Return Migration and Local Conflict After Civil War Stephanie Schwartz
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Homeward Bound: Return Migration and Local Conflict After Civil War Stephanie Schwartz Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2018 © 2018 Stephanie Schwartz All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT Homeward Bound: Return Migration and Local Conflict After Civil War Stephanie Schwartz Conflict between returning and non-migrant populations is a pervasive yet frequently overlooked issue in post-conflict societies. While scholars have demonstrated how out-migration can exacerbate civil war, less is understood about what happens when the same populations return. This dissertation interrogates how legacies of forced migration influence conflict dynamics in countries-of-origin. I argue that return migration creates new social divisions in local communities based on where individuals lived during the war – in-country or abroad. These new cleavages become sources of conflict when institutions – like land codes, citizenship regimes, or language laws – provide differential outcomes to individuals based on their migration history. Using ethnographic evidence gathered in Burundi and Tanzania between 2014 and 2016, I demonstrate how refugee return to Burundi after the country’s 1993-2003 civil war created new identity divisions between so-called rapatriés and résidents. Local institutions governing land disputes hardened competition between these groups, leading to widespread, violent, local conflict. Consequently, when Burundi faced a national-level political crisis in 2015, prior experiences of return shaped both the character and timing of renewed refugee flight. By illuminating the role of reverse population movements in shaping future conflict, this study demonstrates why breaking the cycle of return and repeat migration is essential to conflict prevention. CONTENTS List of Figures ii Acknowledgements iii Dedication vi 1. The Returnees 1 2. Understanding Return Migration and Conflict 39 3. The Making of Burundi’s Rapatriés and Résidents 81 4. Institutions and Rapatrié-Résident Conflict in Burundi 124 5. Fleeing, Again: How Return Migration Shaped Population Flight 178 During Burundi’s 2015 Third-mandate Crisis 6. Return Migration & Post-Conflict Peacebuilding 212 Bibliography 244 i LIST OF FIGURES Figure 2.1 – Map of Nyarugusu Camp, July 2015 67 Figure 3.1 – Timeline of Migration between Burundi & Tanzania 86 Figure 3.2 – Community Map with Labels for Farmers & Traders 105 Figure 3.3 – Community Map with Houses Labeled for Returnees and Non-Migrants 106 Figure 3.4 – Migration Related Group Labels, Narratives & Hierarchy in Burundi 110 Figure 3.5 – Map with “Residents & Repatriates Fighting Over Land” 113 Figure 4.1 – Community Map Emphasizing Access to Arable Farmland 136 Figure 4.2 – Community Map Emphasizing Reduced Access to Land 137 Figure 5.1 – Total Refugees from Burundi April 2015-June 2016 (East & Central Africa) 185 Figure 5.2 – Total Refugees from Burundi in Tanzania April 2015-June 2016 186 Figure 5.3 – Reasons for Refugee Flight 2015 (percentage) 188 Figure 5.4 – Photo of Refugees’ Game Board in Nyarugusu 197 ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would not have come together without the help of many others along the way. It is my pleasure to thank them here. Tonya Putnam invested an endless amount of time and energy into my success. I don’t know how she does it. She challenged me to get to the heart of the matter, and kept me going through it all – occasionally with a glass of whiskey in hand. I am profoundly grateful that, by some stroke of luck, I got to be Tonya’s advisee. Page Fortna has been a source of steadfast guidance throughout my graduate career. Her reassurance and trust gave me the confidence to do the kind of research I thought was important. Having Jack Snyder in your corner is the best. He does with one comment what others do in ten - and then adds a joke. Jack has made me better political scientist and brought positivity to the doldrums of dissertating. Séverine Autesserre’s scholarship has been my inspiration since day one. She helped me through the ups and downs of fieldwork – from starting over in another country, to reminding me to bring a few seasons of Gossip Girl along when I travel. Though not on my committee, Michael Doyle generously stepped in with feedback, funding, and opportunities to connect my research to current policy debates. I am grateful to all those in Burundi and Tanzania who helped me along the way and shared their stories with me. I cannot name them all, though a few stand out. Geoffrey Basesa and Achel Kossam Niyinkunda were essential to this project. They worked with me every day in the field not just as my interpreters, but as my guides and research assistants. I am privileged to have learned from them throughout this process. The International Rescue Committee in Burundi and Tanzania provided assistance, lodging, and many a car ride along the way. I would like to thank Elijah Okeyo and Richard Crothers for making that partnership possible, as well as all the staff in the Makamba and Kasulu offices. Jack Amon is an inspiration and I would have been lost in Kigoma without his generous assistance. Valentin Kabandilwa welcomed me into his home and was an invaluable resource iii and colleague. Pascal Hakizumukana made Makamba feel a bit more like home. Audifax Bigirimana helped get the research up and running in Burundi. Alies Rijper, Jessica Chirichetti, and Erin Fletcher made the great fieldwork days that much better, and got me through the hard ones. Aris Macos’s hospitality meant I always had a place to stay in Kigoma. Several people read and edited chapter drafts, provided feedback, and offered support. For that, Kate-Cronin Furman, Jonathan Blake, and Sarah Khan each deserve a pie baked in their honor. My heartfelt thanks as well to Hadas Aron, Ben McClelland, Ben Mueser, Alex de la Paz, and Amber Spry. I would also like to thank the discussants, panelists, and participants at the Columbia University International Politics Seminar, Columbia University Book Writers Workshop, Columbia University Graduate Students Seminar in Political Science, International Studies Association, and African Studies Association for their feedback. The National Science Foundation, U.S. Institute of Peace, Columbia Global Initiative, Christian Johnson Foundation, Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa, and Columbia Political Science Department provided the funding to make this project possible. *** To those in the trenches with me – Kate Cronin-Furman and Jonathan Blake as my guides, and Mike Rubin and Sarah Khan as my comrades in arms – you all made graduate school kind of okay. Thank you. Janene Sawers, Stephanie Flamenbaum, Layne Scherer, and Hannah Junkerman, thank you for seven long years of pep talks, phone calls, texts, drinks, and pastries. *** Thank you to Eliot Schwartz, Karen Fishman, Sarah, Zack, and Dan for being my home away from home. And to my sister, Emily, for always checking in and cheering me on. My parents, Bob and Shelley Schwartz, have offered unfailing encouragement throughout this process, even when the research took me to South Sudan, Burundi, and Tanzania for months at time. iv I will never find the right words to express my appreciation for your patience, love, and support. Thanks for putting up with me. *** One September day, Lee Ann Fujii told me it was okay that I had not yet opened my fieldwork notebooks; it had taken her months before she looked at her own. Lee Ann’s kindness, generosity, and honesty in that one moment helped me more than she knew. I wish I had the chance to tell her. *** v For those who shared their stories with me vi CHAPTER ONE THE RETURNEES 1. Introduction In February 2015, about six weeks before thousands of Burundians took to the streets in protest against president Pierre Nkurunziza, I was sitting in a small shop in southern Burundi with two young women. The store was something of an aberration for the area. Rather than a rickety, open-air, wooden kiosk vending peanuts, soda, and cell-phone top-up cards, this shop was a modified shipping container with three corrugated iron sheet walls in the middle of a busy dirt road. Crates of glass bottles were stacked up the walls of what I learned was a local beer and soda distribution stop. One of the women had asked if she could work while we chatted, so she periodically got up and served the traders on bicycles who came by to exchange plastic flats of empty glass bottles for flats full of Primus beer. As they served their customers, the women explained to me how before the war in Burundi they used to hear things about the three tribes (Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa) – alluding to the ethnically rooted conflict that had sparked the country’s 1993-2003 civil war. But now, they said, it was about rapatriés (people returning from exile) and résidents (those who stayed in-country during the war). Since we were clearly visible to the rest of the street while the women continued conducting business, I was not surprised that after a time a few passers-by came peaking around the iron sheet walls. When the onlookers briefly disappeared around the corner, the two women started speaking in fast Kirundi to my interpreter – something seemed to be wrong. “Please can you tell them to leave because they can't listen to me,” said one of the women to my interpreter. “They are the rapatriés we are talking about. 1 They’re gonna kill us.”1 My interpreter assured me that “kill us” was an exaggeration - just a turn of phrase - but given in the violence of the past few years, I was concerned.2 Talking about rapatriés and résidents had become quite common in Burundi.