THE Archaeology of Regional Interaction

Home , Patayan, Pecos Classification, Pueblo IV Period, Southwestern archaeology

THE Archaeology OF Regional Interaction

Andrew I. Duff

Examination of regional-scale processes in prehistory requires explicit consideration of what we mean by regions. Definitions vary with research interests and the times, but the boundaries of regions are usually defmed by 'topography and the dishbution of a number of material culture fmits. As such, regions are essentially the scale within which archaeologists believe social interactions were concentrated. A closer look at regions, however, at least as they are defmed archaeologically, suggests that they are less internally coherent than we might expect The question then becomes not only whether we can identify regions but whether the regions we idenhfy are meamngfd.'I suggest that a consideration of demography and some of its associated properties can further archaeologists' understanding of miability in material culture in different areas during later prehistory and that it will permit us to conshuct regions with greater behavioral meaning. I begin with a brief review of the history of southwestern re- edited by gions to present a context from-which to evaluate current use of the term. This is followed by a descriptive presentation-of Pueblo Michelle Hegmon IV (A.D. 1275-1400) settlement patterns in the Western Pueblo area, leading to the conclusion that critical settlement changes. occurred at about A.D. 1275 and 1325. Major developments in ico- nography and macroregional population movements also occurred University Press of Colorado, Boulder. at these times. This patterning has been the basis of arguments

Published in 2000 72 Archaeology ofRegond Interaction I $ale, Interaction, andReg7bndAndysi in Late Pueblo Prrhisto~y 73 regardiug the scale and organization of Pueblo IV society and ide- 1957; Lekson 1995), Gladwin and Gladwin's (1934) solution was thc ology (e.g., Adams 1991; Crown 1994; Upham 1982). I multitiered Root-Stem-Branch-Phase system, which created smaller I tl~cninvestigate the Upper Little Colorado district to consider operational units for managing variability within die framework of how archaeological regions can be interpreted and to investigate dii- Kidder's Southwest The Gladwins' system acknowledged the differ- ferences that exist both within and between areas considered to be ential timing of cultural developments and created a smaller classifica- regions. The scale and approximate boundaries of regions are the tory category (the branch). Roots referred to the original populations combined product of research histories and definitional criteria. If- from which later peoples developed, and stems referred to major geo- as is often the case-regions are assumed to be archaeological proxies graphical areas, whereas branches were "culture areas" within which a for social entities, the validity of the geographic-cultural link must be tradition of material culture haits could be recognized. The Gladwins' demonstrated. Consideration of comparative population density mea- branches were the equivalent of Kidder's disbicts. Phases were de- sures suggests that regional interaction occurred on multiple and con- signed to account for diachronic changes witbin a branch. The trasting scales, each probably involving different social processes. Gladwins' system effectively downsized Kidder's regional constructions. They did not imply, however, that branches were meaningful DEVELOPINGTHE CONCEPTOF REGIONS behavioral entities; branches were simply classificatory creations come- Early southwestern archaeology was done at a scale that encom- spondmg to observed variability (Wiey and Sabloff 1980: 105, note 23). passed the southwestern culture area. Alfred Kidder and colleagues Continued documentation of chronological and spatial vaiabiliw were clearly thinking on a regional, if not a macroregional, scale when made evident the need for a better classificatory system. Kidder's dis- they devised the Pecos Classification (1927), a single classificatory sys- bicts were unworkably large; the Gladwins' smaller branches were some- tem designed for a single culture area-the Southwest Wieyand Sabloff what confused by terminology and assumptions associated with evolu- 1980: 104). Kidder, however, also employed the concepts of regions and tionary relationships (root?). Harold Colton set out to clarify time- dishic6 to break the Southurest into manageable units (1962:163). Kid- space systematics for once and for all (1939). Influenced by McKern's der used regon and culture area interchangeably to refer to suhdivi- Midwestern Taxonomic Method (McKern 1939; Willey and Sabloff sions of the Southwest defined on the basis of river drainages but also 1980: 106), Colton simplified the Gladwins' system by beginning wjth corresponding to "areas of speaalization' in material culture (163). Kid- major culture areas (Hohokam, Mogollon, Anasazi, Patayan) and then der used disbicr to refer to subcultures within regions, primarily defined moving right down to branches and foci. Branches were basically syn- by ceramic differences (16G). The concept of regions composed of onymous with ceramic ware disbibutions, and foci were spatial !mi- multiple districts persists, in modified form, in recent descriptive and ants within a shared ware tradition. Colton stated, "We can think of a interpretive works (e.g., Adler 1996). Kidder's Upper Little Colorado cul- Branch as an Indian mibe occupying over a long period of time an ture area corresponds to the en& amref& to here as Western Pueblo. area where we can @acea continuity of development through a series Thinking on a large scale-the Southwest-while working at the of foci" (1939: 71). smallest of scales-individual sites-Kidder believed it would he pos- Although a suite of material culture traits was intended to be used sible to sort out prehistory and begin to ask more anthropological in their definition, regions came to be defined largely on the basis of questions. However, the problem with thinking on this scale soon a single artifact class: ceramics. Colton's revision of the Gladwins' sys- became evident to Kidder and others Willey and Sabloff 1980: 105) tem has become the basic f~meworkof contemporary research, and as it became apparent that particular developments in specific regions today we all recognize branches as spatial referents (e.g., Mesa Verde, and district5 did not fit with the perceived overall system (Cordell 1984: Kayenta, Cibola). The spatial manifestation of a branch was linked 82; Gladwin and Gladwin 1934: 7). The dizz)mg amount of miation in with social and organizational developments, completing the process- any one area created a turmoil of research that belied the notion of the begun by Kidder and expanded by the Gladuins4f equating classifi- Southwest as a uniform area. catory conshuctions with bounded social groupings. The Gladwins (1934) attempted to create order from the south- Branches have become the unib frequently referred to as ~pons, western material record. Working at a macroregional scale (Gladwin and most researchers can associate particular cultu~ddevelopments with these spatial referents. It seems to me that archaeologists are purposefully Early Pueblo N Early aod Late Pueblo IV Lab Pueblo N vague or imprecise in their definition and use of regions, and I would I argue that many archaeologists conceptualize regions in social terms Anderson Mesa 2-Pollack (6.4). CChavez Paso 4-Chavez Pass South (850), I-Kiiickinit similar to these early definitions. Regions, defined by the bounded Nonh (150) (200). 3-Grapevine (125) distribution of one (or more) material culture traits, are frequently Hopi Man8 assumed to reflect an entity within which interaction was concentrated 19-Lululoogtqui (60). 16 13-Awatovi (800). IS-Chakpahu (ZSO), 5- (e.g., Hraun and Plog 19821, where local populations experienced Pink Arrow (100).CKwatuki Hoyapi (150). 1CKawaLa-a(500), 18- (ZOO), 2-Huckovi (300). 9- Kokopynyama (250), 1 l -Kuchaptevela similar events and possess a shared sense of histoly. Although some Chumalisko (100) (500). 10-Lamebva (150). 17-Nafutanga (LOO), 7-Old Mishongnovi (400). 6-Old Shunopavi(500). 3-01dOraibi (500), 12- Skystki (500)

Middle Linlc Colondo 4-Cottonwood (LOO), 5- 6-Chevelon (500). 3-Homolovi 1 (700) ladvabbit (150). 2-Homolovi 111 (50) (Not plotted) Arizona Mountsins 2-Grasshopper (500), 4-Kioishba (5001.5- Black Mountain (7% Blue Point of Pines (XW), 3-Tundastura (2001, I- Q-Ranch (200)

~ ..,, - -, ~~~ ~ HiUop 160). oak crLeLi35). Red Canyon (4% Red Rack House (ZO), Ruins Tank (951, Spotted Mountain (80)

Sllvor Cmk ]-Bailey (ZW), 5-Flake (SO), 3- 4-fourmile-Roomblock A (200) 4-kurmile-Roomblocks B-E Pinedale (200). 2-AZ P:l 1:133 (200). 7-Showlow (ZW), 6- ASU (50) Shurnway (55)

Upper Linlc Colorado 9-Cs% Malpai (85), 4-Gank 6-Baca (90), 8- Hoops Ranch (60). 7-Raven 5-Raulssmke Point (85). 3- ha(200) (300). 1-Spier 175 (175), 2-Spier 176 (125) Table Rock(80)

Zuni )-Fort Atarquc (200), 5- 20-Atsinna (875). 17Cicncga (500). 7- 4-Halona:wa North (200),8- Ha1ona:ws Sourh (375). 14- Heshotauthla (875), I-Ojo Bonilo (ZZS), 15- Lower Psreado Village (4201, Kluckhahn (1.100), 16-lookout Pueblo de losMudos(880),2-Spim 170 LO-Lowcr Pcscado (180),9- Pereado West (450), Il-Uppn >...,, ,7"fl,>...,, I.. R-Minhl1740)...... - ~ ~ ~,, 19-~~ (200), . Pesdo (400) Nonh~ ~~~ Atsinna~ ~ (180). 12-Ramah SC~OOI(IXS),il-~Ajs (1601, 13-Upper Nutria (180). 6 YcUowhouse (425)

Puereo River 5-AZ Q:2:22 ASM (100). 1- 4-Wallace Tank (250) Bidahochi (250), 2-Bidahochi SE (150). 8-Big House (500). 7- Kin Tic1 (675). 3-Pumco Ruin (125). &Seven Springs (175) Sovrce; Infomtion compiled born Adm(1996s. 1996b); Bannister et al. (1x6); Bmwo (1990): Burlon (1993); Haurl (1985): Kinfigh (1985, 1990. 1996); k ills (1998); Reid and Riggs (1995): and Rcid et al. (1996).

Map 4.1. Pueblo N settlement and district locations in Western Pueblo area (sites, indicated by number, ax listed in Table 4.1) I Scale, Interacbon, andRegbnalAnalpis in Late Pueblo PPrehstoiy 77 recognize that regions have some formal social properties, explicit 1994, 1996; Kintigh and Duff 1993; Stone 1992). Most of this fieldwork statcmcnts about integation (economic, social, ceremonial, or politi- and almost all of the resulting publications postdate Kintigh's earlier cal) or "interaction" are usually lacking. In short, I would argue that many contribution. This recent research has provided robust excavated col- archaeologists continue to ascribe "hibaln or "ethnic" status to regional lections and revised assessments of the timing of settlement changes distributions of ceramics and settlements and that they, consciously or and site occupations for Pueblo IV sites. More important, this re- not, interpret these patterns assuming Mlying dewsof internal horn+ I search has developed an explicit focus on evaluating models of re- geneip (for an ex~licitexample see Haas et al. 1994). It is because of this I gional or macroregional interaction. background that the appropriateness of equating branches with social I use some of this new infomation to divide Pueblo N into Earlv entities is questioned later. In the following, I use the terms dsm'cr (A.D. 1275-1325) and Late (A.D. 1325-1400) periods. Agreement that and r+n interchangeably but descriptively to refer to spatial segnents A.D. 1275 and 1325 (plus or minus 5-10 years) represent critical thresh- of the Western Pueblo area as outlined on Map 4.1. olds in the development of southwestem societies is relatively recent, and these dates correspond with some of the most dramatic changes THEPUEDLO IV DATABASEIN THE WESTERNPUEDLO ARFA in the prehistoric southwestern landscape. Sometime after A.D. 1275 Late prehistoric Western Pueblo settlements have long attracted and before A.D. 1300, the Mesa Verde and Kayenta regions were com- the interest of researchers, providing a relatively compete picture of pletely depopulated (Dean 1996; Varien et al. 1996), directly or indi- the Pueblo IV (A.D. 1275-1400) settlement pattern. Settlements are rectly affecting occupations in the Westem Pueblo area. These dates found in fewer places later in prehistoly, and this tenitorial contrac- coincide with major developments and transitions outside the West- tion makes regions appear all the more obvious. Keith Kintigh (1990) em Pueblo area (e.g., Tonto Basin, Hobokarn core, Rio Grande). My discussed some of these trends at the first Southwest Symposium in overview of settlement data considers various Western Pueblo dis- 1988, and the present chapter represents both an update of and a tricts (Map 4.1) and is designed to Mtgeneral trends and local departure from Kintigh's work. Spatially, this discussion covers the differences in demography. The sites assigned to each period are listed area referred to as Western Pueblo (Map 4.1). The Western Pueblo by district in Table 4.1, and almost all of this information is reported area here excludes Acoma because of uncehnty about the representa- by region in chapten in Adler (1996), although I have made minor tiveness of the data available from the region (see Roney 1996), although modifications. ethno~aphically.4coma is considered a Western Pueblo (Fe1950). A number of continuing research projects have provided new in- EARLY P~LON (A.D. 1275-1325) formation on Pueblo IV settlements in the Western Pueblo area since The process of nucleation, the consolidation of all (or most) of 1988. E. Charles Adams and colleagues have made major contribu- the population into contiguous masonry or adobe structures charac- tions to our understanding of sites associated with the Homol'ovi terizes the occupied Plateau Southwest by about A.D. 1275. The de- Group near Winslow (Adams 1991, 1996a, 1996b; Adams and Hays mographic and mipation histories of specific districts, however, differ 1991; Adams, Stark, and Dosh 1993; Walker 1995; Walker and col- dramatically (Duff 1998). leagues, Chapter 16, this volume). Fieldwork at Grasshopper has ceased, The Zuni region contains high settlement density, which seems but data and collections continue to be important resources (Reid to be a continuation of high densities in the late A.D. 1100s and early 1989; Reid and Riggs 1995; Reid et a]. 1996; Triadan 1997; Triadan, A.D. 1200s (Kintigh 1996; Kintigh and Duff 1993). The entire Zuni Mills, and Duff 1997; Zedefio 1994). Barbara Mills and colleagues population was living in large nucleated pueblos by A.D. 1275 (Kintigh have been working at several sites in the Silver Creek area with the 1985, 1990: 264), and Kintigh (1985, 1996) has documented at least University of Arizona field school, including the Pueblo IV Bailey fifteen sites-totaling more than 7,000 rooms-conshucted and occu- Ruin (Mills 1995, 1998; Mills et al. 1993, 1994, 1995). Kinhgh has pied during the A.D. 1275-1325 period. Most nucleated Zuni sites directed Arizona State University field schools near Zuni and, have a coherent construction plan, suggesting single-event conshuc- codirected with Duff, Arizona State University field schools in the tions indicative of considerable planning and unified group effort Upper Little Colorado district (Duff 1995; Duff and Kin* 1993; Kintigh (kntigh 1985; Watson, LeBlanc, and Redman 1980). I Scale, Intelilcbbn, andRegzbna/Ana/ysisii Late Pueblo Prel~isto'y 79 Substantial construction also occurred in the Hopi Mesas district, augmented by migrants. Four or five sites appear to have been constructed where "fourteen settlements were established during the last few de- and occupied in Early Pueblo IV, and they are relatively distant from one cades of the thirteenth century" (Adams 1996a: 51). This appears to another. Mills and others (1994) have revised Ernil Hawy's (1985: 391) represent the consolidation of local populations, perhaps supple- Pinedale Phase dates (orikallyA.D. 1200-1300) to^.^. 1275-1325. Mills's mented by immigration. The lightly populated Moenkopi area was (1998) reevaluation of settlement patrem data suggests that the Showlow abandoned (Adams 1996a: 52), and the Hopi Mesas may have re- i Ruin was partially occupied in Early Pueblo IV (cf. Kintigh 1996). ceived additional immigrants from the Mesa Verde and Kayenta re- Below the Mogollon Rim the Arizona mountain regon witnessed gions after A.D. 1280. The previously unoccupied Middle Little Colo- immigration and local growth in Early Pueblo IV,a process that accel- rado dishict witnessed its first sizable settlement between A.D. 1260 erated about A.D. 1280 (Reid et al. 1996: 77). Grasshopper Pueblo was and 1280 with the founding of Homol'ovi IV by migrants from either founded about A.D. 1275, and increased conshuction around A.D. 1300 the Hopi Mesas or Hopi Buttes (Adams 1996~50). At around AD. 1280, is interpreted as the consolidation of local populations supplemented five other settlements were constructed by hmigmts from other areas by immigration from above the rim (Reid 1989; Reid and bs1995; of the Upper Little Colorado drainage system (Adams 1996~50). Reid et al. 1996). The unsettled demographic history of the Grass- The Anderson Mesa district consists of contemporaneous occu- 1 hopper area resulted in the construcfion of a number of discrete room pation of the north and south room blocks at Chavez Pass (Upham blocks that were later joined, giving Grasshopper Pueblo a planned and Bockley 1989: 488), Kinnickinick (Bannister, Gell, and Hannah appearance in its final form. Similar growth characterizes other settle- 1966: 20-21), Pollock (Bannister et al. 1966: 22-23), and Grapevine. This ments in the Arizona mountains, although larger constructions ap- appears to I-epresent the consolidation of local populations, although peared somewhat earlier in the eastern portions (Reid 1989; Reid et there map also have been migration from adjacent areas also character- al. 1996: 77). Growth at Point of Pines and the intrusive component, ized by dispersed settlements (Pilles 1996: 68-69). Chavez Pass is much amibuted to the anival of a group from the Kayenta region (Haury larger than other settlements in the district, and there has been con- 1958), both date tn this period (Haury 1958; Reid 1989). Kinishba and siderable debate about the occupation and nature of the dispersed Tundastusa (Haury 1985: 392) were apparently occupied by this time. room blocks immediately surrounding this site. Some have argued The Upper Little Colorado district contains six pueblos con- for their contemporaneous occupation, which increases local popula- structed during Early Pueblo IV (Kintigh 1996). These pueblos do not tion estimates and implies that material differences between dispersed differ dramatically in scale from the A.D. 1200s occupations in the area. and nucleated settlements were behavioral (e.g., Upham and Plog 1986). Mqants may have joined local groups, but there appears to have been Others, myself included, suggest that these room blocks either were enough local occupation to account for the Pueblo IT settlement den- earlier or were functionally different structures such as field houses sity. Most of these sites are relatively small-averagng between 50 and (e.g., Graves 1987). In either case, population density in the Anderson 100 rooms-with elements of both agglomerative and single-event con- Mesa district was relatively low compared with other regiom (Pilles 1996). structions. Several Early Pueblo IV setdements are present along the Puerco To some degree, the configulation and planning evident in Early River of the West and its tributaries, although this area has not consis- Pueblo N sites reflect the migration history and depth of local popula- tently been treated as a region (see Upham 1982: figure 19). These settle- tion development in the immediate area. Regiom with substantial prior ments appear to repl.esent the consolidation of local populations, with occupations, such as Zuni and Hopi, contain settlements that are (gener- Big House and Kin Tie1 in areas that had higher population densities. ally) larger and appear more planned. Regions characterized by unsettled The area between Big House and the Kin Tie1 had much higher popu- demographic histories or lower population densities contain fewer sites lations during Pueblo I1 and Pueblo III times, suggeshg signrf~cantpopu- that are relatively smaller (e.g., Silver Creek, Upper Little Colorado) and lation relocation prior to conshuction of Early Pueblo IV sites. often grow though agglomeration, such as those in the Arizona moun- The settlement histow of the Silver Creek district suggests several tains. Whereas issues of absolute contemporaneity within and between episodes of population mobility (Mills 1995,1998), with Early Pueblo sites are rarely completely resolved (see Nelson et al. 1994), the differ- IV sites probably representing consolidation of local populations ences in demographic scale between regions are dramatic. Many of the 1 Scale, Interarbon, andRegtona/AnalysisinLate Pueblo 108 1 sites built during the Euly Pueblo IV period lasted only two or rhree pen- Rock). Later sites have clearer indications of planned, single-event tions and were either abandoned or sgndicandy depopulated by AD. 1325. constructions, although the sites remain small. A change in the occupation of the Grasshopper area is indicated by a general decline in building LATE PUEBLO N (A.D. 1325-1 400) activity at Grasshopper Pueblo and population dispersion to the numer- A second major episode of consbuction and settlement restruc- ous surroundmg settlements constructed at this time Reid 1989: 85; Reid turing occurred at about A.D. 1325. A limited number of settlements and Riggs 1995). Grasshopper Pueblo was apparently occupied on a part- constn~ctedin Early Pueblo N appear to have been continuously time basis after about AD. 1330, although the other large Arizona moun- occupied undl A.n. 1400, and they are concenbated in the Zuni and I tain settlements CIGn_lshba, Point of Pines) continued to he occupied. Hopi regions. In the Zuni district, a few sites in the El Morro Valley To the best of our knowledge, all Western Pueblo sites outside of (Pueblo de 10s Muertos, Atsinna, and Cienega) persist with substan- the modem Hopi and Zuni reservations were abandoned sometime tially reduced occupation into the later A.D. 1300s (Duff 1996; Duff in the late A.D. 1300s. The latest tree-ring dates are currently A.D. 1370 and Kintigh 1997), but several sites were abandoned and new settle- for both Rattlesnake Point Pueblo and Raven in the Upper Little ments were constructed downskern toward modem Zuni (Duff and Colorado (Tree-Ring Laboratory files), A.D. 1381 at Chavez Pass in Kintigh 1997; Kintigb 1985, 1996). Overall, there appears to have been a the Anderson Mesa group (as originally reported by Douglass; see reduction in the total number of mms constructed and occupied dur. I Bannister, Gell, and Hannah 1966: 19), and the latest at A.D. 1384 ing Late Pueblo N in the Zuni ma from the Showlow Ruin in the Silver Creek dishict (Bannister, Gell, Settlement reconfiguration also characterized the Hopi Mesas, and Hannah 1966: 39-47). Given sampling considerations and prob- with the addition of plazas to continuously occupied settlements and able structure use lie after the last repair event (Hanhnan 1983), occu- abandonment of other established villages (Adams 1996a). Additional pations much beyond A.D. 1400 seem unlikely. immigration and reconfiguration resulted in substantially larger settle- The A.D. 1400-1540 period, traditionally part of Pueblo N, is ments during Late Pueblo N (Adams 1996a: 51). In the Middle Little characterized by fundamentally different social processes, and I con- Colorado district, Homol'ovi I1 was established. Apparently founded sider it Protohistoric. Several Hopi sites occupied in the fourteenth by migrants from the Hopi Mesas, with 1,200 rooms it came to domi- century appear to have been continuously occupied until or beyond ! nate the local landscape (Adams 1996% 1996b). Homol'ovi I and the contact, although some were abandoned around A.D. 1400 (Adams Chevelon site continued to be occupied, whereas the remajning earlier 1996a). In the Zuni region almost all settlements were abandoned at sites were abandoned. Occupation of the Anderson Mesa complex con- A.D. 1400, with a number of new villages then founded (Kintigh 1985, tinued with the exception of the North Pueblo at Chavez Pass (Upham 1990). Several of these new villages were still occupied at contact, and Bockley 1989: 488) and the Pollock site (Brown 1990: 19). The whereas others appear to have been abandoned shortly before the Puerco River district was almost completely abandoned, with popula- Spanish arrival (Kintigb 1985, 1990, 1996). tions probably joining settlements in adjacent districts. This brief description differs from previous reconsbuctions in In the Silver Creek drainage, a nearly complete settlement that I focus on the sequential nature of site occupations over the A.D. reco~tionappears to have ocmed, with most of the Early Pueblo 1275-1400 period rather than treating the period as a static whole. I IV sites abandoned. At least one room at the Piedale Ruin (Haury base this discussion on an evaluation of tree-ring dates for sites when and Hargrave 1931) has cutting dates extending into the A.D. 1370s possible (Bannister, Gell, and Hannah 1966; Robinson and Cameron (Bannister, Gell, and Hannah 1966: 35-37), and the extent of occu- 1991; new dates on file at the Tree-Ring Laboratory) and on consema- pation at this site after A.D. 1325 remains uncertain. Two large settle- tive evaluation and extension of associated ceramic assemblage dates ments, Fourmile and Showlow Ruins, and a smaller site ($humway) to sites lacking tree-ring dates in published descriptions (especially were constructed or expanded during the A.D. 1325-1400 interval. the chapters in Adler 1996). This assignment of sites to either Eatly or A similar reconfiguration characterizes the Upper Little Colorado Late Pueblo N periods dramatically reduces the number of sites River area, where a few sites were abandoned (Casa Malpis, Garcia i previously treated as contemporaneous (e.g., Lightfoot 1984; Ranch) and replaced by new settlements (Rattlesnake Point and Table Upham 1982), altering our perception of the demographic scale I Sde, Interaction, arid Reg,b~~dAna/ysisin Late Pueblo Prel~istory 83 of Pueblo IV settlement clusters. This analysis has implications model were interpreted as evidence for the existence of alliances be- for defining regions and regional systems, and it suggests that A.n. 1275 tween the districts. Upham posited the existence of two primary alli- and 1325 were pivotal dates to all occupants of the Plateau Southwest ances for the Westem Pueblo area: the Jeddito alliance-encompassing

RFCIOSAL-SCALE MODEIS the Hopi Mesas, the Middle Little Colorado, and Andenon Mesa-and the Salado alliance, indirectly associated with area below the MogoUon Two classes of regionally oriented arguments specific to the West- I Rim. Two intermediate areas, Silver Creek and the Upper Little Cole em Pueblo area have been presented to account for the development I rado, were also thought to represent smaller-scale alliances situated of Pueblo rV patterns: the development of alliances (Plog 1983; 1Ipham I I between, but interacting with, the Salado and Jeddito alliances. The 1982; Upham and Reed 1989; Upham, Crown, and Plog 1994) and cults Zuni dishict also represents an alliance but one that was relatively less (Adams 1991; Crown 1994). Although both deal with regional-level pro- I integnted with the other eisting alliances (Upham 1982). cesses, each model has diierent implications for the nature of "regions." 1 Conhasted with the explicitly p~litilitiulalliance model, Adams (1991) ?he alliance model is the most prominent and explicit argument and Crown (1994) have fonvarded models suggesting that widespread for a regional system in the late prehistoric Western Pueblo. An alli- ideological developments created unity in architectural and ceramic ance is defined as "a mechanism that unites spatially separate groups patterning across areas thatwere otheyise politically independent. Adams ! in economic and sociopolitical relationships" (Upham, Crown, and argues that the Katsina Cult kamean important sbucWing force dur- Plog 1994: 191). As this definition is nearly identical to James Judge's ing the Pueblo N period and contends that the cult was adopted to definition of a regional systcm-"consisting of a number of interacting facilitate integration and coopelation in recently fonnded communities but geographically separate communities that were dependent on each that contained "immigrants from divergent social and political back- other through the exchange of goods and selvices" (1984: 8)-the rea- grounds" (1991: 186). Adams (1991) argues that the Katsina Cult de- son alliances have been equated with regional systems should he clear. veloped at about A.D. 1275 in what he calls the upper tittle Colorado The alliance model is distinct in many ways, however, primarily in its (which includes, in the terminology used here, the Upper Little Colu explicitness about specifymg the nature of relationships between differ- rado, Silver Creek, and portions of the Arizona mountains). At about ent settlements and regions (also Nei-1, Chapter 2, this volume). AD. 1330 a more "rain-oriented" and iconographically identifiable modi- Alliances are argued to have been linkages between settlement clus- fied version of the cult spread from Hopi to the Rio Gmde CWams 1991). ters, politicdy organized entities that can be quantitatively identified us- Crown (1994) has argued for the existence of a more generalized ing nearest-neighbor meawes and ideas from central place theoly (Jewett Southwestern Cult involving processes operative at a much larger scale 1989; Upham 1982; Upham and Reed 1989). Alliance models basically than those of Adams's Katsina Cult but with critical transformations at represent a new way of concepmalizing the zones of materid cultlu-e: similar dates. The spatial scale of Crown's shldy encompasses por- homogeneih. identified by Colton (1939), and Upham's settlement chs- tions of all three major culture areas (Hohokam, Mogollon, and ters are the same as the districts 1 have mentioned. Advocates of the Anasazi), and she concenbtes on a single material class, Salado Poly- alliance model interpret differences in site size within individual settle- chrome ceramics (1994). The development of the Pinedale design ment clusters as evidence of an organizational hierarchy, and resident style horiT.on, a tradition she argues resulted from the interaction of elites at each site are thought to have managed the productive surpluses Tusayan-Kayenta migrants and populations in areas adjacent to the of local areas (Upham 1982,1983,1984). Thus local settlement configu- MogoUon Rim, occurred at about AD. 1280 (Crown 1994: 211; 1996). rations (site spacing) facilitated the movement of foodstufs between pueb- i The Pinedale design style spread rapidly and is present on Salado Poly- los (Upham 1982,1983; also Lighdoot 1979,1983,1984). chrome ceramics found throughout the Western Pueblo area. Crown Positing that settlement clusters could be treated as single organi- argues that this style contains icons representative of participation in a zational entities permitted Upham (1982) to use decorated ceramic Southwestern Cult concerned with fertility and weather control. The asselnblage information from single sites within a dismct to generalize iconographic associatiorls on these vessels dcmonsh.ably produced in about exchange relationships between districts. Exchanged ceramics a number of different areas (Crown and Bishop 1994) suggest a shared recovered in frequencies greater than expected by a distance-decay symbolic and ideological system rather than a common economic or Me,Interaction, andRegbnal Analpis U, Late Pueblo Prehisto 85

ethnic phenomenon (Crown 1994, 1996). Crown argues that the Sooth- (i.e., districts) as political entities or even about viewing them as homo- western Cult encompassed most of the occupied Southwest in the four- geneous zones of interaction. Similar styles of hearth, kiy and room teenth century. At about A.D. 1325, the unity seen in the Pinedale design construction and plain-ware ceramic manufacture characterize this area. style ives way to greater regional stylistic variation, wfiich Crown (1994) All sites are located on low rises adjacent to the river, suggesting a suggests may relate to sect development within the southwestern Cult similar adaptive strategy that may have included small-scale riverine inigation. Proximity, continuity in material culture, and an apparent SUMMAHY lack of population influxes suggest an area within which regular inter- A number of important changes in settlement, interaction, ico- action might have been concentrated. When one considers the size nography, ceramic decoration, and ideology occurred over much of of each site (about 100 rooms), a social network to ensure demo- the Southwest at about A.D. 1275. A second series of widespread settle- graphic viability would probably have been required, and the possi- ment changes occurred about A.D. 1325, at which point stylistic differ- bility that the Upper Little Colorado area was organized as a single entiation characterized most areas and similar changes were beginning political entity seems reasonable (Upharn 1982). to take place in the Rio Grande. Processes of change and transforma- A concern I have with treating this dishict as a single entity is that tion were clearly operative at pan-regional levels. Are these macrolevel both spatially and in terms of nonlod interaction there appears to developments in the Western Pueblo area manifestations of a system of have been an internal division. In both Early and Late Pueblo N regional alliances, and if so, what were the operative units within the system? times, a gap of about ten miles separates sites near St Johns and a Part of the reason for a lack of consensus rewding Pueblo IV I group located further south. The spatial division is more pronounced regional developments may result from the manner in which regions in Early Pueblo N, but it is most readily reflected in decorated ce- have traditionally been constructed and interpreted. Prior to A.D. 1275, ramic assemblage differences from two Iate Pueblo N sites from which the settlement pattern is relatively dispersed throughout most Western we have quality excavated data. Table Rock Pueblo, located just out- I Pueblo districts, the production and distibution of ceramic nares tend side St Johns, was almost completely excavated in 1958 (Martin and to be localized within districts, and average settlement size is relatively Rinaldo 1960). Rattlesnake Point Pueblo was excavated by Arizona similar in all regions, although district-speciIic population density still I State University field schools for three seasons, resulting in test or differs. With the widespread abandonments and settlement restructur- complete excavations in tbnty-one of the estimated eighty-five rooms, ing at about A.D. 1275, two si&cant changes occur: (1) population den- a large kiva, a small plaza, and midden deposits (Duff and Kintigh sities and setdement size differences become more marked, and (2) the 1993; Duff 1995). The Table Rock data are reported for the site as a association of ceramic wares with dismcts breaks down as the volume of whole (Martin and Rinaldo 1960: table 2), and I have aggregated the exchange between districts increases dramatically. Despite these sigrufi- Rattlesnake Point data similarly for comparison (Table 4.2). cant structural changes, districts continue to form the basis of interpretive The Upper Little Colorado dismct is problematic because it is heworks in both the alliance and ideological models. A closer exami- not associated with the production of a unique set of decorated wares nation of dismcts suggests they may not be oqpnhional entities and thar during Pueblo IV,potentially disqualikng it as a legitimate branch in regional system or alliance terminology and concepts may not be the Colton's terms. All of the wares of the day (late White Mountain Red most productive way to investigate Pueblo N interaction dynamics. A Ware, Zuni Glaze Ware, Cibola White Ware, Salado Polychrome few examples, showing significant differences between sites within a [Roosevelt Red Ware], and Hopi Yellow Wm)have been recovered single dismct and between adjacent dismcts, iUushte the problems of I from these sites, although a uniform plain-ware tradition is present continued application of region-specific conceptions to the interpreta- across the district Shiking differences are found between the Table tion of Pueblo N pauerns. Rock and Rattlesnake Point decorated assemblages (Figure 4.1). Table Rock's assemblage consists of almost 20 percent Hopi Yellow Ware, REGIONAL IN%RATION? ! compared with only a few sherds from Rattlesnake Point Even more Data from the Upper Little Colorado district Nap 4.1) provide unusual, the proportion (about 50 percent) of Salado Polychrome in reason to be cautious about treating Pueblo N settlement clusters the Table Rock assemblage is about three times that in the Rattle- 86 .~d,aeoIomofRe~bndhrenchbn Scale, Intrerahbn, andRegibndAndyis hLate PuebIo Prehistory 87 WarelT~pe Table Rock Rattlesnake .- - Point - BO TableRock - - Salado Polychrome (47.4%) (14.5%) ri ~- 1 ; I _ Plnto Polychrome 8 10 Gila Polychrome 516 658 Tonto Polychrome 862 230 Indeterminate Salado Polychrome 602 15 Hopi Yellow Ware (19.1%) (0.4%) Jeddito Black-on-yellow 795 24 Slkyatki Polychrome 8 0 Zuni Glaze Ware I-- 3- (23.0%) (54.2%) SAL1100 IUNl CIBOU WMRW Heshotauthla Polychrome 94 884 Kwakina Polychrome 503 1841 Pinnawa Glaze-on-white and Red-on-white 279 386 Kechipawan Polychrome 88 288 White Mountain Red Ware (3.4%) (11.8%) Pinedale Black-on-red and Polychrome 3 130 Fourmile Polychrome 139 612 Cibola White Ware (7.1%) (19.1%) Tularosa Black-on-white 90 279 Pinedale Black-on-white 210 918 Decorated Total 4,197 6,275 Undecorated Total 17,006 19,608 HOPI SALAD0 ZUNI CiBOW WMRW Note: Table Rock data from Martin and ~inaldo1960, Table 2, although F&e 4.1. Decorated celamic assemblages from Table Rockand Rattlesnake indeterminate Black-on-white and Puerco Black-on-white are counted here Point Pueblos compared by ware using ceramic types as listed m Table 4.2 as Pinedale Black-an-white, a type they did not recognize.

Table 4.2. Cumulative decorated cemmic counts for all excavated contexts from The amount of Hopi Yellow Ware at Table Rock suggests strong ties Table Rock and Rattlesnake Point Pueblos with residents of the Hopi district, about 120 miles to the north. Resi- dents of Rattlesnake Point appear to have maintained stronger ties snake Point collection. Conversely, more than half of the Rattlesnake with people in the Silver Creek sites, producers of late White Moun- Point assemblage is Zuni Glaze Ware, more than twice that from tain Red Ware (Triadan et al. 1997). If decorations on pots mean as Table Rock. Rattlesnake Point also contains greater percentages of much as we think they do, the fmding that assemblages from the two late White Mountain Red Ware and Cibola White Ware. sites were dominated by different (probably locally produced) wares Preliminaq compositional analysis (INAA) of all decorated wares suggests a very real distinction or division. At the same time, local and undecorated ceramics from six Upper Little Colorado Pueblo IV interaction occurred among residents of these proximate sites. Evi- sites (n=582) indicates that Salado Polychrome, Cibola White Ware, dence of local interaction may be masked by the very ceramic data Zuni Glaze Ware, and undecorated ceramics were locally produced, used to assess integration. The Zuni Glaze Ware found at Table Rock although vessels were also haded into the area It is safe to assume that and the Salado Polychrome recovered from Rattlesnake Point may Hopi Yellow Ware was produced at Hopi (Bishop et al. 1988), and have resulted from local interaction among these residents. Plain-ware most late White Mountain Red Ware (Fourmile Polychrome) ap- ceramics may also have circulated locally. Preliminary compositional pears to have been produced in the Silver Creek district (Triadan results support this suggestion, and investigation of patterning at this 1997), including samples compositionally analyzed from the Upper scale may help to determine the nature and strength of relationships Little Colorado dishict (Triadan, Mis, and Duff 1997). between residents of proximate sites that otherwise seem fairy different. As pots are our most obvious measure of regional interaction, Other Pueblo IV examples suggest that different regional interac- these assemblages suggest the two contemporaneous sites pursued very tions by residents of sites in the same vicinity may not have been different interaction strategies and participated in different networks. isolated situations. In the Silver Creek dishkt, Hauly noted that Hopi Scale, htmcbon, andRegona/Analy5isio Iate PuebIo Prehisto~y 89

Yellow Ware was more prevalent at Fourmile Ruin than at Showlow, may clarify the nature of the relationships. Drawing on ideas from Pe- Salado tpes were more common at Pinedale Ruin than at Showlow, ter Blau (1977), I consider two structuml conditions of populations and and Zuni Glazes were more frequent at Showlow than at Pinedale their implications. The fint is heterogeneity, defined as the number of (Haury and Hargrave 1931: 43-44, 71). At the Hopi site of ditferent groups and how populations are dishibuted among them. The Kokopnyama, dominated by local Hopi wares, Hargrave comments second is sii, or population, which is a propeny of specific groups. that Zuni Glazes were more common than White Mountain Red Ware The shuctural properties of regions dramatically affect how influ- (Haury and Hargrave 1931: 119). In the Middle Little Colorado dis- ential interactions are to group members. For example, if 10,000 trict, sites thought to be settled by *ants from the south (Chevelon people were living in the Zuni region and 1,000 in the Upper Little and Homol'ovi I) maintained stronger social ties with southern sites Colorado district and 100 social transactions occurred between mem- as measured by Zuni Glaze Ware and White Mountain Red Ware bers of each group that resulted in some type of material transfer, ceramics (Adams 1996, personal communication; Gladwin 1957). The such as a decorated vessel, the significance of this phenomenon dif- neighholing residents of Homol'ovi I1 were apparently very focused fers depending upon which group one uses as a reference (Blau 1977: toward the Hopi Mesas, with Salado Polychrome, Zuni Glaze Ware, 21). For the Zuni participants, less than 1 percent of the overall popu- and White Mountain Red Ware combined representing less than 1 lation had a direct social transaction with a member of a neighboring percent of the decorated assemblage (Hays 1991). Near Petrified For- group: an ovenvhelming majority of the population had little or no est, H. P. Mera noted greater frequencies of Zuni Glaze Ware at interaction with nongroup members. Conversely, 10 percent of the Wallace Tank than at the Puerco Ruin (1934: 20). A similar situation occupants of the Upper Little Colorado district interacted with appears to characterize some Tonto Basin sites. Thus I suggest the nongroup members. This is a simple property of group size, and one contrasting patterns of regional interaction indicated for the Up could just as easily use villages as regions, but the idea is the same. per Little Colorado district are not unique, although differences Given differing group sizes, transactions between groups may be more extreme than those in other areas. disproportionally involve, and presumably affect, members of the The Zuni region presents a stark contrast to the Upper Little Colo- smaller group. The larger the difference between group sizes, the rado district example. Throughout Pueblo IV, decorated ceramics at greater the differential impact (Blau 1977: 19-30). Zuni consist entirely of Zuni Glaze Wares and Cibola White Ware. Consideration of heterogeneity, defined as the distribution of Tabulation of surface and excavated collections from forty-five Zuni people among groups (Blau 1977: 771, is also useful. With increased sites reveals no Hopi Yellow Ware, late White Mountain Red Ware, heterogeneity there is generally a relaxation of social rules that inhibit or Salado Polychrome except at Protohistoric sites (Kintigh 1985: intergroup interactions (Blau 1977: 79-80). In fact, two divergent trends appendix). Interaction appears to have been concentrated within the characterize group interactions: Small groups tend to interact with Zuni region during Pueblo IV. Typological analysis, however, cannot greater numbers of other groups and to make social adjushnents to detect internal interactions, and internal divisions similar to those noted facilitate these transactions; larger groups tend to become more insu- for the Upper Little Colorado district may have been present Settle- lar and to refrain from out-group associations (Blau 1977). ment spacing within the Zuni region suggests at least two internal group At some level the fact that a relatively trivial amount of non-Zuni ings. A similar pattern appears to characterize the Hopi Mesas, where pottery is found at Zuni settlements during Pueblo N is both a func- sites are dominated by a single decorated ware but mesa-specific settle- tion of how much trade would be needed for us to notice it and of ment groupings probably signal internal divisions similar to contem- social conditions at the level of the region. A similar situation prevails porary distinctions. Ceramic production and regional interactions ap- for many sites in the Hopi Mesas district and probably accounts for parently differed by mesa during Pueblo IV (Bishop et al. 1988). the relatively small frequency of imports at Homol'ovi 11. In contrast, in a small district such as the Upper Little Colorado, relatively little DISCUSSION interaction would have had a disproportionately greater effect. This Regional interaction in the Pueblo IV period has a strong demo- point has at least two interesting implications. The first is a fundon of graphic component, and consideration of some properties of scale size: It takes relatively fewer social transactions involving pottely exchanges Scale, Infeeracbbn, and RegbndAndysis h Late Pueblo Prehistory 9 1

consider the presence of Pinedale design style on wares other than Salado District Early Pueblo N Late Pueblo N Anderson Mesa 795 5x5 Polychrome, this larger region appears even more internally coherent Middle Little Colorado Local differences in the popularity of different wares and their associ- Arizona Mountains ated color schemes (Crown 1996) may have served to both differenti- Silver Creek ate and integrate localized groups. The sect development suggested Upper Little Colorado by Crown (1994) may have occurred at a much smaller scale than she Puerco River originally suggested. Subtotal-all of the above Conversely, although interaction seems to have been concentrated Zuni Hopi Mesas within the Hopi and Zuni regions, there may also have been internal organizational or political divisions that are masked by the lack of Table 43. Cunlulative roomiount estimates by district I obvious ceramic differences. Smaller groups of settlements may con- 1 stitute the units we are interested in examining. Clusters of one to to skew decorated ceramic assemblage proportions at smaller sites. At 1 three sites, similar to the north-south division tentatively identified the same time, behaviorally these interactions probably have a more I for the Upper Little Colorado, may represent cooperatively organized profound social influence. Two different kinds of regional inter- settlement?. The scale of supracommunity organization will be difi- action appear to have been present and associated with different cult to discern in these areas because of the similarities in material kinds of demogaphic structures during the Pueblo IV period. culture, but some fine-scale resolution may be possible. I Demographic patterning and differences can be evaluated with cumulative room-count estimates (Table 4.3). To produce these fig- CONCLUSION ures, half of the room-count totals from sites occupied throughout I I have argued that the timing of settlement changes and other Pueblo IV were assigned to each of the Early and Late Pueblo IV i critical developments was roughly contemporaneous over a large por- periods; othenuise, the entire room-count estimate of a site was as- tion of the northern Southwest At the same time, I have hied to show signed to either the Early or Late Pueblo IV period. The Hopi and I that what we consider to be regions are not as uniform, at least in Zuni room counts (about 2,600 to 5,600) can be used as a proxy for terms of their interactions, as we might expect. The proposed divi- the demographic scale of internally interacting regions. No other dis- sion of Pueblo IV into Early and Late periods susests that the demo- trict approaches this range, and a sum of room counts from all other graphic scale of many regions was substantially smaller than has previ- districts is between 5,600 and 6,100 rooms during each period. Thus ously been assumed (e.g., Lightfoot 1984; Upham 1982), a conclusion major demographic differences exist between Hopi and Zuni on the that should be sustained even if the absolute dating requires modifi- one hand and all of the other dishicts on the other. cation. The implications for models of regional complexity and settle- These room-count parameters suggest two possibilities for inter- ment hierarchy are obvious, but these downward revisions of popula- action-based regions. Fist, we may be rnisidentifylng social scales of I tion estimates may help in our attempts to construct meaningful re- interaction by subdividing the central part of the plateau. Perhaps we \ gions. should consider the Silver Creek, Anderson Mesa, Upper and Middle Given the present understanding of the Western Pueblo during Little Colorado, Puerco River, and some of the area below the later prehistoly, there appears to be no good reason to believe that Mogollon Rim to be a single "region" characterized by a confusion of anything like a traditionally defined system of regional alliances was cross-cutting relationships among distant sites. The history of migra- i operative. When contemporaneity is factored in, settlement clusters tion in the Western Pueblo seems to have been concentrated within contain fewer sites, and the boundaries within and between them are this area, and this common historical background may have fostered less obvious. Between sites, relationships were complex and miable, struchlral conditions favoring out-group interactions (after Blau 1977). 1 hut we need to build models of regional organization carefully. This larger entity appears united by properties amibuted to the Katsina ! Supracommunity organization appears to have existed at a scale much Cult (Adams 1991), the Southwestern Cult (Crown 19941, or both. If we smaller that the dishict or region, and it may more commonly occur at Scale, Interncoon, andRegbndAna/visin Late Pueblo Prell~toiy 93

the level of one or a few sites. At the same time, the scope of the Societal Complexity..Journa/ofFieIdArchaeoIogy20:3-21. relationships entered into by members of communities often exceeded Adler, Michael A. (ed.). 1996. The Prehistoncfieblo World,A.D. 1150- the scale of anal$cal districts. This mtalizi patterning is the stuff 1350. University of Arizona Press, Tucson. alliances and regional systems are built of, but in hying to untangle Bannister, Brynt Elizabeth A.M. GeU, andJohn W. Hannah. 1966. Tree- these ~~aiousrelationships, regions themselves are difficult to define. I RmgDaresfmmhona N-Q, Verde-ShowLow-St JohnsAm. Labora- The suggestion of a demographic or interactive region tentatively for- tory of Tree-Ring Research, University of Arizona, Tucson. warded here does not imply political unity hut does appear to map Bishop, Ronald L,Veletta Canouts, Suzanne DeAtley, Alfred Qoyawayma, and C. W. Aikens. 1988. The Formation of Ceramic Analytical Groups: important social relations. Whether we want to retain the notion of a ! ! Hopi Pottery Production and Exchange, A.D. 1300- 1600.JournalofFie/d regional system or to simultaneously identify and explore relation- i Archaeology 15:317-337. ships that occurred at many different levels or scales, the interpretive i Blau, Peter M. 1977. Inequd@andHetero~nei@:APnimtive Theo~of emphasis on regional-scale processes will continue to stimulate re- i SouiJShuchue. Free Press, New York. search into late prehisto~yin the Western Pueblo area. Braun, David P., and Stephen Plog. 1982. Evolution of "Tribal" Social Networks: Theory and Prehistoric North American Endence. Ameri- I can Anoquiy47:504-525. I would like to thank Alison Rautman for inviting me to pahipate Brown, Gaq M. 1990. Nuvakwewtaqa and the Chavez Pass Re~on:An in the original session and Steadman Upham for provoking me (and Oveniew. In Technological Change in the Chavez Pass Region, No~th- others) to think about issues on larger scales. Chuck Adams (Homol'ovi CenbalArizona,ed. G. M. Brown, pp. 5-19. Anthropological Research Research Program) and Barbara Mills (Silver Creek Archaeological Re- Papers No. 41. Arizona State University, Tempe. search Project) have graciously provided information and opinions about Burton, Jeffrey F. 1993. Days h the P~tedDesert and the Pehified For- published and unpublished data related to projects under their diiec- esh ofNorthern Arizona. Publications in Anthropology No. 62. West- tion. Comments and editorial suggestions on an earlier draft of this em Archaeological and Conservation Center, National Park Se~ce,U.S. chapter by Michelle Hegmon, Keith Kin*, Jeff Reid, and Steadman Deparfment of the Interior, Tucson. Upham helped me to clanfy several points. I remain solely responsible Colton, Harold S. 1939. 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