lem the present-day

Pribićević 158 159 edited volumes - - Meanwhile, some new or recycledMeanwhile, some new started to emerge old ideas both in France and Germany. In France, La France insoumise won La France France, In and Germany. both in France in the first round of the Presidential elections 20% of the vote in their attempt to merge leftist 2017. The secret of their success was - membership of the Eu economic policies with criticism of France’s where the ruling SPD (in in Germany, Similar ideas emerged rozone. a government coalition with the conservative Christian Democratic defeat at the parliamentaryUnion, the CDU), following a crushing left in economic policies. elections in 2017, started to shift to the that pensions would re- The SPD announced a plan guaranteeing would cost hundreds of main at the current level until 2024, which wide criticism from right- billions of euros and had already received at the 2019 elections for wing parties. After the landslide defeat and Nor parliament,the European SPD elected Saskia Esken the democratic policies. However, they are ideas that had been mostly ideas that had been they are policies. However, democratic - democratic lead decades, when social over the previous forgotten of history that it was the end ers thought ideology and that and role. It self-corrective could play a economy and capitalism market soli- greed was more powerful than human turned out that human had to be reined in if we and the market and that greed darity, that The fact a democratic and stable society. wished to achieve been prov- towards something different has there is an aspiration did not to Corbyn, even though he en by the support extended a project contrary new ideas but merely offered present many to by neoliberalism. the one espoused bert Walter-Borjans, both belonging to the left wing of the party, to the left wing of the party, both belonging bert Walter-Borjans, raising the minimum as its new leaders. They currently advocate Partic on the wealthy. taxes wage and the imposition of additional ), called Stand up (Aufstehen ularly interesting is a new movement - social democratic leader Oscar Lafon led by former left-oriented The party is tryingtaine and his wife Sahra Wagenknecht. to link identity issues to attract the leftist economic policies and national - (Alterna for Germany voters of the extreme right party Alternative Still, the big question remains whether , AfD). tive für Deutschland which has Stand up will manage to ‘steal’ the votes from the SPD, also shifted to the left, itself more to the right than or to position the AfD in terms of national identity and migrants. At the moment, their chances do not look very promising. Elsewhere, it seems that - Another question related to the future of social democracy the future of social related to Another question is of time, we have a Whatever the case, after a longer period ties will manage to recover and again attract voters. Their return, ties will manage to recover and again will depend on Europe, and, in the same sense, the future of a balance between strike whether these parties can manage to and egoism on the one hand, ever more pronounced individualism health care and quality and the need for free education, good democracy At the same time, social will have housing on the other. towards national identity to embrace a more affirmative stance about this issue and that the since it is obvious that people still care has become one of the fear of losing national and cultural identity a long time, social democra- most important issues of our time. For cy wrongfully believed that nation states and national identity were anachronous and antiquated ideas, and that the future lay in multiculturalism and globalization. Should social democracy fail to embrace those issues as their own, they will constantly breed vari- such a position is Certainly, extremist movements. ous right-wing not in the spirit of traditional leftist and social democratic the Green Party, as a predominantly left-oriented party, is gaining party, predominantly left-oriented as a Party, the Green more support.more and parlia- the European the elections for At and 13% in France. in Germany they got 20% ment in 2019, - up Pan to radical policies also means opening whether the return was not just trying i.e., whether Corbyn, for example, box; to dora’s rectify socialism into but slowly seeking to introduce capitalism him of the British media be right in accusing Great Britain. Could such as the current system and its foundations, seeking to destroy traditional foreign policyprivate property and Some of alliances? said that it was intellectuals supporting Corbyn the left-oriented that Labour had to come to such a claim and too early to make 2016, 8). Of course, such (Seymour such ideas power first to broach the La- the hand of those accusing a position only strengthened and Corbyn of seeking to change the social system in bour Party the UK.Labour manifesto, it would Considering his agenda and the pragmatic politician despite appear that Corbyn was a rational and to introduce to British society, the changes he would have liked and that he did not threaten the very foundations of that society. the social democratic somewhat more dynamic situation within one that,movement in Europe, at least, par gives hope that these

Pribićević 160 161 edited volumes Finally, it should be said that the recovery it should be said Finally, of social democratic parties is not important only for their own sake and the voters they only for their own sake parties is not important of the stability experienced traditionally represent, but for the sake the Left has played a War, since, after the Second World in Europe and stability in these crucial role in ensuring economic growth to the skilful balancing of countries (Berman 2016, 70-71). Thanks logic of capital and ideas of social democratic parties between the Europe man- Western history,social justice, for the first time in its has be- Europe stability. aged to link economic growth and social economic development,come an attractive model of social and the envy largely the future of Europe of the world. This is exactly why depends on the recovery to the traditional so- of parties belonging parties of the left were the cial democracies. An important test for the parliamentary Kingdom 2019; however, elections in the United result was not very Still, it remains to be seen if Brexit promising. of Britons with issues such has only postponed the confrontation or reform of the health system or if it taxes, poverty, as inequality, policy has become non-electable in con- really means that left-wing temporary societies. Western cosmopolitism, but when these concepts were conceived, there concepts were but when these cosmopolitism, did some European of migrants, nor or exoduses were no waves their popula- of migrants among such high numbers cities have not born of London were 41% of the residents tions: recently, there (Migration observatory respects, this is a to- 2018). In many democracytally new age and social or it will needs to adapt quickly adapting However, political scene altogether. disappear from the such mean copying the ideologies of others, does not necessarily not be ignored, Real-life facts must as the policy Third Way. of the feelings, cultural identity and those related to national facts like migrants. - - rbyn eignaffairs.com/articles/united-kingdom/2017-06-14/generation-co , 9.6.2017. of the party leaders since 1945.” The Independent any 7.10.2015. In: The Future of Social Democracy and Jona- edited by Meyer Henning Families.” 13-26. Macmillan, than Rotherford, Palgrave Post, 24.10.2016. the left, this is a problem.” Washington mocracy, 27(4), 69-76. - 19.4.2018. https://www.dagensarena.se/essa/the-death-of-european-social-de mocracy/ , 7.3.2015. middle class.” The Guardian Press, LSE. Macmillan. Palgrave org.uk/press/jeremy-corbyn-speech-to-labour-party-conference/ edited by Smith Steve, Amelia Hadfield, and Tim Dunne, Ox- edited by Smith Steve, Amelia Hadfield, and Tim Cases ries, Actors, ford University Press, 339-360. Palgrave Macmillan, and Colin Hay, edited by Heffernan, Richard, Philip Cowley, 302-317. 94(1), 7-23. References https://www.for Affairs, 14.6.2017. Foreign Corbyn.” 2019. “Generation David. Adler, Agerholm, Harriet. 2019. “Jeremy Corbyn increased Labour’s Corbyn increased share more than vote Agerholm, Harriet. “Jeremy 2019. , Bennett, Asa. Telegraph Jeremy Corbyn.” 2018. “Why David Cameron finally attacked 5-32. , May/June, Review “TheBlackburn, Robin. 2018. Corbyn Project.” New Left or many One in Modern Europe: 2012. “Social Stefan. Democratic Trajectories Berger, like you don’t if traditional left is in a death spiral Even Berman, Sheri. 2016. “Europe’s Berman, Sheri. 2016. “The The Lost Left.” Specter Haunting Europe: Journal of De- Berman, Sheri. 2018. “The Dagensarena, Social Democracy?”, death of European out the “How 30 years of a polarised economy have squeezed Daniel. 2017. Boffey, in the British Corbyn of Jeremy Cammaerts, Bart, ed. 2016. Journalistic Representation . Affairs and Foreign Politics, Governance Policy, Legacy, 2009. The Blair Terrence. Casey, Conference. 27.9.2017. https://labour. Speech to Labour Party 2017. Corbyn, Jeremy. Theo policy, over Iraq.” In: Foreign Dunne, Tim. 2008. “Britain and the gathering storm Gamble, Andrew. 2011. “Britain in the World.” In Developments Politics in British 2011. “Britain in the World.” (9) Gamble, Andrew. Not the Few. Manifesto. 2017, For the Many Labour . Atlantic Monthly Press. Liberalism of Western 2017. The Retreat Luce, Edward. International Affairs, John. 2018. “TheIkenberry, end of liberal international order.”

Pribićević 162 163 edited volumes - - - , . Edinburgh University Press. rope. Edinburgh - , 21.12.2019. https://yougov.co.uk/topics/politics/articles-re election.” YouGov ports/2019/12/17/how-britain-voted-2019-general-election ox.ac.uk/resources/briefings/migrants-in-the-uk-an-overview/ ja, 8 139-155. , 1, 185-212. misao politička endum.” Srpska , 2, 137-157. lemi The Independent, 14.6.2017. new poll finds.” bour, , March/April, 54-61. fairs, March/April, House of tion/migration-statistics-the-number-of-migrants-in-the-uk/ lic”, 01.10.2017. . Bristol University Press. . Bristol University Loses the Left 2018. Why Kennedy. Bob, and Paul Mainwaring, voted in the 2019 general 2019. “How Britain Adam, and Chris Curtis. McDonnell, , 4.10.2019 https://migrationobservatory. observatory of Oxford Migration - University Pribićević, Ognjen. 1989a. “Socijaldemokratija vlasti i ideologije.” Opredeljen- izmedju Pribićević, Naše teme, 7-8, 1850-1864. Ognjen. 1989b. “Deset godina tačerizma.” refer i evropskog Pribićević, izmedju škotskog Ognjen. 2018. “Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo The Crises of Social Democracy 2013. The Crises of and David McCrone (ed.). Michael, in Eu- Keating, Pribićević, Međunarodni prob 2019. “Britanska diplomatija novca i trgovine.” Ognjen. Robinson-Pasha, Lucy. 2017. “Election 2017: 61.5 per cent of under-40s voted for La- cent of under-40s Lucy. 2017. “Election 2017: 61.5 per Robinson-Pasha, Britain 1997-2007. Cambridge University Press. ed. 2007. Blair’s Seldon, Anthony, Politics . Verso. of Radical Rebirth The Strange Corbyn: Richard. 2017. Seymour, af Jack. 2019. “The Bargain. How Nationalism Came Back.” Foreign broken Snyder, Sturge, Georgina. 2018. Migration Statistics: The number of migrants in the UK , 23.8.2018. https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/home-affairs/immigraCommons - are music to ears of pub nationalisation plans- Corbyn’s . 2017. “Jeremy The Guardian inquiry.” points from the Iraq 6.7.2016. report: key . 2018. “Chilcot The Guardian Coimbra University Coimbra JOSÉ CASTRO CALDAS

Castro Caldas 164 165 edited volumes During and immediately after World War II, economic integra- War after World During and immediately democrats social and (neo)liberals both by conceived was tion to a repetition of such a catastro- as the only available antidote economic integration phe. For neoliberals, market-enhancing of flourishing the for context appropriate the as conceived was project.liberal the hand, other the on democrats, social For as a precondition integration was viewed market-embedding not only for peace but for development. The chapter traces the - Eu The of both perspectives. rationale origins and intellectual compromise ofropean Economic Community emerged out of a and has those contrasting views on economic integration, - of the Eu evolved through time, especially since the inception ropean Monetaryveryentity that an Union (EMU), into much - expectations and the social-demo the (neo)liberal materializes It general. in evolution, that assesses chapter This fears. cratic of prospects and experience the particular, in considers, finally the EMU of a peripheral country: and being in the EU Portugal. Hayek, integration, political integration, economic : Keywords Myrdal, Portugal In 1946, when Winston Churchill called for the creation of the In 1946, when Winston Churchill called United States of Europe, he was expressing a widespread sentiment United States of Europe, experience of two worldand belief nurtured by the devastating unification was at their epicentre: European wars, both with Europe Many urgently needed to avert a future repeat of the tragedy. among those who had participated in the anti-fascist alliance and were then engaged in the reconstruction of the continent shared Churchill’s opinion. Introduction Abstract Economic and monetary integration: and monetary integration: Economic and experience practice Theory, in the EU periphery - - - However, despite the agreement on the overarching goal of the overarching goal the agreement on despite However, During the Second World War, Friedrich Hayek engaged with Hayek engaged with Friedrich War, During the Second World Hayek (Hayek 1958, 255ff) without referred to “a federation” This chapter recalls those seminal disagreements to shed light those seminal disagreements to shed This chapter recalls unification – securing peace – there were stark differences in re- – there were stark – securing peace unification in- of European ends of the process the ways and the spect to both be political and economic, Unification should tegration. but the ar Hayek and Myrdal on economic and political integration integration political and economic on and Myrdal Hayek Robbins and Luigi Einaudi, other fellow neoliberals, namely Lionnel for federalism (Masini in the development of a liberal argument 2017). They thought economic and political integration should be sought after the war not only as a safeguard to peace but as a context providing the conditions for the flourishing of a liberal order. indication of location or geographical scope. For him, economic any ticulation of the political and the economic in the building of a unit and the economic in the building ticulation of the political pro- and government in the and the roles of the markets ed Europe consensual. cess were far from a focus on the de- with Union (EU), the European on the evolution of and the crises, and the post-euro post-Maastricht velopments of the namely those of the Left,current political possibilities, in that frame- two early contributors to those in the first section, work. It evokes, Myrdal – as exponents of Hayek and Gunnar controversies – Friedrich Uniteda for and social-democratic) blueprints (neoliberal contrasting In the second section, devoted to the discussion of the artic Europe. in the process of Europeanulation of the economic and the political unification, Nicholas Kaldor’spros- more recent contribution on the pects of monetary to the fore to highlight his unification is brought the existing monetaryprescient anticipation of the failings of unifi- - of the rival views on Europe cation. The third section inquires which hybrid entity that emerged in the an unification came to materialize project’ constraining the development path ofout of the ‘European before con- and the political possibilities in its frame. Finally, the EU is presented and briefly discussed as an cluding, the case of Portugal on the possibilities of theillustration of the prevailing constraints Union framework. Left in the current European

Castro Caldas 166 167 edited volumes - - - According to Hayek, the transfer of the political power lost by the transfer of the political power lost According to Hayek, the federation would This, Hayek believed, did not mean that of enhanced economic Gunnar Myrdal, while arguing in favour His research on economic integration had led him to believe that integration, the free flow of commodities and capital within this commodities and the free flow of integration, - It would con he called planning. would preclude what federation pursue independent governments to capacity of national strain the of collec and restrict the possibilities and social policies economic tive action of trade unions and other associations. In the frame of unions and other associations. In the tive action of trade industrial policythe federation, an would be on the national scale and ser the freedom of movement of goods ineffective due to monetaryvices, independent policy be severely constrained, would currencymost probably a common would would emerge, taxation lo- threat of exit of capital to more favourable be inhibited by the and fiscal policycations within the federation, be limited. would by to the scale of the federation, advocated national governments counteract was certainly to be feared and rival socialist federalists, of the federation was in ed but he believed ‘planning’ at the scale due to the fact that the institutional diversity and general unlikely across nations within the union the different levels of development pubic policies. would preclude consensus on market-constraining On the contrary, it would have the negative be deprived of power. to the free flow of commodi- power to do away with impediments positive power of meddling ties and capital, but it would lack the capabili- mechanisms. It would have market-enhancing with market ones. ties while lacking the market-embedding of peace, believed, instead, cooperation and integration on behalf level was a basic that planning at the national and international economic integration. Asprerequisite for balanced and successful secretarythe executive - of the United Nations Economic Commis between 1947 and 1957, Myrdal actively engaged sion for Europe organizations that would in the design of a system of international following an international coordinate various economic policies He had in mind a progres- plan (Appelquist and Andersson 2005). sive system of international planning to coordinate national full employment policies which was antithetical to Hayek’s blueprint for federalism. the free circulation of capital, goods and people within economically - Myrdal did not exclude the possibility of counter-tendencies with- the possibility of counter-tendencies Myrdal did not exclude - were derived from the principle of cumula Myrdal’s conclusions ical advantage or even fortuitous events has tended to trigger positiveical advantage or even fortuitous events Far from coun- left behind. feedback effects detrimental to locations free movement of labour, tering the positive feedback effects, the integrated area would accel- capital and goods within an economically between rich and poor re- erate the cumulative process of divergence depriving the de- labour, gions. The expansive regions would attract Capital would seek loca- pressed regions of their active population. leaving behind are superior, tions where income, demand and profits opportunities are scarce.underdeveloped regions where investment in increasing return regimes,Industrially developed regions, operating leaving behind rural areas.would reinforce competitive advantages, causation preventing the con- in the processes of circular cumulative tinuous deepening of inequalities, namely spread effects, technological from the developed to the underdeveloped regions, or ex- and other, ternal diseconomies countering growth in developed regions. Howev- were in general weak he believed that those counter-tendencies er, and, therefore, that inequalities could only be mitigated by public integrated areas would, without planning, tend to aggravate previous planning, tend to areas would, without integrated - were coun Interregional inequalities economic inequalities. social and network of states by a “most complex modern national tered in the purpose have the common […] which public interferences regularized and hin- blind law of cumulative social change, of counteracting the and so- inequalities between regions, industries dering it from causing within 1957, 25). If divergence was to be avoided cial groups” (Myrdal “pub- multinational areas, the same or similar economically integrated exist on the international scale.lic interferences” should Kaldor which he had developed with Nicholas tive circular causation, Knut made by Thorstein Veblen, based on previous contributions In contrast to neoclassical 2009). (O’Hara Wicksell and Allyn Young which em- this principle is a multi-causal approach equilibrium analysis, negative and positive feedback effects in the processes ofphasizes to the study of develop- capitalist accumulation. Applied by Myrdal ment, the principle of circular cumulative causation suggested that, would tend to more productive economic activities left to the market, to the detriment of others. Thecluster in certain locations and regions locations as a result of histor expansion of economic activity in certain

Castro Caldas 168 169 edited volumes - - - -

Against the expectation of federalists like Altiero Spinelli, who ar Against the expectation of federalists like Although sharing the concern of securing peace through eco- of securing peace sharing the concern Although The precedence of the economic over the political would mark allThe precedence of the economic over the Long before Maastricht, in 1971, Nicholas Kaldor discussed and and its consequences nomic integration, Hayek and Myrdal differed in most other respects. Myrdal differed in Hayek and nomic integration, federation was desired because it precludedWhile, for Hayek, the Myrdal, national and international scale, for ‘planning’, both on the same diver of successful integration. The planning was a precondition - the process of devel left behind in poorer regions policies subsidizing (Myrdal 1957). the common purse resources from opment with integration political over of economic The precedence sity and inequalities that,sity and inequalities preventing for Hayek, were instrumental in at the scale of the powers (market-embedding) of positive the exercise Myrdal, hindrances to international cooperationfederation were, for power by of a redistributive (positive) exercise to be removed by the of government. instances upper-level gued in favour of launching the European Union by a constitutionalgued in favour of launching the European view that economic integrationact leading to political unification, the came to prevail. Rob- should precede and prepare political integration will not be made all at declaration in 1950 – “Europe ert Schuman’s be built through concreteonce, or according to a single plan. It will solidarity”achievements which first create a de facto – has set in mo- to shape the path of inte- tion a gradualist process that would come gration up to the present, and define its fate. for example Maas- integration, with each treaty, stages of European tricht, Monetary which enacted the European Union (EMU), represent ing not a small step but a great leap forward. of such a clumsy leap for broadly anticipated what might come out - governments of the Europe ward. In 1969, the heads of state and the gathered in Hague and agreed on thean Economic Community (EEC) project of advancing towards the setting up of a single European Monetary Union (EMU), delegating the prime minister and minister of the task of drafting a plan for Werner, Pierre finance of Luxemburg, that purpose. Published in 1970, the Werner report (Council of the European (Council report in 1970, the Werner Published report, Werner Kaldor (Kaldor 1971)In his comment on the Explicitly referring to Myrdal and circular cumulative causation, Union 1970) proposed a decade-long road map for the EMU that road map for proposed a decade-long Union 1970) extend to the of economic policies, with the coordination would start the and culminate in rates of exchange of the fluctuation elimination currencysetting up of a single irrevers- “which would guarantee the Union 1970, 26). of the European (Council ibility of the undertaking” significance of the step forward awareness of the political Evidencing towards a monetary “eco- report stated that the union the Werner nomic and monetary develop- union thus appears as a leaven for the without” which in the long run, it cannot do ment of political union, Union 1970, 26). European of the (Council - as it then stood, was not a via Community, agreed that the European should either advance towards subsist the Community ble system. To the rigidity of its agriculturalfull integration in a political union or relax the full integration, which rates. However, policies and exchange in a political void by theKaldor did not discard, could not be obtained report.gradualist method proposed in the Werner regionsKaldor predicted that within the monetary union, fast-growth advantage in respect to slow- would acquire a cumulative competitive only be countered by public poli- er growth ones – an effect that could The fatal contradiction of the income transfers. cies and inter-regional transferring fiscal pol- consisted in report, Werner according to Kaldor, icy the re- to the Community without transferring, simultaneously, The absence of a communitysponsibility for revenue and expenditure. of the public servicebudget would preclude the ‘harmonization’ provision within it. Such harmonization could only occur with similar tax prosperous and grew atrates and if member countries were similarly the same rate. Otherwise, level of provision of to ensure the same public services– which Kaldor assumed was across the Community – the tax rates would have toone of the goals of the common market to the detriment of thebe higher in the less prosperous countries, economic competitiveness of those countries, thus triggering a vicious cycle growth and smaller fiscal pro- involving increasing tax rates, less ceeds. A system operating on these lines would rapidly increase inequalities between the different countries and would be bound to break down in a relatively short time (Kaldor 1971, 205).

Castro Caldas 170 171 edited volumes The precedence of economic integration over political integra- The precedence of economic integration The objectives of the EMU could not be achieved without “a not be achieved of the EMU could The objectives the house budget,Without a Community the EMU would be “like a dangerous error to be- Kaldor concluded, therefore, that “it is tion and the small-step approach that would lead to a political tion and the small-step approach that Union shape the European union out of necessity would come to entity in respect of hybrid and the EMU as a hard-to-characterize - other spaces of economic and/or political integration. The Europe of Kaldor nor a an Union is neither the United States of Europe the precedence of economic over However, pure Hayekian order. integration pro- political integration induced a bias in the European it look very the liberal federation devised cess that makes much like Political possibilities within the EU and the EMU possibilities within the Political Community Government and Parliament which takes over the respon- over which takes Parliament Government and Community now provided by of the expenditure at least the major part sibility for raised at uniform rates it by taxes and finances national governments, throughout the Community”without the (Kaldor 1971, 205): that is, admitted, “the In such a United States, Kaldor United States of Europe. areas […] [t]he the poorer subsidize prosperous areas automatically in check to progress and decline are thus held cumulative tendencies the ‘surplus’ areas provide which makes fiscal stabilizer by a ‘built-in’ to the ‘deficit areas’” (Kaldor 1971, 205).automatic fiscal aid itself cannot stand’”. Monetarywhich ‘divided against and Com- union budgets would prevent a member countrymunity control over from steps to policies on its own – from taking pursuing full employment sharp decline in the level of its production and employ- offset any ment, but without the benefit of a strong Community government its worst consequenceswhich would shield its inhabitants from 1971, p. 206). (Kaldor, lieve that a monetary can precede a political and economic union 206) or that it can be a “ferment” to its creation. (Kaldor 1971, union” A monetary over national budgets union and Community control collapse of the whole edifice,would generate pressures leading to the union without which the mon- precluding advances towards a political etary report, could not subsist. union, as admitted in the Werner - However, at the same time, the treaties have kept large policy at the same time, the treaties have kept However, the concept of the joint decision trap In 1988, Scharpf coined the asymmetryThe joint decision trap partly explains signalled – ‘undistorted’ com- The requirements of negative integration ture of the treaties, along with a set of decisions of the European decisions of the European ture of the treaties, along with a set of to expand continuously Court of Justice, allowed the Commission legislative processes the scope of negative integration in complex governments (Höpner and without the express consent of national – of the ‘internal market’ Schäfer 2012; Scharpf 2012). The building to competition and barriers the progressive removal of ‘distortions’ to goods, services– could thus proceed, regard- and capital flows distractions arising along the way. less of any embedding, namely so- areas, which might be denoted as market inte- cial policy, within the scope of national governments. Positive policies at gration – the institutionalization of market-embedding by Hayek in 1939. (Anderson 2009, Höpner and Schäfer 2012, 2009, Höpner and in 1939. (Anderson by Hayek - discussed and anal this bias has been The nature of Scharpf 2012). (1988; 1997; 2006; such as Scharpf the 1980s by authors ysed since (2014). (2012) and Streeck Höpner and Schäfer 2011; 2012), within the and inefficient compromises to denote the deadlocks EEC. Assuming that, the govern- in matters of institutional reform, - countries represent not only their constituen ments of member noted own institutional interests, Scharpf cies’ interests but their in may acknowledge that problems that although governments political no longer be solved with autonomous their territories can to delegate some prerog- accepting, thereby, decisions, reluctantly try institutions, they will, nonetheless, to in- atives to higher-level at the union level. possible the decisions taken fluence as much as or at least the re- power, They will, therefore, defend their veto given the diversity quirement of qualified majorities. Consequently, towards minimal common of interests, the decision made will tend denominators. 1997, 2012) between the positive and negative by Scharpf (Scharpf of negative over pos- aspects of integration: that is, the prevalence itive integration. the free circulation of petition and the removal of barriers to goods, services, – were enshrined at the outset capital and workers member states. The architec in the treaties and accepted by all the

Castro Caldas 172 173 edited volumes - Despite the convergence of interests in some areas, the poten- of interests in some areas, the Despite the convergence The combination of incapacity by national governments to The combination of incapacity by national clearly re- The downward spiral of competitive deregulation prescient, but not less was Kardor’sFrustrated, appeal in 1971 tial for conflict due to differences in the levels of economic devel- to differences in the levels of economic tial for conflict due and differ regarding competitiveness – opment – with implications the scale of the union – would be possible only to the extent where to the extent where be possible only of the union – would the scale - to complex legisla and were subject converged national interests level and subject inter-governmental involving the tive processes requirements. to high consensus ences in the institutional set-up – with implications for the cost ad- – with implications set-up ences in the institutional preclude model – was always large enough to justment to a single competi- in respect to welfare regimes and advances. The diversity members at the outset among the founding tive capacity existing Conse- following the various enlargements. increased substantially of a Scharpf signalled that the possibility already in 1997, quently, allowing for the transfer of market-correcting positive consensus diminished.policies to the level of the union was greatly policies within a space de- pursue autonomous market-correcting goods, servicesprived of attrition to flows of capital, and workers, union, would induce competi- and a political void at the scale of the tion among regulatory “may well turn into a down- regimes which, and tax cuts in which all ward spiral of competitive deregulation reduced to a level of pro- competing countries will find themselves tection that is, in fact, of them” lower than that preferred by any 1997, 1). (Scharpf, anticipated and desired by calls the notion of deprotection, both Hayek. In fact, the causal mechanisms of asymmetrical integration European Union seem to identified by Scharpf in the real existing 1939. In the light of real de- replicate those delineated by Hayek in as prescient, velopments, Hayek’s text stands out today and the EU to Myrdal’s plans (Amderson is much closer to Hayek’s desires than 2012; Streeck 2013). 2009; Höpner and Schäfer 2012; Scharpf against Werner’s blueprint for monetary unification. The EMU was created precisely in the manner Kaldor tried to avoid, and it may come to collapse due to the operation of the mechanisms he de- to the verge of collapse by the impact of a financial scribed. Taken banking and crisis originating in the USA which triggered, in Europe, - - Joseph Stiglitz (Stiglitz 2013, 2016) elaborated on this meta- 2013, 2016) elaborated Joseph Stiglitz (Stiglitz metaphor was mis- show that the river-crossing would Events The crisis of the EMU during the Great Recession is often de- during the Great Recession is often The crisis of the EMU banks is precarious. Seeking safety, the travellers should either the travellers should either Seeking safety, banks is precarious. the com- of political union or retreat orderly to cross to the shore sacrificing the euro. mon market, facing a choice between saving the phor when he placed the EU Saving the euro, according to Stiglitz, would euro or saving the EU. some form of the setting up of a real banking union; b) require: a) - c) industrial policies to en debt mutualization, such as Eurobonds; d) a central bank that focus- able the laggard countries to catch up; growth, employment,es not only on inflation, but also on and fi- the replacement of anti-growth austerity and e) nancial stability, on investment in people, policies with pro-growth policies focusing and infrastructure. None of this, Stiglitz believed, technology, granted. The agenda to save the euro was de- for could be taken politics work. Lacking soli- pendent on solidarity that might make of salvag- “the euro may have to be abandoned for the sake darity, 2013). project” (Stiglitz ing the European euro – with a real banking leading. Stiglitz’s agenda to save the union, a treasury, would amount to creating the Unit – Eurobonds and a federal government with the capacity of ed States of Europe - Schäfer 2012, 430). Politi taxation and redistribution (Höpner and has been coined a ‘trans- cal conditions for the setting up of what which were scarce before the euro crisis, even among fer union’, the relatively homogeneous founding countries, have, since then, the crisis of the euro simply further eroded. As predicted by Kaldor, depleted the derisory stock of ‘solidarity’ that existed before the crisis, leading to a state of permanent procrastination. external account crises which were latent, crises which external account UEM currently merely the survives monetary of the ‘unconventional’ the assistance with - poli subject to creditors and debtors, Divided between ECB. cies of the deflationary from poorer large migration flows pressures and to resembles more and itself, and the EU the EMU, prosperous regions, more Kardor’s against itself cannot stand”. house which “divided using the metaphor of a river being scribed in public debates point of when a storm raised the flow to the crossed by travellers almost drowning everybody. river The situation between the two

Castro Caldas 174 175 edited volumes - Comparable difficulties haunt the alternative retreat from the Comparable difficulties haunt the alternative in the middle are indeed by extension, the EU, and, The EMU, On one shore – the monetary system preceding the EMU – the A transfer union would require an agreement on the type of an agreement on union would require A transfer the reasons that, past, in the crossing of the precluded the To ies of the EMU in the process of salvaging the euro. In the houseies of the EMU in the process of salvaging an agreement for the re- which divided against itself cannot stand, lines, or even smallconstruction of the EMU along redistributive steps forward by net contributors. in that direction, is to be vetoed currencies would call for ei- euro. Replacing the euro with national and public or their re- ther the redenomination of debts, private structuring. Otherwise, to devaluation, debtors would be- subject come insolvent. Abandoning the euro is, therefore, resisted by the governments of surplus creditors of public and private debts, to new bank bailouts. countries, and their constituencies exposed and their constituencies, The governments of debtor countries have resisted drastic fearing a balance of payments crisis, also from the euro. steps, most of all a unilateral withdrawal to carryof a raging river with no safe bridges them to either shore. worst of three worlds, may But this situation, although possibly the 2011, 30). well be a lasting one (Scharpf member states were subject to constraints, but they still had instruments of macroeconomic policy which they could use to smooth the economic and social consequences of downturns. In - ones: a costly tran the national that would replace welfare regime re- to a new single at the national level regimes existing sition from of The risks within the federation. large income transfers gime, and to the sin- regimes during the transition disarticulation of welfare the various with those of loss of coherence of gle model, combined would within each national political economy, institutional domains im- to those risks the costs of redistribution be paralyzing. Adding of prosperous regions and member countries pinging on the more or the member countries of the the EU, understand why we the EU, trap and move unable to overcome the joint decision were EMU, forward,social model. towards a European beyond proclamations, from the federation now accrue those resulting river to the shore of by virtue of thethe transformation of diversity into fragmentation imposed on the peripher euro crisis and the punitive ‘adjustments’ - - The order that has emerged out of the state of exception of state of exception The order that has emerged out of the survivalEspecially for peripheral countries, mere in that space On the other shore – the Kaldorian federation – national gov- federation shore – the Kaldorian On the other – the EMU that resulted however river, In the middle of the the Greek, Irish, Spanish and rehearsed during The new EMU, eas previously attributed to national governments were surrepti- eas previously attributed to national structural reforms associated tiously transferred to the Union. The formally or informally in- with the bailouts have been, since then, encompassing most scribed in the stability and growth framework policy areas, from labour relations to the judiciary, including health, Aseducation, pensions and social security. this surreptitious trans- policies, the in EU fer of sovereignty has become institutionalized to peripheral countries, union has acquired, especially in respect quasi-discretionary powers. by ex- federalism characterized the euro crisis amounts to a hybrid to negative integration ecutive and legislative powers committed which will seek permanent and shielded from democratic control, and busi- markets adjustments to the requirements of expanding provision. nesses ventures across all spheres of external demand and seduc hinges on the possibility of attracting ing capital with permanent wage deflation and fiscal inducements, social protection re- which compress the fiscal space and weaken gimes. As anticipated, the absence of conditions for positive Hayek integration will foster the commodification of labour and social protection, and constrain further the space of democratic politics. that context,- and social poli autonomous economic the space for of policy democratic choice cies and the - although con alternatives, existed. strained, subject to a uniform monetaryernments would be possibly policy, benefit from fiscal They would, however, unfit for their needs. space, en- of asymmetrical shocks. The federal transfers in the case powers, might provide space for democratic dowed with positive of choice. and the exercise political competition of re- euro – national governments, deprived from the crisis of the imbalances and unemployment,lief in the case of macroeconomic rules and discretionaryare subject to absurd high- decisions of and bureaucracies. institutions er-level bailouts, differs from the previous one in that policyPortuguese ar

Castro Caldas 176 177 edited volumes - - The Portuguese experience of integration in the EU, especially experience of integration in the EU, The Portuguese Recent developments in the EU have vindicated Hayek – eco- Recent developments in the EU Desired by Hayek, the expansion of markets and market-type and market-type of markets Hayek, the expansion Desired by twentieth centuryA major lesson of the for our time is that under the EMU, has disappointed the high expectations of the under the EMU, member 1980s. After a period following the accession in which EU Economic integration in the periphery integration of the EU: Economic of Portugal The case ing self-protection. Most importantly, those counter-movements those counter-movements Most importantly, ing self-protection. at the outset,are vague and ambiguous indetermi- and politically in various forms. Asnate. They emerge put by Polanyi, perceptively their most pernicious forms in symptoms we can only recognize irrationalistic philosophies, racialistic aesthetics, “the spread of like currency heterodox of views, criticism anticapitalistic demagogy, or of the ‘regime’, the party system, widespread disparagement existing democratic setup” whatever was the name given to the 1944, 246). (Polanyi constrain public policies nomic and financial integration does on the national and federal scale to a aimed at embedding markets come to rule over politics – but they also vin- point where markets tends to put in motion – the unleashing of markets dicate Polanyi that may degenerate into au- social, cultural and political processes thoritarianism, factionalism and racism. considerable growth, the countryship secured for Portugal experienced, under the euro, a decade of stagnation which was followed, intervention.since 2008, by a deep recession and an EU-troika relations in society, unconstrained by politics, has long since been by politics, has unconstrained in society, relations society of a market pursuit as a dystopian undemocratic deplored one which, when ever come to exist; existed, nor may that never century,aspired to in the nineteen stan- especially under the gold 1944). fascism and war (Polanyi dard, led to crises, the face of communities, left defenceless in people detached from tend to seek security wherever markets, the vagaries of expansive disembed- at unleashing markets, All attempts they find it on offer. seek to put in motion counter-movements ding them, have tended - 1 - - Data taken by the author from Statistics Portugal, National Accounts (GDP National Accounts (GDP by the author from Statistics Portugal, Data taken and Bank of Por and employment), Demographic Statistics (immigration) tugal (public debt). In 2008, cut off from capital flows allowing for the rolling over capital flows allowing for the rolling In 2008, cut off from and was that the ECB What happened in the crisis of the euro In 2015 the right-wing coalition that presided over the troika’s coalition that presided over the troika’s In 2015 the right-wing The case of Portugal has been presented since then as evi- The case of Portugal 1 count deficit. of debt, burden for banks became insolvent – a the Portuguese insol- This entailed Treasury could not bear. the public finances that vency emphatically not a public – a crisis which was a debt crisis but which ad- and the ECB, the EU debt crisis – and a bailout by the IMF, devaluation, which shattered dressed it with austerity and internal society and put in motion a cumula- the foundations of Portuguese sectoral structure of the tive process of regressive change in the persists. economy and demographic decay that banks exposed to pe- chose to bail out the core European the EU of adjustment to the citizens ripheral debt by shifting the burden of The consequence was a so-called adjustment that southern Europe. a loss of 385,000 jobs, GDP, lasted until 2014, with a cost of 6% in increase of the public debt.half a million emigrants and a twofold While the membership in the Euro-zone secured abundant capital secured abundant Euro-zone membership in the While the systems of the from the banking rates stemming and low interest of capital did such abundance surplus countries, central Euro-zone and less ex- investment into productivity-enhancing not translate but rather into an expansion of household ternal dependence, mortgage credit, sheltered and investment abroad or in sectors current with low contributions to the from external competition account. national has been the indebtedness of the The result ac and households, and a huge external banking system, firms ‘adjustment’ was defeated in elections and a socialist government ‘adjustment’ was defeated in elections parties was set up. This government at supported by left-wing tempted to square the circle by combining an alleviation of austeri- tempted to square the circle by combining mainly through the reversal of cuts in pensions and wages of ty, public servants, meeting the targets of the and fiscal consolidation, Stability and Growth Pact. EU dence of the possibilities of political alternatives within the current support, EMU framework. The socialist government, with left-wing

Castro Caldas 178 179 edited volumes - - European unification emerged during and immediately after European antagonis- this convergence was merely containing However, New elections in 2019 renewed the socialist majority but not renewed the socialist majority but New elections in 2019 While in the neoliberal perspective of Hayek, the federation the Second World War as a project common to a large section of War the Second World the antifascist coa- the social and political forces, which constituted on the idea that peace could lition. This broad coalition converged - nations agree to share sovereignty engag only last if the European be economic and political ing in a process of integration that would and necessarily lead to a union or federation. the economic and polit tic declinations of the articulation between served of the regressivebreaking the impetus the purpose of well the by intervention. troika’s in motion by the reforms put However, the limits of the resurfaced exposing mandate, tensions end of its Despite the recovery the circle exercise. squaring of of employment, stagnant. wages remained had been The new employment andsectors associated with a boom in tourism created in low-pay in the in real estate, fuelling a bubble new investment clustered country’sof debt and a fragile banking two major cities. The burden of public funds. Public ser absorbing large amounts sector kept Conclusion vices, namely the health servicesvices, namely the health degraded. and infrastructure, were the Left.the agreement with have The tensions, meanwhile, seemed to mount.the frame of the stability Fiscal constraints in the recoveryand growth pact preclude lost in the of the capacity bailout has troika’s the labour law enacted during the public sector, decay have not not been reversed, emigration and demographic is experiencing the limits been contained. A socialist government finding it hard to deliver its within the structures of the euro, and expectations raised. own promises and to respond to the in respect to the ical in the integration process, and disagreement type of society that ought to prevail in the union. of the economy and offered a context favourable to the ‘liberation’ the subordination of politics to the spontaneous dynamics of the in the that is, for disembedding the markets, markets, - The European Union is at a crossroad. Salvaging the euro re- The European may have of the EU The intentions of the founding fathers The divergent views on the articulation of the economic and on the articulation of the economic The divergent views the economic over the political the precedence of However, es towards political unification became especially salient in the new the in salient especially became unification political towards es frame of monetary unification. the fragmenta- However, quires, or so we are told, ‘more Europe’. political space created by the same euro and tion of the European of salvaging the for the sake accentuated by the austerity pursued common currency pre- has led to the emergence of tensions that clude the political leap forward towards political union needed for a functional currency. a political will for a founding been the best; despite the absence of constitutional act, through economic integration and out of neces- such we find, today, a political union would emerge. However, sity, hybrid federalism has intentions were flawed. Between the two, a shape, constraining the space for political alternatives and taken of salvaging the euro, a reconfigu- democratic choice. For the sake place by stealth, which is institutions has taken ration of European - and inte international cooperation perspective, social-democratic the opposite goal of re-embedding to pursue the gration ought for diverse political scale, leaving room on a transnational markets the national level. choices at regard- come to practically impinge on choices the political would instance, the opposing, for a united Europe, ing the building of con- of Robert Schuman and the foundational small step strategy Spinelli. stitutional act of Altiero in all stages of the process of integration, would come to prevail EMU representing not a small and the Treaty with the Maastricht forward.step but a great leap - The precedence of economic inte In general, it unification. process of European gration shaped the a negative integration over translated it into the predominance of especially after Maas- a positive integration. The consequence, tricht, in la- has been a race to the bottom, with special incidence benefiting capital bour relations and accrued fiscal competition Kaldor’s premonitions in respect to cumulative in- over labour. impediments of advanc inequalities and the resulting ter-regional

Castro Caldas 180 181 edited volumes - - In this light, democracy the crisis of social no mystery. is It is democracyDoes the crisis of social is dead? mean that the Left the crisis of a political movement that embarked in the globalist in the globalist that embarked of a political movement the crisis of the 1980s, only to discover that,and federalist impulse in the its political away the capability to materialize process, it was giving exposing the national or the international scale, program, either on and alienating them to the vagaries of markets the working classes protection. to demagogues offering authoritar to successfully counter the coming I do not think so. But aggravating fractures, replacing subordination for cooperation, subordination fractures, replacing aggravating counter-movements. pathological political and nurturing ian drift of neoliberalism and open up democratic possibilities, it and open up democratic possibilities, ian drift of neoliberalism in the cur concerning the possibility of, must get rid of delusions move- affairs, embedding free-trade and capital rent state of world framework. governance democratic European) (or global a in ments It must, instead, restore its commitments to the working classes, uphold democracy and in- and social progress on the national scale, for the common ternationally strive for peace and cooperation good among independent states. - - - New Press. - Avail and Monetary Union in the Community. Stages of Economic by Realization able at http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/emu_history/documentation/ chapter5/19701008en72realisationbystage.pdf Press. , 66 (3), in a Hayekian Setting.” International Organization Polanyi for Waiting 429-455. and Ar State Economists and the Welfare in Liberalism of Neoliberal Pluralism”, Backhouse, Roger E., Bradley W. State, edited by Backhouse, Roger E., the Welfare Bradley W. guments for Plehwe, 171-192. Oxford University Nishizawa, and Dieter Bateman, Tamotsu Press. backs. Nicholas. 1978. Further Essays on Ap man, 12 March 1971. (reprinted in: Kaldor, 187-220. 6, Duckworth, . Collected Economic Essays, Vol. plied Economics of Kaldor and Contemporary Economy”, Political in The Foundations Heterodox , Causation and Cumulative of Circular The Principle Economics: Non-Equilibrium 91-105, Routledge. Sebastian, edited by Berger, , Beacon Press. Our Time , 66(3), 239-278. Integration.” Public Administration and European pa - Working für Gesellschaftsforschung Max-Planck-Institut options for Europe.” per, 97/8. https://www.mpifg.de/pu/workpap/wp97-8/wp97-8.html Studies, 44 (4), 845–864. References . Verso. World 2009. The New Old Anderson, Perry. Appelquist,. The Myrdal Gunnar Essential 2005. The and Stellan Andersson (ed.). Örjan, on the and the Commission to the Council Union. 1970. Report Council of the European , The University of Chicago Order Individualism & Economic 1958. Hayek, Friedrich. Integration: 2012. “Embeddedness and Regional Martin, and Armin Schäfer. Höpner, Birth and Death 2017. “National vs Supranational Collective Goods. The Masini, Fabio. . University Paper Regions Underdeveloped Theory and Economic 1957. Myrdal, Gunnar. Kaldor, Nicholas. 1971. “The Nicholas. 1971. New States- Dynamic Effects of the Common Market”. Kaldor, O’Hara, Phillip. 2009. “The Causation: Myrdal, Principle of Circular and Cumulative Origins of and Economic – The Political Karl. 1944. The Great Transformation Polanyi, Lessons from German Federalism 1988. “The Joint Decision Trap: W. Fritz Scharpf, and Negative Integration: The regulatory 1997. “Balancing Positive W. Fritz Scharpf, Market Revisited.” Journal of Common 2006. “The Trap Joint Decision W. Fritz Scharpf,

Castro Caldas 182 183 edited volumes - , 36/2011. Paper Series (LEQS) Discussion racy.” LSEin Question’ ‘Europe für Gesellschafts- Economy”, Max-Planck-Institut Be a Social Market Cannot EU 09/12. paper, Working forschung at https://www.thedailystar.net/news/an-agenda-to-save-the- 2013. Available euro Norton & Company. W. rope. W. Books. Verso Scharpf, Fritz W. 2011. “MonetaryDemoc and the Preemption of Union, Fiscal Crisis W. Fritz Scharpf, Scharpf, Fritz W. 2012. “The Double Asymmetry W. the Fritz Why Integration. Or: European of Scharpf, Star, December 25, The Daily Agenda to Save the Euro”. Stiglitz, Joseph. 2013. “An Currency- the Future of Eu Threatens Stiglitz, Joseph. 2013. The Euro: How a Common . Capitalism Crisis of Democratic The Delayed 2014. Buying Time: Streeck, Wolfgang. KATERINA LABRINOU KATERINA IOANNIS BALAMPANIDIS IOANNIS Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences of Social and Political University Panteion Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences Political of Social and University Panteion

Labrinou / Balampanidis 184 185 edited volumes - - Crisis, European South, Social Democracy, Radical Radical Social Democracy, South, Crisis, European During the crisis, the Radical Left, especially in the European Left,During the crisis, the Radical especially in the European from marginality to mainstream, South, accelerated its course democracy social while stra- previous in its trapped itself found examine the two political propose to tegic orientations. We and comparative perspective, focusingfamilies from a relational Left partieson the interaction of Social Democratic and Radical Por (Greece, cases of national a series in evolved have they as tugal and Spain) and, in particular, during the political and elec during the political and, in particular, tugal and Spain) toral cycle of 2015-2017 – with a special focus on the emblem- atic Greek case and the stunning rise of SYRIZA. The strategic crisis, the of juncture critical the to parties these of responses or deviating paths between the by converging characterized on their political-ideological light shed two ‘enemy brothers’, transformations and adaptations. Keywords: Left, Government formation The economic crisis has, in many ways, been more pronounced ways, been more pronounced The economic crisis has, in many for the countries of the European South. It has also been multi-di- for the countries of the European itself in economic,mensional, as it simultaneously manifested fi- relationship between nation- nancial, social and political fields. The integration has been called into question. al politics and European It was inevitable that social distress would sooner or later be translated into tectonic changes in the party system and then, at the level of governance, into an ‘electoral’ and later ‘governmental’ epi- 2016). demic (Bosco and Verney Introduction Abstract Social Democracy and Radical Left in the Left in the Radical and Democracy Social South: European experimentation governmental and Strategic of the crisis in the cauldron - - - - - that we are discuss Europe countries of Southern In all three families on we focus on the two main political In this chapter, We therefore propose to examine the respective social demo- We ing here, namely Greece, Portugal and Spain, a complex conflict a complex conflict and Spain, namely Greece, Portugal ing here, and Europe by struggles over austerity, emerged, shaped structure - an economic Left-Right/welfare-eco In Portugal, political renewal. de- lies at the epicentre of the political nomic liberalism dimension contention the pro-European/Eurosceptic bate, whereas in Greece, a complicated central-regional political is most crucial. In Spain, set the pa- with a series of corruption scandals, cleavage, combined Kriesi and Vidal 2018). Given conflict (Hutter, rameters for political political the three countries, their respective the divisions within was serious- and government formation systems were destabilized, leading the period spanning 2011 to 2020, ly affected throughout and coalitions between both established to a series of incongruous ‘challenger’ mainstream and both the (Radical) Left parties of new, Kriesi and Vidal 2018). and the Right (Hutter, considering that,the left side of the political spectrum, at least in South, the relationship and interac the countries of the European tion between the Radical Left and social democracytion between the Radical Left and social has acquired the level of relations of polit new interest during the crisis, both at The Radical Left ical power and at the level of governance. emerged as a ‘challenger’ political force, modified its status from acquiring elector 2012), (Bale and Dunphy into ‘participant’ ‘pariah’ the mainstream social demo- al visibility and eventually threatening cratic centre-left. On the other hand, social democracy faced the ’ and the dilemma of ‘renovation or resig- spectre of ‘pasokification 2015). We (Bailey et al. 2014; Arndt and van Kersbergen nation’ which, since 2008, has have, elsewhere, described their interaction been significant, as a relationship of ‘competitive symbiosis’ (Bala- has gained additional inter mpanidis et al. 2019). The interaction est, as it has also been expressed quite differently at the level of governance in the three countries. cratic and Radical Left parties and the different ways in which they responded to the crisis and to the disruption of electoral competition, as well as to investigate whether their reorientations have created the conditions for convergence in a project of governmental formation.

Labrinou / Balampanidis 186 187 edited volumes - - - 2011 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2019 (European and national on 6/10) PORTUGAL Austerity / bail-out programme PORTUGAL 2011 2014 2015 (2) 2016 2017 (Referendum) 2019 (2) Varieties of crisis Varieties Electoral epidemic Electoral SPAIN SPAIN Bank bail-out / property bubble / corruption / Catalonia Challengers / Party system fragmentation system Challengers / Party 2012 (2) 2014 (2) 2015 (2 + Referendum) 2019 (2) Through an empirical comparative analysis, we aim to put for Through an empirical comparative analysis, ward the hypothesis that the diversity of political polarities in eachward the hypothesis countrystrategies of both traditional has conditioned the coalition generating unusual governmental coali- parties, and new/challenger their entrytions and unexpected outcomes following onto the scene. In this context, the Radical Left and social democratic par we regard (Luebbert 1983), which scale’ ties as ‘neighbours on the Left-Right adopt different office-/policy-/vote-seeking tactics (Müller and Strøm 1999) in their endeavour to gain coalition or governing potential (Sar tori 1976). GREECE PORTUGAL , PCP Older challengers: Bloco SPAIN , Catalan independentists New challengers: Podemos Older challengers: Ciudadanos, Basque nationalists GREECE Older challengers: SYRIZA, Communist Party DIMAR, Golden Dawn, Enosi Kentroon New challengers: ANEL, POTAMI, GREECE Austerity / bail-out programme Table 1 Table The story is well-known: the dual economic-political crisis and crisis and The story dual economic-political is well-known: the the Radical Left,On the other hand, adopting a popu- mostly tectonic shifts in the European factor is that these Another key In this political and social landscape, the long-lasting electoral- Reorientations or mobilizers, parties (new parties of challenger the emergence bipartisan systems the (1985)) destabilized as termed by Rochon parties of the once radical ‘Mediterranean’ in which the Socialist and one of the two pillars in Spain, Greece socialism had been Social de- democratic transition of the 1970s. since the Portugal mocracy was in power when the crisis hit, and had to pass austeri- and packages in Greece (Papandreou) ty measures and bail-out the real estate bubble in Spain or manage (Sócrates), Portugal (Zapatero). and advantage of this window of opportunity list discourse, took in protest (Aganaktismenoi participated wholeheartedly in social in Greece, 2011; Indignados in Spain, 2011; 12 March movement 2011) and presented itself as the new political actor Portugal, against the Social- particular, against the old political elites and, in ists who had initiated the austerity measures. - of increased Euroscep South occurred against a common backdrop and Taggart hard) (Szczerbiak ticism (albeit usually soft rather than public sphere trig- European 2008) as the increasingly politicized and institutional distrust gered an unprecedented crisis of political not only a distrust of su- at the national level from 2010 onwards; - Com (such as the European pranational representative institutions the but also, if not primarily, Parliament) mission and the European - national interests in the Euro demand for strong representation of was What was at stake pean political arena (Balampanidis 2019). the country’s voice to be heard in the intergovernmental game, es- where, in the first phase of pecially in the countries of the South not count in the EU’the crisis, a feeling that ‘our voice does had become widespread. ly unequal relationship between the two players was questioned. The decline in the vote share of social democratic parties, and the corresponding rise in support for the Radical Left, seemed to bring the two players onto an equal footing.

Labrinou / Balampanidis 188 189 edited volumes - - One of the main factors in the relative rise of the Radical Left One of the main factors in the relative Source: Eurobarometer Figure 1 aver and EU Spain, Portugal, disagree (Greece, in the EU”: counts “My voice age, 2004-2018) ity that enabled them to intersect with the major cleavages (Left- ity that enabled them to intersect with or Europeanism-Euroscepticism) Right, establishment-anti-system, otherwise those already present, impose new ones alongside such as: ‘old’ versus ‘new’ (Deschouwer 2017). At the same time, the message against both aus- Radical Left delivered a strong populist terity policies and the political elites of the ancient regime; a stance (such as SYRIZA’s oscillating between soft and hard Euroscepticism It thus developed a ambiguous intentions to break with the Troika). new political style, more compatible with the social distress of the crisis era, which was adopted by a new generation of political in the European South was that it reinforced its anti-systemic pro- South was that it reinforced its anti-systemic in the European parties in office, file against the mainstream (social democratic) the organic ties between which were blamed for having dissolved breaking with their previous, government and society (Ignazi 1996), (e.g. SYRIZAmore moderate and reformist character in relation to or Podemos the Left Coalition of the 1990s, his party ancestor, Unida). Also, as Izquierda compared to the post-Eurocommunist ambiguity or elastic ‘challenger parties’, they shared an ideological - - - This was the starting point and the basis for the electoral rise rise point and the basis for the electoral This was the starting profile lent political So, although in the first round the radical In this way, the Radical Left claimed from social democracythe Radical Left claimed the In this way, ity, redistribution of wealth, economic justice, national sovereignty, wealth, economic justice, national sovereignty, redistribution of ity, etc. Social democracy question’, clearly less was the ‘European of crisis, style required by the turbulent times compatible with the pow- turned into a mainstream social-liberal as it had years before consensual vis-à-vis too the conservative/(neo-) entity, er-political for a et al. 2011), and also too post-materialist liberal Right (Cronin name- materialist issues were predominant: time when particularly and austerity. the economic crisis ly, of the Radical Left. had been achieved (to But when the shift varying degrees in each country), Radical Left moved towards the - its anti-systemic Euroscep more pragmatic positions, moderating of populist anti-austerity tic profile that aroused an expectation such a strategy would not be measures. It soon became clear that institutional edifice that feasible, particularly within the complex the alternative being to embrace hard Euroscepticism, is the EU, at least in the party, which was not the case: no Radical Left integra- reject European South, chose to cross the Rubicon and shift/compromise was a pragmatic tion in principle. SYRIZA’s anti-systemic strate- demonstration of the limits of the previous target of a historical ‘sor inability to hit the as was Podemos’s gy, a national crisis (the passo’ over the Socialists in the context of Catalonia referendum). competition with social dem- and electoral weight to the Left in its later inevitably bent in favour ocrats, the anti-systemic profile was of pragmatism. As the relatively stronger parties of the Radical Left were transformed from policy-seeking exhib- parties to parties that and governance (of ited a growing interest in electoral success profile fice-/vote-seeking), it was inevitable that a protest-party (which was a common trait of the Radical Left in the 2000s and also was no longer the catalyst for its rise at the beginning of the crisis) sufficient when they had to deal with the question of power (Bala- mpanidis 2018). personnel and a new type of leadership (Tsipras, Iglesias), hand-in- Iglesias), leadership (Tsipras, and a new type of personnel structures. slack “network” organizational hand with to the crisis: auster issues related of a number of critical ownership

Labrinou / Balampanidis 190 191 edited volumes - - It seems that the debacle of social democracy does not lead to On the part of the Socialists, the ‘electoral epidemic’ caused a In this context, governmental developed at the their forces and the Spanish Socialist Party Party and the Spanish Socialist tugal. In Spain, Unidos Podemos and flirta- through phases of mutual rejection (PSOE), having gone Rajoy with each other to expell the tion, and having cooperated an under grounds of corruption, finally found government on the after the of the PSOE’s minority government standing in support parliamentary in December 2019. In this respect, elections Greece been no governmental case: not only has there is an exceptional kind but,cooperation of any on the contrary, there has been open simply fell apart,rivalry be- (PASOK) as the Greek Socialist Party a process that was named coming the first victim of pasokification, to describe a new cycle of decline of social democratic parties and the rise of nationalist and left-/right-wing throughout Europe its former voters, along with populist alternatives. Consequently, following the various party members, moved to SYRIZA. However, signing of the third memorandum, SYRIZA began to increasingly European level (as an at the flirt with social democracy, primarily thus observer social democrats), at the meetings of the European partner (Balampan- as a potential ally and seeking to attract PASOK idis et al. 2019). - when social de Inversely, convergence (as is the case in Greece). mocracy shrinks in relative terms, and the Radical Left is gaining electoral appeal paves the strength, a certain equalization of their which, and Spain), way for tactical convergences (as in Portugal democratic forces ultimately seems to benefit the social however, position in the party – as the Radical Left either secures a ‘relevant’ or reaches the limits of its strategy and retreats system (Portugal) position (Spain). to a weaker series of internal shocks. After decades, they found themselves again threatened by their enemy brothers in the context of a more general feeling that the mainstream governing parties were level, as we shall see below, methods of cooperation or cohabita- methods of cooperation shall see below, level, as we commu- an orthodox brothers’. Even the Socialist ‘enemy tion with to be proved (PCP) Communist Party the Portuguese like nist party - (Euroscep in downplaying identity issues comparatively pragmatic government with the Socialists in Por to support a coalition ticism) As were at seen, in all three countries, the Socialists we have As for Spain, from 2015 onwards, a polarization on the Left- Left,After the electoral rise of the Radical the question was demonstrating limited responsiveness to emerging social dynamics social dynamics to emerging limited responsiveness demonstrating - on their previ obliged to reflect They were, therefore, (Mair 2013). v- to maintain a go modifications paths and introduce ous strategic in Portugal that proved to be successful – a project erning potential unsuccessful in Greece. and Spain, but totally suffered accordingly, out and they, crisis broke the helm when the phase. Later, of the crisis management in its first the consequences shift towards the left,they attempted a programmatic defending they con- opposing economic liberalism. But the welfare state and number of rigorous budgetarytinued to support a Their policies. Third Way economics and adoption of convergence with neoliberal the identity to an end without a clear break, and policies thus came 2018). crisis continued (Bremer Right economic divide was observed, with the PSOE moving to the left, criticizing corruption and clientelism (Hutter et al. 2018: 12). In after 2012, Socialist MPs increasingly voted against the Portugal, – PS – (the Socialist Party Coelho government’s draft legislation 40 percent of the time in the voted against the government about political and parlia- period between 2011 and 2014), developing mentary Left on critical issues (Lisi convergences with the Radical PS,2016). Antonio Costa, the leader of the with the chose to break to their left,Socialists’ tradition of not negotiating and formed a Still, the PS under Costa, by Bloco and the PCP. government backed professed sharp scepticism towards the for all its Europeanism, EU’s rigidity. economic and fiscal in retain political hegemony posed as to how social democrats could parties. In Greece, there was a PASOK-New alliance with right-wing coalition government until 2014. In Democracy, ND) (Nea Dimokratia from the investiture voteSpain, the PSOE had decided to abstain to gov- , PP) that would bring the Conservative (Partido Popular Party ernment in 2016. In various ways, they opted out of collaborating parties with the aim to maintain their with or supporting right-wing relevant role – examples of this strategy are the PSOE’s filing of a vote of no confidence against the PP in Spain or the rejection mo- (CDC) Democrat tion against the Social Democratic (SDP)/Christian

Labrinou / Balampanidis 192 193 edited volumes In the case of Greece, to begin with, the pattern moved from Coalition and minority governments in post-war Europe are Europe post-war Coalition and minority governments in - that in most cases there has been frag It is no coincidence multi-party oversized coalition governments (2011, 2012) to a mini- multi-party oversized as indicated, coalition mal winning coalition (2015). Historically, Greece nothing exceptional, but in the case of the South there are some nothing exceptional, in Spain, since the peculiarities worth mentioning. For example, no coalition governments. democratic transition, there have been minority majority, When a party has failed to obtain an absolute and Greece, coalition governments have been formed. In Portugal to a norm of strong governments have been the exception - of 2002-2005 in Portu one-party governments (with the exception The particularity in question less- gal and 1989-1990 in Greece). of the electoral and gov- ened during the crisis, under the impact ernmental epidemic, which led to new forms of symbiosis/competi- and the Radical Left at tion emerging between social democrats as well. the level of governmental formation Complex government coalitions government Complex mentation or even splits at the leadership level (as in Spain with splits at the leadership level (as in Spain mentation or even and/or Sánchez and the PSOE’s old guard) Pedro the clash between is in of which the most striking case in organizational forms, in the of parties and initiatives implicated Greece, with its nebula of its collapse the centre-left in the wake venture of reconstructing as we shall see in the next part,in 2012. Nevertheless, the choice has proved fruitful, as it with the Radical Left of rapprochement power in to recuperate as a major governing helped the Socialists three countries under discussion here. at least two of the government in Portugal. Another motivation is that of maintaining a is that of maintaining Another motivation in Portugal. government seems to where the centre-left as in Greece, coalition potential, the Right, collusion with away from its strategic have moved while from SYRIZA. a clear distance still maintaining The breakthrough into the new phase came in November into the new phase came in November The breakthrough (namely the consecu- The 2012 ‘double electoral earthquake’ governments have not been a feature of the Greek political scene, political scene, a feature of the Greek have not been governments the culture of a paradigm shift in brought about but the crisis has been called the in what that manifested forming governments the democratic transition that began with (the period Metapolitefsi in 1974). by three parties of a government backed 2011, with the formation Vice President former of Lucas Papademos, under the leadership of the Bank of Central Bank and former Governor of the European coalition government signified a oversized Greece. This multi-party bipartisan the former major players of the full integration of both ‘pro-memo- into a uniform (PASOK-ND) system of the Metapolitefsi party LAOS.with the far-right camp, in collaboration randum’ Un- of 2011, months prior to this, in the spring only a few surprisingly, of social unrest with the social Greece had reached the zenith . movement of the Aganaktismenoi - & Nikola 2012: see Voulgaris tive critical elections of May and June the radical reshuffling of the decades-old 2014) marked kopoulos - the pasokification of PA stable bipartisan system, especially with 2009 to 12.3%) and the stun- SOK (whose share fell from 43.9% in ning rise of SYRIZA party (going to become a potentially governing shift of the party system’s from 5% in 2009 to 26.9%). This massive another multi-party oversized tectonic plates led to the creation of cooperated with the PASOK coalition government in which ND and party DIMAR, as New De- left-wing smaller reformist pro-European mocracy had not garnered an absolute majority of seats, despite a government of the so-called coming first in the election. This was forces that accepted the memorandum (though with pro-European as opposed to the anti-memorandum an intention to renegotiate) forces of SYRIZA Al- Patriotic and the Independent Greeks-National The gov- liance (ANEL) that were designated nationalist-populist. was based ernment of ‘national responsibility’, as it defined itself, on a declaration of cooperation. According to the joint ‘Declaration of the government of national responsibility’, which was published shortly after the elections of June 2012, the main objective was “to manage the crisis, to pave the way for growth and to revise the terms of the loan agreement without jeopardizing the country’s

Labrinou / Balampanidis 194 195 edited volumes - The double elections of 2015 (JanuaryThe double elections were and September) between ‘neighbours on The government alliance was not one European course or continuing participation in the euro”. On 11 in the euro”. continuing participation course or European without the Samaras decided, ND and Prime Minister June 2013, public broadcast to shut down the other two partners, consent of ing, prompting DIMAR’sing, prompting and the from the government departure cabinet with an upgraded role for Evangelos formation of a new of the Govern- as Vice President of PASOK, president Venizelos, ment. by the victorymarked the first of the anti-memorandum camp and and second SYRIZA-ANEL governments. As coalition of the a result SYRIZA or incomplete bipartisan system, crisis of a polarized did seats required to secure a parliamentarynot obtain the 151 majori- to form a after taking over the mandate So, almost immediately ty. Independent Greeks’ and the far-right government, Tsipras Alexis Kammenos announced the formation of what,(ANEL) leader Panos winning coalition (without a in the literature, is termed a minimal 1962; Leiserson 1966)). The programmatic agreement: see Riker at the September 2015 same governance pattern was repeated shift, when it signed a elections, after the referendum and SYRIZA’s third memorandum. issues of the crisis on certain major political Proximity the scale’. seems to have played period, as opposed to ideological cohesion, memorandum/anti-memo- the most decisive role – in particular the the entire political sys- randum division which vertically traversed tem (the two parties of SYRIZA representa- and ANEL being major of a large part of Greek tives of the anti-memorandum sentiments on the left and right society in the period 2010-2015, positioned os- as well as a de facto ends of the political spectrum, respectively) who coexisted and interacted mosis of the two different partners, of social mobilization, in the framework of two critical moments movement in 2011 and the July 2015 namely the Aganaktismenoi precisely by the SYRIZA-ANELreferendum organized government. case, ideological adjacencyIn any - does not guarantee governmen tal stability; according to certain approaches, in the formation of a coalition government, is familiarity on certain major what matters of ideas issues of a historical conjuncture and not the proximity and Mackie 1983). After the Laver 1973; Franklin and (Taylor (PSD). The government’s fail- (PSD). 1 Portugal moved from a connected coalition (2011) to ‘contract Portugal Gradually, the European U-turn of SYRIZA, European the Gradually, of and in particular These elections brought to office a coalition government of Which contrary to its current name is a conservative-liberal as re- party, Party (PPD). People’s flected in its original name, the Democratic 1 Portugal 2016). and Santana-Pereira in 2015 (Giorgi parliamentarianism’ PS minority government under José 2009 onwards, the From imposed by European Sócrates began to adopt austerity measures Programmes institutions. Three Stabilization and Development the votes of the PS and the were voted on in 2009-2010, relying on centre-right Social Democratic Party - the memorandum/an however, of September 2015, elections a ‘new versus old subordinated and division was ti-memorandum division emerged. political system’ and corrupt Prespa Agreement in 2018 that re- (which also led to the Tsipras with the neighbouring countrysolved the name dispute of North the eventual rupture between came to foreshadow Macedonia), the nationalist party ,ANEL,the two partners. For the losses were partici- to be expected from government greater than the benefits pation. SYRIZA, divide, for its part, to restore a Left-Right sought and less openly European social democracy, flirting openly with a sceptical stance: on the one which had adopted with PASOK, strategic alliance with its distance from its previous hand, it kept a it maintained period 2011-2015; on the other, the Right from the political front against SYRIZA, seeking to regain a dominant role on de- But in spite of SYRIZA’s the left side of the political spectrum. feat, the 2019 elections confirmed that it is the major player on the the equivalent position on the left of a new bipartisan system (with by comparison, risks becom- PASOK, right being occupied by ND). ing an irrelevant political force. ure to vote in favour of the fourth programme in March 2011 led ure to vote in favour of the fourth programme and the call for elections. to the resignation of the prime minister the PSD and the Christian Democrat/national conservative parties Coelho. Negotiations between the Passos led by Pedro (CDS-PP),

Labrinou / Balampanidis 196 197 edited volumes - - - - - Following Coelho’s inability to form a government, the man- Following Coelho’s for the Portuguese This was an unprecedented development leftist parties the oppor The agreement with the PS gave the ruling parties and the Troika in spring 2011 led to the signing of an- led to the signing in spring 2011 and the Troika ruling parties four years had ma- The following May. in early other memorandum for the legitimacyjor implications system (Freire of the political coalition Por right-wing 2015 election, the in the 2016). Eventually, tugal Ahead (PàF, a coalition of PDS and CDS-PP) came first but came first a coalition of PDS and CDS-PP) tugal Ahead (PàF, failed to form a majority. Radical Antonio Costa. The parties of the date passed to PS chief consultations with the PS. held separate Left (Left Bloc, PCP) Pro- by was based on written agreements signed jected cooperation as well as with the Left Bloc and the PCP, the PS separately with parties decided to back On this basis, the left-wing the Green Party. for a mini- in parliament in exchange the PS minority government a confidence-and-supply agreement.mum joint programme; first time since the transition political system (March 2011). For the to democracy in 1975, the Radical Left voted in favour of a PS gov- first time too, members of ernment programme (Lisi 2016). For the of State, an advisoryleftist parties participated in the Council body to the President of the Republic, traditionally composed of members of the mainstream governing parties. but also to impede the imple- tunity to advance their own agendas, they were ideologically mentation of austerity policies to which and programmatically opposed (policy-seeking). The PS chose to government in order to gain work with the Left to form a minority For the Left maximum access to state resources (office-seeking). Bloc, rep- the motivation seems to have been the avoidance of the par with the right-wing etition of the 2011 downturn when, along government. socialist Left Bloc brought down the Sócrates the ties, at its inability to turn part of the elec the frustration For the PCP, to its own advantage was strong. Both left dissatisfaction torate’s show that they would not ist parties acquired an opportunity to The PS,shirk governmental responsibility. expe- on the other hand, coalition was able rienced a shock from the fact that the right-wing to emerge as the primary force in the elections despite having implemented a harsh austerity program. Fears were expressed of a pasokification of the party. In Spain, the successive elections of 2011 to 2016 weakened to 2016 weakened In Spain, the successive elections of 2011 and populist-anti-system The emergence of the soft Eurosceptic a transition from a two-party to a The elections marked Thus, a convergence has taken place despite different points place despite has taken Thus, a convergence Spain the democratic transition the PSOE-PP bipartisanship dating from as unemployment rates of 1977 (Rodon and Hierro 2016). In 2011, stagnation, the PSOE,soared and were compounded by economic José Luis Rodríguez Zapate- under the leadership of Prime Minister defeat in a general election. The PP won ro, suffered its worst-ever with 186 out of 350 seats (the largest obtained a historic majority, was among those by a party since 1982). The Zapatero government punished in the first phase of the crisis. was an outcome of the venture of politically movement Podemos by the Indignados move- representing the social unrest as expressed to be the hegemonicment (Ramiro 2016). But the PSOE continued - At the 2015 regional and national elections, Po progressive party. 22% for the PSOE,demos jumped to 20.68%, compared to a result of a historic sorpasso. which, nevertheless, aroused ambitions to form a government,multi-party system. Spain was unable as nei- garner enough votes to se- ther the PP nor the PSOE were able to formed Uni- In the 2016 election re-run, Podemos cure a majority. dos Podemos, an electoral coalition with the United Left and other the positions of the erejonistas (the parties, leaving aside left-wing who insisted party’s number 2 Íñigo Errejón) wing under Podemos that the party should also be open to the PSOE. The Socialists, for of view on the crucial issue of Europe. While the PCP is a party of While the PCP is a Europe. the crucial issue of of view on the and Euroscepticism soft a expresses Bloco Euroscepticism, hard 2008). and Szczerbiak party (Taggart a Europhilic PS is essentially been pragmatic,All three have, nevertheless, is as their coalition predict (de would as a classical hypothesis not ideology-based basis embodies ad hoc cooperation on the Swaan 1973), but rather that overcoming austerity policies, something of a specific issue: each party’swas also in line with to safeguard its internal efforts consistencyBenoit 2009). 1983; Maor 1998; Gianetti and (Luebbert

Labrinou / Balampanidis 198 199 edited volumes - - - At the end of October 2016, Mariano Rajoy, leader of the PP, leader of the PP, Mariano Rajoy, of October 2016, At the end Rajoy’sseries of marred by the Catalonia crisis and a term was after a no-confi- Another turn occurred in mid-2018 when, succeeded in his investiture attempt, in his investiture succeeded the 10-month thus ending support The ΡΡ formed a government with the political deadlock. Coali- party of Ciudadanos and the Canarian of the new challenger to break abstaining. Fifteen PSOE MPs chose tion, with the PSOE of Uni- Meanwhile, the leader against Rajoy. the party line and vote the Socialists for their ‘capit Iglesias, attacked Pablo dos Podemos, their part,- against both Po fronts simultaneously; fought on two and the PP’s rhetoric demos’s anti-systemic conservatism. ulation’ and claimed ‘the hegemony of opposition’ for his alliance. of opposition’ and claimed ‘the hegemony ulation’ returned to the lead- Sánchez In PSOE,corruption scandals. Pedro tried to the old guard of the party and then ership in 2017 against profile to the Left.build a consensual PSOE then adopted a more proposing anti-cyclicalopenly progressive programmatic agenda, of eventual convergence and anti-austerity policies and – as a sign for dialogue with with the Radical Left – a permanent committee was established. Unidos Podemos Sánchez formed his gov- dence motion against Mariano Rajo, Pedro providing a parliamentaryernment on 7 June, with Podemos vote the ‘total recall’ of the of tolerance. The 2019 election marked PSOE, which not only came first in the election, but also returned wing of the party system. to a position of dominance on the left The party’s could turn to the left has been as successful as anyone expect, now found themselves in a phase of introver and Podemos erejonistas), as they ap- sion (and of internally splitting with the enemy brothers, having peared to be losing ground against their A new general strategy. reached the limits of their radical-populist as a result of the failure of election was held in November 2019 Sánchez’s failed Pedro government formation negotiations after were hit by mi- Both PSOE and Podemos investiture voting in July. ruling out a grand coalition nor electoral losses, which led to PSOE finally announcing an with the PP and to PSOE and Podemos coalition government; this was to be agreement for a full four-year the first coalition government since the transition to democracy. All things considered, it seems that the strategy of careful conver gence for both parties has all but failed. - - - The Socialists/Social Democrats were also obliged to break, to The Socialists/Social Democrats were the tectonic shifts caused by the crisis and the elec Certainly, In the countries of the South, the crisis has modified the the crisis has modified of the South, In the countries advantage of a window of opportunity The Radical Left took ing its anti-systemic Eurosceptic profile and seeking alliances with profile and seeking alliances with ing its anti-systemic Eurosceptic and (Tsipras or European Spain) Socialists at the national (Portugal, SYRIZA) level. strategic orientations a certain degree, from their own previous for the purpose of staying in power era) (dating from the Third Way in which they had the way(s) and recovering from punishment for managed the crisis in its first phase. this has proved As a strategy, and Spain, where the Socialists have reposi- successful in Portugal agenda combined with tioned themselves through an anti-austerity a mild scepticism about the EU’s crisis management, as as well from the Right.through sharpening their delineation These were that was missed or pur the elements of a strategic reorientation failure that helps to explain sued ambiguously in the Greek case; a allowing a con- itself, the inability of the centre-left to reconstitute game to SYRIZA.sequent loss of the hegemony South are not the toral-government epidemic in the European There is a major divergence be- norm for the whole of Europe. where the chal- and Northwestern Europe, tween Southern Europe lengers lie mainly on the populist Right and the parameters of the Conclusions Left and the social the Radical dialectics between well-established while in others, ways, they have come closer, democrats. In some apart.they have moved further has coexisted with Competition with convergence. symbiosis and divergence the crisis the ‘electoral epidemic’ caused by of social distress and support. its political visibility and electoral with a view to increasing anti-systemic and, in some ways, populist It proposed a radical, mobiliza- give political representation to social means by which to anti-austerity agenda and a soft Euroscepticism tion, promoting an the prevalent social sentiment.that was in tune with It thus rein- democratic parties. Its radical forced itself at the expense of social when it turned from protesting weakened message was, however, pragmatic policies, moderat to governing, perforce adopting more

Labrinou / Balampanidis 200 201 edited volumes - In any case, following the political and electoral regrouping on following the political and electoral case, In any One critical factor that differentiates the experience of each One critical factor that differentiates of the minimal win- At the level of governance, the hypothesis axis, which ap- it seems that the Left-Right Most interestingly, the Left, un- epidemic brought about historically the government countries in the political culture of the three precedented changes crisis. transition up to the time of the from the era of democratic with new tradition of minority governments, but Spain followed the in view breaking with its own tradition political players, eventually government,of the first coalition to 2019, only Greece, from 2012 was an intermediate while Portugal had coalition governments, role in gov- have played an important case. New and old challengers has act The Radical Left directly or indirectly. ernmental formation, conflict structure are conditioned by cultural and post-materialist and post-materialist by cultural are conditioned conflict structure By contrast,questions. at South, the politicization the European in and new Left-Right through a the crisis was elaborated the time of et al. 2018). divide (Hutter anti-austerity ed as a minor partner in Portugal and Spain, and a key government and Spain, and a key ed as a minor partner in Portugal party) in collaboration with a far-right partner (but in a paradoxical a relevant place in theGreece. The respective parties have gained protagonists. not always being political system while, however, divisions and the varieties of the three countries is the respective 1). Aus- (see Table of crisis that emerged and became predominant but the in- backdrop, terity policies have certainly been a common in and Europe tensity of particular factors (the memorandum in Spain, the economy, Greece, corruption and the national crisis has had a deci- and the anti-right orientation in Portugal) Europe sive influence on the parties’ alliances. The most important factor ning coalition is not always confirmed. and politi- (in Spain and Portugal) seems to be ideological proximity - (leading to the heterony cal osmosis in a particular conjuncture it seems that the However, mous SYRIZA-ANEL alliance in Greece). and social democratic, remain traditional parties, both right-wing is, formation. The exception the dominant players in governmental once again, Greece, where a “relatively new challenger” (Deschou- wer 2017), namely SYRIZA, and managed to occupy the political electoral space traditionally occupied by PASOK. peared to be undermined at the beginning of the crisis, seems to - ward coalition government of 2019 to the cooperation of Socialists of 2019 to the cooperation ward coalition government case, where and then to the Greek in Portugal, and the Radical Left SYRIZA after the 2019 elections may put the Right’s dominance convergence. in a process of reflection and mutual and post-PASOK Left between the Socialists and the Radical case, the game In any The more open than it has been for decades. today seems to be in a dia- transformations of one side are ideological and strategic with those of the other. lectical relationship be reconstituting itself as a fundamental cleavage in the political in the political fundamental cleavage itself as a be reconstituting - PA of the after the exceptions in the case of Greece, system (even and SYRIZA-ANEL forms. albeit in new governing alliances), SOK-ND social democrats having far as the Left is concerned, At least as minority is not the norm at present; from the alone in government backing and the straightfor with Podemos’ government of PSOE

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Hasanović 206 207 edited volumes - Dubioza Kolektiv, Tranzicija (2013) Tranzicija Kolektiv, Dubioza Bosnia and Herzegovina; nationalism; ethnopolitics; Left Bosnia and Herzegovina;

This paper aims to analyse the political environment in Bosnia the political environment in Bosnia This paper aims to analyse and Herzegovina, in an effort to look for both the reasons for alternativesocial and political new a establishing of failures the narrative, and also the possibilities forto the ethno-determined Dayton-con- overcoming it. Could Bosnia and Herzegovina’s a new, of emergence the for chance a provide reality structed radical Left, it? Final- or does it rather pose the main obstacle to state of divi- what are the leftist alternatives to the current ly, in their sion, a situation that is advantageous to ethno-elites – and Where position as the new political and economic classes? what – is the Left in contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina? : Keywords “The Left repeats itself like a broken record and the record a broken repeats itself like “The Left for self-gratification” Right serves as a fist only Largely as a result of widespread “ethnocentric interpretations Largely as a result of widespread “ethnocentric - of the conflicts in former Yu and mythologies produced in the face 2020, cf. Huntington 1993, Kaplan 1993, Nichol- (Tarabusi goslavia” son 1994, Winchester 1999, Fields 1999), the region of the Balkans, countries, is mostly depict and primarily that of the post-Yugoslav ed as a space of violence, eternal hatred and conflict in public discourse. Respecting our turbulent past – as if no others’ pasts are equally turbulent – this assumption has more to do with the Introduction Abstract Post-Dayton (im)possibilities for (im)possibilities Post-Dayton and Herzegovina in Bosnia the Left

- th in opposition to the con-

Since it is beyond the scope of this chapter Since it is beyond the scope of this chapter 1 Even the republican flag of Bosnia and Herzegovina within Yugoslavia was within and Herzegovina the republican flag of Bosnia Even flag with a small Yugoslavian represented through a plain red background corner. in the upper-left , Within the dominant narrative of eternal hatred and conflict Nevertheless, earlier, and in the time of the Socialist Federa- and in the time of the Socialist Nevertheless, earlier, 1 to question how such narratives changed, and under which cir to question how such narratives changed, cumstances such a vision radically shifted from the previously in- cumstances such a vision radically shifted , clusive one, let’s term it here as leftist rightist perspective. Here, the aim is to flictual and excluding and the possibilities for overcoming this current view, re-actualize - counter-hege for new, to open theoretical and practical spaces monic narratives. is perceived as a paradigmatic case study Bosnia and Herzegovina and divided realities for research on ethnic tensions, post-conflict re - for (mostly) Western societies, being both a scientific safari - searchers professionally dealing with such issues, as well as a gold en goose for international encounters. Instead of the external of the Balkans in general setting of the Balkans oversimplifying colonial Western 2021). In her (Hasanović reflections auto-colonial and the localized historian Maria the Balkans”, Bulgarian book “Imagining influential - as balkaniza its variants such use of Balkans and sees the Todorova as Schimpfwörter the 20 at the beginning of tion or balkanizing century: “At the same time that ‘Balkan’ was being accepted and time that ‘Balkan’ the same century: “At becoming satu- it was already signifier, widely used as geographic its signified and cultural meaning that expanded rated with a social 2009, and concrete meaning” (Todorova far beyond its immediate on the political power further commented 21). Richard Holbrooke that such imaginary 1990s, leading to a mis- perceptions held in the to perceive and influencing political actors reading of the Balkans, of ancient as an incandescence Herzegovina the war in Bosnia and that such a war was inevitable hostilities, leaving the impression 22-24). 1999, (Holbrooke - Bosnia and Herze (SFRY) in particular, tive Republic of Yugoslavia govina was perceived as the very of this. Due to its mul- opposite it was often imagined beyond fragmen- ticulturality and diversity, - or the “Yugo Yugoslavia” tations and antagonisms, as the “little embedding the ideology of brotherhood and unity slavia in little”, into its very identity.

Hasanović 208 209 edited volumes - anniversa- th and very general elec dynamic 2 these narrations exist and are being pro- exist and are these narrations – Bosne i Hercegovine narodnog oslobođenja vijeće antifašističko Zemaljsko - Liberation of Bosnia and Herze State Anti-fascist Council of the People’s govina. - (the Peo Partisans During the anti-fascist resistance, Yugoslav In 2018, two overlapping events took place; the 75 In 2018, two overlapping 2 tions. Being a guest upon a special program for public radio to tions. Being a guest upon a special program a question about asked commemorate the first occasion, I was what does the country, represent for i.e. Bosnia and Herzegovina, that it is, My statement, way, in a veryme personally. Marxist-like states, a result and outcome of class conflict is all other nation like the context this paper the perfect starting point for understanding attempts to address by trying to its main answer(s) to provide question. of Yugoslavia Army), led by the Communist Party Liberation ple’s upon liberated territo- were establishing their forms of governance was ries. One of such institution established in occupied Yugoslavia Liberation of Bosnia the People’s Council of the State Anti-Fascist highest state organ of the an- as the (ZAVNOBiH), and Herzegovina with three sessions ti-fascist movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina, assemblies composed of all being held, in the form of constitutive farmers, workers, working peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina: authorities, with men and teachers, intellectuals, even religious women equally represented. As had previ- Bosnia and Herzegovina ously been the subject of nationalistic territorial claims and pretensions of both Serbian and Croatian collaborationist regimes and From Brotherhood and Unity to the State of Constituent of Constituent the State and Unity to Brotherhood From Peoples duced. Therefore, how the current, post-conflict shaped Bosnia how the current,duced. Therefore, post-conflict can provide a canvas for the Left, it does and Herzegovina and why not, must be problematized. attempts at understanding the post-conflictual reality, which are reality, post-conflictual at understanding the attempts a political artefact the status quo as at maintaining largely aimed observation,for scientific the within to be problematized it has very context of why social ry of the ZAVNOBiH Proclamation ry of the ZAVNOBiH - - - - 3 Aggregating their projects of great states within the frame of Nazi-fascisticAggregating their projects of great states within collaboration, Croatian and Serbian national projects both negate the polit collaboration, Croatian and Serbian national splitting it between their (geo) ical existence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, political imaginaries. At the same time, a segment of the class of wealthy Muslim landowners, intellectuals and remains of old Ottoman bourgeoisie established – with the aid of Hitler’s personal intervention – a Muslim-led the latter Partisans, SS division combating both Chetniks and the Yugoslav of Yugoslavia. being led by the Communist Party , the Partisan move- , the Partisan concept with an extra-national Responding In the context in which the ethno-national identities were In the context in which the ethno-national 3 standing of Bosnia and Herzegovina. standing movements, the Resolution of the first ZAVNOBiH session from 25 session of the first the Resolution movements, ZAVNOBiH future under for the counter-narrative 1943 provided a November ment stated that Bosnia and Herzegovina was to be understood as was to and Herzegovina ment stated that Bosnia Croat,“neither Serbian, nor Croat and nor Muslim, but Serbian and of the . The confirmation as a brotherhood community Muslim”, materialized was thus and Herzegovina statehood of Bosnia over to think beyond the mono-national frame, through the ability - of socialist revolution and anti-fascist resis coming this by means too would prove to be of social contract . Although this kind tance the line, opening up different further down for SFRY avant-garde - the understanding of national ques and fuzzy issues regarding its setting within the new emerging tion(s) in the Federation and of contemporarysocialist sphere, the political subjectivity Bosnia was inherently formed within a leftist,and Herzegovina anti-fascist of ethno-national terri- narration, being a strongly bound negation and soil . of blood torial pretensions based upon the concept quisling goals of the then bour used and banded about to fulfil the - but and and” con geoisie, the formulation of the “neither nor nor, one which politically illu- cept was the only possible social answer; Bosnia and Herzegovina minated the fact that the idea of a unified but more on the unity of cannot rest on its territorial unity alone, its peoples. In other words, every of Bosnia and ethno-mapping goes beyond anti-fascism. This became obvious in the Herzegovina implied not in its essence 1990s, when delegitimizing Yugoslavia but its anti- socialist program, only delegitimizing its self-managing fascist legacy as well, reviving anti-antifascist projects and ideas as

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4 - - - - Under such circumstances, nationalization in the state Under such circumstances, nationalization 5 In the area at the time under the control of the Army of the Republic of such a law was adopted in 1994, the same year Bosnia and Herzegovina, as for the area controlled by the Army of Republika Srpska (see: Sl. list RBiH 33/94; RS 4/93, 29/94, 31/94, 9/19, 19/95). For instance, the relationship between historical revisionism and na 2016, Jović 2017. tion-building see: Radanović 2015, Markovina In a complex and perplexing series of happenings, the people, series of happenings, the people, In a complex and perplexing at their were workers while the self-managing Simultaneously, 5 4 Thus, the failure of Yugoslavia loomed heavily over the fate of Bos- heavily over the loomed failure of Yugoslavia Thus, the resur between the – trapped in the vacuum nia and Herzegovina - it is no won projects and dissolution, great nation-state rection of projection of spatializing mono-ethnicder that the bloodiest identi- the veryties was manifested on territory which it was initially upon overcome. into warriors, with their were converted workers, self-managing in along ethnic lines. In an atmosphere ‘sides’ largely determined yet new- fed another and thereby produced which one nationalism elites were time, the emergent ethno-national er ones, at the same at the dawning of their imagined communities jointly flying the flags in a bid elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, of the first multi-party to fight against the legacy of the old socialist regime. In the back the legacyground of those revanchist inspirations, social of the parentage of goods was contained manifestly. sustaining a conflict thatnew workplaces, i.e. the battlefields, killings, rapes, and genocide,would result in ethnic cleansing, mass away in the field of ecoanother conflict was developing, hidden enemy of the. This conflict was against the mutual nomic relations common ownership of goodsethno-elites: the socialist program of for good. Hence, in thethat had to be eliminated for once and of social ownership into on the Conversion the Law midst of the war, all sides ofstate ownership was silently passed simultaneously by the conflict. national-independence programs of the post-Yugoslav countries. of the post-Yugoslav programs national-independence could only mean an accumulation of of war as the state of exception the Yugoslav deconstructing wealth in the hands of those in power, while at the same time creating a new one. order, and ZAVNOBiH suspicious and corrupt later, Within this framework, the road for the and entrepreneurs,privatization processes was paved – investors - - In this way, Bosnia In this way, 6 The neoliberal attitude towards self-management as a as a The neoliberal attitude towards self-management 7 tionalities and working people” in Yugoslavia, used more recently to legiti- used more in Yugoslavia, tionalities and working people” The nation existed and was recog- the right to self-determination. mize but solely as a form. nized, to For an in-depth overview of this issue, see the first chapter of Welcome Horvat, edited by Srećko and Igor Štiks (Horvatthe desert of post-socialism and Štiks 2015). See, for example, Lenin’s understanding of the national question (Lenjin understanding of the See, for example, Lenin’s of “equality of nations, na 1960), which became a model for the concept Not only did the Dayton Peace Agreement of November 1995, Agreement of November the Dayton Peace Not only did from from transition It must be underlined that the economic 7 6 either closely related to the official political structures, or actually aofficial political structures, related to the either closely of both political and the accumulation contributed to part of them, and warlords. of both themselves power in the hands economic conflict patronage, bring a halt to the shaped under international of peace, architecture of war as the new reality while maintaining the two this meant Summarized, its wider legacies. but it also legitimized through the and horrific crimes were legalized violence things. Firstly, country. and territorial organization of the internal administrative homogeniz- conflict created by emptying and The boundaries of the them ethnic cleansing and genocide making ing territories through - as an in de facto ethno-territories, which were were institutionalized maintaining the wartime Secondly, reality. tegral part of the existing en- political structure produced a fruitful political reality through the vironment for the preservation political actors and narratives of those peacetime. Breaking fromthat rose to the fore in the 1990s during but and and”, and turning instead to a “neither nor nor, ZAVNOBiH’s concept of equality ofmere “and and and”, it extracted the socialist nations and placed it firmly within a new context. Mapping the Left in a Post-Dayton reality Mapping the Left in a Post-Dayton capitalism went hand-in- socialism to free-market self-managing of ethno-deter further strengthening the logic hand with war, and Herzegovina became an object of its, now formalized, constituent became an object of its, now formalized, and Herzegovina A democracy demos- without, a form of rather deeply class-di peoples. The question of the Left thus has was established. vided ethnocracy, a topos. to be examined in the context of such minism.

Hasanović 212 213 edited volumes - it by using state services 8 - beyond the system, placing itself heretically over the ex However, the inner pluralistic ideological content, as well as an overlap of However, actors between both categories, is to be assumed and respected, thus In this sense, it is without doubt that the current context of the current context of In this sense, it is without doubt that from the workers to the hands of new new to the hands of from the workers means of production 8 - crucial to the eth failed regime was system of a failed economic The consequenc socialism. idea of decomposing no-nationalistic es of this were especially noticeable in the context of Bosnia and of Bosnia and in the context were especially noticeable es of this Yugoslavia’s of a significant proportion where Herzegovina, heavy industry corrupt was located, leaving deindustrialization, the po- together with and poverty, privatizations, unemployment religiously and ethnically achieved divisions. litical mapping of as deeply those divisions are to be perceived This indicates that of phenomena, transferring the ownership rooted in class-based the order, being constituents of a new political political elites. By subjectivity was reduced in comparison their individual political compensating to their ethnic identities, of partocratic and clientelist mechanisms and public sector as securing social peace and main- the elites in rewarding loyalty, taining the status quo. - reality produces an agen post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina’s da for the Left, while at the same time reducing its potential to thus, is inextricable from offer alternatives. Leftist thinking, thinking clusionary aware of the consequences it Dayton reality and being against the current politi- may face. In other words, it is to think and the and Herzegovina co-administrative landscape of Bosnia the heritage of war by all hegemonistic narratives legitimizing sides of the conflict. the It is therefore also to challenge both in of peacetime and the (often marginalized logic polemocratic as spaces mutually feeding relations economic public debate) thus narration of war, upon one another by reproducing the accumulation of capital maintaining the conditions of primitive this context that the ne- made possible in the 1990s. It is within in Where and what is the Left cessity of answering the question of lies. For a more precise understanding, Bosnia and Herzegovina? the Left here is going be understood on two levels: the Social . Left and the Political Left - - could be mentioned 9 exhibiting an awareness of the possible shortcomings and weaknesses of such an arguably coarse and unforgiving categorization. - Despite the various areas the Social Left has shaped over re , mostly as part of an , mostly as Left emerges from the bottom The Social Information has been retrieved from the official web pages of the actors, which are listed in the references. 9 here: The first of these was the Unique Organization for Socialism here: The first of these was the Unique and Democracy za socijalizam i demokratiju (Jedinstvena organizacija which was dedicated active from around 2009 until 2013, – JOSD), system and its structures and to building a socialist and democratic institutions, defining itself as “a revolutionary anti-capitalist organi- The second example of the articulation of leftist ideas in a zation”. The Social Left The Social tivities dealing with specific or current issues, the form of the Social the of form the issues, current or specific with dealing tivities different forms of political Left is being shaped primarily though within existing organi- and social engagement and activism either spontaneous ad hoc grass- zations, problem-oriented projects, or roots activities. and projects, or different cent years through organizations, events it has remained ineffec spontaneous protests and mobilizations, further social and political continuance and tive in ensuring any paradigmatic examples consolidation. Two activist scene beyond official political institutions. It is to be political institutions. beyond official activist scene movements society by different organizations, mapped within civil or ad or illegal, formal or non-formal, organized or initiatives (legal academics, artists, stu- unions, (workers, hoc), groups of people dents, minorities, etc.) purpose or individuals. These organizations’ progressive aims but also to deconstruct is not only to accomplish it. and provide a critical dimension towards the existing reality In alongside demands or state- and Herzegovina, the case of Bosnia agendas such as democratization leftist ments resting on essentially rights, – empowering labour and minority of society and economy and struggles for public space while promoting environmentalism anti-fascism, anti-capitalism equality and solidarity together with are several, albeit mainly and anti-nationalism in general – there side-lined and broadly insufficient, actors that could be subsumed under the notion of a ‘Social Left’ as such. Rising out of partial ac

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11 This does not mean that there are not other actors, unions for instance, since they . However, dealing with issues that are to be classified as leftist as subjects of the Left,do not self-identify they are not listed as such here, although it is important to note their existence as well. Information has been retrieved from the official web pages of the actors, which are listed in the references. that I primarily refer to when describing a Social Left are: to when describing a Social Left are: that I primarily refer Currently, there are only a few subjects that openly state their are only a few subjects that openly state there Currently, Despite multiple individual efforts and significant contribu- Despite multiple individual efforts and 10 11 10 leftist standpoints, while others show their critical preferences in- while others show their critical preferences leftist standpoints, the them casually or primarily through contextualizing directly, I unknow- While acknowledging the risk that aims of their activities. ac the most prominent omit somebody, ingly and unintentionally ), Open University (Otvoreni univerzitet manner was the bottom-up designed as a joint to 2017, and was from 2013 which functioned was provided by which a platform several organizations, activity of education, and interactive social engagement for open debates, de- the “closure in the post-Dayton with the aim of overcoming and academic public” bringing and an “inactive intellectual bate” figures and international activists, public together local, regional and intellectuals. tors ), which promotes an anti-fascist (Front Slobode of Freedom Front as “methods against the tradition, social activism and public goods (Rad University the Workers’ dominant ethno-nationalist rhetoric”, the active nički univerzitet) initiative aiming to provide a space for Association in economic and political life, participation of citizens Culture and Art – Crvena , openly claiming to be a “feminist and for “to create, advance and whose work is organization” left-oriented social change through de- maintain the conditions for progressive its declared skills” among others. Despite veloping self-governing the web portal Prometej also recently became ideological plurality, new critical and leftist an important virtual space articulating thought in Bosnia and Herzegovina. tions, the Social Left in Bosnia and Herzegovina remains mostly lo- remains tions, the Social Left in Bosnia and Herzegovina and defragmented. Being narrowly oriented particularized calized, of a wider contextual and quantitatively small, it lacks the mapping and references within the system- structural cohesion background, conditions that it has to deal ic relations producing the contentious - , The strategy used to 12 In 2016, a descriptive, thinned-out political declaration of a joint initiative In 2016, a descriptive, thinned-out political declaration between the civic political parties, individuals, NGOs and intellectuals and la- lefist was immediately decried as deklaracija called the Jahorinska belled as a “cheap reprise of the Communist International” (Begović Stav – in spite of having little 2016) by nationalist propaganda media like to do with the Left either in terms of content or (several) signatories, with its aim instead simply being to use civic nationalism to combat - It became obvious that every attempt to produce counter-he Therefore, the Social Left is more present through the needsTherefore, the Social 12 demonize them as being betrayals or national threats – mostly in demonize tantly, for articulating the social platform for the Left in the first tantly, of producing applicativeplace, making it more political and capable activities. critics, instead of depending on project-oriented they were, or even gemonic narratives, no matter how marginal and aggressive opposition not ‘Left’ at all, was greeted with strong even extending to positions of power, from the dominant system’s an exaggeration of their real importance. with. With the deficiency of joint activities and solidarity, while at while at the deficiencywith. With solidarity, of joint activities and and to mostly urban , being limited time being exclusivist the same not able to pro- their activities are (young) people, well-educated - and infertile gath looking as miserable often duce a massification, . Focusing on marginals individuals or political erings of frustrated processes, action rather than on political visibility and performative and con- failed to gain greater political influence they have thus far political change. tribute to progressive social realm than through its own autonomousexisting within the - rise of the Right is indisputably strengthen The general subjectivity. the political context of Bosnia within ing and self-complementing na- of post-conflict Local hegemonistic narratives and Herzegovina. of regres- tensioned by the recent increase tion-building are being their more However, sive and oppressive elements within society. the still-ongoing constructionseductive presence within is blending of historical revisionism, andof national identities with the context emigration crises, strugglesthis is combined with immigration and and yet more phe- for public goods, intense economic instability responses fromnomena, thereby further increasing alterpolitical diffi- their ephemerality, bottom. These lasting occurrences, despite in the political, couldculties and failures, and hence being marginal but,provide the potential not only for consolidating, more impor

Hasanović 216 217 edited volumes - - tized by the existing context and neoliberal economic policies from the by the existing context and tized offset. ethno-nationalism – thus being left virtually dead in the water and amor Since the Social Left in Bosnia and Herzegovina is not orga- in Bosnia and Herzegovina Since the Social Left nized but particularized and defragmented, potential lies both in but particularized nized is inherently producing, as the needs and contradictions the system well as within individual engagements. It is without question that or engaged in there are pro-Left individuals, either unorganized initiatives or NGOs. Nevertheless, since different project-oriented they are unable to identify the existing, sporadic themselves within attemptsand diluted leftist is , on either a social or political level, it show a preference for maintaining a passive not unusual that many individually within re- stance, or limit themselves to being active activities rather than at gional and global leftist platforms and representations – is not we-them representations within polemocratic correlation the ideological for illuminating but also important just dangerous, Also, it order. vitality of the present that maintain the instruments reproduction of legitimate the precisely which values highlights system was some- It may appear that the reality. the post-Dayton in the social uprisings and mass protests how capable of keeping most re- control, but the responses to the 2013 and 2014 under in Sarajevo and Banja Luka simultaneously occurring – protests cent Dragičević, Memić and David of Dženan – merging the cases two into a wid- under controversial circumstances, young men who died ele- er context, some of the key to how they could jeopardize point order feeds the vitality of the current ments whose reproduction (see: Hasanović 2020). tempting to consolidate and organize in Bosnia and Herzegovina. in Bosnia and Herzegovina. tempting to consolidate and organize this also creates an Next to the bogey of performative activities, efforts to wall of distraction from politics, disabling impenetrable problems. Instead of deal properly with solving social and political in dealing with big infertile theocratizations and attractiveness start with the global questions, it is high time to simultaneously theory critical and applicative that clashes production of a new, versa. In other words, the political atmo- with the reality and vice stillness must be addressed sphere of political subordination and and challenged in order to overcome it. ------Be- 14 Across various Across various Faced with this situation, one with this situation, one Faced 13 versy surrounding the protests that may have servedversy surrounding the protests that may have to set back the pro- further politicization of gressive impulse they began to create, disabling on a symbolical level, the protests illuminated social change. However, regime, post-socialist the suppressed frustrations relating to the current from the state. exposing the degree of alienation of citizens tion of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Social Democratic Party of Bosna and Herzegovina was in power in 3 of Bosna and Herzegovina The Social Democratic Party of the 4 cantons in which the protests were most intense, holding two with the position of Prime Minister in Prime Minister positions. Likewise, their hands, the social democrats also led the government of the Federa Despite their political importance that this chapter makes reference to, it makes Despite their political importance that this chapter of dispute and contro is important to stress that there are still matters Both the protests in 2013, triggered by a problem with the with the triggered by a problem protests in 2013, Both the 14 13 must question the position of the Left in such circumstances. in such circumstances. must question the position of the Left and weak, the Social Left failed to penetrate into Unorganized the events were pro- the political, by grasping the momentum actors understood to com- ducing, while on the other side, the Left were (together with their coalition part pose the Political political positions at that time. occupying important ners) ing discredited, instead of achieving social justice and equality social justice and equality ing discredited, instead of achieving by Bank, backed and World within a new political frame, the IMF Union, imposed a set of reforms as a neoliberal the European the Left failed to fully ar response to the social requests that revolution , in 2014 failed ticulate. The political outcomes of the conservingthe Benjaminian sense, led to a noticeable of the Political left Political issuance of ID numbers for newborn children, and the 2014 and the 2014 newborn children, of ID numbers for issuance February as hazy possibilities for protests appeared workers’ reality for first the post-Dayton over openly thinking critically alter of the conflict of the 1990s, imaging time since the end Arsenijević 2014 as Arsenijević 2014 as representation (cf. nate forms of political well as Štiks and Horvat and 2014, Murtagh 2016, Sejfija 2018). Kurtović 2017, Belyaeva 2016, Fink-Hafner were established democracy were established of direct microspaces, forms acting as a form of heterotopia emanating through plenums, ignor ethno-political structures. However, from the dominant ing numerous controversies, the positive appearances of alter the positive appearances ing numerous controversies, leaving no further politi- native political spaces soon vanished, form. cal materialization in any

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15 - - - 2018). Conventional Still, a civic or multi-ethnic character Still, a civic or multi-ethnic character (Radio Sarajevo - and Herze a civic nature of Bosnia 16 , reinforcing the polemocratic elements, with elements, with the polemocratic , reinforcing status quo As adopted a Declara- in 2019, the Bosniak SDA seen for example when, Congress, favouring the civic concept of Bosnia and tion at their Party Balkans, Mat Special Envoy to Western after the American Herzegovina, More on party pluralism and multi-ethnicity in Bosnia and Herzegovina in Bosnia and Herzegovina More on party pluralism and multi-ethnicity see in: Huruz 2019. thew Palmer, issued a statement claiming that all countries in the Balkans issued a statement claiming thew Palmer, should be civic, instead of ethnic. With a total population of 3.5 million, it is estimated that of 3.5 million, it is estimated that With a total population Indeed, there are political parties who tryIndeed, there are political parties who to challenge the 16 15 the new ethno-national government acting as their legitimizing their legitimizing acting as government the new ethno-national for discrediting as an ideological tool strengthening it base and political opponents. political parties 150 officially registered there are approximately in Bosnia and Herzegovina over same time maintaining social sensibility govina, while at the a radical rarely ever questioning them from economic relations, political architec the logic of the state’s perspective. However, societal ly, the Political Left is mostly understood as a highly fluid sub- is mostly understood as a highly fluid Left the Political ly, - ject, while embracing Yu rejecting the ethno-political dimension gonostalgia and favouring and being to ethno-entity lines, shaping ture was subordinated parties, while omitting shaped by the most dominant political upon which the main marker ideological polarization from being - making it incredi political parties are – or could be – organized, ideological perspective. bly difficult to map them from a purely Is it then even possible to be ‘Left’ in post-Dayton Bosnia and Bosnia and post-Dayton Is it then even possible to be ‘Left’ in Herzegovina? their civic and dominant ethnic party system by underscoring divide upon which their multi-ethnic frame as the main doctrinal political position is based. alone does not simply imply being ‘Left’, in the same way that in the same way that alone does not simply imply being ‘Left’, sharing a civic or multi-eth- claiming to be ‘Left’ does not imply reducing the Moreover, nic vision of Bosnia and Herzegovina. be highly dangerous Left along these parameters can ultimately for it. Lacking a clear ideological standpoint, it exposes the Left’s inefficiency and vulnerability in reacting to structural to seriously question the problems at their roots, and a failure and ethnic nationalisms relationship between economic realm

- - - Party Congress in 1999 as Congress in 1999 as Party rd Party Congress in 2019, the SDP announced that Congress in 2019, the SDP announced that Party th Being so far the most organized multi-ethnic party, with al- party, multi-ethnic organized Being so far the most In addition to the SDP, there are several other political par there are In addition to the SDP, of the 1990s. Ignoring the material conditions by which the by which the material conditions Ignoring the of the 1990s. is is being sustained and political context social post-Yugoslav a trap that is but also counterproductive, not only ultimately framework of the dominant rightist Left toward the sucking the predicaments under whose reality, Dayton Agreement-imposed the Left now operates. and according to their official website, legedly 50,000 members, of the Left” the their program to be a “Party claiming openly in (Soci- of Bosnia and Herzegovina Party Social Democratic – SDP BiH) is to be partija Bosne i Hercegovine jaldemokratska Left. most influential organ on the Political considered as the Demo- and political successor of the Social Defined as the legal of 1909 and the Commu- of Bosnia and Herzegovina cratic Party - and Herzegovi i.e. the Union of Communists of Bosnia nist Party at its 3 Way na, it embraced the Third the “third way for Bosnia and Herzegovina […] after the path […] after the path the “third way for Bosnia and Herzegovina (Lagumdžija 1999, into communism and path into nationalism” 6). After the 7 it would take a more radical shift to the Left, a more the impor noting it would take tance to “follow democratic socialism in America, which is at its in America, which is at its tance to “follow democratic socialism new path in England” strongest in the last 50 years and Corbyn’s 2019). (Faktor as part of the Political ties that can be nominally considered Left. Foremost among these are parties that are considered ‘Left’ due their civic, non-ethnic platforms, such as Democratic savez Union (Građanski – DF), Citizens’ fronta (Demokratska Front – NS). On the other hand, there (Naša Stranka – GS) or Our Party ethnically determined and are political parties that are clearly nationalist,- such as the Alliance of Independent Social Demo or the Socialist – SNSD) crats (Savez nezavisnih socijaldemokrata Left allude to the Political which partija – SP) (Socijalistička Party only in name. While DF defines itself as a “party of social democ racy” and GS as a party of the “civic left”, both spawned from the NS defines itself as “socio-liberal”. On the oth- Additionally, SDP. from Socialist er side, in 2012, the SNSD found itself excluded International due its nationalism and extremist positions, while

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17 in both cases, they are in both cases, they are 18 Information has been retrieved from the official web pages of the politi cal parties, which are listed in the references. Mostly due to inner disagreements and wrangling among party cadres, or being a satellite party of a larger political subject, commonly from the Therefore, the class antagonism between the professional the professional Therefore, the class antagonism between Thus, the Political Left in Bosnia and Herzegovina must be must be and Herzegovina Left in Bosnia Political Thus, the 17 18 SP acts in such a way as to accept the ethno-determined reality, reality, accept the ethno-determined such a way as to SP acts in statehood”. “Republika Srpska advocating ed. However, those identities are shaky ones, not only with re- those identities are shaky ones, not ed. However, spect to contemporary developments on the global left, but illusiveness- , causing serious politi ideological also because of its in the next as will be further elaborated upon cal consequences, be highlight Here, several indicators could part of this chapter. the parties as important parliamentaryed: Instead of using po- or achiev- the dominant structures litical means for suppressing demands, their emancipatorying radical and progressive poten- interests. sacrificed in favour of short-term tials are oftentimes the nominal, mainstream Privatizing their resources in this way, - ambient underesti Left in the partocratic, Political post-socialist profile. Within a predomi- mates its already-softened ideological environment, Left is split between the Political nantly right-wing a topos or being in di- adapting within the coordinates of such rect opposition to it. Of course, it is not an or – or dilemma. As and opposing shift be- much as the positions between adapting tween electoral cycles and levels of government, they also inter of cryptopoliticalpenetrate, leading to the cementation practic giving rise to political es as the means by which politics works, the Left while re- affairs and scandals, thereby compromising being “just the same as ducing it at the political level to merely every other political party”. manipulated and political elites and the common – neglected, divided people hardens even more. Whether acting horizontally clientele for itself, merely as an employer creating an obedient or being fragmented as a both in the public and private sectors, result of the emergence of new parties, understood as being composed of (self-)declared leftist political political leftist of (self-)declared as being composed understood -orient as being social democratic parties, primarily determined behaving more like interest groups statically conforming to the interest groups statically conforming to the behaving more like - - - - fa- 19 The space within which workers – or – or The space within which workers 20 Therefore, taking into account the importance of importance of Therefore, taking into account the 21 Parliamentary put forward question by Denis Bećirović to the chairman from 20.04.2017, of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina - no. 01-50-1-15-44/17, available on: http://parlament.ba/oquestion/OR QuestionDetails?contentId=833 it is not unusual that prominent members of the Political Furthermore, Left express and adopt conservative and nationalistic views and stances. Their marginalization was evident from, among other things, the election programs for the previous election cycle, which highlighted the impor tance of tax reforms and the creation of a positive economic environ ment for attracting foreign direct investments, focusing their economic policy “freeing the economy from impositions coming from the state” on (Plan 10 2019, 7). Right, with the aim of diluting votes at the expense of other, wider and Right, the aim of diluting votes at the expense of other, with Political Left.more influential political party from the Hereof, despite being sporadically publicly and verbally con- being sporadically publicly and verbally despite Hereof, 19 20 21 vouring the interests of employers or big businesses – which big businesses – which vouring the interests of employers or or other vulnera- of workers they are mostly part of – over those ble groups that should be their primary voting base; instead of and opening a united front against the joining the marginalized they showed them- oppressive political order and its actors, selves to be a part of it. mative personnel rotation from Right to Left and back again, en- rotation from Right to Left and back mative personnel on in- of wider and looser coalitions based abling the formation As instead of programmatic principles. terest calculations a result, ideological positioning the possibility of clearer and firmer the liability that lies in mainstream is even further weakened, increases. of and overcoming these practices parties’ deflections the main- issues, parliament members from cerned about social - Left, la stream Political advocated a cheap for instance, openly advantages, as one of the national competitive bour force existing political landscape in favour of gaining political benefits political benefits in favour of gaining landscape existing political - programmatic ori their statute and loggerheads with that are at - as a normal market and party – presenting the political entation to merge. Fitting Left had Political the nominal ity into which perfor framework of Dayton facilitates the into the partocratic the suppressed in general – can be equally politically represent the suppressed in general – can be equally ed in their struggle for common interests and protection of and protection of ed in their struggle for common interests their rights is, in short, narrowing and being prevented from progressive or subversive political goals from achieving any within.

Hasanović 222 223 edited volumes - - - Although private interests and clientelism within political Although private interests and clientelism within political Two conclusions arise from the circumstances of the cur conclusions arise from the circumstances Two rent Political Left.rent Political the global decline of social de- Having in mind extreme centrist drymocracy, combined with its ideological, - ness in facing the challenges of contemporary capitalist society, al- significant political any as well as its local failures to produce being an active actor in the ternatives, even to a certain degree current status quo, it is reproduction and fortification of the Left that exists in Bosnia and questionable whether the Political this, is to be understood as ‘Left’ at all. Considering Herzegovina in the direc further political affirmation it is hard to expect any or wider society, tion of the democratization of the economy social groups, or the use vulnerable and politically marginalized fuel as ideological class, sex and gender, of sensitive issues, like Left within the both conservative by the Political and steeped-in Offering society. neoliberalism context of the Dayton-framed and declarative politically nothing but ceremonial performances Left is turning society apolitical, shat statements, the Political political actors, or turning tering the voter base among different ethnically delineated to ethno-constructed identities favouring the common people than parties, which are becoming closer to - and technocratic parties of the (self-)de the increasingly elitized , all the while providing existential reliance for their left clared own cadres. to nationalism or to parties are not necessarily inherently linked different material conditions, it is naïve to expect that shifts and that shifts and it is naïve to expect material conditions, different socialism, of following democratic as that of SDP claims, such the current,be achieved within will ever - party nomen obedient very evident even in the shortcoming is clature. This process of socialism in praxis and mate- of democratic building the narrative rializing it, through (a lack of) for instance, the massification of of young involvement of a huge number mobilization and party, calling for policies such as redistributive people, while openly taxation and basic income, or advocating justice, progressive more democracy to and less privatization, giving preference public services public goods deprived of political influence, as exis- their own means of political which would all undermine tence. - - Giving a chance both to the Giving a chance both to the 22 Numerous new parties spawned from preexisting ethno-nationalist par ties at the dawn of 2018 General Elections. However, these largely re- ties at the dawn of 2018 General Elections. However, from the previous protagonists tained the same political stance and key parties, and were rather an outcome of personal animosities and vanities attempt to offer an alternative program. as opposed to any Assuming the absence of a possible electoral fraud, with Assuming the absence of a possible electoral fraud, with 22 Empty Signifier the Left as an Empty Signifier Overcoming ballots, the winner of 47% abstention and 6% invalid or blank absti - of political the 2018 General Election was the coalition belief , a silent protest showing not only the and agony nence little, but also acting as that elections can systematically change majority that feels that there is no a stark reminder of a silent support.party credible enough to earn their was le- This belief period of coali- by a highly turbulent post-election gitimized there is an evident sta- tion-forming and majority-finding. While (SDA, fathers of Dayton HDZ,tistical decline of the founding SDS that the dominant frame- and SNSD today) this does not mean way. work is being distorted in any native by simply being ‘non-Right’ and offering similar agenda to agenda to ‘non-Right’ and offering similar native by simply being on the by familiar narratives, the actors the Right encouraged instead of accepting the logic of the system, Left are Political they are becoming a part of it. challenging it. Moreover, the political architecture of the country, it is undeniable that the country, architecture of the political that it is undeniable environment, such a political made possible through they were link was such a succinctly, Put for political power. in the search by materializing political support not order to achieve forged in on un- their interests. Therefore, focusing their ideas, but rather the consensual ethnocracytying the knot between created by for the and its economic base is crucial the Dayton Agreement between being providing an alter Left.positioning of the Torn non-rightist opposition of yesterday and new political actors and new political actors non-rightist opposition of yesterday those who voted did so that became involved in the meantime, but also due to the mixture not only because of parties’ policies of desperation regarding the inefficiency of the previous gov- to revocations of ernment and party splits having led

Hasanović 224 225 edited volumes - - , which profits , which profits neoliberalism There is therefore a need to provide alternate un- There is therefore a need to provide 23 ti-ethnic character and advocating an entity-free Bosnia and Herzegovina ti-ethnic character and advocating an entity-free Bosnia and Herzegovina and gain electoral support in areas with a Croat or is to be recognized Serb majority. One of the main challenges for the Left in promoting a civic and mul Such an enchanted circle that squeezed the Left out of the out of the the Left circle that squeezed Such an enchanted It seems that the main problems emerging from the current from the current It seems that the main problems emerging 23 by favouring a business-oriented climate climate positions by favouring a business-oriented mainstream concept of nationalism, while taking while taking concept of nationalism, over the current ethnic . In this . In this investors in terms of economy and attracting foreign to understand the SDP’svein, it is possible forming flexibility in and conservatives extreme Right (HSP) a coalition with the (NiP), embrace of nationalism or the nationalists’ and also the SNSD’s of late, Social GS or, the Left (such as DF, co-conspirators on Democrats). dialectically speaking, and Herzegovina, political space of Bosnia has on which the Left in itself, contains the sparkle of self-denial notion of the that any to catch on. This is precisely the reason civic parties within which ‘Left’ must be diluted, even pluralizing base, or even monoeth- it can emerge, so reducing their voting nizing them. - political environ Not only does the and clientele. memberships to , but non-rightist actors contribute firmly rightist ment remain forwardthis by bringing field of na- within the confrontations politi- the narratives to emphasize using predominant tionalism, cal up mined set of values and peripheral This would be from them as its vital yardstick of legitimation. Left must meld and Political the point where the Social Left and delusions of one an- combine, instead of harbouring dangerous other as threat, rejecting solidarity and joint action due to com- and within over and ‘exclusiveness’ peting claims of ‘ownership’ representation of the Left. without the verypolitical space can hardly be overcome same con- such as the Sejdić-Finci ditions from which they arise. Problems of House of the Peoples the case, questions on the Election Law, - or the endangering of con Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, stituent people in general are the problems of the system itself, derstandings and a comprehensive framework for repositioning framework for repositioning derstandings and a comprehensive and conservativepolitics beyond a polemocratic ethno-deter -

- - As a global consequence of the collapse of real-socialism As consequence of the collapse of real-socialism a global Although a social peace fabricated on the ethnic level still sustains, sustains, fabricated on the ethnic level still Although a social peace - and Herze war veterans of the Army of Bosnia recent protests by Bosniak Defence Council, accusing the govina and the Croatian their un- establishment of being responsible for and Croat political could show that the dominant narrative bearable living conditions class consciousness. be loosened by increasing , the rise of ethnic a kind of de-sovietization and the process of conditions by which to be- nationalism has acquired the material historical experience come the dominant idea in the local capitalism. Thus, it through the embrace of neoliberal market of the previous order has been possible for the political subjects be de-subjectivized to, at least nominally, – – the workers turn- of social property, through the looting and nationaliziation a nominal syncretism, as ing them into warriors, whereby such as a bourgeoisie technique Roland Barthes would underline, acts hiding the essential differ making conspicuous the ambition of 1991, 138). The manifesta- ences and disparities within (Barthes into warriors” is more than a tion of “converting the workers The economic phrase, a fact that bears tragic consequences. went hand-in- capitalism of the restoration towards transition that the legacy and therefore it is not surprising hand with war, factor for the Right,of this is an indispensable legitimizing nationalist establishment to preserve of primitive ac the conditions with dismantling the legacy of of capital. Together cumulation – economic and politi- the previous political system, new power the construction of new po- cal – has been accumulated through (1998) nearness of litical communities. This reflects Agamben’s the production of life and death in the camp and sovereignty, which factory halls became concentration camps; once produc ers of the future, now death factories and mass graves for a future that was once believed in. - deep is deadlocked, their solutions the logic behind and therefore has Politics occur. in which they by the framework ly conditioned with such issues, dealing exclusively its scope down to narrowed are not only ig- society as a whole rising out of while demands to such is- are also made to subordinate them nored, but attempts people. as wider and vital interests for the sues, presenting them

Hasanović 226 227 edited volumes - - - - ego- On the On the 25 by symbolically nominating Svetozar Pudarić as their as their Pudarić Svetozar nominating by symbolically In putting forward a candidate for the Bosniak member In putting forward for the Bosniak member a candidate 24 Avoiding the interpretation of a large swathe of media content and elec the interpretation Avoiding Being a Serb living in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and thus and and Herzegovina, Being a Serb living in the Federation of Bosnia from running as a can systemically discriminated against and proscribed Court of Human Rights vina, which, in late 2020 resulted in the European violates the confirming the claim that Bosnia and Herzegovina (ECtHR) against and between them (Hina and discriminates rights of its citizens 2020). The importance of this lawsuit, to previous ones, lies in compared not only minorities, but the fact that institutional discrimination affects of Bosnia and Herzegovina. all citizens statist elements from his toral propaganda it is important to extract the speech opening the SDP’s election campaign in Zenica. Wholly unifying he was look people within the “proud state of Bosnia and Herzegovina”, at the same ing for the victory of the “state of Bosnia and Herzegovina”, time seeing “barriers to foreign investors” as its main threat, ending his - the state of Bosnia and Herzego speech with the wish that “our mother, vina lives forever” (Bećirović u Zenici, 2018). The European Court of Human Rights proved the discriminatoryThe European pow- re- Herzegovina provisions of the Constitution of Bosnia and er-sharing garding the arrangements on the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, from the territorywhich prescribes that only Bosniaks and Croats of the and Serbs from the territoryFederation of Bosnia and Herzegovina of the of the PresidencyRepublika Srpska can be elected as Members of Bosnia with this judgment would call into act in accordance To and Herzegovina. question the very geometry of the Dayton reality. didate for the tripartite presidency, SDP would have pulled a powerful didate for the tripartite presidency, Pudarić as their presi- political move by insisting on proposing Svetozar dential candidate. As due to he was prevented from standing for election against Bosnia and Herz his place of residence, Pudarić filed a lawsuit 26 Missing an opportunity to subvert the ethno-political the ethno-political opportunity to subvert Missing an 26 25 24 contrary, through an extreme fetishization of the state and its contrary, and its extreme fetishization of the state through an symbols, the SDP’scampaigning has deepened the theoretical Political of nationalist narratives within the and practical vitality Left. of the collective presidency, it further underlined the civic con- it further underlined of the collective presidency, the political aspiration, underlining cept as merely a monoethnic ideological inconsistency be- within the party and its confusion party that political alternative and a tween being a multi-ethnic voter base. A similar tem- predominantly appeals to the Bosniak nominally understood as plate was present among other parties presidential candidate instead of Denis Bećirović, the SDP has of Denis Bećirović, candidate instead presidential the SDP has within the ethno-determined sealed its absorption officially in artic principal deflection and persistence structure, failing at ulating a different political concept to the existing one. ulating a different scope ------This was also fuelled by an on- With the exception of rare individual interventions With the exception from the Soon after the elections, the strength of Dayton was con- strength of Dayton the elections, the Soon after “concerned about the idea of social democ “concerned about the idea of social numerous people racy” Social Democratic Movement, to form a so-called just brought to light the depth of porosity in the understanding of Although their goals were the Left in Bosnia and Herzegovina. publicly presented through empty rhetoric of “integrating the fragmented Left” or “returning to the basic principles of social democracy” lacking what is substantially meant by it, references native that would oppose the ethno-nationalist parties, despite despite oppose the ethno-nationalist parties, native that would remaining predominantly rightist.the political environment It DF joining an ethno-national-led coalition quickly resulted in on the state and entity level, justifying(SDA, HDZ, as this SNSD) 2019), even laying (Oslobođenje, a “state-building decision” seats” in the distribution of ministryclaim to “Bosniak depart political positioning itself as a Bosniak ments, thereby officially impact of the DF joining this coalition actor within. A further to the ousting of the cantonal government was its contribution in Sarajevo Canton in late 2019. Can- summer 2019 in Tuzla going conflict that simmered over in leader canton and the Party ton, whereby the SDP branch in the ship clashed regarding entry govern- cantonal into the SDA-led formerly a traditional bastion of social democracy, ment. Tuzla, and the Movement of Democratic Ac is now burdened by SDA a local-oriented political - PDA), akcije tion (Pokret demokratske in from the SDA party newly formed by members excluded 41% of the vote – or 16 2018, with the two combined winning comparison to SDP’sseats in the cantonal parliament – in 23% elections. The conflict ended in splitting in the 2018 (10 seats) fraction from SDP and establishing a new par the local, pro-SDA – SD). ty: the Social Democrats (Socijaldemokrate Social Left, a worrying bottom, lethargy has emanated from the serious initiatives that would direct or advise with a lack of any The announcement of the desire the position of the Left today. of ‘Left’, such as the SNSD’s presidential candidature of Milorad of Milorad candidature as the SNSD’s presidential ‘Left’, such nationalism. extreme Serbian Dodik espousing NS), DF, (SDP, non-Right parties when three main firmed anew, to act as an alter called BH Blok coalition made a post-election

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- 27 - Later renamed as the Social Justice and Democracy Movement of Bosnia – SPD). i demokratije (Pokret socijalne pravde and Herzegovina What has to be consciously recognized here is the empty the empty here is recognized What has to be consciously 27 to the economic structure or class relations were also omitted also omitted or class relations were structure to the economic establishing the “Social entire document from the Democratic 2019). Bosna (Slobodna of Bosnia and Herzegovina” Movement The visible shift towards mainstream narrations instead of ex- narrations shift towards mainstream The visible on economic while focusing background posing their ideological under ideas, or addressing repressed topics, issues, forging new issues. from the common people and their lined their alienation identifyHaving no ability to - with common, oppressed or pro this merely continued to within the society, gressive structures dis- agenda within the same hegemonistic reproduce a familiar course. are at on the Left into which rightist ideas ideological space Being closely related to the political tempting to penetrate. well as drawing from politi- structures of the existing system, as to argue that “ideological cal legacies from the 1990s, it is hard main protagonists of the commitment and free-thinking” of the political alternative or consolidate ‘Movements’ can offer any serve that they will the Left, but instead it is more likely only to existing narra- further narrow the possibilities for overcoming Left with non-Left con- tives. Filling the chasm left within the tent, its space thus equalizing the two political streams, empties emancipatory euthanizing progressive and forti- even further, unifyingtude and the notion of the Left as a trans-ethnic politi- social and economic rela- cal idea. Without paying reference to can be dangerous, easily tions, the emptied signifier of the Left taking on the position of the Right. Therefore, taking a leftist and economic the social, political stance must be to delegitimize framework of Dayton from the Left. - strains enlightening systemic strains enlightening systemic Using state services as partocratic and cli- and public sector To be radical, as Karl Marx underlined, is to grasp things by Karl Marx be radical, as things by is to grasp underlined, To ticulated issues. Despite the absence of general unifyingticulated issues. Despite the absence politi- note of the and take cal norms, the Left has also to be aware of systemically divid- fact that it needs to transcend the context the existing reality for over ed society that has been integral to a quarter of a century. The challenge is, therefore, to determine whether the social and political challenged within mo- ambivalences would be more effectively positioning as sepa- no-ethnic communities, than their current from the present re- rate and abstract political agendas distant how can inclusive policies be best offered In other words, ality. framework? within such a particularized securing loyalty, entelist mechanisms of the elites in rewarding - quo – both on the Politi social peace and maintaining the status continuous grip on power, cal Right and Left – facilitates parties’ and offering material forming thus a wide electoral body using - . This exploitation has become a condi dependence to their wards theatre is possible only if tion of existence. Entering the political marginal particularities or identities are left aside, both those of the constituent peoples and the sectarianism among the actors on the Social Left. political organiza- A need for a comprehensive – “has to go much tion is seen as crucial and – speaking of workers more radically with its demands than compromise with the ruling Concluding remarks Concluding the root. the of the Left within a radical re-thinking That is why of the reality requires changing the notion Dayton-constructed itself . As it is the seen, and this root is the Left Left at the root – posi- status quo that is the most dangerous normalization of the tion for the Left,and vacuumed as in- being this way amortized there is an open, both unused However, fertile and confirming. very for the Left stemming from the and alienated, space logic upon shapes social and political demands of the system that field catch. The struggles within the social which the Left must a manner illuminated such claims, albeit in in recent years have scene to consolidate and enlarge the activist too insufficient to a clear leftist stance towards the ar an extent that it could take

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- As this chapter has no intention of dealing with the specific As the specific has no intention of dealing with this chapter The recognition of class subordination could precede the could precede the The recognition of class subordination process(es) of creating leftist policies, but instead attempts to but instead attempts to of creating leftist policies, process(es) the and possibilities for the Left within map the occasions more it must be underlined that landscape, once post-Dayton thus and in its ideological plurality, the Left here is understood inner disputes surrounding certain questions respects possible facets that must be in common are two key and issues. However, of the policies respecting the reality reasonable and obstinate impor which they emerge and the equal social context from n” n” tasks – unificatio the most difficult would have one of elites and the social struggles within shaping the 2019). Therefore, (Šaćiri finding com- arrangements, solidarity and joint will require field or freedom. justice, equality in achieving social mon strains tance and involvement of local, national and international is- of local, national and international tance and involvement no matter politically, sues. It is important that the Left acts engagement, whether through elections or non-institutional both being complementarily important. With a total of 53% of narra- non-voters, the Left must produce counter-hegemonic the needs within tives, winning the social space by championing abstinent and suppressed it and mobilizing and encouraging the themselves politically. to organize ethnic.emergence of the demos as a political actor beyond the from the social into the Through this, the Left could penetrate social coordinates would still political field, in which the existing politics. New protests that be respected, but not as the basis for exploitation of the system’s arise from the oppressive nature of and union protests, LGBTIQ society (most recently workers’ need to be the crux around rights or environmental issues) and offer real political and social which the Left has to organize alternatives, which are currently absent, or being marginalized and internally divided Social simply unclear within the scattered has illuminated pandemic Left. The outbreak of the COVID-19 the gaps which so far used to be a matter of secondary, side- lined phenomena and debates, as being essentially important. One aspect of the possibility that their loudness could even be heard is that it has served to expose their alienation and the impossibility of adequate political action. - Thus, it is time to show readiness for finding room in which room in which for finding time to show readiness Thus, it is Providing original and authentic leftist narrations instead of narrations instead of Providing original and authentic leftist to radically deconstruct the capitalist and market logic through logic through capitalist and market deconstruct the to radically no means does struggle. By of integrative, socialist new forms set aside and ig- should be that national question(s) this imply nored. On the contrary,ever hap- since it is hard to imagine this As to be framed and positioned differently. pening, they have in the in inextricably go hand-in-hand seen, these two processes It is now of the essence to and Herzegovina. context of Bosnia not only rectify also to demystify but mistakes, the historical the in Bos- in the 1990s. Therefore, the Left ideological basis forged undertakings: first to get rid has two crucial nia and Herzegovina the past,of the burdens of and distance itself acknowledge - and crimes of those regimes that misappro from the atrocities of Marxismpriated elements own exploitation, and sec for their ond to penetrate among the oppressed, marginalized and si- marginalized ond to penetrate among the oppressed, their struggles. The fo- and organize lenced in order to politicize it as plural, hetero- cus must be on society as a whole; accepting geneous and dynamic, instead of reducing it to a single the constant meeting of theory With subjectivity. homogenized start constructing an imag- and practice, it is time for the Left to inary the foundations upon which the forces that will challenge of retrograde policies thrive. would allow for a con- their predominant rightist counterparts - precisely the post-con sideration of different aspects of what highlighting the connection flictual reality is built upon, thereby and economic relations. between the horrors of ethno-politics proffer its own stance This would allow a new Left to not only also to but monopoly over, on questions the Right currently has radically deal with current, is- suppressed or new topics whose other words, it implies inclu- sues require alternative answers. In questioning the system sive and continuous political struggles but abstaining from entry- arrangements with the guard into any ians of the regime, thus forcing them to exhaust their political reality, limits. Given that under the Dayton Agreement-imposed political parties are limited in their acting and achieving within a ideologically pluralistic terrain, it also broadens the poten- clear, tial for actors of the nominal and mainstream Social Left to

Hasanović 232 233 edited volumes - The fact that existing relationships of power gain their le- relationships of power gain their The fact that existing its presence necessitated and confirmed by the po- Finally, gitimacy through ideology must not be forgotten. Such ideology gitimacy ideology ideology must not be forgotten. Such through a world in reality and create an image of acts covertly to explain of Bosnia and the citizens Since which order is self-justifying. omnipresence of the past still live in the symbolic Herzegovina from criticism, dominant in order to protect themselves war, three sides impose moral legitimacynarratives from all by which logic under which that exposes the immanent questioning any a re- through narratives that force they operate is discredited turn of the heretic deviations into the very- algorithm of the sys tem. Asking “What- next?” one year after the 2014 protests, Mi highlighted the prob- nel Abaz, a political activist from Sarajevo, , which was previously relatively high consciousness lem of class due to the legacy of the socialist period, but today witnesses which can be overcome the problem of ‘ideological confusion’, the oppressed: “it means by educating, agitating and organizing for protests, blockades of that it is not enough to mobilize These ele- plenums. or to organize streets (other public spaces) complemented by lon- ments of political strategy must be efforts that target everyday practices, socially pervager-term - and worldviews – in short, they must aim sive self-perceptions, at transforming everyday consciousness or ‘common sense’” (Abaz 2015). litical framework of the Dayton Agreement, the so-called inter participate in broad, ideologically less rigid program coalitions, coalitions, less rigid program in broad, ideologically participate ethno-national wartime the still-dominant further weakening allow conservative would still such endeavours parties. Although new policies that create a space for be favoured, they stances to within the existing frames. simply cannot be set national community is an additional important factor in repro- national community is an additional . Hence, a new Left in Bos- ducing and maintaining the status quo immersed, critically must also be globally nia and Herzegovina considering the role of the international community and foreign actors, as well as that of neighbouring countries and their right- wing governments’ interventions- in domestic politics, often like wise with the intent of providing barriers to change. Therefore, narratives promoting social justice, counter-hegemonistic equality, anti-fascism and democracy both within politics and and democracy anti-fascism politics and both within equality, with new pro- from cooperations must emerge the economy - scales. Re-es and international at both regional gressive actors coun- Yugoslav among the former a new leftist idea tablishing as emancipatorytries is arguably an of itself, political goal in and it serves and reductionisms not only the exclusivity to question also to overcome the national animosities, but of post-Yugoslav (mis) reflections and uses of colonial domestic auto-colonial imagining it as a possibility instead of a readings of the Balkans, perpetually giving birth of a suppressed Europe, mirror reflection the idea of accelerating historical to nation-states. Although and its rejected, the social realm of Dayton processes is to be Left with- made it possible to imagine a new contradictions have been immanently emptied of it.in a space that has It is, finally – – important to be realis- to use the famous 1968 student slogan . tic and demand the impossible

Hasanović 234 235 edited volumes - - 2020. https://www.6yka.com/novosti/minel-abaz-godinu-dana-poslije-protesta- sta-da-se-radi. sity Press. mons. Nomos Print. 9. September 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_rxc5Zg0-C0. - internacionale.” Stav. December 29, 2016. https://stav.ba/uvod nističke nik-stava-jahorinska-deklaracija-jeftina-je-repriza-komunisticke-internacionale/. Social Movements and Participatory Democracy: In Non-Western Protest Identity.” , edited by Arbatli, Ekim and Rosenberg, Dina, in the Age of Transnationalism 115-138. Springer. - ni.” June 22, 2019. https://www.faktor.ba/vijest/niksic-sdp-nece-biti-seg rt-vec-arhitekta-promjena-u-bosni-i-hercegovini/41194. Associated Press, August 10, 2020. http://old.post-gazette.com/ newslinks/1999kosovobackground.asp misao 57 (1). 26-46. narativa otpora.” Politička Europeanness?: Under In The Unwanted Narrative in Bosnia and Herzegovina” Europe, edited by Radeljić, Bran- standing Division and Inclusion in Contemporary 78-105. De Gruyter. islav, 8.12.2020, http://ba.n1info.com/English/NEWS/a493530/ECHR-again-rules- Bosnia-violating-its-citizens-election-rights.html eferences Homo Sacer. Sovereign Power and Bare Life. Stanford Univer Sovereign Homo Sacer. Agamben, Giorgio. 1998. R . August 8, Buka – šta da se radi?” dana poslije protesta “Godinu Abaz. Minel. 2015. Unbribable Bosnia and Herzegovina. The fight for the com- for the The fight and Herzegovina. Bosnia 2014. Unbribable Arsenijević, Damir. Culture and Art – Crvena. http://www.crvena.ba/en/.Association for . The Noonday Press. Barthes, Roland. 1991. Mythologies vječno živi naša majka država Bosna i Herecegovina!” 2018. “Bećirović u Zenici: Neka - Begović, deklaracija jeftina je repriza komu Filip Mursel. “Uvodnik Stava: Jahorinska in Bosnia Protests: Creating a Post-Ethnic Plenums Belyaeva, Nina. 2017. “Citizen . 2019. “Nikšić: SDP neće biti šegrt,- već arhitekta promjena u Bosni i Hercegovi Faktor a Legacy of Ethnic Hatred.” Yugoslavia, Fields, Jason. 1999. “Historical Perspective: . http://radnickiuniverzitet.org/o-frontu-slobode.Front Slobode konstruiranje Hasanović, Jasmin. 2020. “Dijalektika etnodeterminizma: biopolitičko Hasanović, Auto-colonial Balkanization and Jasmin. 2021. “Mirroring Europeanization: HINA., election rights.” N1 again rules Bosnia violating its citizens’ 2020. “ECHR . The Modern Library. End A War 1999. To Richard. Holbrooke, - nums, and beyond” Open Democracynums, and beyond” https://www.opendemocracy.. 17.8.2020. net/en/can-europe-make-it/new-balkan-revolts-from-protests-to-plenums-and- beyond/. Sciences. of Political of Sarajevo, Faculty PhD dissertation. University www.facebook.com/Jedinstvena-organizacija-za-socijalizam-i-demokratiju 74436448441/. – Focaal in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina.” sire for political transformation 80. 43-62. Anthropology Historical Journal of Global of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Speech. 3th Congress of Social Democratic Party Sarajevo. 1-11. tom 8., Vladimir Ilič Lenjin. Kultura. imir Ilič Lenjin. Kultura. Protest and Plenum Movement.” Na- Engagement: Bosnia and Herzegovina’s tionalism and Ethnic Politics 22 (2). 149-171. https://www.oslobodjenje.ba/vijesti/bih/donlagic-objasnio-zasto-je-df-usao-u- vlast-sa-sda-449521. in praksa 53 (1). Teorija sociational system: The case of Bosnia-Herzegovina.” 184-202. 30, 2019. https:// namjeravaju okupiti Socijaldemokratski pokret.”April Komšić www.slobodna-bosna.ba/vijest/112908/objavljen_dokument_ovo_je_platfor ma_na_kojoj_lagumdzija_i_komsic_namjeravaju_okupiti_socijaldemokratski_ pokret.html. Horvat, 2014. “The and Igor Štiks. Srećko, ple- from protests to new Balkan revolts: . Verso. to the Desert of Post-Socialism Horvat, and Igor Štiks. 2015. Welcome Srećko, (3): 22-49. Affairs 72 1993. “The Foreign of Civilizations?” Clash Huntington, Samuel P. , i Hercegovine stvarnost Bosne i multietnička pluralizam Huruz, Elma. 2019. Stranački https:// Page. Facebook. Facebook demokratiju za socijalizam i Jedinstvena organizacija Fraktura. identiteta u suvremenoj Hrvatskoj. Politika i mir. Jović, Dejan. 2017. Rat protests and de- The 2013 Babylution ‘the people’. Kurtović, Larisa. 2018. “Conjuring . ujedinjenja SDP i Socijaldemokrata Kongresu na govora 1999. Tekst Lagumdžija, Zlatko. , dela nacionalnom pitanju.” In Izabrana o beleške Lenjin, Vladimir Ilič. 1960. “Kritičke , tom 8., Vlad- dela o nacionalnom pitanju.” In Izabrana Lenjin, Vladimir Ilič. 1960. “Teze . Sarajevo University Press. poraženih Dragan. 2016. Povijest Markovina, of Political in Divided Societies and the Perils Mobilization Murtagh, Cera. 2016. “Civic Nicholson, Michael. 1994. Natasha’s Story. Pan. sa SDA.”. 2019. “Đonlagić objasnio zašto je DF ušao u vlast Oslobođenje 19, 2019. April protests innovations in a con- “Citizens’ 2016. Sejfija, Ismet, and Danica Fink-Hafner. Lagumdžija i dokument: Ovo je platforma na kojoj Bosna. 2019. “Objavljen Slobodna

Hasanović 236 237 edited volumes - - mu/293734. 2011. http://www.snsd.org/images/dokumenti/statut/SNSD-Stat jaldemokrata. ute---English.pdf. wp-content/uploads/2016/06/STATUT-GS-1.pdf. Statut%202019.pdf. статут. portal. July 5, BiH” Radnički daytonskoj i perspektivama u podijeljenoj položaju 2019. https://www.radnicki.org/neuredenost-i-pregled-rubnih-pitanja-u-bih/. Anthropology Historical of Global – Journal Focaal cialist Bosnia-Herzegovina.” 87. 75–88. otvoreniuniverzitetsarajevo/. otvoreniuniverzitetsarajevo/. - 44/17, April 20, 2017.http://parlament.ba/oquestion/ORQuestionDetails?con tentId=833. datoteke/uploads/PROGRAM-SDP-BIH.pdf. Stiftung. https://www.radiosarajevo.ba/vijesti/bosna-i-hercegovinego firmu.” March 13. - na/bih-rekorder-europe-sa-150-politickih-partija-lakse-ih-osnovati-nego-fir . http://radnickiuniverzitet.org/o-radnickom-univerzitetu. . http://radnickiuniverzitet.org/o-radnickom-univerzitetu. Univerzitet Radnički of Independent Social Democrats. soci- Savez nezavisnih Statute of the Alliance fronta. 2015. http://fronta.ba/statut/. Front.Statute of the Demokratic Demokratska savez. 2016. https://gradjanskisavez.ba/site/ Statute of the Citizens Union. Građanski . 2019. http://www.nasastranka.ba/ns-dokumenti/ Stranka Naša Statue of Our Party. партија. 2018. http://socijalisti.ba/ Социјалистичка Statute of the Socialist Party. i pregled rubnih pitanja u BiH: O radničkom Šaćiri, Mirza. 2019. “(Ne)uređenost - in postso Federica. 2020. “Development, Balkanism, and new (im)moralities Tarabusi, . Oxford University Press. Imagining the Balkans Maria. 2009. Todorova, . Viking. to the Balkans A Return Zone: The Fracture Simon. 1999. Winchester, Plan 10. SDP BiH. 2018. http://www.sdp.ba/datoteke/uploads/plan-10-preuzmi.jpg. 10. Plan pitanje 01-50-1-15- Poslaničko and Herzegovina. of Bosnia assembly Parliamentary SDP BiH. 2015. http://sdp.ba/ Bosne i Hercegovine. Partije Socijaldemokratske Program u Srbiji. Rosa Luxemburg snage kolaboracija i zločin: Radanović, Milan. 2015. Kazna ih osnovati sa 150 političkih partija, lakše Europe . 2018. “BiH rekorder Sarajevo Radio . Facebook. https://www.facebook.com/ . Facebook. Page Facebook Sarajevo’s Otvoreni univerzitet BAKIĆ JOVO University of Belgrade University

Bakić 238 239 edited volumes - - , JUL) respec JUL) , levica Jugoslovenska - he symbolic Left, legacy, : socialist democracy, radical - the general weaknesses of the Euro The Left in Serbia shares since position unsteady an Left, in pean itself found has which Serbi- the of features specific certain are there However, 1989. 1990s the and past socialist Left,an Yugoslav the both to related legacy of the Milošević regime, that its make prospects even self-styled the from emerged which Yugoslavia, Socialist worse. framework and was developed within the ‘Socialist Revolution’ policies, has still retained and non-aligned of self-management of symbolically some negative legacies from the standpoint hegemonic Serbian conservative and liberal nationalism with Socialist Yugoslavia which the Left in Serbia must cope today. did leave behind some positive legacies, but, after 1989, these were cancelled out by the extremely negative legacy inherited Mi Slobodan president Serbian the from Left Serbian the by world capitalist system. gemony, lošević lošević and his wife Mirjana Marković. As the leaders of two partija of Serbia (Socijalistička Srbije, parties, the Socialist Party ( Left Yugoslav the and SPS), values of nationalism and a form of they incorporated tively, specific political capitalism at the periphery of the world- capi SPS collaborates with the ruling Serbian talist system. Today’s all nearly on , SNS) napredna stranka (Srpska Party Progressive these nu- neoliberal legislative initiatives and policies. Despite position, a new merous negative legacies and the peripheral in Serbia, young generation of radical democrats and leftists (Partija - Party and the Radical Left radi such as the Civil Front - ), is now involved in various social and political initia levice kalne tives and movements. Keywords Abstract What’s left of the Left in Serbia following of the Left left What’s of capitalism? the restoration - - - - or supportive of a pre- 2 The Left does not recog- 3 purified of any content, purified of any unacceptable. Its us- is theoretically al and religious meaning. […] (These) labels are easily ‘unloaded’ and ‘real and religious meaning. […] (These) 1982, 255-6, (Sartori semantic substratum” loaded’ – for their lack of any cit. acc. Ignazi 2006, 8-9). The extreme Right can be anti-capitalist, but in favour of legal inequality of social groups due to their different race or culture, professions or mor the more distant the point in the past is favourable al qualities. Generally, the more reactionaryas a vision of desirable society, the ideologies and movements are. Conservatives justify social inequalities by stressing natural inequalities of while liberals are not social groups and justify inequality by divine order, equal for everyone.aware that starting points in capitalism are not Finally, social liberals and contemporaryprin- social democrats stress meritocratic ciple in order to both decrease and justify social inequality by creating a society of allegedly equal chances. “[…] historically, Left and Right entered politics heavily loaded with cultur Left and Right “[…] historically, 1 At the outset of this chapter, the basic concepts applied concepts applied the basic of this chapter, At the outset 3 2 1 viously existing socio-economic system. throughout must be clarified. throughout must be (Bakić 2019; As already explained Sar definition of the Left and the Right,2015), the formalist à la tori, Introduction: What is Left? What is capitalism? What is capitalism? What is Left? Introduction: What is neoliberalism? age is limited as it is a reduction of political complexity and is help- a reduction of political complexity and age is limited as it is 9-10). within a chaotic reality (Ignazi 2004: ful only for orientation re- cannot assist comparative-historical Such a formalistic approach to a of the concepts are volatile and are, search if the meanings great extent,even a coun- to a certain historical period or specific try. Right is more a structural definition of the Left and That is why ce of (Bakić 2019). It stresses the significan theoretically powerful as that of and hierarchy equality as the main principle of the Left the Left fights for social the Right (Bobbio 1996: 67-8) Therefore, (and anti- all previous anti-capitalistic and is, by necessity, equality, legal inequality) be- socio-economic systems which have embraced creates oli- legal inequality, cause capitalism, although it abolished in wealth and income. The garchic structures and huge inequalities indispensable to the Right considers various social hierarchies and it is either pro-capitalist (liber proper functioning of a society, al, modern conservative,right) and radical nize the authority of religious dogma of any church, while the Right the authority of religious dogma of any nize needs it. The Left is strongly future-oriented and the Right is

Bakić 240 241 edited volumes - and 4 and the first th century; the fascist capitalism of the 1930s and th century, reject revolution and consider gradual and cumu- th The welfare state appeared as a product of social-democratic reforms after the Second World War. However, social democrats initiated reforms within However, War. the Second World Capitalism is a socio-economic system that is based on private Capitalism is a socio-economic system One should differentiate between various leftist streams. An- between various leftist streams. One should differentiate

4 lative reforms as exclusionary system means of changing the social (Bakić 2015). - entrepreneurs who combine capital and work to maxi property, profit for their enterprises, and the work of legally free peo- mize in order to earn their wages ple who sell their work to employers various products and fol- and salaries that allow them to consume between several low a particular lifestyle. One can differentiate forms of capitalism throughout history: antique capitalism in an- way of economic cient Rome, which appeared as a non-dominant medieval capitalism in life under a dominant slave-owner economy; within a dominantly feudal some cities (e.g. the Hanseatic League) society; liberal and monopolistic capitalism of the 19 1940s; the capitalism of the welfare state (1945-1970s), archists are in sharp opposition to all authority, and consider the and consider opposition to all authority, archists are in sharp church, to society as capitalism and the state as equally dangerous - and socialists look at the state as an indispens while communists development.able agent of social Extreme consider revolu- leftists tionary violence necessary of capitalism and elimi- to the abolition of labour as a source of all social inequalities. nation of the division Radical leftists consider a revolution necessary in certain situations, refuse to accept elec e.g. when political and business oligarchies oriented towards the past or present. the past or oriented towards for rationally looks The Left the Right de- while reality, to the existing non-rational alternatives respects empirically holy traditions or of the mands a continuation - multicultural Left supports feminism, good praxis. The confirmed while lifestyles and ways of thinking, ism, practicing of different and conventional or racial homogeneity, the right prefers national sexual behaviour (Bakić 2019; 2015). family patterns and toral defeat; however, they accept the parliamentary system in toral defeat; however, system can be principle, and think that the socio-economic changed by revolutionary the government and peo- measures of moderate leftists, e.g. social democrats in the middle of ple. Finally, the 20 part of the 20 - - century, th Neoliberalism has been the has been the Neoliberalism 5 a capitalist society in order to bring essential changes, which would gradu- a capitalist society in order to bring essential thanks to their cumulative effect, the evolution of theally, lead towards after a couple of dec However, old capitalist into a new socialist society. ades, in the first half of the 1970s, even before the neoliberal counterrevo- ades, in the first half of the 1970s, even before social democrats gave up on the idea of the lution had begun, European reform the capitalist society incumulative effect of reforms, and started to capitalism and not to change it into an ut order to improve and humanize 1985). terly new social-economic formation (Przeworski Piketty shows that, the level of social in- in the new millennium, Piketty One can also talk about political or crony capitalism in contrast to market capitalism in contrast to market One can also talk about political or crony capitalism, but it is important to realize that both kinds are ideal types that capitalism, but it is important to realize Whether we should consider some society as an ex- do not exist in reality. capitalism is dependent on a ample of political or an example of market thorough historical description and socio-economic analysis. 5 hegemonic capitalist ideology since the early 1980s, with Margaret with Margaret since the early 1980s, capitalist ideology hegemonic in the USA and Ronald Reagan in the UK (1979-1990) Thatcher Chileans who ‘the Chicago boys’, at its helm, although (1981-89) re- students at the University of Chicago, were Milton Friedman’s similar Chile as early as 1973 to establish a turned to Pinochet’s of an authoritarian-right system under the umbrella free-market brutal militarypolitical system and Bearing in rule (Klein 2007, 79). existing social- ‘actually of the European mind the sudden collapse speaking, has never existed), it (since communism, strictly ism’ that,comes as no surprise 20 since the last decade of the neoliberal capitalism (since the 1980s). capitalism (since the neoliberal powerful neoliberal advisors of the new capitalist oligarchies have advisors of the new capitalist oligarchies powerful neoliberal (monetaryapplied the shock doctrine of discipline, sharp cutting unem- massive privatization and massive government spending, as possible in almost all ployment) to restore capitalism as quickly such a triumph of neoliberalism countries. Certainly, post-socialist a decrease in in- was structurally supported by deindustrialization, in the social structure, as well as by the role(s) dustrial workers’ their precarization, and fragmentation and atomization of workers, and the subsequent loss a huge decline in trade union membership of significance of the unions themselves. since it has been possible toequality has reached its highest peak War preceding the First World measure this, the period immediately 2014). The defeated Left, whether this was com- (Piketty excluded in electoral terms, or so- munist parties that mostly withered away the middle class andcial democracy, which oriented itself towards

Bakić 242 243 edited volumes - While the international context discussed above, which was While the international context discussed The 90s in Serbia betrayed both the working class and its leftist essence, was unable and its leftist essence, both the working class betrayed 1990s, the the middle of the since such a trend. However, to oppose - world capitalist sys oligarchies of the parties in the old radical right - welfare chauvin jumped in and used have successfully tem centre At the same time, nationalism (Bakić 2019). ism to attract workers - on by the political main and taken normalized has become socially Hungary) in Orban’s stream (most notably and successfully inter of Serbia The case twined with neoliberalism in the new post-socialist oligarchies at in the new post-socialist twined with neoliberalism the (semi)periphery system. The Left has only of the world capitalist in the centre, and difficulties, recuperated and with many recently, (semi)periphery. the post-socialist even more slowly at applicable to most European countries, has to be considered, there countries, has to be considered, applicable to most European of the Serbian Left,are certain additional specific features related legacy socialist past and the 1990s - of the Mi to both the Yugoslav in Serbia compared lošević regime, hindering the Left’s prospects After the Tito-Stalin split in other countries in Europe. to many ‘Socialist Revolu- through a self-styled 1948, socialist Yugoslavia, - within the framework of socialist self-manage developed tion’, ment, estab- being less authoritarian than other socialist regimes while following a non- lished across Central and Eastern Europe, aligned foreign policy and staying at a distance from both the - blocs. Nonetheless, supporters of national Pact and Warsaw NATO the and Arts (SANU), ist ideas in the Serbian Academy of Sciences Church, the Serbian Association and Serbian Orthodox of Writers, of Serbia were dis- some factions within the League of Communists Yugo- ethno-federalism in satisfied with the existing constitutional slavia, and especially with the position of Serbia in relation to its (Bakić 2011; Bunce 1999; Mi- and Vojvodina provinces of Kosovo towards changing it. losavljević 1995), and they therefore worked Slovenians in the League of Communists and their cultural institutions were against such constitutional reforms (Dragović Soso 7 - , after In addition, both parties were ‘socialist con- In addition, both parties were ‘socialist 6 the split of the Surčin Clan and the formation of the so-called Zemun Clan, the split of the Surčin Clan and the formation were professional killers involved in Đinđić’s assassination, while others ‘Arkan’), Ražnatović (known by the moniker Željko and bank robbers like who was engaged in the assassination of political opponents abroad) in order to escape the UN-imposed sanctions (Lazić 1994) and fight the wars (Bakić 2011). In the last phase of its in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina rule, the regime eliminated some of its political opponents, such as the former friend of Milošević and potential opposition presidential candidate Milan Beko was at that time also a close friend with Zoran Đinđić and in was at that time also a close friend with Zoran Milan Beko after 2000. good relations with the party coalitions in power The Milošević regime used the secret services and criminals (some of of oil, narcotics and whom were first small-time criminals and smugglers who were later cigarettes, e.g. the so-called Surčin Clan members However, Slobodan Milošević, also of president of Serbia (later However, 7 6 bia. Both facts strongly influenced the public perception of leftists bia. Both facts strongly influenced the as being hypocrites. 2002/3), while the above-mentioned groupings of Serbian an- groupings the above-mentioned 2002/3), while and institutional this nationalist intellectuals used ti-communist this form of disseminating hegemony, impose symbolic conflict to a It was mostly social strata in Serbia. across almost all nationalism depicting Serbs as the and self-victimization, narrative of self-pity and one which and ‘communism’, ‘Yugoslavia’ greatest victims of - former Yu nationalist narratives throughout can be found in other Kuljić 2006; 2002; Milosavljević 1995). goslavia (Bakić 2011; and his wife, Mirjana Marković, of Yugoslavia), the Federal Republic Milošević, leftists. leader of the Socialist Party were self-proclaimed of Serbia), into the League of Communists of Serbia (transformed his to keep nationalists and even far-right manipulated nationalism United Left power intact, his wife, leader of the Yugoslav while (YUL), members of tried to promote internationalist ideas. Many their political capital into the former communist elite transformed of capitalism, accommo- economic capital during the restoration circumstances (Lazić dating themselves within the new social Nenad some members of YUL (including 2011). Moreover, and Dragomir Tomić, Mitrović,Đorđević, Peručić Zlatan Željko who were ministers on behalf of YUL and others among others) Đunić) were among the richest tycoons in Ser Danko (Milan Beko, servatives’ (Tadić 1996), unprepared for substantial ideological in- 1996), unprepared for substantial servatives’ (Tadić both parties and novation and democratization. Most importantly, certain extent,the Milošević regime itself were, to a criminalized.

Bakić 244 245 edited volumes - - Ivan Stambolić or the journalist Slavko Ćuruvija. There were also a number There Ćuruvija. Ivan Stambolić or the journalist Slavko one of the op- Drašković, of unsuccessful assassinations attempts on Vuk position leaders in the 1990s (and, nowadays, a member of the ruling coa lition led by the SNS). Tycoons or newly emergent capitalist oligarchs were mostly Tycoons criminalized Newcomers came mostly from the underground Their governing coalition marked a hybrid regime that can be regime a hybrid coalition marked Their governing ty. Social ownership was not only constitutionally protected but constitutionally was not only Social ownership ty. related to a historical revisionism and in the economy, dominant these 1945 and 1989 was not promoted by the period between while the anti-fascism as a core value, two parties; they defended were, to a greater or lesser extent,main opposition parties all in fa- the Milošević re- By the same token, vour of historical revisionism. contrast to much of the opposition. In in gime was firmly secular, the baby out with the governments ‘threw contrast, post-Milošević bathwater’ mass privatization by implementing non-constitutional category social ownership as a constitutional until 2006, abolishing of fas- a de-secularization and rehabilitation (2006), and supporting not actual fascists. cist collaborators, if who trans- members of the former communist nomenclature inclusion in important so- formed their former political power and into economic wealth, cial networks (social and political capital) from the deliberately and were the ones who mostly benefited and its acceleration after slow privatization process of the 1990s elite from socialist 2000 (Lazić 2011). The political and economic circumstances cre- was skilful enough to use the specific Yugoslavia and the UN (1991-1999) ated by the wars in former Yugoslavia to enrich itself and main- sanctions imposed on Serbia (1992-2000) capitalism at the periph- tain its position as social elite in a political ery the same time, as a conse- of the world capitalist system. At in Serbia became the quence of these processes, social mobility 2006). (Cvejić lowest in Europe by the regime to breaksphere, who were either used or tolerated by means of smuggling oil, cig- through the wall of the UN sanctions arettes and other rare and luxury goods (Lazić 2011). In other additional moral and politi- words, the Milošević regime created an cal burden for all leftist movements, parties and policies in Serbia, r with a dominant pa socialism as authoritarian multiparty defined - - At 8 century st An illustration of this is the fact that, during the anti-Milošević regime, whenever a column of demonstrating students shouted “counter-right” students wished to turn left. so much the word left The students hated that they did not want to even mention it. All these factors, specifically when related to the social and All these factors, specifically when related 8 the same time, the extreme right SRS,the same time, the although operating in very some radical right par specific historical circumstances, resembled societies. It skilfully combined national and ties in other European social demagoguery, and attracted the lower social strata, particu- into its rank- male workers, larly non-qualified and semi-qualified 2009; Mudde 2007). and-file and as supporters (Bakić 2019; The Left in Serbia during the first The Left of the 21 two decades ed Left throughout the 1990s. Finally, the authoritarian multiparty the 1990s. Finally, ed Left throughout which em- with a dominant party (SPS), socialist political system corruption, and against which other politicalployed widespread relative- of winning power at elections, made parties had no chance with the coalitions and entered into cooperation ly frequent tactical , SRS), stranka radikalna (Srpska Radical Party extreme right Serbian middle and practices widely despised among making leftist ideas The Serbi- people (Lazić 1999; 1994). strata and opposition-oriented anti-left oriented during the 1990s. an youth was particularly which they have yet to overcome. In addition to this, trade unions, In addition to have yet to overcome. which they and which were parties and ideologies, to leftist linked traditionally - socialist system, re the single-party during already malfunctioning Unit of Serbia and Yugoslav Party to the Socialist mained obedient political circumstances in Serbian (Yugoslav) society, caused the society, political circumstances in Serbian (Yugoslav) Left after 2000. Howev- burdensome development of the Serbian neoliberal policies and features at the periphery of the world er, (Harvey by dispossession” capitalist system, such as “accumulation flexibilization (economic aspect) 2003), privatization, labour market austeri- same phenomenon), and precarization (social aspect of the experiencing the high- partnerships, ty measures or public-private (Krek 2018), all of which were manifested est inequalities in Europe in Serbian society during the first two decades of the 2000s, and

Bakić 246 247 edited volumes - - - - was a 11 that finally lost its ideo- 12 ), although self-declared as democrat-socialist, as democrat-socialist, ), although self-declared 9 ), are perceived as deeply corrupt and have been dis- ), are perceived as 10 The author of this article helped write the party programme but did not join the party Aleksandar Vulin (1972) was spokesperson of the Yugoslav Left (JUL). He of the Yugoslav (1972) was spokesperson Aleksandar Vulin since 2008. has founded and led the Movement of Socialists diplomat, Stefanović (b. 1974) was a young and talented recruited Borko and led the Democratic into the diplomatic corps after 5 October 2000, of the Republic of Serbia (2014/15). MPs’ club in the Parliament Party due to an ideological and personal intraparty conflict, he left However, social de- in 2015, a Serbian variant of Third Way the Democratic Party Left). Srbije (Serbian and founded Levica mocracy, Ivica Dačić (1966) was a newcomer and young spokesperson of the Social- spokesperson Ivica Dačić (1966) was a newcomer and young of Serbia from 1992 to 2000. After the death of the founder and ist Party Party of Serbia, Slobodan Milošević,first president of the Socialist Dačić 2006 (Predsednik became the second president of the SPS in December Ivica Dačić, https://www.sps.org.rs/predsednik/, 10/25/2020). Despite this, by the end of 2019, there was no truly leftist par there was no by the end of 2019, Despite this, ), led by Borko Stefanović Srbije), led by Borko The Serbian Left (Levica 12 10 11 9 logical and political identity within the Party of Freedom and of Freedom Party logical and political identity within the especially after 2012, made room for leftist ideas and newly room for leftist ideas after 2012, made especially generations. formed leftist ty in Serbia. The Socialist Party of Serbia (led by Minister of Foreign (led by Minister of Serbia The Socialist Party ty in Serbia. Affairs Ivica Dačić short-lived (2015-19) unsuccessful party short-lived and the Movement of Socialists (led by a former member of JUL’s of JUL’s of Socialists (led by a former member and the Movement – Alek – in several governments after 2012 leadership and minister sandar Vulin credited, not only by their infamous participation in the Milošević their infamous participation in the credited, not only by for wars, but by their support in the Yugoslav regime and their role Vučić neoliberal policies of the authoritarian the nationalistic and both trade unions, traditionally the same token, regime as well. By in the pub- of leftist policies, are numerous carriers and supporters Their lead- non-existent in private companies. lic sector yet almost either the government or erships are often corrupt and close to management of the com- rich opposition leaders, as well as to the panies involved. Alongside these agency-related struc factors are precarization and the de- tural ones, such as deindustrialization, in the social structure, cline of the role of the industrial worker the trade union leadership gener which could further explain why among the wider public and, ally suffers from a lack of confidence among workers. particularly, - ) (Przeworski 1985). ) (Przeworski 13 Otherwise, right side it would be situated at the social liberal part of the of the ideological-political spectrum (Bakić 2019). There are, however, certain groupuscules that are worthy of of groupuscules that are worthy certain There are, however, These groupuscules have unfortunately veryThese groupuscules have unfortunately often found 13 cho-Syndicalists, and the Social Democratic Union (the last being cho-Syndicalists, social democracymuch more a party striving towards a that wants socialism than a party that to transform capitalism into democratic as social democracy face’, wants to create ‘capitalism with a human 1970s the of half first the since do to tried has ), led by the former mayor of Bel- former mayor of ), led by the i pravde slobode Justice (Stranka to attract mainly Stefanović tried tycoon Dragan Đilas. grade and and clientelistic the social-liberal politicians from corrupt local activists and grass-root of young leftist instead Party Democratic pro- in various leftist struggles, e.g. student who had been visible and pro- strikes workers’ as a commodity, tests against education privatizations, local community protests tests against criminal of various public utili- by dispossession” against the “accumulation of air pollution, at least since the end or against ties such as water, 2020). 2003 (Šper is an organization (Roof over the Head) nad glavom mention: Krov poor to own a home; in practice, it defends that defends the right who expel target of ‘civil enforcement officers’ people who are the of a verythem from their homes, sometimes because small debt, (connected to the e.g., several hundred euros; the Left Summit section of the Serbian Foundation); German Rosa Luxemburg the Anar (Stalinists); the Reds; SKOJ DIEM25, M21 (Trotskyists); themselves in competition, if not in conditions of enmity. Yet, the Yet, of enmity. themselves in competition, if not in conditions Left Summit, DIEM25 and SDU have nurtured very close relations all leftists to surpass their since 2018, when the latter called upon vanities and join forces to ideological differences and personal corrupt political system. They fight capitalism and the thoroughly building a more human wanted to direct their efforts towards 2019 and 2020, many democratic socialist future. Indeed, during of the Left Summit and members (not whole organizations) as some individuals who DIEM25 accepted the invitation, as well of these organizations, and formed the were not members of any officially at the beginning of September (RLP), Radical Left Party 2020. The party had a two-day online congress that elected

Bakić 248 249 edited volumes - - - - solidarity and free the RLP are equality, The main values of Of course, a society upon the periphery of the world capitalist dom. Indeed, these values, promoted during the French Revolu- values, promoted during the French dom. Indeed, these has in a capitalist setting, as experience tion, cannot be achieved this veryconfirmed. It is for an- reason that the party is strongly ti-capitalist. and lib- nationalism to oppose both xenophobic It aims eral or conservative imperialistic cosmopolitism as ideological In contrast,means of capitalism. inter the party strongly supports - and the presiden board the executive of the main board, members avoid potential au- collective and, to party bodies were cy. All the decision-making instituted a bottom-up challenges, they thoritarian process. nationalism based on equal rights of all nations regardless of their on equal rights of all nations regardless nationalism based rooted in In addition, it stresses its antifascism, power and wealth. during World movement against the Nazi occupation the Partisan legacy II. Bearing this antifascist to in mind, the party wants War i.e., support fascist ideology, fight all movements and parties that right parties. Nonetheless, extreme-right movements and radical includ- existing socialism’, there is an awareness that the ‘actually suffered a lack of politi- variety, self-management ing the Yugoslav directed towards a new cal freedoms and, hence, it was strongly have included however, democratic socialist system, which may, the RLP experiences. Moreover, and other socialist some Yugoslav more democratic than capi- is fully aware that socialism has to be and ensure its own sur talism in order to attract massive support democracy, i.e. direct de- vival. Besides a higher level of political lev- on the municipal although not exclusively, especially, mocracy, el, economic democracy is also needed in the workplace. In this inspiring, but one experience might be case, the self-management in public because hegemony has to be ready to fight for symbolic have been recog- and social ownership socialist self-management - as the main obstacles to an efficient economy by pro-capital nized since the late 1980s. ist politicians, pundits and journalists system cannot win the struggle against capitalism alone. That is the RLP calls for a ‘Balkans for Balkan peoples’ and close inter why the party is nationalist worldwide cooperation. By the same token, proud of its close international relations with similar movements Nova and Front fronta, i.e., The Workers’ from Croatia (Radnička - Nonetheless, they present a radical dem 14 The fact that Syriza and Podemos are often considered ‘Radical Left’ is and Podemos The fact that Syriza of how far the whole ideological-political spectrum has just a testimony Certainly, been shifted towards the Right since the fall of the Berlin Wall. just as an illustration of the previous argument, François Mitterrand although he was only a mod- would be considered a radical leftist today, erate one four decades ago (Bakić 2019). - of the RLP consists of mostly young mid The social structure grass-roots movements that first ap- several Besides the RLP, 14 ocratic challenge to the corrupt political system, and are opposed ocratic challenge to the corrupt political Radical Right demagoguery. of at least some to any That is why , i.e., The Left), Germany Left), Germany , i.e., The (Levica New Left), Slovenia , i.e., The Ljevica leftists pan-European Unity), and the ), the UK (Left (Die Linke in the from these relationships, 2020). Stemming DIEM25 (Mašina - Solidarity Declara the Regional 2020, the party issued summer of and Slovenian sister parties. tion with its Croatian including women and members and workers, dle-class professionals minorities as party members and supporters.of national and sexual al- attractive to the older population, the party is still not However, social groups. the interests of all marginalized though it advocates move- are activists in the ‘Roof over the Head’ Some party members ment, and Ne M21, the anarcho-syndicalist initiative together with At this moment in time, (Let’s Not Drown Belgrade). davimo Beograd - over-repre historians, and IT experts are slightly sociologists, artists, it needs more econo- sented in the party’s social structure. Certainly, are the the main challenges mists, lawyers and engineers. However, chal- The first lack of money. building of a party infrastructure and a surpassed, and the party will try be lenge will likely to overcome the and small donations from itssecond by means of membership fees of its young mem- supporters, as well as through the enthusiasm the party has not escaped the chronic illnesses bers. Unfortunately, of the Serbian Left, i.e. factionalism, based on doctrinal differences and its prospects are bleak. and personal non-productive conflicts, tried to create the Civil peared at the municipal level, and then front) are worth mentioning at this point, Građanski even (CF, Front the CF is a coa- leftist; rather, though they are, strictly speaking, not lition of leftist, radical democratic and social liberal streams, which although the and Podemos, resembles, to a certain extent, Syriza are stronger than the radical democratic and social liberal streams leftist stream (Ilić 2020).

Bakić 250 251 edited volumes -

- - - 15 For 16 nant party (1990-2000). The second phase lasted between 2000 and The first phase of the Serbian multiparty system after the break-up of Eu- of The first phase of the Serbian multiparty system after the break-up ropean socialism was an authoritarian multi-party socialism with a domi LF was formed in 2015, and after just a few months it had its first electoralLF was formed in 2015, and after just a few months success in 2016 (at the time, the election threshold in Serbia was 5 percent)success in 2016 (at the time, the election threshold was alsoand get deputies in the local Parliament. Ne davimo Beograd for demon- citizens many formed in 2015. Although it managed to attract and, in particu- project in general strations against the Belgrade Waterfront the illegal destruction of small houses and firms in Hercegovačka against lar, (a typical example of accu- Street during the national election night in 2016 deputies in the it did not succeed in getting any mulation by dispossession), Belgrade Parliament. 3.44% of the vote, and was Nonetheless, NDBG won was, relatively speaking, ain fifth place among the non-coalition lists; this Owners from Niš has not participated in Flat success. The Movement of Free elections yet.any it was successful in its struggles against the Nevertheless, corrupt local government as well as against some communal public enter all over Serbia. tions have raised its visibility and attractiveness for citizens ). These ac prises, especially the public provider of heating energy (Toplana More recently, a number of local grass-root movements from of local grass-root movements from a number More recently, 16 15 Most of them like to stress that they are leftists because they are to stress that they Most of them like human beings and not towards profit’. ‘oriented towards front and towns have joined, such as Lokalni other Serbian cities Jas- It Strong; Mladenovac), (Keep Samo jako Valjevo), (Local Front; - (Just Local Samo lokalno Požararevac), and Loud; (Clear no i glasno preokret (Civil Građanski (No Fear; Apatin), ly; Bečej), Bez straha Inicijativa Kula), Mass; Kritična masa (Critical Zrenjanin), Turnaround; front (Civil Građanski Požega), za Požegu (Initiative for Požega; alternativa (Local Alternative; Vrbas), Lokalna Vlasotince), Front; - (Bureau for Social Research; Bel and Biro za društvena istraživanja is a so- the last one, which except All of these movements, grade). as local civil initiatives aiming cial research organization, were born - governments. The near-si to fight authoritarian and corrupt local movements during the third multaneous appearance of all of these which began in 2012, is phase of the multiparty system in Serbia, that the Serbian public is understandable, if one bears in mind by a complete lack of confidence in the Serbian polit characterized or in opposition. whether in government ical oligarchy, these local movements may come to be a political partner of the partner of the come to be a political movements may these local front are within this movements oldest three The in the future. RLP United Movement the Kraljevo), front, LF; (Lokalni Front the Local and ; Niš) stanara slobodnih (Udruženi pokret Flat Owners of Free , NDBG; Belgrade). (Ne davimo Beograd Let’s Not Drown Belgrade - 17 These seven organizations are: Keep It Strong, Civil Turnaround, Just Lo- It Strong, Civil Turnaround, These seven organizations are: Keep the Bureau for Social Research, Local Alternative, Clear and Loud, cally, ): the final of these came into being na pravo and Right on Right (Pravo Flat Owners, while following the split of the United Movement of Free the first has not become a member of the United Civil Movement. 2012 and was marked by typical oligarchic relations and the formation of 2012 and was marked Finally, of the oligarchy. closely related economic and political branches began with a dominant party, the third authoritarian multiparty oligarchy, at the presidential election and the rise of with the defeat of Boris Tadić as an authoritarian leader who was able to discipline Aleksandar Vučić control of the secret by having absolute both branches of the oligarchy services, busi- his main political rivals and many followed by blackmailing of the richest tycoons in nessmen, even going so far as to imprison one In such a demagogic way, Serbia (the owner of Delta, Miroslav Mišković). ordinary hearts of many the oligarchs have been disciplined, while the people have been won over by the demagogue. However, there are divisions and non-productive conflicts, both there are divisions However, All of these groups consist of activists who are deeply engagedAll of these groups consist of activists 17 instance, the Local Front (Kraljevo) has a very (Kraljevo) slogan: ‘Local telling the Local Front instance, the wide- us!’ Indeed, all others have betrayed Because Front: that ordinaryspread feeling that been betrayed, and have citizens the transition to- during overlooked completely lost and they were anger clientelistic system fuels the wards a capitalist partocratic local move- themselves into to organize and the will of people ments to try lives. decisions related to their own to influence initiator movements and between the three among individual local on one hand, and the other local movements organizations on the So- reasons for the Left Summit and the It was one of the the other. the Civil having decided not to participate in cial Democratic Union have, at least at The fact that the three initiator organizations Front. - is against both broad this moment, Front the upper hand in the Civil confidencemutual of building the and norms democratic accepted ly the currently, Furthermore, and solidarity among all the movements. individual membership; only members of does not allow Civil Front the slow-motion forma- local movements can be members. Finally, already full glass, and sevention of the CF was the last drop in the going on to establish theirorganizations left it in September 2019, named United Civilown loose organization of local movements pokreti) in July 2020. Movements (Udruženi građanski in socially responsible actions like fighting for one’s right to have ac right to have fighting for one’s in socially responsible actions like commodation or the right to clean water and clean air, fighting and clean air, commodation or the right to clean water

Bakić 252 253 edited volumes - ” is 21 and/or 20 and its strong tendency and its strong - to 18 against public-private partnerships against public-private 19 Public-private partnership could be described as a ‘public risk – private partnership could be described as a ‘public Public-private profit’ deal. Poor people from Savamala (a Belgrade quarter upon which the Belgrade people from Savamala Poor and Hercegov- development is planned to be built) generally, Waterfront were violently removed, so that rich people ačka Street in particular, would be able to move in. The obsession with “the tallest tower” largest shopping-mall” in and “the all entrances in Belgrade the Balkans and high “national flag-trees at - in the Belgrade Wa just an illustration of a banal nationalism expressed terfront project. There is no reliable data about the social structure of CF activists. However, of CF activists. However, There is no reliable data about the social structure tracted relatively more workers into its rank and file. tracted relatively more workers on the basis of direct observations author of this paper was involved in (the activities until the second half of 2019) in several Serbian cities, Civil Front of the middle and an overrepresentation underrepresentation of workers well as the supporters of thestrata membership within the rank and file, as can argue that persons employed seems indisputable. One Front, Citizens’ in education and health protection are overrepresented among the Civil radical dem- is an obstacle for any membership and supporters. This Front’s ocratic, let alone democratic socialist, initiative in contemporary Serbian so- it having at In this respect,ciety. the situation in the RLP is slightly better, By the same token, all the groups have developed strong eco- By the same token, 21 19 20 18 private ownership of communal enterprises, against the ‘parties of communal enterprises, against the private ownership of and wide- in government and in opposition, office hunters’ both and styles and the corruption of local politicians spread authoritarian rights, improve- they are all fighting for workers’ officials. Of course, ment of often very and against precarious bad working conditions, as the the CF’s shortcomings, as well employment, However, as well. to atomization of the working class, its readiness fragmentation and and nation- of politicians who combine social become an easy target this union, make al demagoguery, strong workers’ a lack of any and struggle very the relative underrepresentation difficult.of Certainly, easier. task any the does not make in the Civil Front workers against accumulation by dispossession manifested, for instance, in manifested, by dispossession against accumulation - (Billig 1995) mega banal-nationalistic against the urban the protest project Belgrade Waterfront lomaniac logical awareness and have stood up against both the government logical awareness and have stood up companies that are close to and multinational or national private and are ready to of power, the government or to informal centres their profits. to maximize destroy the human environment in order plants across Stara Planina, in The resistance to micro-hydropower ward gentrification, - The period of Socialist Yugoslavia frustrated Serbian national- frustrated The period of Socialist Yugoslavia Finally, the anti-fascist and anti-nationalist orientation of the and anti-nationalist orientation of the the anti-fascist Finally, Conclusion worse position under com- ists who thought that Serbs were in a munist rule, if not discriminated against, in comparison to Croats or widespread opinion helped Slovenes (Bakić 2019). Such a relatively Serbian Marxistsmany to adopt, en masse, conservative, liberal or socialist nationalism at the end of the 1980s and beginning of the first, in became ‘the biggest Serbian delusion’; 1990s. Yugoslavia the mindset of influential members of the Serbian Academy of Sci- ences and Arts from the middle of the 1980s (Milosavljević 1995), with this sentiment then becoming widespread among the public. cessful environmentalist initiative in the country. initiative cessful environmentalist The fact that the interests company to fight private joined together working class found solidarity and that they to powerful politicians, connected increased united in the Civil Front, among local organizations problems, the wider public about environmental awareness among the fight for their right to a up them to take and has encourage environment.healthy of estab- bearing in mind that a number CF is worth mentioning, become caught up in the wave of nationalism, lished leftists have of former 1990s, the period of mass-conversion not only during the but into nationalists or liberals, Marxists (politicians and scholars) UCM as day (Kuljić 2006; 2002). Indeed, the CF, also in the present historical revisionism form of the oppose any strongly well as RLP, the second and third that was systematically nurtured during in Serbia. At the phases of the multiparty system development and United Civil Movements are unam- same time, the Civil Front place of tradition that take biguously against various (re)inventions rehabilitation of the Serbi- in the public life of Serbia as part of the Church. On the contrary, an Orthodox it is in favour of a secularized can be socially privi- republic in which no church or its members - preju reason and not by any leged. Human beings should be led by other authority. dice or non-disputable obedience to any south-eastern Serbia, is probably the most famous and most suc the most famous Serbia, is probably south-eastern

Bakić 254 255 edited volumes - - The Milošević regime created many obstacles for truly leftist obstacles for truly many regime created The Milošević ideas, people and politics. During the 1990s, the current genera- During the 1990s, the current ideas, people and politics. harshly anti-leftist within a socialized tion in power was politically negative Nevertheless, despite all these ideological atmosphere. capitalist to a peripheral position in the world legacies, and thanks a new young gen- in Serbian society, system and rising inequalities social and arisen in Serbia, involved in various eration of leftists has and movements and everydaypolitical initiatives struggles, social strong to create an entirely new and potentially and which is willing Nev- brotherhood and liberty. Left, ideals of equality, based on the RLP and differences between the clearly leftist ertheless, there are and United Civil Front the relatively ideologically blurred Civil Movements. The RLP is trying a truly democratic and de- to build organization able to operate at all levels (local, regional centralized loose coalitions are rather and national). The other two, however, one cannot expect their efficient of local organizations. That is why to create more democrat action at the national level. The CF needs - historical revision opinion fuelled the such an token, By the same long run (Kuljić had resisted in the Milošević regime ism that the 2006; 2002). ic relationships and much better communication among its own or ic relationships and much better communication at the national level. This al- ganizations if it also wishes to operate the local orientation is a major limitation of both most exclusively that either will be able to CF and UCM, and it does not seem likely is a truly on the other hand, overcome it. The Radical Left Party, the dominant political culture ideological party that aims to change it is a difficult task and long-term goal, of ‘office hunters’. Certainly, even more difficult and more but the struggle against capitalism is and neoliberal destruction distanced. Nonetheless, the imperialist politics, society and culture in Serbia is so com- of the economy, plete that one has to try Left alternative in order to build a Radical to reclaim a sense of normal everyday life. - , 57/1, 46-71. Sociologija na slučaju Srbije (1990-2014)”. European Studies. 17(2), the Serbian Radical Party”. Journal of Contemporary 193-207. Press. & Polity University of Chicago Press and the State. Cambridge University Press. . Beograd: ISI. transformacije cijalističke University Nationalism. Hurst and Montreal: McGill-Queen’s of and the Revival Press. logical profile and organizational form, B.A. Department of work). Belgrade: of Philosophy. Sociology Library at the Faculty Books. 2018. https://pescanik.net/sta-znaci-prosecna-zarada-ako-je-vecina-nema/ Rights. 30.10.2020, https://www.masina.rs/?p=15155&fbclid=IwAR0MiWXqo3zho- 10/30/2020. puZGE_PMLKCFeCekaZmSCuLbiLFt2WHve0kVZKaCJ_HMxA, References References 1945-2018. Clio. desnica krajnja Bakić, Jovo. 2019. Evropska primene i empirijske određenja Bakić, i desnica: pokušaj teorijskog Jovo. 2015. “Levica tumači. Službeni glasnik. i njegovi razaranje Bakić, Jugoslavija: Jovo. 2011. Bakić, Supporters: Case Study of Practice and “Extreme-Right Jovo. 2009. Ideology, Publications. . SAGE Billig, Michael. 1995. Banal Nationalism . The Distinction of a Political and Right: The Significance Left Bobbio, Norberto. 1996. of Socialism and the Destruction Institutions: The Design 1999. Subversive Bunce, Valery. post-so u procesu u mestu: društvena pokretljivost u Srbiji Cvejić, Slobodan. 2006. Korak Saviours of the Nation’. Serbia’s Intellectual Opposition Serbia’s Intellectual Jasmina. 2002/3. Saviours of the Nation’. Dragović-Soso, Harvey, David. 2003. The New Imperialism. Oxford University Press. . Oxford University Press. Europe Ignazi, Piero. 2006. Extreme Right Parties in Western ideo- Front: forma (Civil profil i organizaciona front: ideološki Ilić, 2020. Građanski Pavle. . Metropolitan The Rise of Disaster Capitalism Klein, Naomi. 2007. The Shock Doctrine: , 4.1. Peščanik je većina nema?” Krek, Maja. 2018. “Šta ako znači ‘prosečna zarada’ . Beograd: Čigoja. sećanja 2006. Kultura Kuljić, Todor. . Beograd: Helsinki Committee for Human prošlosti 2002. Prevladavanje Kuljić, Todor. . Službeni glasnik. kapitalizam Lazić, Mladen. 2011. Čekajući Press. . CEU Protest: Winter of Discontent in Lazić, Mladen, ed. 1999. Belgrade of Society . Beograd: Filip Višnjić.Lazić, Destruction Mladen, ed. 1994. levice podržavaju formiranje leve partije u Srbiji.” evropske Mašina. 2020. “Stranke

Bakić 256 257 edited volumes - , VII/No. 119-20, str. str. , VII/No. 119-20, Republika i umetnosti (1986-1992)”, nauka akademije Srpske 19-48. Press. vard University Press. Press. - , 3.9.2020. http://voice.org.rs/slucaj-jugoremedija-ka gigant SFRJ”, Voice ko-je-sistematski-unistavan-farmaceutski-gigant-sfrj-1/ . Cambridge University Right Parties in Europe. Cambridge 2007. Populist Radical Mudde, Cas. . The Belknap Press of Har Century in the Twenty-First 2014. Capital Thomas. Piketty, Milosavljević, Olivera. 1995. “Upotreba autoriteta nauke: Javna politička delatnost Javna politička delatnost Milosavljević, autoriteta nauke: Olivera. 1995. “Upotreba Capitalism and Social Democracy. Cambridge University Adam. 1985. Capitalism Przeworski, italiano. Sugarco. dei partiti e caso Teoria Sartori, Giovanni. 1982. je sistematski uništavan farmaceutski 2020. “Slučaj Jugoremedija: Kako Darko. Šper, o politici. BIGZ. 1996. Nauka Ljubomir. Tadić, Bakić 258 259 edited volumes IV Is there a way back, a way Is there and what are the challenges? and what

MIĆUNOVIĆ NATALIJA Institute of Social Sciences, Belgrade of Social Sciences, Institute

Mićunović 260 261 edited volumes - 1 - - - Conflicting narratives of resistance exist within the contemporary Left. European One of the obstacles for the consolidation of contemporary which identify movements, European themselves with leftist traditions and/or goals is that the definition but is furthermore divided into fac of ‘Left’ is not only blurred, growing apart.tions, which are continuously These narratives different emphasize do they but conflicting, necessarily not are ex- also They groups. different from support garner and values of the growinghibit highly divergent levels of concern for rights rights, women’s Europe, in population immigrant and refugee and minority rights in their respective countries. The rights LGBT leaves neither growing aggressiveness of corporate capitalism much nor narratives, those of consolidation the for room little such narratives chance for their separate success. In order for open- to become international, there needs to be an increased dismissal of theness towards global cohesion, since the current impossible it periphery makes difficulties immanent its all with be perceived as for peripheral movements and experiences to internationally relevant. left, periphery internationalism, inequality, Keywords: tute of Social Sciences, with the support of the Ministry Sci- of Education, Development of the Republic of Serbia. ence and Technological This text was written as part of the 2020 Research Program of the Insti The periphery of common ideas, mar is vulnerable to the loss 1 Abstract Challenges for the Left to go global: to the Left for Challenges and peripheryThe disparity centre between kets and goods. Nationalism grows strong in the periphery and goods. kets as a re- nationalism is about restric sult of deprivation and isolation. New in the centre, i.e. the EU tions and strengthening of borders around periphery,the case of the European especially in favour of the ‘in- of powerful founding states, thereby fuelling the de- ner circle’ struction of common property and increasing levels of isolation. - - New forms of nationalism, xenophobia and national identity and national of nationalism, xenophobia New forms dis- to disintegration on the global level; Inequality is integral When looking into the contemporary works grappling with in- The very is presumptive; it is often the heri- notion of ‘centre’ son, a gender, a profession, a nation, or any other group, is tied to a profession, a nation, or any son, a gender, with dismay or disdain at the perception of others. If I am greeted the very origins being from the Balkans, I would be mention of my else is such crimi- (“nowhere more inclined to react in self-loathing or anger and self-aggrandizement for example) nality possible”, (“we ate with gold forks when they were eating with their hands” As objective as we as researchers aim to be, it is type of nonsense). difficult to remain impassive to the careless insults hurled unthink places. Therefore, the notion of cen- ingly from the ‘more civilized’ of tre is important in geopolitical decisions (manifest destiny are manipulated as replacements for, for example, professional for example, professional for, as replacements are manipulated - two kinds of iden ‘culture wars’, and, in so-called identity, and class racial, national, ethnic,tity are emphasized: at regional and tribal individual, sexual, political and cultural at the the group level, and be- see this We and/or professional identity. as opposed to class on the periphery,coming more prominent cut off which is already from the ‘normalcy’ felt in the of civilization, with inequality being Nation- as well as the social, dimension. geographical and historical, act to feed both inequality and strongest divisive properties alism’s for enemies, within and without, It provides enable to instability. to punish the needed to overcome the danger, calls for sacrifices solidarity. those who could possibly coexist in and to exclude lazy, and ideas, and provides integration of communities, institutions of the veryfertile ground for nationalism. The loss concept of com- need com- We humanity. mon property is the loss of the ideal of mon ground for survival as human beings. and for dignity that,clear made is being it are equality insights significant although of modern-day inequali- into the specificities of the destructiveness it remains difficult to see how the division between centres and ty, centres, and peripheries with peripheries will be overcome, even as if the scarcity of resources is them, move and change place. It is as game of dominance. in the just a token - On the level of self-percep tage of dominance and exploitation. place in the world, one being a per tion, the importance of one’s

Mićunović 262 263 edited volumes - - - century mostly century and in th th century. We may surmise that century. We century, and in even starker op- century, starker and in even th th Indeed, when leaders of superpowers talk about ‘national in- Indeed, when leaders of superpowers The Slovenian sociologist Rastko Močnik has searched for con- has searched for Močnik sociologist Rastko The Slovenian position to the anti-colonial nationalisms of the 20 position to the anti-colonial the operations of the ruling class alliances in the nation states, the operations of the ruling class alliances are new and specific” (Močnik their political economy and ideology, 2019, 24). terests’, the very speak may be oceans interests of which they apart, overwhelming and swallowing the interests of small nations. game of risk. This perspective This is only natural in the geopolitical pride in greatness, and if any gives their voters a sense of national thinking remain, includ- lingering tendencies to real classical leftist rights, they are easily ex- ing considerations of equality and human North Europe, The middle-class voters of Western ternalized. feel extremely it the West) America, Japan and Australia (let us call participate in rallies against conscientious and generous when they find on the map. Issues injustices in those sad places they cannot someone threatened with that may seem of lesser importance to at the very least, endless drudgery the or, of living in hum- poverty, to Bathrooms assigned up a lot of energy. ble circumstances, take in honour of minorities and gender fluid people, national holidays true achievements. An extra euro for a ‘fair such may look like Europe canteen is all the sacrifice it coffee in a Council of trade’ exploited coffee grow- to feel that we have helped the poor, takes ers in Africa and South America. Finer nuances of judicial process are discussed. leaders of the Free World), and the notion of periphery and the notion World), import is the Free leaders of ant in taking seriously anything, including theories and movements, theories and including seriously anything, ant in taking from there. emanating contrary to socialism and nationalism: “However, nections between of the 19 the liberal nationalisms anti-colonial endeavours of the 20 ten succeed at imposing a quasi-authoritarian discipline upon their a quasi-authoritarian discipline ten succeed at imposing they attempt an ideological Gle to power, followers. If they come - […] Ideological ele society. , aligning of the whole ichschaltung na- and the present but their collage is new, ments are mostly old, working of their states differs from the tions and real functioning struggles of the 19 of nationalisms in anti-imperial inspired by socialism, contemporaryinspired by socialism, and of ‘nationalisms’ require, - - In contrast, of Asia, in the countries Africa Eastern Europe, That is how it used to be for a time, but, as I mentioned earli- However, this has not given rise to an internationalization of this has not given rise to an internationalization However, and South America (let us term this the ‘East’, although obviously, although obviously, this the ‘East’, America (let us term and South blessed with long that are not geographically correct) this is not procedures, with and democratic established legal and continued types, and/or colonization of different long histories of poverty even are often seen as frivolous, or concerns ‘Western’ people instead feel virtuous for contributing wrong-headed, and and and attempts to bring about social to democratic struggles that by being directly involved in initiatives economic justice only themselves and even jail time. They concern can result in beatings and survival,with the right to vote wage, and being paid a living causes opportunities for education. Popular having access to and fairer la- and the right to work, introducing involve fair elections bour laws and such. times can change, centre and periphery in a dialectical rela- are er, tionship, and, in every of poverty and af are pockets region, there ts people, violations of rights fluence, highly educated and ignorant democratization of infor and abuse of privileges. The large-scale kind of filing system that would mation, not supported by any what is important and/or plausible, com- it readily obvious make of the right to an bined with a widespread misunderstanding fertile ground for pop- opinion and critical thinking, has produced all continents and types ulism as a global phenomenon sweeping of government. influential groups. The problems, unless we count certain narrow exported to a different neigh- problems of poverty are traditionally different continent.bourhood, and, on a bigger scale, to a The has produced dys- sharp turn of capitalism towards financialization and the ubiquity of all function and inequality on a large scale, obvious. The narrative of kinds of news has made this even more centre and periphery framed in moral terms. If is once again being or Belgrade, in the or Paris, one is at the centre (e.g. Washington then the troubles of peripherycase of Serbia), (the rest of the Sandžak) are often, even Africa, the Peripherique, world, inner city, on reflex, viewed as provincial and too basic and ‘uncool’ to be- also a deterrent, too intricate and conversely, come involved in, or,

Mićunović 264 265 edited volumes - - - - of modern-day populist tenden Močnik traces the elements methodology that It is a political is not an ideology. Populism Močnik sees a problem with identity ideology: “Identity com- Močnik sees a problem with identity ideology: It is all the more effective at the periphery, because it is diffi- cies, mostly in Europe, and even more pronounced on its periphery, and even more pronounced cies, mostly in Europe, to the history- parts, with modern twists and ‘improve of those ments’: “The the con- that suggest the analogy between features temporary of na- and historical fascism are the weakness populism and its class re-composition by compensational tional bourgeoisie tisfied political mobilization of dissa reliance on state apparatuses, and class de-composition of the working lower middle classes, 3). But,masses” (Močnik 2016, imagery of course, a lot of the old and the goals of the ex- nationalist goals is outdated, that evoked ploiters have evolved too. goals. The problem, which is can be used for different ideological people less inter to make now being solved with populism, is how in need of local expertise. That is why it is so hopeful to see local so hopeful to see it is is why local expertise. That in need of to larger is- of success and connect achieve a modicum initiatives slogan “Think the old environmentalist sues, as in act lo- globally, cally”. ested in the common problems of humanity. That is done by per ested in the common problems of humanity. but (mostly the ‘nation’, suading them that their specific group is under constant threat there are other forms of identity politics) moved into the future by es- from ‘others’. In addition, prosperity is of different groups as a maze tablishing an understanding of reality that are involved in some sort of survival game. Hence, refugees as redefined according to international declarations) are (illegally, with the resident ‘migrants’, implying that they are in competition sug- immigrants, to avoid any population. They are not even called gestion that they might stay. […] Identity ideology is munity is monistic and inwardly oppressive. as it supports sponta- also an efficient mechanism of domination, neous survival house- working people’s strategies employed in the oppressed and exploit holds, and reproduces their position of ed” (Močnik 2016, 13). cult to be removed from financial and decision-making centres and still compete in the best capitalist tradition. The explanation comes of intruders: “Therefore,from the paranoia of proximity we can see - - - - The Left will never be successful without internationalism. be successful without internationalism. The Left will never As Močnik says: “Ideology of tolerance is only an addition from It is necessary to make many borders in order to better exert borders in order to better exert It is necessary many to make able. Not to tolerate is to exclude, isolate, define, mark. Dogs piss isolate, define, mark. is to exclude, able. Not to tolerate (Mićunović that purpose, we often put a flag up” on the ground for 1999, 289). internationalism is not possible without respect for different True places, nations and ethnicities. The very of ‘free concept of ‘centre’, those who live, and create – world’ is detrimental to the respect for whether they thrive or survive periphery. – on the It is necessary to the centre/periphery room problematize dialectic in order to make of possibilities can only be for diversity and understanding. Equality those circum- that is why striven for in those circumstances, and movement for equal- stances are the prerequisite of the successful (let us give up the lofty and ity and for international understanding hollow dreams of ‘international order’- and ‘international communi ty’). Lenin defined communism as soviet rule and electrification. of the Green New The new Left should include in the definition and international under Deal components addressing equality than just tolerate others, standing. For this, we need to do more in the corpo- the different. There is plenty of mention of ‘inclusion’ but veryrate documents of transnational institutions, little under standing. side, so it is to be expected the other side to the intolerance on this that ‘liberal-democratic’ politics will in practice be intolerant, although tolerant in their programs” (Močnik 2016, 189). That is so because it is not the true aim of those policies for there to be toler and then rig it. “[…] Parties ance, but to present the game as fair, else, that work on restoration of capitalism do not do anything more and more borders on the periphery, more borders on the more and are getting borders for capital. When and more porous for people, more impermeable reaches everyglobalization village on the periphery, then every a border”fence becomes 2016, 60). (Močnik is to be as universal (capital) and what control in what is accepted In order to justify (people). managed as separate those delinea- ploy of intolerance: “Intolerance is a power tions, we often use marking territory other delineating borders through marking and insufferable, unbear intolerable, ugly, crazy, things as stupid, bad,

Mićunović 266 267 edited volumes - - export all of the problems of the cen It is not possible to It is corroding even the centre, as Varoufakis has commented, It is corroding even the centre, as Varoufakis tre(s) to the periphery. very The tre(s) is cor ideals core of European except use state (repressive, ideological) violence to bring about to bring about ideological) violence state (repressive, use except 2016, 190). ” (Močnik and exploitation of oppression new relations The primary re- and economic becomes national, identity therefore more difficult making it even not called into question, lations are in one cross borders, or even gain footing for leftist politics to country nation. or across one rupted by the management of the ‘migrant’ crisis (unwillingness of the ‘migrant’ crisis (unwillingness rupted by the management to refu- countries to honour their obligations of rich European them- the international documents that they gees according to ‘pirate of the health crisis (the selves created), management effect when medical supplies are insufficient), rules’ suddenly in re- economic crisis (considerable societal management of the to the detriment of sources used to protect corporate entities, hold, all doesn’t and “the centre resources allocated for citizens); that is solid melts into air”. The periphery- is ill-equipped to ab the Ameri- Route’, sorb the fallout (‘migrants’ on the ‘Balkan swift financialization of can-Chinese battle for digital supremacy, (some- constant bickering the remnants of the economy). The at the edges of old empires is corroding any times with fatalities) peripheral places in the im- progress ever made in making those age of the central powers. “Grexit, in in Europe: in regard to the disintegration processes and used to force successive short, forged was the weapon the EU country’sGreek governments into accepting their incarceration in workhouse. Brexit,the neoliberal equivalent of a Victorian by contrast, was a home-grown aspiration, rooted in the structural incom- capitalism and conti- patibility between laissez-faire Anglo-Saxon by a coalition comprising sections nental corporatism, and invoked aristocracy that successfully co-opted working-class of Britain’s by Margaret Thatcher’s industrial vandalism. communities wrecked These voters desperately wanted to punish the cosmopolitan Lon- long-devalued livestock” (Varou- don elites for treating them like fakis 2019). It is even more corrosive on the periphery, where there is less confidence and fewer resources, and our role models are leading us astray. - - - There is a profound global crisis of environment, equality and democracy. unwilling to call it The forces of ‘whatever this is, if you’re are getting stronger. neoliberalism’ even dangerous – The answers come from different – some places. nationalism, political The Left is dissociated from identity, conflicts. ambition, lack of understanding and inner as it spirals out of con- The inevitable resolution of the crisis can consoli- trol, unless the Left (using the term broadly) from the ex- date, will be dark and backward, stemming treme Right. Unification cannot come through negotiation, but through claiming a true international idea. Internationalism is ultimately a leftist idea, with the main difference between Right and Left in dealing with globalization being the difference between imperialistic/capitalistic 2) 3) 4) 5) must unite. 6) In order to claim the solution, the Left 7) 8) Nevertheless, the following issues should be confronted: Nevertheless, the following issues should 1) The Left is different in the West,defined as the traditionally different in the The Left is cessful colonies; the USA,cessful colonies; the and Canada and Australia. In the French ‘at home’ tradition, there is a feeling of being political Anglo-Saxon with history, and distur and ‘caught up’ in democratic practices stan- are seen as aberrations, while the ‘normal bances in the force proce- business, legal matters and democratic dard’ of living, doing contrary, for granted. On the there is a feeling in dures are taken the periphery that we are going including the Balkans) (obviously first a confusion of thinking that we somehow backward, there is in order all those civilizational developments have to catch up with Indeed, ‘leftist leanings’, to start complaining about our situation. come from the top of the understood as striving for greater rights, been long enough connect educated classes, education having not ed to economic upward mobility to solidify class. into Why is it so difficult for the Left to use difficult is it so the Left to for Why inequality politically? the growing and its most suc Europe around Western capitalist world centred

Mićunović 268 269 edited volumes - - - Therefore, the only way for the Left to create a field of pos- the Left to create a the only way for Therefore, - giving it a widely acceptable con sible resistance through the idea of a new international, text is through embracing at least in spirit. bargaining between nations and/or companies, and holding and/or companies, between nations bargaining all nations (let across idea that can be understood true to an for the time being). term ‘universal’ us avoid the the identity chosen as important for the ex the identity chosen as important for the- Unfortunately, (2018) observed:As Varoufakis “[…] independently of estab- In order to forge an international alliance, or even something international alliance, or even something In order to forge an 9) national, humanistic ideal or identity, it is necessary ideal or identity, national, humanistic clear on to be and values. That is are their goals, interests who they are, and what false, imposed, or at least hindered by the constant onslaught of and ethnic to the state, company suggested identity and loyalty, liberal project to have group. “It is important for the hegemonic so people are in a state of people have an indeterminate identity, - revolu them for any constant profound confusion, incapacitating tionary (Mićunović 2018, 13). action” which in itself is identity, pression of dissatisfaction is rarely a class as old-fashioned and ir a term derided by nationalists and liberals about this ‘striving for status’ relevant. would understand more We and not necessarily deem irrational every non-material goal if we terms to define it.were to use some old-fashioned economic The we value is the use value because status is somethinguse exchange up for things that we might to enhance our sense of value, to make cannot function if we be- actually need. But capitalism at this stage and if we come to val- come aware of our true needs and interests class wages a modernized ue solidarity and humanistic ideals. It for the masses to be warfare, because it is no longer acceptable people, plunder too many modestly comfortable, there are simply ing the majority of them in a race to the bottom is a necessity of making profit at this stage. capi- lishment politicians’ aims and their ideological smokescreens, talism has been evolving. The vast majority of economic decisions on a smaller scale, it is necessaryon a smaller scale, to bear in mind the ‘common - individu they, property’, to understand why need for which citizens a universal, inter order to ‘own’ belong there. In ally or collectively, - In the words of Naomi Klein, we missed a step in keeping up up In the words of Naomi Klein, we missed a step in keeping The vast segments of humanity Varoufakis mentions are dis- mentions are of humanity Varoufakis The vast segments The problems of consolidation of contemporary movements The necessity of renewal of an renewal of The necessity resistance the Left-oriented for international with progress, our societies developed at a different pace to production, population and globalization: “This technology, is a story about bad timing. […] And little wonder: just when we our public sphere was disintegrating; just needed to gather, vasiveness thus reflects an overarching dynamic that,vasiveness thus reflects under the a cartel-based, hierarchi- capitalism, is creating guise of free-market result is not only global economic system. […] The cal, financialized unnecessary heralds It also for vast segments of humanity. hardship instability”. of deepening inequality and chronic a global doom loop the periphery.proportionately from happening at the lo- Anything the periphery,cal scale, especially if the locality is at is easily dismissed as an unimportant aberration. that identify is that the defini- with leftist traditions and/or goals is also divided into factions tion of the Left is not only blurred, but that continuously grow further apart. leftist The major goals of any solving the problems of political movement are oriented toward freedom, solidarity and specifically the lack of equality, humanity, connectedness. Contemporary of humanity are vast and problems may sometimes not be compatible in our understanding varied. We One of the problems of of them, nor in our attempts at solutions. on equality imple- the traditional Left is that it was over-dependent into account individual mented on an equal footing, not taking beneficiaries’ different, sometimes even incompatible, interests. have long ceased to be shaped by market forces and are now taken and are now taken forces by market ceased to be shaped have long of hyper-cartel though fairly loose, hierarchical, within a strictly quantities, fix prices, determine Its managers global corporations. - collude with politi desires, and manufacture manage expectations, their services. subsidize that Thecians to fashion pseudo-markets New Deal-era aim of full employment,first casualty was the which an obsession with growth. […] Austerity’swas duly replaced by per

Mićunović 270 271 edited volumes - - Articulating a resistance movement as a leftist one, now movement as a leftist one, now Articulating a resistance There is a possibility of a ‘velvet revolution’ that could be a that could be a There is a possibility of a ‘velvet revolution’ 1) civil rights and These major narratives can be recognized: that the targets have moved and converged while, at the same the same moved and converged while, at that the targets have diverse, the Left seem to have become more time, the goals of it has in the Left is not a bad thing; is a difficult task. Diversity were ei- has evolved to include things that shown that the Left or non-existent in the ‘gloryther on the margins of the days’ patrio- all internationalists and equated 1960s, when we were that par which it is. This does not mean tism with imperialism, - took over virtu less, consumerism needed to consume when we ally every to slow down just when we needed aspect of our lives; longer time just when we needed we sped up; and and notice, present” to see only the immediate we were able horizons, (Klein 2014). ticipants need to be homogenized, or debatable subjects re- or debatable homogenized, ticipants need to be action informed by solidar stricted. It means that articulation of in order not to lag behind ity and shared values needs to evolve politics, which have the Right and ideologically neutral populist and are gaining ground. both adapted well to the new scene what it did historically; it ‘Leftist’ cannot mean exactly the same But that should has to be more flexible and more encompassing. Once again, as al- not impede clarity and intensity of purpose. Life and death of ethnic ways, it is a question of life and death. slaves, and the aban- and cultural minorities, refugees, wage of arms in war zones doned children, women and men trapped and of scarcity. certainly needed and neces- sort of cultural revolution (which is in which we would sary change), before we can even think of any in the 1960s, questions again address, with more vigour than It is possible that, about our values of hard work and stability. a person entering middle age, with after all this experience, like luck, our civilization will stop taking itself so seriously and any instead of curling up in fear embrace a floating kind of destiny, of a new and (setting aside the question of whether certainty is uncertain one. an illusion) by un- as emphasized political liberties are not fully realized, equal access to justice addressed by #BlackLivesMatter and - We should not forget the importance of vast generational should not forget the importance of vast generational We There are many more, and that gives us hope that the phi- more, and that gives us hope There are many climate and en- The ‘new’ problems facing humanity are: a) ance for diversity; e) fake news and general lack of education; f) news and general lack of education; fake ance for diversity; e) are of conflicts. We diminishing resources; and g) the spreading talking about these as if they are ‘new’ problems because the progress laid aside worries of narrative of possible never-ending as a species. It was our inherent limitations and contradictions with a bright future considered pessimistic to dwell on disasters present in the first genera- within grasp. Humble realism is more and abundance than tion that is going to live with less comfort emerge again in a new their parents, and values of humanity This does not occur, guise that encompasses the living world. in understanding without intergenerational tensions however, what humanistic goals should be. gaps in values, income, expectations and influence. Looking at a to discover that, I was shocked demographic chart recently, - other manifesta harassment and 2) sexual similar movements; - the #Me in, for example, inequality addressed tions of gender movement, rebellion there is a growing are rampant; 3) Too - #OccupyWall by as exemplified inequality, against increasing heritage an urge to protect what is left of the Street; 4) there is immi- as in #PipeLine; 5) the rights of of indigenous peoples as in #freeChildren. grants are to be protected, There is envelop all social interactions. didn’t of profit losophy ‘culture these movements contribute to the often criticism that their stark delineation of different groups by wars’ through their - competing narratives of marginaliza differences and seemingly but they are not of necessity conflicting, tion. These narratives from different different values and gain support do emphasize of concern for rights of groups. They also have a different level populations, women’s the growing refugee and immigrant rights and minority rights in their respective coun- rights, LGBT tries. It is almost as the ‘Think act locally’ slogan has globally, gone awry, and it is now increasingly difficult to find commonalities in the very world. unequal and diverse and disease; c) a lack of political (over-)population vironment; b) 90%; d) diminishing toler and economic influence for the lower

Mićunović 272 273 edited volumes - This is an important,- often downplayed, divide. Our ‘prison The lack of sheer understanding of what might be ‘in com- The lack of sheer understanding of Why should I care I care should er’sin this way: Why can be articulated dilemma’ when I will will live in years to come, children how other people’s and I the elderly, for they do not care be around, since no longer age? That dilemma cannot be resolved within old in my feel alone some values of must include We the confines of self-interest. as a project.humanity as a species, and, even more, It is import while being born in 1957, I am considered a baby boomer. I am I am boomer. am considered a baby born in 1957, I while being that generation. definition of that is an expansive fairly certain they have to need those charts; and policyResearchers makers who gets in order to determine different groups delineate us of, or restriction. They remind which incentive, opportunity the vast changes in the socio-economic but poorly describe, past 50 years. “Thelandscape over the be- generational gap and privi- parents, co-conspirators of greed tween baby boomer no wrong and their millennial or whatever lege who still admit of all given no hope and doomsday clocks offspring who are illusion over their heads is heightened by the kinds are looming and a better future. The future in question that there ever was young the world of their parents puts the struggle of recreating are privi- fortunate position even when there people in the less sustain their status and leges granted to them, they will not the making” (Mićunović wellbeing in the dystopian society in 2019, 72). ant that we make significant progress in that area soon. Social significant progress in that area soon. Social ant that we make natural and techno- but circumstances, progress has been slow, caught up with it, have and are threatening our logical alike, very survival. need to find common ground in the foresee- We able future. classes and nations is fu- generations, for different sexes, mon’ it is dangerous. Obviously, elling the divisions that are becoming for an almost should it make not the same if one is 30 or 60, but Intergenerational solidarity is a difficult adversarial relationship? thing to achieve, but should we not at least try? The struggle for gender equality is in a stage of constantly embattled progress and growing backlash. Interracial and interethnic harmonies seem as far away as in the last century. - - - Inequality cannot be fought only at the local scale, and that the local scale, and that Inequality cannot be fought only at Internationalism is essential in any attempt to solve any to solve any attempt in any is essential Internationalism The main idea of the Left, especially in its origins as an in- ent proximities to actual decision-making, there is growing in- ent proximities Inequality is closely tied to all other problems; it is re- equality. to new technologies, new defined by the importance of access information, and re- democratic practices, relevant and reliable justifications of inequality sources that are becoming scarce. The by what merit is, and argu- by appealing to merit are redefined inheritance, property, ably even more so, by sources of income, privilege or influence. the essence of the Left must include true international- is why the univer diversity but also recognizes ism, one that recognizes That is something that has been promised, sal goal of equality. and not only by the Left, something that is not just a that is also special interest, but necessary for the sustainability of human organizations were entrust society as we know it. Transnational ed with developing that internationalism, but their success in that area has been extremely limited. problem, yet, the divisiveness of nationalism stands in the way. yet,problem, in the way. of nationalism stands the divisiveness be- institutions because transnational failed Transnationalism or be- their stronger participants, dominated by came either For for permanently contested negotiation. came a landscape them advocates privatization, that identifies example, if the IMF at least, true in- any as a contrary or, force to transnationalism, true nature as a multina- shows the Fund’s ternationalism, and “In as opposed to a transnational institution. tional corporation on and with the constrains imposed contrast to internationalism there is by the transnational institutions, international relations to nativism as the policyan expected turn the in- of protecting those or established inhabitants against terests of native-born resis- to local eating, and general flaky of immigrants, similar (Mićunović 2019, 72). It is difficult to tance to globalization” diversity and so little in- forge alliances when there is so much basis of internationalism. clusion, but we can build them on the something that is pos- ternational(ist) movement, was equality, In the relationships sibly more needed now than ever before. social groups and differ between different countries, different

Mićunović 274 275 edited volumes - The role of transnational organizations in the cartelization cartelization in the transnational organizations The role of from knowing about and under are also regularly kept We standing, let alone participating in, decisions about our physical, decisions about our physical, standing, let alone participating in, economic and social environment. The constant spin about a making secrets neces- supposed battle for world domination, sary, insinuating lurking dangers, and the separation of the fi- us all dependent on nancial sector from the real economy make decisions made without our understanding or influence. For this to change, it is necessary to revive participatory democracy, that in governance. This would re- is, true involvement of citizens quire the redefinition of democratic procedures, of economic of the global economy and its dominance over all other aspects all other aspects its dominance over economy and of the global proposed stan- integration of is rooted in their of livelihoods - products of trans a way that the the system in such dards into - (treaties, recommendations, develop national organizations the dominance of the man- are incorporated into ment projects) aged delivery global resources and their outputs to the of all - has come to be dominated by increas which in turn economy, in international- cartels. The values inherent ingly financialized as outputs of projects geared towards ism are reinterpreted is integral plunder of resources. “Inequality dominance and the communi- the global level, disintegration of to disintegration on The ideas, and it’s breeding nationalism. ties, institutions and loss of the very ideal of of commons is the loss of the concept reli- without which, belonging reverts to race, gender, humanity, a sports less tangible, like gious affiliation or something even common properties/ (Mićunović 2019, 74). Commons, or club” of ourselves as members of goods, are important for our notion and Of course, we can side with Margaret Thatcher, society. state that there is no such thing as ‘society’, but rather only indi- - kind of belonging we need not only recogni viduals, but in any need that common ground, tion of ourselves and others, we also and, in a very we need commons as grounds for surviv real way, - its inhabitants, if the econ- al. If the Earth is not a place for all of all surviveomy is not a system in which we can the with dignity, presented to us something regularly perpetual sense of danger, replace our feeling of in the media, will eventually completely community. belonging to any

- In order to maintain hope for a change that can benefit hu- In order to maintain hope for a change It is important to distinguish the hope that is inherent in the in the the hope that is inherent It is important to distinguish tance in play through negotiations into which they factor their their negotiations into which they factor tance in play through renewal of There is a great potential for the particular interests. must We of equality and internationalism. the true leftist ideals Established institutions look for it in initiatives born of struggle. tend to solidifylonger appropriate. In around a stance that is no it must be order for a leftist movement to be accountable, as can happen owned by the people and not by corporations, institutions. with established parties and international we have to restore potential and diminish inequality, manity, movements. The European give a chance to the existing leftist The British Labour Party leftist movements are struggling: 1) - and the DiEM25 (Democracy Movement 2025) pan-Eu in Europe is not Pan-Europeanism ropean movement are yet to be tested. it is an attempt to transcend really internationalism, but at least and the corporate Europe both the nationalisms so present in - transnational institutions. It is about politi agenda of European equality; 2) The cal and civil rights, political and decision-making rights, eco- is about workers’ movement in France Vests Yellow end of corporate greed (theirs is the demand for nomic equality, 3) The Green Party month); caps on salaries at 15,000 euros per a variety of interest groups but in- coexisting with of Germany, sistent on environmental rights (a province of the Left, because impedi- on any is not keen the Right, by Trump, as exemplified 4) Omas Gegen Rechts ment to exhausting natural resources); Against the Right” is an Austrian movement founded “Grannies by older women in order to preserve what they see as true - and the bal goals. Internationalism and of educational relations centre and peripheryance between the necessary could foster could con- if working in solidarity, Leftist movements, changes. project in of the humanity an optimistic refashioning tribute to such a way. in the sometimes still glimpsed solidarity, vision of international ideals solidarity and humanist event of a global catastrophe, in the spontaneous protests, sometimes best represented and the ‘international community’achieving global attention, re- their impor organizations, which keep siding in transnational

Mićunović 276 277 edited volumes Nationalism is one of the issues that will inevitably be en- of the issues that will inevitably be Nationalism is one reasons for transnational institutions hav- There are many speaking (traditionally, The political movements of the Left tangled with inequality, because of the dominance of certain because of the dominance of certain tangled with inequality, of over others. There is the question races and ethnic groups move- Colonialism is bad, and decolonization ‘good’ nationalism. fostered nation- aspire to self-determination, ments, in order to was forbidden and kind of national pride alism, and, since any as a facet of self-affirmation. from them, it was construed taken That, small- did not only disseminate conflict between of course, tribal-based allowed for a false solidarity, er communities, but established the instead of class-based. Civil rights movements the need for politi- minimum of civil rights for all and awakened cal freedoms in everyone, those who were oppressed and those But a backlash came, and we who were merely complacent alike. interna- have to wonder: What went wrong with cosmopolitanism, and transnationalism? tionalism, globalism They were controlled ing failed to help build internationalism. of powerful nations. There by imperialistically minded officials between economy was a lack of understanding of the dialectic the TINA (there is no alternative) and politics. Most importantly, capitalist powers, was mantra, so beloved by the financialized calls incorporating many in its simplicity and versatility, hypnotic for dominance and exploitation. are in danger of becoming of equality and humanity as a whole) of particularities, seemingly old-fashioned and irrelevant. a maze well-meaning ideas, that There is a danger in voicing reasonable lie, but neither can be are never so full of promise as a beautiful as daunting as an assumed obligation. Maybe the commonalities of humanity have been overrated, and it’s easier to find com- the great opportuni- monalities in smaller groups. Furthermore, ties that globalization created have also acted as great tempta- tions for unbridled greed and unfounded ambition. European values of inclusion, equality, tolerance and solidarity, tolerance and solidarity, inclusion, equality, values of European tide of the Right,against the manipulating which they see as those values. These to erode democratic procedures masses and yet show that dis- that may fail, but of initiatives are examples narrative is commonplace and widespread. sent to the prevailing - - There is a dwindling source of space, energy and time; edu- There is a dwindling source of space, New challenges arose from certain improvements in inter certain improvements arose from New challenges national relations that were not supported by sufficient fore- not supported by that were national relations up a new market opened good faith. Decolonization sight and ad- progress made Technological exploitation. for transnational and more difficult to counter. trade quicker vances in war and relativ- cultures to the world stage Introduction of indigenous to Western standards based on customs idiosyncratic social ized partially a by-product of the economy, culture. Financialization in na- spiralling economic inequality of digitalization, introduced back to na- in the international arena. “Going tional societies and tradi- to confirm values (national, religious, tionalism is a way - and fulfil interests (na universal ones) of any tional, for the lack tional, class, etc.). a number of new (or recy we see That is why - and that are xenophobic cled) grass roots movements entrenched in nationalistic view of history. Global protest in the difficult to imagine be- spirit of true internationalism is in part cause of all the bits of incomplete contradictory information to little drops of protest less likely floating around which makes a which seems like of life’ coalesce, as well as the ‘modern way entertainment. Thewaste of life on administration and noted series of idealistic protests the is #FridaysForFuture, exception of action for the protection of high school students against lack of the environment. vigi- The way of life that requires constant from thinking cannot lance against predators and distraction 2019, 77). truly be called progress” (Mićunović cation, health services and public transportation are eroded, jus- tified by the mantra of TINA, causing the vanishing of commons sense, and with them the veryin any - understanding of commu It is questionable whether the people who have become nity. and distance, vast income disunited by the call for competition issues of race, gender, and opportunity differences and identity pur could consider any ethnicity and sexuality that linger on, pose as other than utilitarian, something that is reinforced by afford”, “we the narrative of wartime rhetoric, “we can’t i.e. “we measure how much more that person can have to sacrifice”, contribute before we disconnect them from the respirator”. are warriors, producers, consumers, worshippers, People

Mićunović 278 279 edited volumes - - - - - for the privileged few. If most of those func If most few. en masse for the privileged - arising from the twin forces of techno There is a question - how this is played out upon the periph can already see We are faced with a choice not dissimilar to the prisoner’s We are leftist (to If leftist movements, and not all movements tions can be and are constantly replaced and/or made obsolete made obsolete replaced and/or be and are constantly tions can species itself and at sustaining the maybe efforts by technology, dwindle. likewise individuals would millions of in- financialization, combined with growing logical progress and of resources. What will be the purpose equality and dwindling to soldiers, vot have previously been reduced If people people? without much regard for and consumers, often ers, workers roles what will happen when these their individual happiness, value of It is time to forcefully assert the become redundant? that includes respect for individuals. humanity as a project ery. are dismissed as unimportant, Whole regions areas of whole rich countries are left without necessary aid (as happened after after Hurricane Maria in Hurricane Katrina in Louisiana and again UN cannot raise funds to stave off hunger and the Puerto Rico) refugees are denied to people from Syr The rights of in Yemen. separated from their par ia and Afghanistan, and children are and the USA.ents at the border between Mexico It is only a mat who, for the time be- ter of time until large numbers of people and live in middle-income ing, consider themselves middle class, need, but there will be countries, will be faced with such dire behalf. fewer people left to speak on their dilemma. In the classic prisoner’s dilemma, one gambles that behaviour will be worse than their own. Now it’s someone else’s re- recyclethe case that people are reluctant to while ‘scarce’ sources are used to maintain golf courses. ’), are pas rouge qui bouge n’est paraphrase Alain Badiou ‘tout ce - traction, they have to address at least some com to gain any for today’smonalities. Class is too stable a concept busily chang- that trampling on our basic hu- need to recognize ing world. We man, social, economic and cultural rights is contrary to leftist those movements co- principles, and then maybe we can make alesce. Solidarity is not something that is foreign to the modern world; it is mostly just confused by stories of division and breeders breeders The question of centre and peripheryThe question of centre is closely connected scarcity. According to Sartre, scarcity can be overcome in the in the scarcity can be overcome to Sartre, According scarcity. to do so in spirit, more difficult world, but it is much material end with satisfaction: does not always exploitation which is why needed. more is always Left is of Right and Left: While the Political with the question ideas of polycentricity of the world, open to the understanding has al- Right in society at large, the Political and roles we play ways been conservative estab- in the sense of maintaining the (unequal) roles. It is very of fixed lished hierarchies difficult to of leftist ideas at a global level, because imagine the spread throughout history some this has not really happened, with into play always translating such ideas form of geopolitical for the The missing ingredient is a care spheres of influence. in a scary,needs of strangers (Ignatieff 2001): uncompromising ‘our’ destinies are intermingled with prisoner’s dilemma manner, or different entrenched ‘theirs’, not mediated through hierarchy that,political causes, but understanding however far apart, we are still neighbours.

Mićunović 280 281 edited volumes - nal.” The Nation, 22.4. 2014. http://www.naomiklein.org/articles/2014/04/ change-within-obstacles-we-face-are-not-just-external Jakšić,edited by Božidar Republika. or is Cannon), and the Heritage (Exoticism and the Exploitation of Cultural at IPSA conference in Brisbane. presented again”, Brotherhood Emerging Nationalism edited by Milisavljević, of Vladimir and Natalija and New Forms Mićunović, Institute of Social Sciences, 70-86. of Nationalism edited by Milis- Identity and New Forms Hungary.” In Xenophobia, avljević, Vladimir and Natalija Mićunović, Sciences, 22-42. Institute of Social www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/three-tribes-of-austerity-by-yanis- varoufakis-2018-08 - project-syndicate.org/commentary/false-parallel-varoufakis-boris-john son-helps-brexiteers-by-yanis-varoufakis-2019-08 References . Picador USA. Strangers 2001. The Needs of Michael. Ignatieff, Not Just Exter Are 2014. “TheKlein, Naomi. Face We Within: The Obstacles Change and Tolerance in Interculturality Mićunović, Isolation” Natalija.1999. “Intolerance and Context: Capitalism Mićunović, in Global Cultural Periphery Natalija.2018. “European Identity Xenophobia, In Hope of Transnationalism.” Mićunović, Natalija. 2019. “False . Arkzin. 2016. Spisi o suvremenom kapitalizmu Močnik, Rastko. 2019. “What The Case of in the New Forms of Nationalism? is New Močnik, Rastko. , 30.8.2018. Syndicate Project of Austerity.” “The 2018. Three Tribes Yanis. Varoufakis, , 26.8.2019. https://www. Syndicate “I am not Boris.” Project 2019. Yanis. Varoufakis, Amsterdam CATHERINE SAMARY CATHERINE AFEBalk, French AssociationStudies of Balkan French AFEBalk, International Institute For Research and Education, Research and Education, For Institute International

Samary 282 283 edited volumes - 1 twined territorial levels Keywords: Greek crisis, Keywords: Brexit, Sovereign, Internationalist, Inter The Greek trauma has revealed the inability of the European European the of inability the revealed has trauma Greek The - the Eu concerning goal vision and Left to unite on a common (UK) Kingdom United the in referendum The (EU). Union ropean has ‘Brexit’ subsequent and – centres financial EU’s the of one – of this crisis of orientation. Thisbeen another bitter illustration false binarychapter will address the the Left which choice, in and accept its rules ’ within the EU has been trapped: to ‘remain sovereignty’‘national of name the in ’ by expressed ‘leave to or Looking dominant ultra-neoliberal and/or racist currents. popu- the of populations/classes subaltern of lens the through within or migrant, or centre native the they be within – lation EU the of semi-peripheries external) and (internal different the European internationalist new a how suggests chapter this – of domina- Left should oppose all discriminations, relationships levels policies at all intertwined territorial tion, and xenophobic and fight for social and environmental justice across them. It further offers proposals as to how such a new internationalist non-democratic institutions Left should delegitimize European and the envi- and treaties that are destructive for social rights counter ronment, and begin to build alternative self-organized and to build new popular competition powers, to resist market protect andand freely shared sovereign relations, which would the few. extend collective goals against the privileges of This chapter was written before the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, This chapter was written before the outbreak of the COVID-19 For more which revealed the main arguments presented in this chapter. details see Samary 2021. 1 Abstract Towards a new European internationalist internationalist new European a Towards dilemmas: false without project Union European the against/within/outside - - 3 to unite around a common vision and goal a common to unite around 2 This is an updated, revised and shortened version of “No Lexit without on struggles in/outside/against the EU” – based possible’ Europe ‘Another - published on the website of the Committee for the Aboli (Samary 2016b) tion of Illegitimate Debt. is used in a restrictive, yet pluralist and open man- In this text, the term Left es, defeats and gains can polarize a party and produce unforeseen politicales, defeats and gains can polarize and ‘lesser evil’ adaptation’ evolutions behind the same labels (from ‘realistic radicalization, up toand integration within the dominant system, over in this text is the Left strengthening anti-capitalist and socialist positions), necessarily pluralist. The notion ‘Radical Left’ covers in general those cur rents that can be most strongly identified with anti-capitalist positions. ner. As with Neil Davidson (2019), the debates and strategic challenges with ner. that part of the former traditional Left, supports the neolib- which explicitly while retaining a ‘socialist’ label, will not be discussed.eral features of the EU positions of the Remain and Reform orientations towards the EU However, included. Given that experienc and/or different ‘anti-capitalist’ positions are In September 2016, it seemed that these trapping dilemmas In September 2016, it seemed that these The Greek trauma – based both on the neo-colonial diktat on the neo-colonial trauma – based both The Greek 3 2 from the Eurogroup towards a semi-peripheral member of the member towards a semi-peripheral Eurogroup from the inability – has revealed the final choices Alexis Tsipras’s Union and Left of the European Global challenges emerging from recent debates recent from Global challenges emerging drawing Varoufakis, Yannis started to be analysed and overcome: experience and the British referen- lessons from both the Syriza Ali, Stathis critics (among others Tariq dum, replying to his left-wing clearly rejected Vicente Navarro and Stefano Fassina), Kouvelakis, concerning the EU. The referendum in the UK – one of the EU’s The referendum in the UK – fi- concerning the EU. bitter il- subsequent ‘Brexit’ has been another nancial centres – and in which the Left has been lustration of the pseudo-choices (an- of its currents, including its most radical trapped, dividing all each both among themselves and within ti-capitalist) components, and accept its rules the EU within to ‘remain’ political family: Either of the ex- reforms in the framework with the hope for progressive the name of ‘national sovereignty’ in ex- ‘leave’ isting treaties, or to This ultra-neoliberal and/or racist currents. pressed by dominant these false binarychapter will address account choices, taking into debates associated with the main challenges emerging from recent the Greek and British experiences.

Samary 284 285 edited volumes - - - ’s institutions s weakest citi- ’s weakest “In the space of eleven months two referenda shook up not only two referenda shook of eleven months “In the space July in OXI left: the Greek Union but also Europe’s the European the 2016. The question is not whether 2015 and Brexit in June the EU’sLeft must clash with and current practic establishment what context,es. The question is in - and within which overarch place.” this confrontation should take ing political narrative, the claimed “that DiEM25 was pursuing Addressing those who wrong objective (to democratize the EU) by means of a faulty strat by means the EU) democratize wrong objective (to these two dominant options, and proposed a third way based on way based on and proposed a third dominant options, these two his new project, DiEM25 (Varoufakis 2016): egy (focusing at the European rather than at the national level)”, rather than at the European egy (focusing at the He consid- three existing leftist options. summarized Varoufakis and qualified it as a stan- ered the first one to be ‘fast receding’, for by social-democrats, who dard euro-reformism, typically called according to However, argue for greater reform and democracy. cannot be solved by ‘a little more de- him, the problems of the EU mocracy’ constructed as a ‘de- is reforms, since the EU and a few demos out of the deci- the that aims to keep mocracy-free zone’ that the EU sion-making process. Therefore, given were incapable of undergoing a reform through the standard pro- were incapable of undergoing a reform and gradual treaty chang- deliberations cess of inter-governmental misguided, since they remain es, the initiatives for ‘more Europe’ and legalization of a would eventually result in the formalization as the Schäuble Plan. This rigid austerity policy, which he described Europe would, in turn, deepen the crisis afflicting zens, enhance the appeal of the xenophobic Right wing, and even- enhance the appeal of the xenophobic zens, The strongest con- the EU. tually speed up the disintegration of be with the non-elected or frontation stemming from this would Com- and the European – the informal Eurogroup gans of the EU of the ‘general interest’ of the Union in their defence mission (EC) Central Bank European competition and the as defined by market And in this re- Syriza. as was dramatically revealed against (ECB), has no illusions about the limited power of the na- gard Varoufakis tional parliaments and governments, knowing that using this pow- troika, making a clash er comes at the cost of a rupture with the EU establishment inescapable (Varoufakis 2016). with the EU - - - - Instead, DiEM25 proposed a process based on two phases Instead, DiEM25 proposed a process This is where the main debates within the Radical Left begin, debates within the Radical Left begin, This is where the main and DiEM25, the notion of Lexit is not convinc For Varoufakis Sharing such a conviction and drawing from it some lessons drawing from it a conviction and Sharing such ing, most of all because by leaving the EU the Left cannot – and EU ing, most of all because by leaving the and nationalist would not – block the forces of the xenophobic and diverting the popular revolt.Right from winning hegemony such a campaign, i.e. one This is even moreso the case because is inconsistent with the Left’s funda- based on national sovereignty, mental principles. by its guiding pronouncement: “Thesummarized will be democ EU Or it will disintegrate!” The first phase, until 2025, should ratized. treaties, fighting for the develop in the framework of the existing fronts. eclectic broad of series a EU through the of democratization disinte- this to not lead to a result, lead to a de facto Were it would - In a second phase, a democratic constituent pro gration of the EU. project based European cess would be launched to build another on new treaties. As other leftist alternative, links with social for any and the will to build a plural- movements, the nature of its alliances mutualizing experiences public space’ ist and democratic ‘European this attempt and elaboration would be crucial to success. However, - clearly faces similar limits as the first (Euro-re at a ‘third option’ formist) option, due to its weak social implantation and the choice of avoiding directly challenging the existing Treaties. ant dividing disagreements about how to ‘break’ with such an es- about how to ‘break’ with such ant dividing disagreements tablishment, for precisely what alternative project. and portman- advocates for a so-called ‘Lexit’ (a within which one part ‘Exit’)teau of ‘Left(ist)’ and of as an alternative to the perspective - cen Syriza a member of the Stathis Kouvelakis, potential reforms. the party won the Januarytral committee when elec 2015 Greek after he called the Tsipras with prime minister Alexis tion, broke arguing that Greece to leave the eurozone, referendum for Greece other it the referendum game, while on the must on one side play from and nationalist Right must block the forces of the xenophobic and diverting the popular revolt.winning hegemony - different compo challenge that the are part of the for the future seriously and therefore Left must address, European nents of the with import on this are intertwined even agreements discuss. But

Samary 286 287 edited volumes - - - , -

4 The principle of subsidiarity states that social and political issues should The principle of subsidiarity states that social be given to the next higher be dealt with at the most local level and only level of state institutions if the capacities of the lower hierarchical level are not sufficient to efficiently solve a specific task alone. Consequently the level of regulatory competence should always be “as low as possible and as high as necessary”. and social question that re- The democratic to what criteria, the efficiency of the res- mains is: Who judges, and according or not? to a higher level olution of an issue and whether an issue moves Related to this need for an updated ‘concrete analysis’, the Related to this need for an updated ‘concrete Nevertheless, there are two highly pertinent methodological highly pertinent methodological there are two Nevertheless, 4 Here we would support these two methodological principles Here we would support these two methodological hierarchies, but also against abstract analyses and fixed gues that this highlights the dangers of Lexit. While the EU has es- of Lexit.gues that this highlights the dangers While the EU tablished free movement, Lexit involves acquiescence to (if not ac the re-establishment of na- tual support for) the end of this and for barbed wire and armed tional border controls, complete with principles. guards, which cannot be in line with leftist Left must address the strategic consequences of the ‘ter European system: while globalized ritorial’ transformations within the new the national level because of its demos and the ‘Lexiters’ emphasize reformists aim to subordinate the national struggles traditions, EU primacy system. Discussing the to a European the globalized within proposes a re- Varoufakis and the EU, content of the ‘nation state’ European international, hierarchy: territorial fixed jection of any and national struggles should be articulat (not reduced to the EU) ‘principle of subsidiarity’.ed and implemented according to the and political issues raised by Varoufakis (2016) in the debate in the debate (2016) Varoufakis issues raised by and political for the absolute need first of these is option. The Lexit against the concrete situa- analysis of come back to a “concrete the Left to stresses that opposing the lenses, Varoufakis tions”. Through such and criticizing in 1992 that established the EU Maastricht Treaty that union and anti-social features of the increasingly authoritarian an- does not provide a single and simple after the crisis of 2008, great a It makes its specific singularity. swer as to how to defeat Europe (in the starting point is a borderless difference whether - complete free move able to exercise are workers which European of the early 1950s where nation states that like ment) or a Europe and could create at will a new categorycontrolled borders of Ital- correctly ar gastarbeiters, and Varoufakis ian or Greek proletarian - The semantic battle is a key one within class and democratic The semantic battle is a key About narratives: The EU is neither About narratives: ‘capitalist’ nor simply ‘Europe’ of a future pluralist and in- struggles. It is one of the crucial tasks interpreta- exclusive ternationalist Left to challenge the current values’ within both tions of what are to be considered ‘European past and present, which are supposed to be by their veryEurope’s universal. At the same definition both progressive and, indeed, - a supranational organization stemming from the Eu time, the EU, of mainly based on the Treaty ropean Economic Community (EEC) current shape largely upon Rome (1957), and transformed into its (1992), is to be treated as a his- the basis of the Maastricht Treaty not be considered un- toric construction, whose structure should analysis behind the ‘capi- touchable. This would also permit deeper talist’ features, the continuities and discontinuities of its socio-political, institutional dimensions; and, in doing so, allow for a recall- ing of the other geo-political (capitalist and anti-capitalist) realities, which have fashioned and divided the continent. This would stress the genesis and context of a project in evolution, delineate its ferent historical phases, and an updated strategic debate taking and an updated strategic debate ferent historical phases, chapter this experiences and crisis. Below, lessons from the recent then with what could be con- will first deal with the narratives and in verysidered as tactical and strategic debates different contexts. reformulate them within more explicit anti-capitalist dimensions: dimensions: explicit anti-capitalist them within more reformulate the and on of a concrete situation” “a concrete analysis on one side ongoing struggles, and democratic social, environmental other the rais- international levels, and at the national, European articulated influen- both with the pro-Remain Left and ing important debates This because the narratives Costas Lapavitsas. tial ‘Lexiters’ like to be reduced to construction too often tend about the European as the that fits best with what is considered the part of the reality for the to be ‘demonstrated’. The challenges strategic conclusion of a com- Left therefore concern both the emergence European view and narrative, integrating the point of mon critical historical in the dif and plebeian classes involved experience of all peoples

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5 - -

6 America’. Lapavitsas’s specific interpretation of the German-led EU and the debates EU and the Lapavitsas’s specific interpretation of the German-led Left the European to the Greek and British referendums shaking linked will be commented on below. Marxist formulation in a economist Cedric Durand used this The French on this theme in Madrid in March 2016, in which discussion organized were also involved. He had devel and the author of this text Varoufakis oped a consistent narrative along this line with other future ‘Lexiters’, in cluding Kouvelakis and Lapavitsas (Durand dir.2013), which is discussed in which is and Lapavitsas (Durand dir.2013), cluding Kouvelakis greater detail in Samary 2016b. Besides or opposed to such a neoliberal imperialist ‘Europeism’, to such a neoliberal imperialist ‘Europeism’, Besides or opposed 5 6 The Greek and British experiences could have two key opposing have two key The Greek and British experiences could dominated was the veryideological and political effects. What short- (what I call a ‘campistterm radicalization of an absolute opposition The pro-exit currentseffect’) within the Remain/Leave dilemmas. - slogan along the lines of ‘for another Eu would tend to reject any they identified with a pseudo-internationalism of capital which rope’, On the other side, dominant Radical Left narra- (but not of workers). of the Remain-Reform arguments have opposed any tives on the EU rejecting the idea EU as a ‘prison’, through an identification of the and political struggles”. that it was and could be a “field of social an absolute priority be- The nation-state level of struggles became for progressive strug- cause an exit was considered a pre-condition presented as a lin- construction tended to be gles, while the EEC/EU ear and US-led project. Stressing (rightly) the anti-communist dimen- alliances, European sion of the Marshall Plan supporting Western sponsors, and analyse the crises, which have induced the unfore- which have induced and analyse the crises, sponsors, the contradictions. and lay bare transformations, seen institutional concerned, of with the peoples facilitates an analysis, But also, it not the same here to these projects, or hopes linked the illusions haziness it is about the past phases. Finally, and there, or in various ‘Europe’, which underlie the appellation of the political debates, worse, arrogant and dominant – which at best is apologetic, or, itself ‘ similar to the USA calling leftist pro-EU variants tend to emphasize three ‘heritages’ from the three ‘heritages’ tend to emphasize variants leftist pro-EU efforts to overcome the trau- alliance and the French/German EEC: and the to US hegemony; resistances War; World mas of the Second narra- models. There is certainly no unified trace of social-democratic that such among those who share the view tive nor even orientation aspects (Lapavitsas 2018a). a Left that could unite all of these three - - - - De Gaulle’s opposition to the UK’s De Gaulle’s 7 tugal (1986) followed, after the establishment of the EU, by Austria and tugal (1986) followed, after the establishment of the EU, Sweden (1995). Of course that was combined with concessions, in particu The eventual defeat of EFTA by the EEC, which eventually become the The eventual defeat of EFTA alliance, occurred when five out of the seven in dominant West-European itial members joined the EEC: first the UK and Denmark (1973), then Por (1973), then first the UK and Denmark itial members joined the EEC: EU the of weakness of sign a was which euro-system, the from opt-outs lar project. As a consequence, the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) Association (EFTA) Trade As Free a consequence, the European 7 sas’ narrative on the EEC only stresses the (real and lasting) strength only stresses the (real EEC sas’ narrative on the and thestates in the process of decision-making of historical nation t to of the new union. But this is not sufficien institutional setting the verycharacterize evolutional combination of in- unique and and later transnational features of the EEC and ter-governmental was dominated boom, the EEC For sure, during the post-war the EU. role to state interventionby policies giving a more predominant and France and Germany, (notably in banks than to financial markets whereby it can be considered that, a sign after all, this was also not and transnational di- But political aims orientation). of ‘free trade’ the outset, singularity from mensions also distinguished the EEC’s in a collective bargaininginternational trade relations in particular: was considered better power (in front of and resisting US strength) by those who estab- than single, separate national ones exercised and its Customs Union. This was a concrete market lished the common the different domi- issue raised by the UK referendum. Moreover, a consensus about the role ofnant bourgeois powers never reached and supranational institutions. national governments, markets support of the USA), initiallywas initiated by the UK in 1960 (with the trade bloc alternative toregrouping seven countries into a western by reductionist and linear presenta- (a reality often ignored the EEC history). tions of EEC/EU such presentations often omit other important features: first, other important often omit such presentations the over its own to gain dominance was also a US attempt Marshall Plan to its absolute producing resistances facilitate its exports), allies (and in military,hegemony By international relations. economic and military a US-led European was de- defence project founding the EEC opposition. In addition, the due to de Gaulle’s feated – most of all of Rome association, even if the Treaty not a ‘free trade’ was EEC its objectives. Instead, it was combined as one of posited ‘free trade’ Lapavit and supranational dimensions. with political, geo-strategic

Samary 290 291 edited volumes - - - - from and still influenced by the Keynesian con- by the and still influenced 8 It was later called the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM), which was trans- Rate Mechanism (ERM), It was later called the Exchange while some member formed into ERM II when the euro replaced the ECU, states could not or did not want to become members of the eurozone. It was, however, the international economic crisis and the in- the international economic crisis It was, however, events and goalsIn parallel to the economic crisis, geopolitical 8 - a united vision. While the interna on class basis but without above’, In- tional monetary of the 1970s led to the end of the post-war crisis in 1979 es- ternational Monetary and compromises, the EEC System - (Eu Monetary ECU (EMS) based on the tablished a European System ropean Currency Unit), - to a US Tro of his resistance was in fact a manifestation membership the(even when it became was never the EEC Altogether, jan Horse. (which free trade agreement, a simple with NAFTA as is the case EU) a budget,has neither parliament, nor a political pretensions). nor triggered by crisis were within the EEC all transformation Moreover, ‘ dominant social and political forces and and decided by the cept: in particular, collective regulated exchange rates and control of collective regulated exchange cept: in particular, autonomy the EMS were to allow for a relative capital flows within debates (which was still an important issue for of national policies Left related to alternatives to the euro-system). about the European Single Act of the European ternational neoliberal turn that led to capital flow within the EMS 1986, which dismantled the control of system became effective. so that from 1990 on the new liberalized economic turn, which weak That was an essential institutional and and the EMS under the ened the autonomy of national policies turn to- made the EEC’s pressure of speculative movements. This (of capital, goods, ser wards the ‘four freedoms’ of movements led to the EU’svices and labour) concrete, and eventually full com- simultaneously introduc mitment to neoliberal globalization, while within the EEC.ing historical and institutional discontinuities adaptation in differ of historical importance also led to a pragmatic various contexts on the basisent phases. The union was enlarged in and a demand for stability, of discourse, which encompassed values, enlargement did not occur claim to pacify the continent. However, All those narratives influ- in the same way before and after 1989. of the project.enced the popular perception and legitimation In the in order to attract a initial phase, and in the context of the Cold War, growing number of countries endowed with a strong historical - - csamary.fr federal’ dimensions

9 Such a turn found its roots in the global structural crisis of theSuch a turn found its roots in the global Globally, contrary to the coun- Globally, to the enlargement of the EEC On all these topics, refer to contributions on http:// 9 national level. This was further illustrated – and even worsened –national level. This was further illustrated became organically associatedwhen the establishment of the new EU transformation post-socialist with German reunification and with the of 1989” (Samary through “the opaque ‘revolution’ of Eastern Europe way is still a collective challenge2019). Revisiting this past in a pluralist Left. involvement in thefor the European also concern the EU This will and more globallyKosovo) war on the continent (in 1999 in first NATO crisis and wars. its managing of the Yugoslav reality, the new union was forced to combine ‘ union was forced the new reality, and a very strong inter-governmental and confederal reality. The in- reality. and confederal and a very strong inter-governmental - election of the Euro suffrage for the of direct universal troduction pow- of its restricted and some expansion in 1979, pean Parliament budgetaryredistributive European ers with increased funds in the and mirrors’. But the en- as mere ‘smoke 1980s, could be described weight both greater economic and potential largements signified raising real difficulties and institutional and greater heterogeneity, to cre- also encompassed geopolitical stakes: adaptations. But they in the 1970s, to inte- in crisis the US hegemony ate an alternative to out of dictatorships coming of southern Europe grate the countries his- offer a continental project in the post-1989 in the 1980s, and to changes led to political and socio-economictorical turn. All these within the neoliberal turn of the Union.partial contradictions dimen- capitalist world order in the 1970s. Its “counter-revolutionary sions” (Harvey) were organically contra- 2007, Dardot and Laval 2019 dictoryinter social and political cohesion on either national or to any ed with the implementation of the Washington Consensus criteria, ed with the implementation of the Washington through exports, Europe and with the building of a competitive advantage through with the specificity of the German competitive The peoples of Eastern its historical relations with Eastern Europe. were exploited to im- (including those from East Germany) Europe plement a radical policy fiscal dumping on the conti- of social and between ‘old’ and ‘new’ Europe nental scale: the ‘convergence’ took place in such circumstances that the only winners were only tries of southern Europe, the eastward enlargement was associat tries of southern Europe,

Samary 292 293 edited volumes ------or discourses (egalitarian and demo Gaps between principles Therefore, it is necessary to stress the specific way and correct - countries, with at the head of all these to be the forces ever going found and (partially) they tried is why legitimacy. That out popular substitute membership a to EU associated discourses in ‘European’ popular attractive still had a certain EU so long as the ‘program’, power – albeit an illusory all the forc one. The financial lobbies and es of neoliberalism increasingly came to bypass and/or challenge increasingly came to bypass and/or challenge es of neoliberalism European narrative of cohesion, democracythe official and equali- neo- dominant features of the EU; market-led ty by upholding the to be established on an ‘ordoliberal’ foot liberalism was supposed and discussion about economic choices ing, suppressing political by of austerity in constitutions, all decided imposing ‘golden rules’ rules’. the Union hidden behind ‘European the governments of all parlia- part and parcel of the actuality of cratic) and reality are - mentary systems, whether national and/or Europe ‘representative’ by the distance placed be- an. This gap was radically broadened peoples, but before institutions and the European tween European that, it was introduced everywhere by the global logics of neoliber based on the capitalist alism: its ordoliberal trends are organically democrat using the euro or sterling. The crisis of economy, market ic legitimacy of all representative systems arises from their anti-social – and thus anti-democratic – drift, everywhere by symbolized (‘There capi- as a global feature of the new Is No Alternative’) ‘TINA’ talist phase beginning in the 1980s. wrong is it and reality, a such into fits EU the of making the which in or primarily on the euro-system in order to ex- to focus exclusively economists have admit plain such policies. For a long time, many is not an ‘optimal its heterogeneity, through ted that the EMU, without substantial and that a single currency, monetary zone’, budgetary counterweight, deepens the gaps in a capitalist commodity context. Therefore, isolating the currency – the euro – from This and practical error. the system that surrounds it is a theoretical is not to say that the currency is ‘neutral’; it condenses multiple social relations and powers. But it is the latter that needs to be highlighted, which leads us to the two different crises articulating the dimensions as the new challenges facing national and European anti-capitalist Left.the European - There is not even an 10 Several proposals expressed before and after the Several proposals expressed before and 11 Eric Toussaint presents different discussions (including his own) on Varo- on his own) presents different discussions (including Eric Toussaint responded on his blog to Varoufakis Yanis in the Room”. ufakis’s “Adults of them. many See, for instance, Michael Roberts (2019) discussing Costas Lapavitsas (2015) In any case, the process of building such a European alterna- case, the process of building such a European In any The OXI (meaning ‘No’) of the Greek people was a mandate of was a mandate of the Greek people ‘No’) (meaning The OXI not even among MarxistThere is still no consensus, - econo 10 11 referendum illustrate the main idea that an alternative to the eu- referendum illustrate the main idea that and bank of market ro-system existed. It implied the subordination ing forces to the satisfaction of concrete and fundamental social ing forces to the satisfaction of concrete issue for the Greek people, but rights. But that was not only a key Union for the European also a basis criterium for a truly popular was in contradiction with the peoples. Although such a standpoint democratically adopted), it existing treaties (which had not been - by which to launch a Euro would have been the best opportunity and ask for a democratic pean campaign to question those treaties process discussing alternative proposals. European tive had to be combined with immediate explicit disobedience in agreement between the different leftist currents or figures who agreement between the different leftist about what to do now: the debate around the with Syriza broke (Varoufakis 2017) is significant and still on- viewpoint of Varoufakis 2019) raising highly perti- going, with different critics (Toussaint nent points. The story ‘No’ the Greek of - with the Euro plan negotiated to the new austerity opposition democratic choice of kind of popular any group. It did not express stands it in signifi- which even less from the EU, exit from the euro, that the Brexit vote, combined with the fact cant contrast to the in a small and peripheral country.Greek scenario occurred It should of all by option was defended first a ‘Grexit’ be remembered that was not popular in and of the Eurogroup, the German component current. among its left-wing – except Greece nor within Syriza is one roots of the Greek debt crisis, nor there mists, regarding the - solution for it: whether or not to en worse) as to the best (or least cost, at any even if there ter and then remain within the eurozone vicious circle of austerity is a broad consensus about the disastrous eventually decided. Tsipras and debt, like

Samary 294 295 edited volumes

- - 12 As For a new inter “Recommons Europe – an example see the Manifesto peoples” that was launched with verynationalism for European different components of the Left, with the aim of prevent (although not enough) ing a reproduction of the Greek and British deadlocks. It would have also required a ‘citizens’ audit’ in which an analy- audit’ in required a ‘citizens’ It would have also of the relationship of If we draw out lessons on the weakness 12 The aim would have been to delegitimize the euro-establishment the euro-establishment delegitimize have been to The aim would policy support against, and international) popular (national and win by the hope produced The political within the EU. it in particular il- combined with its subsequent ‘NO’, call for a referendum, Syriza would such a battle could be launched and lustrated the fact that and re- while remaining within the Union be better implemented it) than (at the risk of being discarded by sisting its establishment by leaving it. and the the control of capital movements In addition, payment would have further servedsuspension of the debt’s to political and democratic choices. protect the popular place in a public – the debt would have taken sis of the causes of of debate on the resources and expenses and pluralist – political questions as to, for in- the budget behind the ‘debt’, including stance, what social and military are needed and which expenses fundamental rights and public services the state should provide for questions about the banks’ private management and all. Further, a number on the issue of failure should have been raised, including German and Greek bailing-out of the main French, the European to the Greek people. That private banks behind the so-called ‘aid’ in order to satisfy their ‘socialization’ speci- would have legitimized control. The creation of a ‘fis- fied needs under democratic popular cal currency’ of public utilities and vital would allow the financing upon international food production, thereby reducing dependence Resis- of the ECB. relations and the pressures market and European tance to the EU’s was possible and was not to be reduced policies (Lapavitsas 2015) – not alike to a forced or negotiated ‘Grexit’ EU open conflict with the those proposals that had called for an 2019), and in particular with its capitalist logics (Roberts (Toussaint 2019). situated on both national forces in the summer of 2015, these are levels: at all these levels, the possible scenarios and European the country, with the Troika. unilateral rupture including an act of Certainly, no vote is pure or unequivocal. The complex moti- Certainly, Contrary the stance, the main positive lesson of to a Grexit remains that of the first (and hopeful- The experience of Syriza Brexit or Remain – Was this the (right) question? question? this the (right) – Was or Remain Brexit vations behind the votes in both the British referendum and the United Kingdom general election in 2017 and 2019 should not be underestimated, although this is not the focus of this particular It is known that votes in favour of Brexit dominated in En- chapter. while Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to gland and Wales, depended on the combination of political/ideological battles of political/ideological on the combination depended and in in the EU of domination both the relationships (against all on the bas- self-organization of popular and the extension Greece) international minimizing (egalitarian, anti-racist), es of solidarity and dependence on the euro. commodity relations to be that the ‘NO’ was intolerable for the Greek experience seems which is, thus, – because it was dangerous for the EU Eurogroup not simply a of social and political conflicts and fragile: it is a field has rightly Varoufakis are to escape. Yannis from which we ‘prison’ its protective legislation that was and France stressed that it was mobilizations (from The recent French targeted by the Eurogroup. the new Em- in April 2016, against Nuit Debout/Stand up at Night for so- movement Jackets’ way to the ‘Yellow all the ployment Law, show that Reforms) against the Pension cial justice and the strikes a victorythe future is uncertain. But above all, for the Greek ‘NO’ since as for the whole of the EU, itself, was dangerous for Germany and not to of Europe, it was a voice of the people to the peoples the leaders of the EU. in/ and European, ly not the last) battle, which is both national The social war. and against its role in the globalized against the EU by polarizations, in- situation of crisis and instability is accompanied The instability and difficulty of ‘govern- itself. cluding within the EU European pro- testifies to this. But in the absence of a ing’ the EU the Greek one can like gressive and credible alternative, referenda nationalism, which can push towards a reactionaryfuel xenophobic of this. disintegration. Brexit is a stark warning

Samary 296 297 edited volumes s - ’ - s en- ’ national’ or po- national’ These Agreements These Agreements plus’ for progressive plus’ for progressive 13 othered’. No sociological, ‘ othered’. racialized’ or ‘ racialized’ of English descent’, but rejected even more so by those by those even more so descent’, but rejected of English ‘ The real solutions of issues of geographical division can division can The real solutions of issues of geographical These Agreements of Association are mostly ratified without a with the EU erendum in the Netherlands was based on a specific rule permitting a popular consultation without binding consequences. referendum by the parliaments of the EU member states. Asreferendum by the parliaments of the EU the leaders of opening to do not mean any members have explained, the Agreements EU future membership (contrary Balkan to the negotiations with the Western obligation to a military nor any defence of the Ukraine. The ref countries) Undoubtedly it was also a slap in the face for the EU Undoubtedly it was “ 13 - and their pretensions, but not an internation largement policies alist, level, it gesture based on solidarity: on this progressive in the Netherlands during the referendum chimes with the vote EU where the on 6 April 2016 (with 30% participation) organized in 2014 were with the Ukraine adopted ‘Association Agreements’ voting. rejected by more than 60% of those litical over-simplification would make this a ‘ would make litical over-simplification for the and struggles. At best, it was a slap in the face for the EU Ali put it at a meeting of Greece’s British establishment, as Tariq Unity in 2016. Popular who were ‘ who were remain; Brexit won a majority among older people, but not among but not among among older people, won a majority remain; Brexit a part of the supported among it was massively young people; workers come only by turning the question ‘EU or Russia?’ upside down upside down or Russia?’ come only by turning the question ‘EU Ukrainian and Russian elites or the and instead asking: The EU, only by This can be done Ukraine and Russia? people of Europe, the oppressed residing creating networks of solidarity between 2016). around all of those territories” (Liasheva had again opened up an incorrect ‘one-eyed campism’ and unnec campism’ had again opened up an incorrect ‘one-eyed essary Left (Samary And dilemmas dividing the European 2016a). they also extended some of the EU’s freedoms to partner states denounced by ‘Brexiteers’. So, how would Ukraine; a move like amongst youth – of rap- Ukrainian popular hopes – especially Whatever the best be responded to? prochement with the EU option in the false dilemma vote, there would be no progressive rightly puts as Alona Liasheva (2016) of this referendum. Or, continu- question”, This is just the wrong or not to EU? it: “to EU ing: - - - - in- defenders’ of defenders’ of sovereignty’ against Remain’ as ‘ Remain’ native’ or stigmatized as ‘ stigmatized or native’ protectionism coming from those who are al- coming from protectionism In the absence of a concrete and progressive European alter European In the absence of a concrete and progressive The UK is not a peripheral country.The UK is not a peripheral pow- It is a great financial For sure, the challenge for the Left is also to demystifythe challenge for the For sure, illu- circles’ of members and non-members of the EU. But aside But aside and non-members of the EU. circles’ of members ‘ native, the British subaltern populations have taken different different have taken native, the British subaltern populations of domination. The parts sides, by rejecting various relationships supported Brexit – thus a of the internationalist Radical Left that in regard to Left Exit/Lexit of the EU – stressed the responsibility the societal damage suffered for decades far more than it did that of the British ruling classes, and the logic of the binary choic es led them to identify all partisans of ‘ the EU. vaders’ or those who took British jobs and incomes, whose lives and incomes, whose lives vaders’ or those who took British jobs and miserable, arose. have become extraordinarily precarious in- certainly not put an end to (but rather Brexit will, however, of social rights and jobs without social the destruction crease) protection. ent also other challenges for the Left.from this, Brexit raised the founding members of the EEC, even if it was not one of er, its ruling class showed War of the Second World since in the wake of free- trade association with a higher level a preference for a because it fa- became part of the Eurozone dom. And also it never through utilization of its national cur competition voured market rency: it had, therefore, both the financial and monetary tools to leaders of the UK have resist and negotiate with Brussels. The a major been, inside the EU, been close to US interests and have policy obstacle to any at limiting social and fiscal dumping. aimed affirmation of ‘ The British (in fact English) forces, does not target the eco- dominated by far-Right the EU, imposed by the of workers nomic policies but the free movement against the underlined. Therefore, a campaign – as Varoufakis EU ‘ oppressed population, perceived as sions about the EU in Ukraine and elsewhere. But this cannot be cannot be elsewhere. But this in Ukraine and the EU sions about a logic of done with - with racist re coupled the Rich’ of of ‘the Europe ready members nor will it Brexit will not lessen that logic jections of immigrants. core of authoritarian consolidation of a hard reduce the risk of its norms on differ that will impose of the Eurogroup, or the EU,

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- - argu- – notably the free – notably 14 s demonized and unpopu- s demonized ’ ” to protect our rights Stay in Europe s compromise position on Brexit was too am- s compromise position on Brexit was too ’ rights defended in Europe” rights defended campist logic’ – where anything that could give ‘ that could give anything campist logic’ – where ) (https://www.anothereurope.org/protect-our-rights/ That certainly explains – but does not legitimize – the formulation of slo- That certainly explains – but does not legitimize campaign, which obscure the dominant anti-social gans of the ‘Remain’ See AEIP “ dynamic of the EU. - for Britain to re of the Left that fought a part Symmetrically, lar leader, Jeremy Corbyn, was the main reason for its worst Jeremy Corbyn, was the main reason lar leader, seat total since 1935.” But, he underlines that the ‘mathematical’ cause of Labour’s de- biguous, leading to the loss of crucial stores of both Leave andbiguous, leading to the loss of crucial stores Remain voters. For others, the party But a British majority – including a segment of Labour’sBut a British majority tradi- “For some, Labour 14 main in the EU blurred the critique of the EU by calling for a Remain by calling of the EU blurred the critique EU main in the on the “ vote based mingham to Blyth Valley near the Scottish border (Niven 2019). This mingham to Blyth Valley analysis of Stathis Kouvelakis fact is also obviously at the core of the and of Labour’s(2019). But his interpretation of this loss is in defeat the political agenda since the which had dominated fact Brexit itself, majority of the Red Wall’s referendum of June 2016 in which the interpretation, on the voted for Leave. Alex Niven’s workers feat was loss of the so-called Red Wall, a palisade of onetime Labour feat was loss of the so-called Red Wall, Bromwich on the outskirts of Bir strongholds stretching from West movement of workers, and assimilated any Brexit vote to a racist Brexit vote assimilated any and of workers, movement vote. This ‘ - vote is blurred – dominated this boo ments’ to the adverse erecting walls between the internationalistby-trapped referendum, cam- those inside the Remain group who currents of Lexit and per but rather to fight it from the the EU paigned not to support (AEIP). Is Possible Europe spective that Another The political de- base – did vote to leave the EU. tional working class cision of Labour’s referendum and its offi- majority to propose a new – was orientation of Remain – against Corbyn’s cial stand in favour under another elector even if, defeated by the popular vote in 2019, the opposite. Discussing the in- al system the result would have been , Alex Niven Times terpretations of such results in the New York (2019) stressed that - - -

s up ll stand strong to ’ and social campaign environmental , s been in play since Margaret Thatcher gained power, gained power, s been in play since Margaret Thatcher save our NHS whatever that takes.” - also for a wider Europe But would such a campaign be possible “But while they may have destroyed that beautiful opportunity“But while they may have destroyed that the relentless destruc to build a government of hope and end tion that’ know now that it’ We far stronger. what remains will be far, children, pension- to us to come together for homeless people, ers, disabled people, every forced to use a food- person ever bank, people from every and the minority, visible or invisible We millions whom austerity dispossessed. Both of them however, minimize one fact: that Labour’s minimize decline Both of them however, jour quoted in his conclusion by Labica, the In a remarkable text Corbyn Labour Manifesto ‘For the Many, Not the Few’ be never Corbyn Labour Manifesto ‘For the Many, an movement? Arguably, certain ‘cross-roads’ were leading to binaryan movement? Arguably, kind of of Corbyn’s ‘Europeanizing’ deadlocks which prevented any ‘here and now’ social, environmental and internationalist program, and DiEM25 and on both on the basis of the priorities of Varoufakis the Remain side following Lapavitsas’s support for Brexit. But could the : Not the Few the Many, For theless proposed as an essential basis for a popular and democratic treaties? debate, battle and constituent process for new European question. But it would have certainlyThis remains a hypothetical nalist Fréa Lockley (2019) wrote to Corbyn: “We’ve not come this far“We’ve Lockley (2019) wrote to Corbyn: nalist Fréa what had been built with him,to ever be stopped.” And she stresses alongside the internationalist contrary, considers that “the collapse of the Red Wall was so was contrary, Wall of the Red that “the collapse considers explained merely that it cannot be and so profound wide-ranging For him, the of the 2019 campaign”. to the nuances with reference Labour Party’s and coming for decades, defeat had been spectacular transformation of British society with the deep was inherently linked itself. and the working class and campaign in 2017. Thierry ascension was halted during Corbyn’s from us of the fact that this campaign shifted Labica (2020) reminds – even to a central focus on social issues the Remain/Leave debate avoiding according to Lapavitsas (2019) – while ‘potentially socialist’ (the vote had to be respected). Brexit issue’ a re-debate of ‘the

Samary 300 301 edited volumes - - ’s century st On the other side, if the slogan ‘another Europe’ needed clari- Europe’ On the other side, if the slogan ‘another As of fact, a matter faced by the cam- one of the difficulties divided and reshaped both the Remain-and-Reform and Leave eclec Remain-and-Reform reshaped both the divided and strategic The Socialist Internationalist What Europe? the 21 challenges for the Labour Party itself, helping it to concretize helping it to itself, Party as well as the Labour tic ‘camps’, Europe’. of ‘Another the meaning dominant anti-social and anti-democratic dimensions hidden by dominant anti-social and anti-democratic - Right throughout Eu among the Far ‘the worst evil’. On the other, popular slogan than become a more rope ‘another Europe’ has difficulty of Brexit even for a ‘exit‘; a shift that was triggered by the country and by the so-called which had retained its own currency, universal rise – across all po- ‘refugee crisis’ in 2015 which saw the form of ‘acceptable litical families – of Islamophobia as a dominant par the entry facilitating Far-Right racism’, into parliament of many Right is based on ‘puri- of the Far the ‘other Europe’ ties. However, - Europe against ‘foreign invaders’ and neo fied’ nation states and a liberal ‘freedoms’. This means that, for an alternative Radical Left must be trans- Europe’ to be clear and credible, the slogan ‘another and environmental rights lated into battles for concrete egalitarian both of self-organization, for all people within a democratic logic all forms of sexist or against neoliberal social attacks and against exploitation. And this is still racist discrimination, domination and itself in Europe. yet to concretize what about ‘exit’ becoming a fication and practical concretization, general line and precondition for progressive (and socialist) strug- In October 2019, in the context of the British pre-election gles? decided to publish on its site an Review campaign, the Monthly open dossier centred on “the leading work advocating Lexit”, The 2018), with two important Case for Brexit (Lapavitsas left-wing paign ‘Another Europe Is Possible’ in the present context was that in the present context Is Possible’ Europe paign ‘Another and slogans as happens with many the slogan ‘for another Europe’, currents. highly diverse – and even opposing – concepts, covered pro- was used in alliance with Euro-reformists On the one hand, it the EU that do not contest the essence of posing minor changes - - - Before drawing a conclusion, two points against false polemics two points against false polemics Before drawing a conclusion, let us stress another Second, besides and before real debates, scenarios for the ‘territorial’ ar This does not provide clear-cut ticulation and content of the battles. But it is not true that social battles and partial victories are impossible, both within and against is right to place an emphasis on the as Lapavitsas says. He the EU, ers’; one of the four EU’sers’; one of the four confronting na- pillars of freedoms the concept of and the German hegemony, tion-state sovereignty, Left. socialism for a European internationalism and should be made. First, and radical from the perspective of the clear the portion of Left, the ‘Remain-Reform’ to criticize it is correct Brexiter with racist posi- Left, ‘exit’ and any any which associates of should not allow a rather light assessment tions. This however the racism issue within Brexit, as Lapavitsas also concedes in his an- part of the Left “is not to deny swer that this critique of the Remain Leave the right-wing the undoubted presence of racists within campaign, nor the heavy on immigration”. and negative emphasis anti-migrant and racist di- Minimizing the reality of the dominant to the ap- but it is also linked mensions of Brexit is not only wrong, proach to nation-states’ sovereignty’s confrontation with the (Ger man-led) EU. ‘exit’ from (Samarysource of false polemic: as underlined 2016b), broad- a much tends to be understood as (or assimilated to) the EU dominant policies and in- er and important notion of a ‘break’ with And it does not on strategy. stitutions. This is a reductionist debate allow debate on ‘Exit’ as a possible tactical choice in a given context for example). the Greek OXI, (as it could have been discussed after the Left as another tactical But it will confront the Remain part of with leftist strategic pro- choice. Both of these can be consistent maintenance of a concrete files and goals, which would imply the through with this being concretized critical approach to the EU, unilateral acts breaking with its dominant unjust policies. assessments of that book: “Socialistassessments the Against Internationalism the Brexit 2019) and “Navigating (Davidson Union” European author’s followed by the 2019), Strait” (Storey answer “Learning Storey’s and - assess Davidson’s (Lapavitsas 2019). from Brexit” and de concerns about three important ments raise fundamental work Lapavitsas: the ‘free movement of issues articulated by facto

Samary 302 303 edited volumes - which 15 An international and European network led in Belgium by Eric Toussaint network led in Belgium by Eric Toussaint An international and European focused against ‘Illegitimate debts’. See, for reports on the struggles and victory directives: https://www.cadtm.org/Bol- against Bolkestein and http:// kestein-returns-EU-Commission-power-grab-over-services www.altersummit.eu/alter-summit/article/municipalities-and-citizens-movement-defeat-anti-democratic-eu-directive “would have given the Commission veto powers over rules and “would have given the Commission veto regulations tabled in the area of services, and it has been clear areas such as child from the beginning, that it would affect care, public services, labour rights at all lev- city planning and els of government – from the very to the national level.” local defeated, meaning that This was (for the time being, at least) 15 general market-oriented treaties and institutions. But solidarity and institutions. But treaties general market-oriented if they choices, even as legitimate are also recognized and free care criteria and market-oriented the pressure of dominant are under capitalist system, of the globalized In all countries mechanisms. property re- combined with new rights and such legitimate choices, and laws. to dominant rules, ownership rights lations, are opposed - issue of who has the power of deci They face the strategic of efficien- and according to which criteria sion-making at all levels, of alter potential or increasing confrontations cy. All this expresses native powers, covering different dominant rights, institutions and different dominant rights, institutions native powers, covering the field of public in are concretized criteria. Such confrontations services, and and victories against privatizations where resistances EU, the are – and have been – possible. Within commodification various 2004 and again in 2018/2019 against such was the case in on services directive’ forms of the ‘Bolkestein the Radical Left could share a common criticism and stance against the Radical Left could share a common neoliberal orientations and the euro-system, being itself far broader ‘exit’: this would include putting in question and an than the ‘euro’ - the Maas and, more generally, statutes and priorities the ECB’s pacts on fiscal discipline. ‘En- tricht criteria and other European between trade unions, associations and politi- hanced cooperation’ are possible and legiti- cal currents from several member states social resistances to neo- mate across all fields. They should trigger needs to be satisfied, and liberal policies in order for fundamental European ‘system’ a different advocate public debates in favour of Such battles do not only need a forced European relationship, relationship, a forced European do not only need Such battles Davidson and Storey are right in their criticisms of That is why for such an articulation of national and reasons One of the key – and against any neo-colonial internal and external politics of the and external politics neo-colonial internal any – and against EU. built around and dimension national (even international) but also a 2019): the very and its people (Dardot and Laval, based on Europe norms and institutions could impose their same treaties, policies to be whole Union and beyond. But the need for all peoples in the and the institution of with the ECB prepared for a confrontation rience. It means lesson from the Greek expe is a key the eurozone gains both at the popular progressive to protect the absolute need - the right of the Euro-establish , denying level national and European ‘European on behalf of an abstract market-led ment to attack them interest’. This is a veryof claiming a different orientation than that ‘national sovereignty’ political with national dominant social and ‘foreigners’ and within a forces, with ‘priorities’ for ‘natives’ against against other peoples. competition logic of market of the democratic content Lapavitsas’s idealization of an exit and for example, or within France of nation states, which, in the case of re- UK or the Spanish state, are, in many pluri-national states like institutions. A strategy based spects, not even better than the EU current in a dominant on exit is even less convincing for a leftist – which Germany or the UK,country – like France within the EU solidarity. of European have the capacity to put in crisis the roots Instead it should rather put forward of “For the Many, a platform not the Few” implemented to as great an extent as possible at the level of the given country alternative as a European but proposed in order to address pressing social, environ- to existing Treaties, The wishful scenario would mental and international justice issues. elaborated by leading leftist be an alliance around such a Platform and (Eastern and Southern) socio-political currents from some core peripheral countries. battles being necessaryEuropean is the multidimensional so-called migrant (or Ukrainian) – beginning with the Polish ‘immigrant issue’ with the ‘refugee crisis’ and Islamophobia (concern- and radicalized migrants and refugees from European ing both national citizens, That is the central challenge for war and climate crisis hotspots).

Samary 304 305 edited volumes - - This line stands in relation to the call for an initial recoveryThis line stands in relation of German hege- Lapavitsas’s global assessment of the However, the Left: especially when ‘exit’ from the EU is identified with a is identified from the EU when ‘exit’ the Left: especially of the EU’s‘break’ with the movement including ‘four freedoms’ his answers Unfortunately, explicitly states). (as Lapavitsas workers - the weak dimen do not alleviate Review in Monthly to his critics was that He considers that the “real problem” sions of his position. of popular underestimated the extent the British Left “completely of health services particularly as the decline opposition to the EU, (cer immigration in the popular mind with EU was often associated tainly false but nonetheless present)”. tainly false but nonetheless this argument requires an ‘nation-state sovereignty’. However, the EU. relationships of domination within analysis of the internal and its crisis are that the EU Lapavitsas is right when he stresses regime of to general features of a ‘financial neither to be reduced to the ‘fall of profit’. Specific relations of domi- nor accumulation’ nation between EU’s countries’ and its different (semi-)pe- ‘core and external, including ripheries (in the South and East), internal and denounced, in- oppressive ‘partnerships’ have to be analysed policy in Greece (Samary cluding the contested role of the Troika’s and unforeseen effect of German reunifi- and the concrete 2016b) and Germa- between France cation on the Maastricht negotiations Germany of position specific the stress to right also is Lapavitsas ny. established at Maastricht to coming out of the institutional system to let go of its currencyconvince the unified Germany (the deutsch- mark) (Samary as well as that during the crisis the 2019b/2013), of ascendancyEMU has functioned in practice as a mechanism for on the suppression of Ger German manufacturing capital, based man workers. his remarks about the German working mon is not convincing. Even the new context and class can be precisely an argument stressing in the present capi- content of the ‘core-peripheries’ relationships there is European construction: talist world-system as in its specific a North in the South and a South in the North, while the former ‘East’ has become deeply socially and geo-politically differentiated. industryGerman’s China and Russia. And the has huge interests in countries and populations are Balkan, Central and East European confronted with complex, chaotic, continental evolving - combined 16 That does not mean that self-determination should not be implemented That does not mean that self-determination country.and respected in any But the responsibility of leftist currents should be to express solidarity with dominated nations and in all cases to analyse the different dynamics and contents of each proposal without separating social and democratic issues from national ones. Finally, the German and all other dominant classes of the Finally, In such a new context, more the emphasis should be placed 16 - between Eu solidarity and alliances (horizontal) with transnational advantage of This orientation should take ropean plebeian classes. itself. and German society evident within the EU the contradictions hege- Lapavitsas’s focus on the ‘German from that, however, Far nation-states is wrong European as the single oppressor of all mon’ banking and euro-cri- respects and misleading. During the in many chief Jürgen Stark, German member and sis, in September 2011, from his post within its leading ap- resigned economist of the ECB Governor Jens Weidmann, paratus because of disagreements; and to the ‘non-conven- of the Bundesbank, was in constant opposition tional policy’ This does not illustrate ECB. decided upon by the the new military according to him, di- Lapavitsas’s vision. Moreover, pow- situation, combined with Trump’s mension of the post-Brexit should mean that the pressure er and evolving position on NATO, to boost its militaryon Germany and Germa- spending will escalate but he will also be obliged to assert its dominance more openly, ny military leaves open the French and colonialist power and Macron’s French role and its alliance attempts to consolidate the specific in the militarywith Germany domain. Union now face a very for various reasons, such insecure situation, of the US-China as international instability (and the consequence the dimensions), conflicts and of regional wars with international European class-oriented austerity and fiscal recessive effects of the of a new financial and banking crisis without and the danger policy, of systemic banks a consistent Banking Union and dismantling ness in Central Europe. But what strategic conclusion should be conclusion should But what strategic Europe. ness in Central all of this? drawn from - based on the democratic self-determina union’ than ever on a ‘free nations issue for dominated key tion of peoples as a polarization – and interest in multipolar links. The dependency multipolar links. The – and interest in polarization on German industry and a weak is both a strength and investments

Samary 306 307 edited volumes - In such a context, a pan-European ‘transitional program’ (Da- In such a context, program’ ‘transitional a pan-European

vidson 2019) should make greater use of already-existing diverse greater use make vidson 2019) should triggering transnational socio-political platforms and elaborations impor in the main fields of strategic mobilizations and alliances (those deemed “too big to fail”). The incapacity to ‘rule’ could be, to ‘rule’ The incapacity “too big to fail”). (those deemed in the face of social unrest by increasing confronted in France, like social injustice. tance. They all call for the subordination of markets and banks to for the subordination of markets tance. They all call needs fundamental environmental and social the satisfaction of level of resistance all these issues, a European and rights; and for efficiencywould increase the national (local) and interna- both of be intro- Democratic procedures are to tional ongoing struggles. levels on the basis of self-organization duced across all territorial and charismatic leaders and social-, gender- and in opposition to the movements. Human race-based forms of dominations within goods and servicesrelations, and natural and produced common and privatization just as have to be freed from commodification used to express this, a much as money does: whatever the words is in ‘concrete utopia’ radical democratic eco-socialist or communist Which leads to a fi- scattered struggles today. the making in many - alternative leftist socio-political associa nal challenge: a European new International Astion needs to be part of a collective pluralist - sociation (Samary, be invented, resisting the dominant 2018) to the past and present an- system at all levels, drawing lessons from and addressing the ongoing ti-capitalist experiences and failures, capitalist crisis of civilization. - , 12.7.2019 - https://monthlyreview.org/2019/10/01/socialist-interna , 1.10.2019, Review ly tionalism-against-the-european-union sault on Democracy. Verso. , 23.7.2016, http://wwwjacobinmag. Jacobin Skærlund Risager, Bjarke com/2016/07/david-harvey-neoliberalism-capitalism-labor-crisis-resistance www.versobooks.com/blogs/2726-the-eu-can-t-be-reformed http://www.contretemps.eu/grande-bretagne-corbyn-defaite/ , 3.1.2020, https://www.contretemps.eu/defense-corbyn/ tre Temps , 3.12.2015, https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/03/lapatian Budgen, Jacobin - vitsas-varoufakis-grexit-syriza/ https://catalyst-journal.com/vol1/no3/a-socialist-strategy-for-europe monthlyreview.org/2019/10/01/learning-from-brexit/ 11.4.2016 http://www.criticatac.ro/lefteast/to-eu-or-not-to-eu-this-is-just-the- wrong-question/ www.thecanary.co/opinion/2019/12/13/thank-you-jeremy-corbyn/ , 20.12.2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/20/ Times cades.” New York opinion/uk-election-labour.html https://www.cadtm.org/Greece-completing-the-vicious-circle Europe Solidaire Sans Fron- Wide open-eyes against one-eyed ‘campism’.” sis? tières, Januray 2016, http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article38010 References 2019. “SocialistDavidson, Neil. Union.” Month- against the European Internationalism As- Nightmare: The Neoliberal Dardot, Laval. 2019. Never-Ending Pierre, and Christian En finir avec l’Europe. Paris. Durand, Cèdric (ed.). 2013. Harvey, Project.” Harvey is a Political David. 2016. “Neoliberalism Interview by with D. . 26.6.2016. https:// Stathis. 2016. “The cannot be reformed.” Verso Kouvelakis, EU 16.12.2019, Temps trébuche sur le Brexit.” Stathis. 2019. “Corbyn Contre Kouvelakis, Labica, Thierry. 2020. “Et maintenant, la Réaction. Jeremy Corbyn, une défense.” Con Lapavitsas, Costas. 2015. “Greece: Phase Two.” Interview with C.Lapavitsas by Sebas- Phase Two.” Lapavitsas, Costas. 2015. “Greece: Press. against the EU. Polity case Lapavitsas, Costas. 2018a. The Left , 3(1) 2017, Catalyst socialist Strategy for Europe.” Lapavistas, Costas. 2018b. “A , 1.10.2019, https:// Review Lapavitsas, Costas. 2019. “Learning from Brexit.” Monthly , East This is just the wrong question.” Left or not to EU? EU Liasheva, Alona. 2016. “To , 13.12.2019, https:// 2019. “Thank Frèa. you, Jeremy Corbyn.” The Canary Lockley, Niven, Alex. 2019. “The Labour Party’s Spectacular Defeat Had Been Coming for De- completing the vicious circle.” CADTMRoberts, Michael. 2019. “Greece: Samary, 2016a. “What Catherine. internationalism in the context of the Ukrainian cri-

Samary 308 309 edited volumes , 22.9.2016, https://www.cadtm., 22.9.2016, , 12.2.2019, https://www.cadtm.org/A- CADTM the EU.” struggles in/outside/against org/Europe-No-LEXIT-without-Another , 21.11.2018, http://www.internationalviewpoint.ism.” International Viewpoint org/spip.php?article5796 , 27.11.2019, http://internationalviewpoint.org/1989.” International Viewpoint spip.php?article6306 , 21.5.2019, https:// Possibles choix binaires piégés.” Les sibles dépassements de france.attac.org/nos-publications/les-possibles/numero-20-printemps-2019/de- - bats/article/l-enjeu-strategique-europeen-debats-necessaires-et-possibles-dep assements-de to the pandemic."mons Europe CADTM, 8.1.2021, http://www.cadtm.org/The- strategic-debates-of-the-European-left-from-Recommons-Europe-to-the monthlyreview.org/2019/10/01/navigating-the-brexit-strait/ CADTMVaroufakis.” by Yannis the Room’ critical-review-of-the-critical-reviews-of-the-book-Adults-in-the-Room-by mocracy, 9.9.2016, https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/can-europe-make-it/ europe-s-left-after-brexit-diem25-s-perspective/ ment. The Bodley Head. Samary, Catherine. 2016b. “No Lexit without ‘Another Europe possible’ – based on possible’ Europe Samary, Lexit without ‘Another Catherine. 2016b. “No Samary,- of a new international Amin, or the raison d’être Catherine. 2018. “ Samir Samary, the ambiguous revolutions of revisiting Catherine. 2019a. “Eastern Europe: pos- stratégique européen - Débats nécessaires et Samary, Catherine. 2019b, “L’enjeu Samary,- from Recom- left Catherine. 2021. "The strategic debates of the European , 1.10.2019. https:// Review 2019. “Navigating the Brexit Strait.” Monthly Andy. Storey, in critical review of the critical reviews of the book ‘Adults Eric. 2019. “A Toussaint, left after Brexit, DiEM25’s perspective.” Open De- “Europe’s 2016. Yannis. Varoufakis, Deep Establish- with Europe’s Adults 2017. My battle in the Room: Yannis. Varoufakis, About the authors

About the authors 310 311 edited volumes - - Jovo Bakić is an AssociateDepartment of Sociolo- Professor at the Jovo Serbia. He of the University of Belgrade, of Philosophy Faculty gy, main ar sociology at the same institution. His obtained his PhD in K. at the is Professor of international relations Fouskas Vassilis University of East London (UEL), director of the Centre for the at UEL and the found- (STAMP) & People Study of States, Markets (8 issues Studies and Near Eastern ing editor of the Journal of Balkan annually since 1998). His research focuses on the history of the Left and the Balkans, imperialism and globalization. in Europe holds a PhD in Political Science and is a re- Ioannis Balampanidis holds a PhD in Political Research in the Department of searcher at the Centre for Political - Science and History, University of Social and Po Political Panteion Re- as a Postdoctoral litical Sciences, Greece. He has also worked He is the author of Euro searcher at the University of the Aegean. José Castro Caldas is a researcher at the Collaborative Laboratory Employment and Social Protection – CoLABORfor Work, and the He received Portugal. Centre for Social Studies, Coimbra University, his PhD in Economics from ISCTE-Lisbon Institute where University research interests His main present he has also been a professor. involve the history methodology of economics and the political and economy of labour. eas of research are nation and nationalism, historyeas of research are society of and His Right in particular. and the Far ideologies in general Yugoslavia, 1945-2018 (The desnica, krajnja is Evropska most recent publication 2019. Other publications include 1945-2018), Far-Right, European nacionalizma: i hrvatskog između srpskog jugoslovenstva Ideologije - between Serbian and Croa 1914-1941 (Ideologies of Yugoslavism i njegovi razaranje ), 2004; Jugoslavija: tian Nationalism 1918-1941 2011. Destruction and its interpreters), tumaci (Yugoslavia: Athens in Europe (Polis, Left to Radical From Communist communism: and London 2018). 2015, and Routledge, New York - - - Neoliberalizam: sudbina ili izbor (Neoliberalism: choice or des- Neoliberalizam: - on his PhD thesis dealing with the epistemo he is working rently, within problem of the idea of emancipation logical and ontological contemporary theory. political University of Novi Sad as a retired from the Josifidis (PhD) Kosta He is also a member of the Presidency and Executive full professor. Board of the Association of Economists of Serbia and president of as well as edi- the Association of Economists of Vojvodina, . His research fields in- of the journal Panoeconomicus tor-in-chief volve macroeconomic theory and policy, international finance, economy of transition, global- methodology of economics, political economy. ization and European Science and History Labrinou holds a PhD in Political Katerina from Sciences in Athens, Greece. University of Social and Political Panteion at the Centre for research She is currently conducting post-doctoral Science and History Research in the Department of Political Political is the author of Unified Democratic She University. within Panteion Athens 2018). 1956-1967. Politics (Polis, and ideology Left - of Tech serves as full professor at the Faculty šonc (PhD) Alpar Lo the University of Novi Sad,nics, Department for Social Sciences, in member of the Ser Serbia. Since 2018, he has been a corresponding most important publicationsbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. His include: as društveni događaj (Power 2007; Moć kao Josifidis), with Kosta tiny, 2012; Het 2009; Otpor i moć (Resistance and Power), a Social Event), Theories of Money, (Heterodox erodoksna novca problematizacija co-author), 2018. is a Senior Teaching Assistant candi- and PhD Teaching ć is a Senior Jasmin Hasanovi - of Politi the Faculty Science in Political Department for date at the and Herzegovina. of Sarajevo, Bosnia at the University cal Sciences Re- Science and International degree in Political He holds a master lations and Diplomacy (2015). His from the University in Sarajevo and critical po- combine political philosophy main areas of research litical theory, rela- political movements, as well as the social and and politics, cyberpolitics,tions between arts Cur and geopolitics.

About the authors 312 313 edited volumes (CNRS) between between (CNRS) Scientifique Recherche de la National Centre is Professor of World Politics at the University of of at the University Politics is Professor of World Heikki Patomäki at universities in Australia, Helsinki, Finland. He has also worked Japan and the UK. of Sci- He is a member of The Finnish Academy of Clare Hall, University of ence and Letter and a lifelong member and the philosophy Cambridge. His research interests include research, futures studies, methodology of social sciences, peace and democracy. A global political economy and global justice published more than 20 books and has Patomäki scholar-activist, popular writings. His 200 research papers, as well as numerous in 2007 was a national book on neoliberalism in Finland published read widely crisis was book on the Euro while his 2013 best-seller; most recent book is Disinte- also in English and Greek. Patomäki’s Economy: Exits and Conflicts in Global Political grative Tendencies - (Routledge, 2018); and his next book Three Fields of Global Politi cal Economy is forthcoming in late 2021 (Routledge). is a Research Fellow at the Institute of Social ć is a Research Fellow Natalija Mićunovi Saraje- She received her education in Belgrade, Sciences, Belgrade. vo and at Purdue University in the USA. She has taught at several in publishing, and led the Gender American universities, worked of Serbia from 2007 until Equality Directorate of the Government connections between the sci- 2014. This turned her interest toward in the context of gen- entific community and social development ethnic, economic and cultural relations. She has published sev- der, translated three philosophi- eral articles on these subjects, and also cal books relevant to the field. is a professor of French and European Politics Politics and European of French Marlière is a professor Philippe Fellow at (UK). He was a Research College London at University the Studies from holds a PhD in Social and Political 1989 and 1994. He He was award- University Institute in Florence, Italy. the European Bruxelles at the Université Libre de of Politics ed the 2007 Chair Philippe social democracy. work on European in recognition of his French political ideas, party politics and the Marlière researches Left. ideology in writing a book on the republican He is currently France. - - - - -century Ser th way, Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia. Dr. and Macedonia. Dr. Bosnia and Herzegovina Croatia, Slovenia, way, ceton, at universities and institutes in Prin Pribićević has lectured Oxford, Ge- York, Colorado, Seattle, New Pittsburgh, Washington, served Vienna, Heidelberg and Munich. He neva, Paris, as ambassa- and to the United from 2005 to 2009 dor of Serbia to Germany to 2017. Kingdom from 2013 - Institute of Social Sciences, Bel Irena Ristić is a researcher at the History her PhD in South-Eastern European grade. She obtained at focuses on the dynam- the University of Regensburg. Her research both in 19 ics of state- and nation-building processes (PhD) is a Principal Research Fellow at the Insti- Research Fellow is a Principal ćević (PhD) Ognjen Pribi - publishes in interna He regularly Sciences, Belgrade. tute of Social from Serbia, his two books. Apart and has authored tional journals in USA, been published articles have Austria, Czech Great Britain, Nor Republic, Germany, Bulgaria, Switzerland, Hungary, Poland, bia and the post-Yugoslav states, with a special interest in the ori- states, with a special interest in the bia and the post-Yugoslav extend- has undertaken sentiments. She gins of anti-West/anti-EU (IOS) and Florence ed research visits in Vienna (IWM), Regensburg Her recent publications include two edited volumes on the (EUI). on institutions and public impact of international criminal tribunals book on the position of Ser opinion, while her (German-language) and Russia respectively prior bian political elites towards the West I is forthcoming (2021). War to World is a Senior Lecturer in Economics at the Shampa Roy-Mukherjee University of East London, UK, the Centre and a senior member of at UEL. She is (STAMP) & People for the Study of States, Markets at the School of Busi- also the Director of Impact and Innovation UEL.ness & Law, focuses on neoliberalism and the Her research economics and Consensus’, as well as on development ‘Washington inequalities. Catherine Samary obtained her PhD in Economics as a result of Yugoslav reforms (published in her research on the different - self-management. against The Yu under the title The Market French in 1988). She has taught economics at the Univer experience goslav Dauphine and political economic issues at the sity Paris

About the authors 314 315 edited volumes - International Institute for Research and Education in Amsterdam. in Amsterdam. and Education Institute for Research International education and networks of popular in international She is involved Yugoslav the been have research of fields main Her thinking. critical - Euro and global and Eastern Europe, transformation in crisis, the that have written books and articles translated pean issues. She has Monde Le several languages, in particular for been translated into co-editor of an issue of the jour . In 2020 she was the Diplomatique nal Balkanologie. See http://csamary.frnal Balkanologie. See for further details. CIP - Каталогизација у публикацији Народна библиотека Србије, Београд

329.055.4(4)(082) 316.334.3(4)(082)

RESETTING the Left in Europe : challenges, attempts and obstacles / edited by Irena Ristić. - Belgrade : Institute of social sciences, 2021 (Beograd : Faculty of Technology and Metallurgy, Research and Development Centre of Printing Technology). - 315 str. ; 21 cm. - (Series Edited volumes / [Institute of social sciences])

Tiraž 150. - Str. 7-11: Foreword / Irena Ristić. - About the authors: str. 310-315. - Napomene i bibliografske reference uz tekst. - Bibliografija uz svaki rad.

ISBN 978-86-7093-245-6

1. Ristić, Irena, 1975- [уредник] [аутор додатног текста]

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