Exiting the Cold War Entering a New World
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
George Bush and the End of the Cold War. Christopher Alan Maynard Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 2001 From the Shadow of Reagan: George Bush and the End of the Cold War. Christopher Alan Maynard Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Maynard, Christopher Alan, "From the Shadow of Reagan: George Bush and the End of the Cold War." (2001). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 297. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/297 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI fiims the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction.. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. -
Germany, International Justice and the 20Th Century
Paul Betts Dept .of History University of Sussex NOT TO BE QUOTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE AUTHOR: DRAFT VERSION: THE FINAL DRAFT OF THIS ESSAY WILL APPEAR IN A SPECIAL ISSUE OF HISTORY AND MEMORY IN APRIL, 2005, ED. ALON CONFINO Germany, International Justice and the 20th Century The turning of the millennium has predictably spurred fresh interest in reinterpreting the 20th century as a whole. Recent years have witnessed a bountiful crop of academic surveys, mass market picture books and television programs devoted to recalling the deeds and misdeeds of the last one hundred years. It then comes as no surprise that Germany often figures prominently in these new accounts. If nothing else, its responsibility for World War I, World War II and the Holocaust assures its villainous presence in most every retrospective on offer. That Germany alone experienced all of the modern forms of government in one compressed century – from constitutional monarchy, democratic socialism, fascism, Western liberalism to Soviet-style communism -- has also made it a favorite object lesson about the so-called Age of Extremes. Moreover, the enduring international influence of Weimar culture, feminism and the women’s movement, social democracy, post-1945 economic recovery, West German liberalism, environmental politics and most recently pacifism have also occasioned serious reconsideration of the contemporary relevance of the 20th century German past. Little wonder that several commentators have gone so far as to christen the “short twentieth century” between 1914 and 1989 as really the “German century,” to the extent that German history is commonly held as emblematic of Europe’s 20th century more generally.1 Acknowledging Germany’s central role in 20th century life has hardly made things easy for historians, however. -
The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003
THE REGIME CHANGE CONSENSUS: IRAQ IN AMERICAN POLITICS, 1990-2003 Joseph Stieb A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2019 Approved by: Wayne Lee Michael Morgan Benjamin Waterhouse Daniel Bolger Hal Brands ©2019 Joseph David Stieb ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joseph David Stieb: The Regime Change Consensus: Iraq in American Politics, 1990-2003 (Under the direction of Wayne Lee) This study examines the containment policy that the United States and its allies imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Gulf War and argues for a new understanding of why the United States invaded Iraq in 2003. At the core of this story is a political puzzle: Why did a largely successful policy that mostly stripped Iraq of its unconventional weapons lose support in American politics to the point that the policy itself became less effective? I argue that, within intellectual and policymaking circles, a claim steadily emerged that the only solution to the Iraqi threat was regime change and democratization. While this “regime change consensus” was not part of the original containment policy, a cohort of intellectuals and policymakers assembled political support for the idea that Saddam’s personality and the totalitarian nature of the Baathist regime made Iraq uniquely immune to “management” strategies like containment. The entrenchment of this consensus before 9/11 helps explain why so many politicians, policymakers, and intellectuals rejected containment after 9/11 and embraced regime change and invasion. -
The Right of Self-Determination After Helsinki and Its Significance for the Baltic Nations Boris Meissner
Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 13 | Issue 2 1981 The Right of Self-Determination after Helsinki and Its Significance for the Baltic Nations Boris Meissner Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Boris Meissner, The Right of Self-Determination after Helsinki and Its Significance for the Baltic Nations, 13 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 375 (1981) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol13/iss2/17 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. The Right of Self-Determination After Helsinki and its Significance for the Baltic Nations* by Boris Meissnert I. INTRODUCTION 11HE CONFERENCE FOR Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) was concluded on August 1, 1975 with the adoption of a Final Act (the Helsinki Accords) by the 35 participating States in Helsinki.1 This Final Act has been used since then as the basis for Implementation Conferences in Belgrade and Madrid. The Accords were prefaced by a Declaration of Principles in which the right of peoples to self-determina- tion is the Eighth Principle. Its formulation corresponds to the definition of the right of self-determination in Article 1 of the two U.N. Covenants on Human Rights of December 16, 1966 which have also been ratified by most of the Communist nations, including the Soviet Union.2 The international legal nature of the right of self-determination has long been disputed. -
“Attempts at Decommunization in Russia Upset De-Stalinization”
“Attempts at Decommunization in Russia Upset de-Stalinization” May 5, 2018 marked the 200th anniversary of Karl Marx’s birth. Whatever the attitude towards this philosopher, nobody denies that his heritage largely shaped the 20th century and that today’s demand for Marxist-related ideas is much above supply. What has happened to left- wing and Communist ideas following the collapse of the Soviet Union and how does decommunization influence societies? Russia in Global Affairs editor Alexander Solovyov discusses these and other related topics with Sergei Solovyov, editor-in-chief of Skepsis magazine. – What made Eastern Europe and some post-Soviet republics launch decommunization? – firstly, it is the ideological embodiment of what in eastern europe is commonly called “regime change.” a key element of a newly- invented myth of the fundamental break with the so-called Communist past, which is a clue to the legitimation of the new elite. This policy, as far as I can judge, is enforced more radically the stronger the real ties are between the elite’s nomenklatura and the previous political regime. a clear example of this is hungary, where the technocratic mid-level career functionaries began to insist (as soon as they laid hands on the previous regime’s property) on the most resolute ideological break with the country’s past. on this soil hungarian nationalism soared and Jobbik—the movement for a Better hungary party—emerged in the limelight … I should say that in hungary today we have what I would Sergei M. Solovyov is an Associate Professor in the Social Psychology Department at the Mos- cow State Institute of Psychology and Pedagogy. -
Conde, Jonathan (2018) an Examination of Lithuania's Partisan War Versus the Soviet Union and Attempts to Resist Sovietisation
Conde, Jonathan (2018) An Examination of Lithuania’s Partisan War Versus the Soviet Union and Attempts to Resist Sovietisation. Masters thesis, York St John University. Downloaded from: http://ray.yorksj.ac.uk/id/eprint/3522/ Research at York St John (RaY) is an institutional repository. It supports the principles of open access by making the research outputs of the University available in digital form. Copyright of the items stored in RaY reside with the authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full text items free of charge, and may download a copy for private study or non-commercial research. For further reuse terms, see licence terms governing individual outputs. Institutional Repository Policy Statement RaY Research at the University of York St John For more information please contact RaY at [email protected] An Examination of Lithuania’s Partisan War Versus the Soviet Union and Attempts to Resist Sovietisation. Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Research MA History at York St John University School of Humanities, Religion & Philosophy by Jonathan William Conde Student Number: 090002177 April 2018 I confirm that the work submitted is my own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the works of others. This copy has been submitted on the understanding that it is copyright material. Any reuse must comply with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 and any licence under which this copy is released. @2018 York St John University and Jonathan William Conde The right of Jonathan William Conde to be identified as the Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 Acknowledgments My gratitude for assisting with this project must go to my wife, her parents, wider family, and friends in Lithuania, and all the people of interest who I interviewed between the autumn of 2014 and winter 2017. -
The Day Holding Hands Changed History Occupation and Annexation of the Baltic States Was Illegal, and Against the Wish of the Respective Nations
The day holding hands changed history occupation and annexation of the Baltic states was illegal, and against the wish of the respective nations. So at 19:00 on 23 August 1989, 50 years after the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was signed, church bells sounded in the Bal- tic states. Mourning ribbons decorated the national flags that had been banned a year before. The participants of the Bal- tic Way were addressed by the leaders of the respective national independence movements: the Estonian Rahvarinne, the Lithuanian Sajūdis, and the Popular Front of Latvia. The following words were chanted – ‘laisvė’, ‘svabadus, ‘brīvība’ (freedom). The symbols of Nazi Germany and the Communist regime of the USSR were burnt on large bonfires. The Baltic states demanded the cessation of the half-century long Soviet occupation, col- onisation, russification and communist genocide. The Baltic Way was a significant step to- wards regaining the national independ- ence of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia, and a source of inspiration for other region- al independence movements. The live chain was also realised in Kishinev by Ro- manians of the Soviet-occupied Bessara- bia or Moldova, while in January 1990, Ukrainians joined hands on the road from Lviv to Kyiv. Just after the Baltic Way campaign, the Berlin Wall fell, the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia began, and the Ceausescu regime in Romania was overthrown. On 23 August 1989, approximately two doomed to be forcedly incorporated into million people stood hand in hand be- the Soviet Union until 1991. The Soviet Un- Recognising the documents of the Baltic tween Tallinn (Estonia), Rīga (Latvia) ion claimed that the Baltic states joined Way as items of documentary heritage of and Vilnius (Lithuania) in one of the voluntarily. -
The Hazards of Half-Measures: Perestroika and the Failure of Post-Soviet Democratization
The Hazards of Half-measures: Perestroika and the Failure of Post-Soviet Democratization M. STEVEN FISH Abstract: Perestroika was the most dramatic chapter in the political history of the world in the late twentieth century. Yet, it did not fulfill what was arguably its lofti- est promise—to lay firm foundations for lasting popular rule in Russia. The failure of democratization in post-Soviet Russia may be traced in part to two fateful short- comings in perestroika: the tepidity of Gorbachev’s economic reforms and Gor- bachev’s failure to empower popularly elected legislatures. Key words: democracy, democratization, economic reform, liberalization, national legislature, perestroika erestroika was the most dramatic chapter in the political history of the world P in the late twentieth century. For citizens of the USSR, it brought both hope and trauma. For the rest of the world, it provided liberation from the scourge of the cold war’s apocalyptic endgame scenario, which had defined international relations for four decades. Despite its momentousness, however, perestroika did not fulfill what was arguably its loftiest promise: to lay firm foundations for lasting popular rule in Russia. Mikhail Gorbachev may not have intended his reforms to lead to democ- racy, but by the time the Soviet regime unraveled in late 1991, democratization is what perestroika had brought about. At the dawn of the post-Soviet era, the three Baltic states had already forged open polities. Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Armenia, and Moldova had experienced significant democ- ratization as well. Yet, in the ensuing decade, Russia, among other post-Soviet countries, underwent a powerful political reversal. -
Internal British Debates in the Late 1980S on Germany's Potential
Internal British Debates in the Late 1980s on Germany’s Potential Reunification 225 Chapter 8 “Say One Thing and Think Another:” Internal British Debates in the Late 1980s on Germany’s Potential Reunification Liviu Horovitz During the 1980s, no one within the British government welcomed Germany’s probable and irresistible reunification. On this very issue, “we have to say one thing and think another,” Charles Powell, the prin- cipal foreign policy advisor to Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, not- ed already in 1984.1 He articulated what many within the UK’s chan- celleries wrote in various memos, reports, and summaries of discussions throughout the decade. The Cold War status quo suited the United Kingdom well, but Brit- ish officials concluded it was unsustainable. Soviet power was slowly waning. Without this constraint, the Germans were bound to seek to live together. British planners believed that the Americans, slowly moving away from Europe, were going to become less invested on the continent. Hence, the most likely outcome was a less constrained Ger- man state at the center of Europe. Britain’s interests would be harmed, and London’s leverage to avert such result would be limited. A major- ity argued that novel, creative, or radical policy solutions were need- ed. And yet, as newly declassified documents attest, UK policymakers concluded that others would pull Britain’s chestnuts out of the fire. Many claimed that France would oppose German reunification. Most important, however, was the mainstream view: the Soviet Union, in spite of its worsening situation, would once again let its tanks roll into Eastern European capitals rather than see Germany unified. -
Colin Andrew CMG (Born 24 October 1946)
BDOHP Biographical Details and Interview Index MUNRO, Colin Andrew CMG (born 24 October 1946) Career (with, on right, relevant pages in interview) Assistant Principal, Board of Inland Revenue, 1968–69 p 2 Entry to Diplomatic Service, 1969 pp 2-3 FCO (South West Pacific Department), 1969-71 p 3 Third, later Second, Secretary, Bonn, 1971–73 pp 3-8 FCO (Commonwealth Co-ordination Department), 1973 pp 8-9 Second, later First, Secretary, Kuala Lumpur, 1973–77 pp 9-12 FCO (Defence Department), 1977-79 pp 13-14 FCO, Private Secretary to Minister of State, 1979–80 pp 14-21 Head of Chancery, Bucharest, 1981–82 pp 21-25 FCO (Western European Department), 1983-84, pp 25-28 Assistant Head of Department, 1985–87 Deputy Head of Mission, East Berlin, 1987–90 pp 28-37 Consul General, Frankfurt, 1990–93 pp 37-39 FCO (Head of OSCE and Council of Europe Department), pp 39-40 1993–97 Ambassador to Republic of Croatia, 1997–2000 pp 41-45 Deputy High Representative, Mostar, 2001 pp 45-48 Royal College of Defence Studies, 2002 p 48 UK Permanent Representative to OSCE, Vienna, 2003–07 pp 49-53 1 Colin (Andrew) Munro CMG interviewed by Malcolm McBain at the Reform Club, London on 8 September 2009 Education and induction to the Civil Service MM May I ask about your education? CM Yes, I went to school at George Watson’s College (GWC) in Edinburgh from the age of 5 to 17. GWC is run by the Company of Merchants of the city of Edinburgh. It was then a direct-grant school. -
Russia and Asia: the Emerging Security Agenda
Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent international institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of arms control and disarmament. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden’s 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed mainly by the Swedish Parliament. The staff and the Governing Board are international. The Institute also has an Advisory Committee as an international consultative body. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Professor Daniel Tarschys, Chairman (Sweden) Dr Oscar Arias Sánchez (Costa Rica) Dr Willem F. van Eekelen (Netherlands) Sir Marrack Goulding (United Kingdom) Dr Catherine Kelleher (United States) Dr Lothar Rühl (Germany) Professor Ronald G. Sutherland (Canada) Dr Abdullah Toukan (Jordan) The Director Director Dr Adam Daniel Rotfeld (Poland) Stockholm International Peace Research Institute Signalistg. 9, S-1769 70 Solna, Sweden Cable: SIPRI Telephone: 46 8/655 97 00 Telefax: 46 8/655 97 33 E-mail: [email protected] Internet URL: http://www.sipri.se Russia and Asia The Emerging Security Agenda Edited by Gennady Chufrin OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1999 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford OX2 6DP Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Athens -
Rasma Karklins CV
CURRICULUM VITAE RASMA KARKLINS 2/5/2007 OFFICE ADDRESS HOME ADDRESS University of Illinois at Chicago 6166 N. Sheridan Rd., apt. 12H Department of Political Science (MC276) Chicago, Il., 60660 1007 W. Harrison USA Chicago, Il., 60607 Tel: 312-996-2396 Fax: 312-413-0440 e-mail: [email protected] FIELDS OF SPECIALIZATION Comparative Politics; East European Politics; Politics of USSR and Successor States; Transitions to Democracy; Comparative Public Policy; Corruption in Post-Communist Systems; Protest and Collective Action; Political Participation, Comparative Ethnic Relations; Citizenship and Integration, European Union Neighborhood Policy. ACADEMIC TRAINING 1975, Ph.D. Political Science, The University of Chicago 1971, M.A. International Relations, The University of Chicago 1969 “Diplom-Politologe,” Free University of Berlin, Germany ACADEMIC POSITIONS/GENERAL 1994-to date Professor of Political Science, University of Illinois at Chicago 1987-94 Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Illinois at Chicago 1980-87 Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Illinois at Chicago 1976-77 Adjunct Assistant Professor, Boston University Overseas Graduate Program in International Relations, Italy and Germany 1975-76 Assistant Professor of Political Science, Boston University ACADEMIC POSITIONS/ADMINISTRATIVE 2003-04 Associate Dean, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, University of Illinois at Chicago 1999-2001 Head, Department of Political Science, University of Illinois at Chicago 1994-96 Chair, Department of Political Science, University of Illinois at Chicago 1 AWARDS and PROFESSIONAL DISTINCTIONS 2004-05 Ed Hewett Public Policy Fellow, National Council for Eurasian and East European Research 2002-03 Visiting Member, School of Social Sciences, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, NJ 2002-02 Participant, “Honesty and Trust Project,” Collegium Budapest, Institute for Advanced Study, February 1996 Scholar in Residence, Rockefeller Center, Bellagio, Italy.