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Defense Management Challenges for the Next American President by Ashton B. Carter Ashton B. Carter is chair of the International and Global Affairs faculty at Harvard Kennedy School. He was Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Policy in the Clinton administration. Abstract: The next American president will face a daunting list of national security problems, including a serious defense budget crunch. The budget crisis will be deepened by the global financial crisis, a tapering of supplemental funding associated with the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the steady growth of military healthcare and other personnel costs. After six years of rapid defense budget increases, the Pentagon has lost the practice of matching strategy and resources. The next president will need to manage risk among investments in irregular warfare, counterterrorism, balancing new super powers, counter- ing weapons of mass destruction, and traditional warfare. He will also need to begin to build non-military ‘‘soft power’’ capabilities outside of the Pentagon. o American president, in recent memory, has left as unsettled a world and as many unresolved national security issues as George W. Bush N will leave his successor in the Oval Office in January 2009. The new leadership of the Department of Defense in particular faces three categories of management challenges, each enormous and unprecedented. The first category includes massive ongoing operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, and against Islamist extremism, none of which will end entirely anytime soon. To these must be added runaway nuclear programs in North Korea and Iran, erratic or unstable governments in critical places like Russia and Pakistan, and still- unpredictable but near-certain new crises that will arise in Africa, the Middle East, or elsewhere. Second, these immediate operational challenges will need to be met against the sad necessity to ‘‘reset’’ some of the traditional sources of American influence and effectiveness in the world. The United States will have to reset its global leadership by repairing frayed alliances and security partnerships. It will need to re-earn its reputation for thoughtful deliberation in how it conceives its strategic intentions. Even more troubling, it will need to re-earn its reputation for simple competence in executing these intentions. Both of these have been called # 2008 Published by Elsevier Limited on behalf of Foreign Policy Research Institute. Winter 2009 | 41 CARTER into question in connection with Iraq. The new Secretary of Defense will also need to reset civil-military relations, which became strained under former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld but have already begun to be restored under his successor Robert Gates. In some quarters the United States will even need to restore its honor, which has been compromised by excesses such as Abu Ghraib, Guantańamo, and waterboarding. The project to restore the U.S. position to its rightful place will take years, but a new administration will need to begin immediately. But a third category of challenges for the next administration’s national security leadership, less discussed in the froth of the presidential campaign but ultimately equally demanding for the next President and Secretary of Defense, concerns the management of investment in the U.S. national security future – budgets, programs, and the match between resources and strategy–or more accurately, the current mismatch. This third category is the topic of this article.1 The Coming Defense Budget Crunch The strategy-resources mismatch is of concern because of several factors that will impinge upon the defense budget, quickly and severely, early in the term of the next president: – A likely leveling of the Defense top line. The American people will certainly not be demanding a ‘‘peace dividend,’’ because they will realize no comprehensive peace is at hand. But neither is there likely to be a continuation of the rapid upward trend that has put DOD’ base budget authority 36 percent higher (in real terms) today than on 9/11, and 80 percent higher if supplemental funding is included.2 The Bush administration 1 This article is adapted from the author’s presentation, ‘‘Defense Strategy & Budget In The Post-Bush Era,’’ at the Aspen Strategy Group workshop on The Instruments and Institutions of American Purpose in Aspen, Colorado, on August 3-8, 2008. Ashton B. Carter, ‘‘Defense Strategy & Budget in the Post-Bush Era’’ available at: http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/ 18521/defense_strategy_budget_in_the_postbush_era.html?breadcrumb=%2Fproject%2F2% 2Fpreventive_defense_project%3Fpage_id%3D55. The author is grateful to Gretchen Bartlett, Evan Maher, Andrew O’Connell, and Kent Park for their research assistance. 2 Congress seems likely to approve essentially the Administration’s entire request for FY2009, which will result in a total DOD base budget of $518 billion. The FY2001 defense budget was $381 billion in 2009 dollars. In FY2008, the DOD base budget was $493 billion, but supplementals added another $194 billion to DOD. The Administration has requested only $70 billion in supplemental funding so far for FY2009, leaving it to the next Administration to request supplemental funding for the rest of the fiscal year. Secretary of Defense Gates has estimated that another $100 billion in supplemental funding will be needed for the balance of FY2009. See Pat Towell and Stephen Daggett, Defense: 2009 Authorization and Appropriations (Congressional Research Service: updated June 18, 2008) available at: http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/RL34473.pdf. 42 | Orbis Defense Management Challenges projected a slow decline in real defense spending over the next five years but will probably try to move some supplemental funding into the base budget before it leaves office. – The very real possibility that supplemental funding (now about 40 percent as large as the defense base budget itself) will be cut faster than the actual commitments in Iraq and Afghanistan can be safely curtailed. In theory, the supplementals cover the marginal cost of the wars and the baseline budget covers the ongoing costs of the military. After six years of war, however, the reality is much more complex. Expenditures that might appropriately have been requested even without the wars have been included in the supplementals for expediency. If the supplementals dry up, these programs—some of them new and innovative—will be forced to compete with the old program of record for survival.3 – The related possibility that ground-force reset costs will be higher than currently forecasted.4 – A ‘‘bow wave’’ resulting from a failure to take account of cost growth in weapons systems and defense services, meaning that the actual expenditures needed to fund the forces and new weapons systems programmed will probably exceed those budgeted by a wide margin. – The inexorable encroachment of health care and other personnel and current operating costs on the portion of the Pentagon’s budget that invests in future forces—procurement and research, development, test, and evaluation (RDT&E).5 – The government’s uncertain overall fiscal position, especially with the downturn in the economy—its willingness to tax, borrow, or make cuts elsewhere to fund DOD’s needs. – Growing evidence of the need to improve acquisition practices, program management, and system engineering skills in both government and the defense industry. 3 A few examples: the entire Joint IED Defeat Organization; Arabic, and Farsi language training; and parts of the Army’s planned transition to a Brigade Combat Team structure. See Peter R. Orszag, Director, Analysis of the Growth in Funding for Operations in Iraq, Afghani- stan, and Elsewhere in the War on Terrorism (Congressional Budget Office, February 11, 2008) available at: http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/89xx/doc8971/02-11-WarCosts_Letter.pdf. History provides little guide here, since the nation’s other long wars—Korea and Vietnam—were almost entirely funded out of the base DOD budget, not supplemental appropriations. 4 In addition to the tendency simply to underestimate future reset costs, there is a conceptual problem: after six years of war it makes no sense to restore forces to their pre-war state. So ‘‘reset’’ becomes ‘‘modernization’’ as a practical matter, and modernized forces cost more than the older forces they replace. 5 An American in uniform costs 40 percent more today than before 9/11, adjusted for inflation. Leaving aside entirely the extra costs of war, the baseline cost of operating each unit of the military (meaning their training, repairs of equipment, base operations, and health care) has been growing at a rate a few points above inflation for years. Winter 2009 | 43 CARTER Compounding these Defense Department issues are wider concerns of national security capability and management, where the U.S. edge in marshal- ing all elements of national power is not nearly as sharp as its military prowess. An edge of excellence outside of the Department of Defense must be created to match the edge our military forces possess. Secretary of Defense Gates has appropriately called for such a rebalancing of U.S. capabilities. Among the challenges are: – The continuing need to build a better capacity to protect America and its friends from violent extremism and terrorism, which requires investment outside the Defense Department as well as within: in intelligence, law enforcement, homeland security, foreign assistance, and diplomacy. – The crippling inadequacy of the

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