UC Merced Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology

Title Flaked Stone from the Navajo Springs Great House, Arizona

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Journal Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, 13(2)

ISSN 0191-3557

Author Warburton, Miranda

Publication Date 1991-07-01

Peer reviewed

eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Joumal of California and Great Basin Andiropology Vol, 13, No, 2, pp, 230-241 (1991), Flaked Stone from the Navajo Springs Great House, Arizona

MIRANDA WARBURTON, Navajo Nation Archaeology Dept., Nordiern Arizona Univ., P.O. Box 6013, Flagstaff, AZ 86011,

XN the past 10 to 15 years, flaked stone analy­ to address a variety of issues including pre­ sis has become increasingly emphasized in historic economy, politics, and social organiza­ Southwestern archaeology with a proliferation of tion that are difficult to study through other flintknappers, replicators, and analysts working classes of artifacts. There is, however, an at ceramic period sites and supplementing site inherent problem in the tacit assumption of reports with lithic studies. Detailed lithic many Southwest archaeologists that all aspects smdies are now included in archaeological of a given cultural group are writ large in the reports on ceramic period sites as a matter of ceramic assemblage. Before that assumption course; nonetheless, the Southwest bias towards can be supported, the role of ceramics in pre­ ceramics is still prevalent, and flaked stone historic society must be better understood. For analyses are often considered supplemental to example, in the social realm, to what degree are ceramic analyses. The next step in significant the activities of both genders expressed? Per­ lithic analysis, I believe, is the elevation of data haps ceramics more accurately reflect female derived from lithic studies to a level comparable roles, while the flaked stone assemblage reflects to that accorded to ceramics, and then a compar­ long under-represented male activities. In the ison of the data from these different artifact economic or political realm, what members of classes to determine where they agree or point society were responsible for the trade of clay to differences that need further research. and ceramic items? Did women trade among Most Anasazi site reports provide morph­ themselves? Alternatively, did men control the ological, or even technological, descriptions of distribution of ceramics that women produced? the flaked stone assemblage. Noting that the If some of these questions could be answered, inhabitants of the site were primarily agri­ how would it change our interpretations of culturalists, the authors proceed to justify the Southwest prehistory? lithic analysis by pointing out that, of course, Concomitant with our need to understand these farmers supplemented their diet with the social context of ceramic production and game, and therefore, needed flaked stone tools. exchange is a critical need to understand the The degree of reliance on agriculture during the social context of lithic production and exchange. Pueblo period is not argued in this paper, but it How often and for what purposes was flaked is argued that Southwestemists have been con­ stone used by both men and women in daily ac­ tent for too long with descriptive flaked stone tivities? Who collected and distributed the raw analyses. Our reliance on other kinds of data, material? Did women make and curate their such as ceramics, has blinded us to the informa­ own stone tools, and is a woman's tool kit tion potential of stone tool technologies. identifiably different than a man's? Who con­ Undeniably, the advent of ceramic manu­ trolled lithic exchange? Did men exchange facture in the Southwest enables archaeologists lithic artifacts and women exchange ceramics? FLAKED STONE FROM THE NAVAJO SPRINGS GREAT HOUSE 231

Is the distribution of a given group's ceramics butes that link these sites-Great Houses-to the isomorphic with the distribution of that same Chaco Anasazi include "Chaco-style" masonry, group's flaked stone? Would the Southwest pre­ Chacoan architectural form, Chacoan pottery, a historic cultural and ethnic boundaries, so neatly Great Kiva, and a prehistoric road. Surround­ defined by ceramic distributions, coincide with ing virtually every known Great House are sat­ boundaries delineated by lithic tools? ellite sites. These sites cluster around the Great Clearly these questions are beyond the Houses, comprising communities (see Marshall scope of the present paper, but Southwest ar­ et al. 1979) whose role and relationship to the chaeologists trying to understand ceramic period Great Houses are yet to be determined. sites must use all available means to understand To account for this Great House phenome­ prehistoric society. The following is a case non and explain its interrelationship to sites study of one prehistoric ceramic period com­ within Chaco Canyon, traditional hypotheses of munity, and while there is no pretense of Chaco Canyon development and decline have answering the questions raised above, it is my been reformulated (Marshall et al. 1979; Powers hope that lithic technological studies will et al. 1983; Fowler et al. 1987; Lekson et al. become as important at sites with ceramics as 1988; Warburton and Graves n.d.). The Chaco they are at aceramic sites, and further, that lithic System is variously proposed to be comprised of technological analyses will be treated as equally Great Houses that were the residences of elite valuable and informative. managers (Tainter and Gillio 1980; Powers 1984), public buildings constructed for com­ BACKGROUND munity civic and ceremonial purposes governed The Chaco Canyon Anasazi were prehistoric by elite managers (Marshall et al. 1979), a farmers of the San Juan Basin, northwest New combination ceremonial center and market­ Mexico, between approximately A.D. 900 and place-the "pilgrimage fair" idea (Judge 1984; 1250. Their most substantial occupation was in Toll 1985), or public ritual structures that Chaco Canyon during the late Pueblo II - early served the local community (Stein 1987). Some Pueblo III period (A.D. 1000 and 1150). By researchers (Marshall et al. 1979) hypothesized A.D. 1250, however, Chaco Canyon was virtu­ in situ development, while others (Powers et al. ally abandoned (Cordell 1984; Judge 1984, 1983; Warburton and Graves n.d.) hypothesized 1989; Vivian 1990). The remains of the myste­ that emigrants from Chaco Canyon colonized rious Chaco Canyon dwellers are remarkable for existing local groups. their striking masonry styles; large, well- To increase our understanding of the Chaco planned, multi-storied stmctures; massive public System, a Great House on its known periphery, architecture; and ritual structures known as was elected for study. External not only to "Great Kivas" (Cordell 1984; Lekson 1984). Chaco Canyon, but also to the San Juan Basin Until about 15 years ago, most Southwest­ (Fig. 1, Table I), Navajo Springs (AZ-P-53-43) emists viewed the Chaco florescence as a unique in Navajo, Arizona, is one of the westernmost and unprecedented cultural development by a identified Pueblo II Period Great Houses. Lo­ local Anasazi population. Recently, a number cated on the southwest frontier of the Chaco of sites across the entire Colorado Plateau (Fig. System, approximately 300 km. southwest of 1, Table 1) that are external to Chaco Canyon, Chaco Canyon, it serves as a case study of arti­ but Chacoan in nature, have been recorded factual and architectural similarities between (Marshall et al. 1979; Powers et al. 1983; Great Houses adjacent to Chaco Canyon and Fowler et al. 1987; Gilpin 1989). The attri­ those some distance away. 232 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

NEW MEXICO

• small Great House '-"""•atfo 25mil«s A medium Great House I _j • large Great House 30 kilometers t 0 I 2 3miles I I I I ©small Great House/Great Kiva 0 I 2 3km8 . I I I—I <®imedium Great House/Great Kiva Blarge Great House/Great Kiva prehistoric road segment -•-^ Great House/road segment Chaco Canyon National Monument

Fig. 1. Location of the Navajo Springs Great House and odier known Great Houses (see Table 1 for key to site names). FLAKED STONE FROM THE NAVAJO SPRINGS GREAT HOUSE 233

Table 1 OUTLIERS IDENTIFIED IN FIGURE V "

Map Number Outlier Name Map Number Outlier Name

1. Navajo Springs 39 U, Kin Klizhin

2. Sanders 40. Green Lee

3. Allantown 41. Pierres

4. Houck 42. Halfway House

5. Chambers 43. Twin Angels

6. Hunlcrs Point 44. Salmon

7. Plaza Sue 45. Jacques

8. Malpais Spring N&S 46. Sterling

9. Sunrise Spring 47. Aztec

10, Ganado 48. Site 39

n. Bear Squats 49. Site 41

12. Round Rock 50. Chimney Rock

13, Tse Chizzi 51. Squaw Sprmgs

14, Whippoorwill 52. Escalante

15, Burnt Corn 53. Lowry

16, Fort Wingate 54. Hogback

17. Coolidge 55. Sanostee

18, Casaniero 56. Newcomb

19, Andrews 57. Skunk Springs

20, Kin Hocho'i 58. Tocito

21, Haystack 59. Thunder Ridge

22, Km Nizhoni 60. Km Bmeola

23, San Mateo 61. Pueblo Pintado

24, El Rito 62. BIS sa'ani

25, Village of the Great Kiv; 63. Wallace

26. Guadalupe 64. Kin Klizhin

27, Kin Ya'a 65. Penasco Blanco

28, Muddy Water 66. Casa Chiquita

29. Atsee Nitsaa 67. Km Kleiso

30, Dalton Pass 68. New Alto

31. Ida Jean 69. Pueblo Alto

32. Peach Springs 70. Pueblo Bonito

33. Standing Rock 71. Cheiro Ketl

34. Indian Creek 72. Hungo Pavi

35, Grey Hill Spring 73. Una Vida

36, Whirlwind House 74. Wijiji

37. Great Bend 75. Tsin Kletsin

38, Bee Burrow 76. Pueblo del Arroyo

After Graves (1990:Table 14), References: 1-15. Gilpin (1989). 16-28. 30-76. Powers et al. (1983); 29, Fowler etal, (1987), 234 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

OBJECTIVES the north side of the road and two rubble mound/room block and associated midden The lithic analysis described herein is mounds on the south side. The North Complex intended to interface with the ceramic analysis lacks the mound relief of the Great House and in response to a series of research questions appears to lack core-and-veneer masonry. derived for the Navajo Springs Great House. The present analysis is restricted to responding Fieldwork to the following questions. What role does the Navajo Springs Great Fieldwork included three tasks: survey, House play on the local level? Is there any artifact analysis, and architectural documenta­ artifactual evidence in support of the Great tion. Intensive archaeological survey was con­ House serving as an elite residence, community ducted on 160 acres (65 ha.) surrounding civic or religious center, marketplace, or other Navajo Springs, and resulted in the documen­ public building? Is there status difference re­ tation of 22 sites including the Great House and flected in the artifactual remains? What is the North Complex. The sites appear to surround role of the community sites in relation to the the prominently located Great House; their posi­ Great House? Are these sites integrated with tion, combined with their variety in size and the Great House in some kind of support role? apparent function, lends support to the notion of interdependent sites organized in a community THE SITE AND FIELD RESEARCH centered around the Great House. The site The Navajo Nation Archaeology Depart­ types, in addition to the Great House, include ment—Northern Arizona University Branch habitations ranging in size from 4 to 50 mason­ Office (NNAD-NAU), conducted preliminary ry rooms, small structural sites with one or two archeological field research at the Chaco Era isolated rooms that probably served as field (A.D. 1050 - 1150) Great House of Navajo houses associated with farming, and small sherd Springs, in 1989 (Fig. 1, Table I). This site and lithic scatters from limited activities. sits on a low hill with a commanding panoramic In-field analysis was determined to yield the view; the winding Puerco River cuts through the greatest amount of information under highly desert only 0.5 km. to the west. Approaching restricted time and money constraints. This the site from almost any direction, the rubble kind of analysis mitigates the necessity of costly mound looms on the horizon. laboratory procedures and long term curation, Two spatially distinct architectural units and it leaves the artifactual remains in place for (loci) comprise Navajo Springs site: the Great future researchers. In-field analysis was con­ House and the North Complex. The Great ducted at each of the Navajo Springs communi­ House (Fig. 2) may have as many as 40 rooms. ty sites. For many of these sites, a small, All exposed walls were constructed of rubble judgementally selected sample of artifacts was cores with dressed face Chaco-style masonry analyzed. While this provided an impression­ (core-and-veneer masonry). This Great House, istic sense of the ceramic and lithic artifacts, a like others of its ilk, is characterized by thick more systematic analysis was undertaken at the walls and 3 to 4 m. of relief in the rubble Great House, the North Complex, and two adja­ mound. cent community sites —Marble Ridge (AZ-P-53- The North Complex, 150 m. northeast of 22) and Ladle Ridge (AZ-P-53-30). Both of the Great House but connected to it by a these latter sites are large, apparent habitation prehistoric road, consists of a rubble mound/ sites with masonry rooms and dense artifact room block and associated midden mound on scatters. The following preliminary artifact FLAKED STONE FROM THE NAVAJO SPRINGS GREAT HOUSE 235

NAVAJO SPRINGS GREAT HOUSE */ (AZ-P-53-43) ,MN 14'E BERM 4

SWALE

BERM 5 J'^

BERM 3

BERM 6

••Vr^r ^ ••'it- ^^i^'' h SWiLE

BERM 7 CENTRAL PLAZA

yjjfUf** SWALE

/ /

BERM I

SCALE METERS '^is'.fc .fe" 0 5 10 ,5 20 '••>-'«••

Fig. 2. Map of the Navajo Springs Great House (drawn by Denny Carley, based on original map by Andrew Fowler and John R. Stein). analysis was intended to refine the research All analysis was done in the field with the questions to guide future research; the results intention of deriving as much technological in- are presented below. formation as possible to ascertain if differences 236 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY in site function might be deduced from the lithic Given the proximity to the Puerco River, and artifacts. Flake attributes examined in the field the suitability of the soils for agriculture, a included completeness, amount and type of cor­ heavy reliance on cultivated plants is to be tex, platform type and kind of preparation, expected. number and orientation of dorsal scars, flake Ceramics type, reduction technology, size, thermal altera­ tion, edge modification, raw material type, and Based on the ceramic analysis, the Navajo color. Springs site community dates to the Wingate Phase with the construction of the sites at the ARTIFACT ANALYSIS early Pueblo II period (ca. A.D. 975) and their Artifacts from 50 2 x 2-m. sample units at abandonment in the early Pueblo III period (ca. the Great House, the North Complex, Marble A.D. 1125). Graves (1990:69), using ceramic Ridge and Ladle Ridge were analyzed in the data, hypothesized a mean date of A.D. 1055 field (Fig. 2 and Table 2). Sample units were for the North Complex and a mean date of A.D. chosen judgementally, but their intrasite location 1077 for the Great House. was standardized to: (1) in or adjacent to At each site (Table 2), there were always masonry structures; (2) in open plaza areas with more sherds than lithics. The highest ratio of high artifact density; (3) in open plaza areas sherds to flakes was at the North Complex with low artifact density; and (4) near the ap­ (4.7:1.0) followed closely by the Great House parent site boundaries where artifact density de­ (4.1:1.0). Marble Ridge had a substantially clined. The total 50 sample units comprise only lower ratio (2.6:1.0) and Ladle Ridge had the a 0.2 to 0.4% sample of the areal extent of each lowest (1.8:1.0). Ladle Ridge is located close of the four sites (Table 2). All surface cultural to a source of raw material and this low ratio material from each of the selected sample units underscores the importance of lithic reduction at was analyzed for chronological information and this site relative to the others. The proximity of as a basis for making inter- and intrasite com­ the source and the sherd-to-flake ratio lead to a parisons of flaked stone, ground stone, and ce­ tentative hypothesis of Ladle Ridge as a lithic ramics. The remainder of this paper concen­ procurement and initial reduction locale. trates on the lithic analysis with brief summaries Marble Ridge, with the next lowest sherd-to- of the ground stone and ceramic data (more de­ flake ratio, is a large, habitation site where tail on ceramics may be found in Graves [1990] relatively high domestic use of flaked stone is to and Warburton and Graves [n.d.]). be expected. In support of its domestic role, the ceramic analysis from Marble Ridge demon­ Ground Stone strated that it had the highest relative amount of Grinding stones were present on virtually utility wares. The higher ratios of sherds to every site. There are renmants of both metates flakes at the North Complex and Great House and manos with little variation in such imple­ indicate that fewer activities requiring stone ments noted. The metates are usually trough tools were undertaken at those loci. There, types although there are some basin-like forms, ceramics played a much greater role. and the manos are primarily two-hand style and The following summarizes interpretations exhausted. The grinding stones were manufac­ derived from a ceramic analysis presented tured from fine-, medium-, and coarse-grained elsewhere (Graves 1990; Warburton and Graves local sandstone, sandstone conglomerate, and n.d.). We hypothesized a slightly earlier con­ occasionally basah, which outcrop in the area. struction of the North Complex than the Great FLAKED STONE FROM THE NAVAJO SPRINGS GREAT HOUSE 237

Table 2 SUMMARY OF IN-FIELD ANALYSIS SAMPLE UNITS FROM THE NAVAJO SPRINGS GREAT HOUSE, THE NORTH COMPLEX, MARBLE RIDGE, AND LADLE RIDGE

Site Area Sample Percent Number Number Sherd/Flake Artifacts per 2 (sq. m.) Units Sample of Sherds of Flakes Ratio X 2 m. sq.

Great House 19,600 21 0.43 489 118 4.1:1 29

Morth Complex 18,700 7 0.15 103 22 4.7:1 18

Marble Ridge 35,000 15 0.17 230 92 2.5:1 22

Ladle Ridge 9,600 7 0.29 108 59 1,8:1 24

House. Hypothetically, a group of people came A total of 291 flakes was systematically from the Chaco area and settled at the North analyzed from the Great House, the North Complex with the intent of constructing and Complex, Marble Ridge, and Ladle Ridge. administering the Navajo Springs Great House. At the most general level, the flaked stone The North Complex, with its low artifact den­ assemblage is relatively constant among the four sity but relatively high proportion of bowls and sites. Over 90% of the assemblage consisted of decorated sherds, may have been the residence locally available cherts and petrified wood. The for those people in charge of the Great House reduction technology was primarily the produc­ construction, and later, its function. Produce, tion of flakes from flake cores; approximately brought in from the fields along the Puerco 40% of the sample was direct freehand percus­ River by the community inhabitants, may have sion production of flakes and another 10% was been stored within the high walls of the Great identifiable as bipolar flakes. A large propor­ House. The density, spatial distribution, and tion (ca. 30%) of shatter supports this combi­ number of ceramics indicate possible storage of nation of direct freehand percussion and goods, feasting, ritual destruction of vessels, or expedient bipolar flake technology. Over 40% some combination of all of the above. of the assemblage had cortical or single-facet platforms, another 49% were indeterminate Flaked Stone because they were shatter, chunks, or debris, leaving the remainder with crushed or multifacet From the ceramic analysis, we have derived platforms; platforms were not abraded nor did a fairly rich, but hypothetical, picture of the they appear prepared. The flakes were probably development of Navajo Springs and its role used both unhafted and hafted in relatively short within the community. How can the lithic anal­ handles as necessary for cutting or other ysis contribute more information? As men­ purposes. While the overall assemblage can be tioned in the introduction of this paper, we are thus characterized, a closer look at analytic not sure exactly what aspect of society is categories reveals intersite differences. analyzed by examining ceramics. A comparable Raw material (Table 3) at all sites was analysis of the flaked stone, that supports or predominately locally available petrified wood refutes information derived from the ceramics, and chert with lesser amounts of quartzite and should provide a clearer picture of the Navajo chalcedony. All of these raw materials occur in Springs social and economic structure. deposits that outcrop in the northern section of The assemblage examined here is a small the project area; raw material is available less sample of the flaked stone present on the sites. than a kilometer from any site in the project 238 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Table 3 Table 4 RAW MATERIAL TYPES IDENTIFIED PERCENT OF COMPLETE FLAKES FROM IN THE FLAKED STONE ANALYSIS THE LITHIC ANALYSIS

Great North Marble Ladle Debitage Great North Marble Ladle Material House Complex Ridge Ridge Type House Complex Ridge Ridge

Chalcedony 1% 0 0 0 Complete 53% 64% 50% 36%

Chert 55% 36% 45% 57% Broken 14% 5% 16% 7% Flake Petrified 40% 55% 52% 39% Wood Flake 2% 0 3% 12% Fragment Quartzite 4% 9% 2% 2% Debris 26% 27% 26% 31% Obsidian 0 0 0 2% Chunk 5% 3% 5% 12% Siltstone 0 0 1% 0 area. The locally available material, then, lihood that the high percent of broken flakes accounts for 99% of the entire assemblage. results from poor quality material, while the Cortex type was relatively unrevealing and higher percentage of whole flakes at the North redundant for raw material sourcing. Raw Complex may indicate removal of flakes from material was obtained from outcrops along the prepared, or at least pre-screened good quality Puerco River that are composed of weathered material. Interestingly, Ladle Ridge had the Sonsela Sandstone beds of the Petrified Forest least amount of primary and secondary de­ Member of the Chinle Formation. Within these cortication while the North Complex had the beds, alluvial cobbles of chert with incipient most primary and secondary decortication cone cortex co-occur with naturally weathered flakes. chunks of petrified wood. All sites have a high percentage of shatter Thermal alteration of raw materials was and indeterminate flakes (Table 5) with most observed. The least amount of thermal altera­ identifiable flakes classed as flakes from direct tion in any form was at Ladle Ridge (10%), freehand-percussion flake cores; some flake while the most was at Marble Ridge (26%). cores were also present. Bipolar flakes and The thermal alteration appears to be intentional cores were also present in the assemblage. heat treatment and is indicated by changes in Ladle Ridge had the least amount of bipolar color and luster. Each site had a minimum of debitage, at 4% of the assemblage, and the approximately 10% heat-treated flakes. North Complex had the most, at 14% of the as­ Ladle Ridge had the lowest proportion of semblage. This is consonant with the hypo­ complete flakes and the highest proportions of thesized screening and/or preparing of raw flake fragments, debris, and chunks (Table 4). material at Ladle Ridge and further reduction by The North Complex had a very high proportion direct freehand percussion or bipolar at the of complete flakes. Completeness, in this as­ North Complex. Removal of poor quality semblage, may be related to the kind of activity material does not require bipolar reduction. being undertaken as opposed to indicating dif­ About 30% of the flakes from each site were ferent technologies or reduction techniques (cf. shatter, but in addition, 29% of the Ladle Ridge Sullivan and Rozen 1985). The high proportion flakes were included in an indeterminate cat­ of checks and flawed material visible in the egory, while the North Complex had none that debitage from Ladle Ridge points to the like- were indeterminate. These indeterminate flakes FLAKED STONE FROM THE NAVAJO SPRINGS GREAT HOUSE 239

Table 5 PERCENT OF FLAKE TYPES IN NAVAJO SPRINGS LITHIC ASSEMBLAGE

Flake Type Great House North Complex Marble Ridge Ladle Ri

Indeterminate 12% 0 13% 29%

Core Flake (DFP) 35% 50% 39% 25%

Biface-thinning 1% 0 1% 0

Platform Prep/Edge 3% 0 3% 7%

Shatter 30% 3155 28% 29%

Pressure 1% 0 0 0

DFP Flake Core 3% 0 4% 5%

Bipolar Flake 7% 5% 7% 2%

Bipolar Core 6% 9% 2% 2%

Split Cobble 2% 5% 2% 1% were chunks, shatter, and debris whose reduc­ perhaps indicating greater systematization in tion technique could not be identified. The lack flake production. of such debitage at the North Complex further SUMMARY supports the notion that this lithic material had been pre-screened or prepared elsewhere. What does all this tell us? The following Only about 6% of the assemblage showed scenario is hypothetical and intended to guide any signs of edge modification; the North future research. Generally, prehistoric inhab­ Complex had the highest amount and Ladle itants of the Navajo Springs community col­ Ridge the least. Due to in-field analytic lected and reduced locally available lithic raw procedures, the flakes could not be examined material. The reduction and use of flaked stone under a microscope, and thus use-wear studies does not appear to have been a haphazard pro­ will have to be conducted at a later date. cess. To the contrary, there was apparently At all sites, the number of dorsal scars pre-screening or preparing of raw material at ranged primarily between none and three, but at Ladle Ridge that was then forwarded to other the North Complex, over 35% of the flakes had sites. Some material appears to have been heat four or more dorsal scars compared with only treated at the community sites, once it left Ladle about 15% at the other sites. This indicates less Ridge. The heat-treatment stage was clearly initial reduction and more of the latter stages of integral in the production of some stone tools. manufacture here. Ladle Ridge stands out as a site with a great Orientation of dorsal scars in these lithic deal of nonheat-treated, small debris. In con­ assemblages was not terribly useful. The major­ trast, the North Complex lithic assemblage is ity of flakes with two or more flake scars on the characterized by a higher percentage of com­ dorsal surface exhibited multidirectional scars. plete flakes with an abundance of scars on the Both the Great House and Marble Ridge had dorsal surface combined with a relatively high higher proportions of flakes with dorsal scars amount of cortex. The lithic assemblages from rurming unidirectionally from the platform. the Great House and Marble Ridge are more 240 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

similar to each other than to either the North technology where the desired end product was Complex or Ladle Ridge sites. This will a straight cutting edge. Once the inhabitants of require further documentation as the ceramics the North Complex had a workable piece of from Marble Ridge point to its farming and material, they continued to reduce it using an utilitarian function, while the ceramics from the admixture of direct freehand-percussion and Great House seem to support a community inte­ bipolar techniques as necessary. grative function. It is of interest that so far, the Obviously, there were stone workers at all lithic assemblages from these sites do not appear of these sites, but the far ends of the spectrum functionally or technologically different, but the are reflected by the Ladle Ridge laborers and ceramics do. This conceivably may reflect spe­ the more specialized producers of flakes and cialized gender- or class-related activities that tools at the North Complex. were conducted at one locale, but not another. The use of flaked stone tools in daily Hypothetically, it appears that the inhab­ domestic activities, as well as in planting, itants of Ladle Ridge provided lithic material for harvesting, and processing of agricultural crops the rest of the community. They collected the and gathered plants, is not well understood. In material from the nearby weathering Sonsela an organized community setting, such as the Sandstone beds. They screened its quality by Navajo Springs community, it is only logical to attempting to work it and by so doing, created see some specialization of labor reflected in the a substantial amount of chunks and shatter. procurement of raw material and the manufac­ Petrified wood, in particular, breaks along ture of stone tools. Of interest for future cleavage planes and much poor quality rock has research are the instances where the results of to be removed to expose the good quality the flaked stone analysis are dissimilar from the material. The by-products of this process are ceramic analysis. It is in these interstices that characterized by less cortex because the natural the roles of different social groups may be weathered surface of petrified wood is relatively reflected. indistinct, and because large logs have less Technological analysis of the flaked stone in cortex per unit of noncortical material than conjunction with ceramic analysis provides a smaller cobbles. This observation highlights the potentially more complete picture of life at a need for analysts' familiarity with locally prehistoric Pueblo, than separating the two available raw material types, their size ranges, analyses. Southwestemists must try to infer and availability when interpreting various lithic prehistoric human behavior from lithic assem­ variables. blages and compare it with inferences derived To continue with this hypothesis, the stone from ceramics. If the same conclusions are tool laborers of Ladle Ridge gathered raw reached, the argument is only strengthened, but material; removed the poor quality, unflakeable if different activities are reflected, these sections by direct freehand-percussion, and upon analyses may be enabling us to distinguish finding good quality, flakeable rock, forwarded prehistoric roles differentiated by gender or it to the North Complex (or other community social standing. sites) residents for heat treatment and further reduction, perhaps in exchange for agricultural ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS products. Interestingly, the presence of cortex The Navajo Nation Archaeology Department, on flakeable material, such as observed at the Northem Arizona University Sponsored Research, North Complex, did not appear to lessen its the Office of Navajo and Hopi Indian Relocation, the Navajo Nation Historic Preservation Department, utility, further arguing for an expedient flake Bilby Research Center, and the Zuni Archaeology FLAKED STONE FROM THE NAVAJO SPRINGS GREAT HOUSE 241

Program all supported this research with funds, Marshall, Michael P., John R. Stein, Richard W. supplies, facilities, and intellectual stimulation. Loose, and Judith E. Novotny Many thanks go to Jeff Flenniken for supporting my 1979 Anasazi Communities of the San Juan interest in flaked stone for more years than 1 care to Basin. Albuquerque: Public Service enumerate. Jeff Fleimiken and Terry Ozbun are Company of New Mexico and New Mex­ owed a large debt for organizing this symposium. ico State Historic Preservation Division. Finally, I must thank Phil Geib, who once again, helped organize, edit, and provided challenging Powers, Robert P. commentary. Any errors or oversights can only be 1984 Outliers and Roads in the Chaco System. attributed to the author. In: New Light on Chaco Canyon, David G. Noble, ed., pp. 45-58. Santa Fe: REFERENCES School of American Research, Powers, Robert P., William B. Gillespie, and Cordell, Linda S. Stephen H. Lekson 1984 Prehistory of the Southwest. New York: 1983 The Outlier Survey: A Regional View of Academic Press. Settlement in the San Juan Basin. Re­ Fowler, Andrew, John R. Stein, and Roger Any on ports of the Chaco Center No. 3. Albu­ 1987 An Archaeological Reconnaissance of querque: Division of Cultural Research, West-Central New Mexico: The Anasazi National Park Service. Monuments Project. Albuquerque: New Mexicao State Office of Cultural Affairs, Stein, John R. Historic Preservation Division. 1987 Architecture and Landscape. In: An Archaeological Reconnaissance of West- Gilpin, Dennis A. Central New Mexico: The Anasazi Mon­ 1989 Great Houses and Pueblos in Northeastern uments Project, Andrew P. Fowler, John Arizona. Paper presented at the Pecos R. Stein, and Roger Anyon, eds., pp. 71- Conference, Los Alamos. 103. Albuquerque: New Mexicao State Graves, Doima K. Office of Cultural Affairs, Historic 1990 Navajo Springs: An Examination of the Preservation Division. Great House and Surrounding Communi­ ty. Master's thesis, Northem Arizona Sullivan, Alan P., Ill, and Kenneth C. Rozen University. 1985 Debitage Analysis and Archaeological Interpretation. American Antiquity 50(4):755-779. Judge, W. James 1984 New Light on Chaco Canyon. In: New Tainter, Joseph A., and David Gillio Light on Chaco Canyon, David G. Noble, 1980 Cultural Resources Overview: Mt. Tay­ ed., pp. 1-12. Santa Fe: School of lor Area, New Mexico. Albuquerque and American Research. Santa Fe: USDA Forest Service and 1989 Chaco Canyon—San Juan Basin. In: Dy­ USDl Bureau of Land Management. namics of Southwest Prehistory, Linda S. Toll, H. Wolcott Cordell and George J. Gumerman, eds., 1985 Pottery Production, Public Architecture, pp. 209-261. Washington: Smithsonian and the Chaco Anasazi System. Ph.D. Institution. dissertation, University of Colorado, Lekson, Stephen H. Boulder. 1984 Great Pueblo Architecture of Chaco Canyon, New Mexico. Publications in Vivian, R. Gwinn Archaeology 18B. Albuquerque: Na­ 1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan tional Park Service. Basin. New York: Academic Press. Lekson, Stephen H., Thomas C. Windes, John R. Warburton, Miranda, and Donna K. Graves Stein, and W. James Judge n.d. Navajo Springs, Arizona: Frontier Out­ 1988 The Chaco Canyon Community. Scien­ lier or Autonomous Great House? Jour­ tific American 259:100-109. nal of Field Archaeology (in press).