The Healing Goddess Gula Culture and History of the Ancient Near East

Founding Editor M.H.E. Weippert

Editor-in-Chief Thomas Schneider

Editors Eckart Frahm (Yale University) W. Randall Garr (University of California, Santa Barbara) B. Halpern (Pennsylvania State University) Theo P.J. van den Hout (Oriental Institute) Irene J. Winter (Harvard University)

VOLUME 67

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/chan The Healing Goddess Gula

Towards an Understanding of Ancient Babylonian Medicine

By Barbara Böck

Leiden • boston 2014 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Bock, Barbara. The healing Goddess Gula : towards an understanding of ancient Babylonian medicine / by Barbara Bock. pages cm. — (Culture and history of the ancient Near East, ISSN 1566-2055 ; volume 67) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-26145-7 (hardback : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-90-04-26146-4 (e-book) 1. Medicine, Assyro-Babylonian. 2. Magic, Assyro-Babylonian. 3. Healing. 4. Gula (Assyro-Babylonian deity) I. Title.

R135.3.B63 2013 610.935—dc23 2013029434

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This book is printed on acid-free paper. To †Erika and †Franz Köcher

CONTENTS

Preface ...... ix

1 Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Presentation of the Study ...... 1 1.2 Scope and Structure of the Book ...... 4

2 The Healing Goddess Gula: A Portrait ...... 7 2.1 Gula’s Position in the Pantheon and Her Appearance in Literature ...... 7 2.2 Gula in the Life of the Ancient Mesopotamians ...... 15 2.3 Gula’s Dog ...... 38

3 Gula’s ‘Hand’ in the Handbook of Diagnosis and Prognosis, Sakikkû ...... 45 3.1 Sakikkû VI: 19 ...... 49 3.2 Sakikkû XII iv: 16 ...... 50 3.3 Sakikkû XIII i: 55’ ...... 51 3.4 Sakikkû XXXIII ...... 51 3.5 Sakikkû XL ...... 62 3.6 ‘Ninurta’s Hands’ ...... 69

4 Gula and Healing Spells ...... 77 4.1 Healing Spells Appealing to Gula ...... 78 4.2 Healing Spells Referring to Gula and Her Dog ...... 98 4.3 Incantations about Simmu, Skin Sore ...... 109 4.4 Standard Formulas in Healing Spells Referring to Gula ..... 113 4.5 The Metaphorical Language of Healing Spells ...... 115

5 Gula’s Healing Plants ...... 129 5.1 The Buʾšānu Plant aka Lišān Kalbi Plant ...... 131 5.2 The Ṣaṣuntu Plant ...... 158

6 The Cultural Setting of Ancient Babylonian Medicine ...... 165 6.1 The Healing Goddess in the Medical Literature: A Recapitulation ...... 165 6.2 Religion, Magic, Medicine ...... 176 viii contents

Bibliography ...... 197 Index of Names and Subjects ...... 211 Index of Words Discussed ...... 214 Incantation Incipits ...... 215 Texts Cited ...... 216 PREFACE

As is well known, Franz Köcher was, up to the time of his death, preparing the edition of the extant cuneiform text material dealing with the Babylonian-Assyrian medical lore which was to appear in the series, Die babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen, which he founded. The work is extensive including the editiones principes of the plant encyclopaedia uru.an.na: maštakal, named after its first line, the ‘(plant whose) place is in heaven: maštakal’, the plant descriptive text Šammu šikinšu, ‘On the appearance of the medicinal plant’, vade mecum texts or Lists of Simple Drugs, and all those medical prescriptions that recommend one single ingredient. In the late 1990s F. Köcher entrusted me with the completion of his lifetime project. Since his death in November 2002 I have not only been revising and completing the various text editions but also adding a study of the textual material which F. Köcher did not accomplish.1 In the course of this work I stumbled upon an intriguing line in one of the cuneiform texts dealing with the use of medicinal plants when employed as simple drugs, namely u₂ ḫab mu!-šu₂ ur.gi₇ dnin.gi.zi.bar.ra The plant, ḫab / buʾšānu, its alternative name is ‘Ninigizibara’s dog’.2 The present contribution grew out of the commentary to this very line exploring the issue of the possible motivations for associating a plant

1 To be published as †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore. J.V. Kin nier Wilson refers in his contribution “Notes on the Assyrian Pharmaceutical Series URU. AN.NA: MAŠTAKAL,” JNES 64 (2005) p. 45 to a letter he received in June 1989 in which F. Köcher writes, “meine Gesundheit ist in der Tat nicht die beste (. . .) Trotzdem versuche ich, meine Uru.an.na-Ausgabe fertigzustellen. Im Druck ist sie seit 1974!” Indeed, many parts of the uru.an.na text edition he refers to in this letter had already been typeset by the Walter de Gruyter publishing house. However, F. Köcher’s access from the late 1980s to the middle of the 1990s to the extensive cuneiform material of the Sippar and Babylon collections housed in The British Museum forced him not only to completely revise the uru.an.na edition but also to include new material and to excerpt from the medical pre scriptions all those recipes that recommend simple drugs. He hoped that the cuneiform medical texts from Sippar and Babylon would appear in volumes BAM VII and BAM VIII, which explains, why he planned to publish the texts on medicinal plants in BAM IX. A final study was envisaged to appear in BAM X. 2 The text is BAM I 1 iii: 20. See also Chapter 5.1.1 The buʾšānu plant. x preface with the healing goddess Gula (with whom the goddess Ninigizibara was identified) and her dog. This entailed the question of the general impact of Gula in Ancient Babylonian medical literature and prompted me to examine the afflictions attributed to her as well as the range of diseases that were cured with her plant(s). I soon realised that the results of the research would throw a new light on our understanding of the Ancient Mesopotamian system of medicine. I therefore decided to present this work first, at the cost of delaying the edition and study of the ancient Assyrian and Babylonian medical lore of healing plants. Since the present book is intimately linked with Franz Köcher’s edition of cuneiform medical and pharmacological texts it is dedicated to his memory. Throughout more than ten years I have had the privilege of conversing with Erika Köcher about the work her husband could not fin- ish, and many other matters. Her constant interest and encouragement to carry on with the enormous amount of material her husband had brought together over fifty years have been very dear to me. This is why the book is also dedicated to her. I wish to thank the Trustees of The British Museum for the permission to study and publish texts here. I presented some of the preliminary results in June 2011 in the lecture series Die Heilkunst des Alten Orients of the Heidelberg excellence cluster Asia and Europe in a Global Context. I would like to thank both organizers Professor Stefan M. Maul and Profes- sor Joachim Friedrich Quack for their kind invitation to participate. I wish to thank Professor Eckart Frahm for his friendly offer to publish the present study in the series Culture & History of the Ancient Near East and the editor-in-chief, Professor Thomas Schneider, for the acceptance. Katelyn Chin and Rachel Crofut at Brill have been very patient with me throughout the editing process. I am indebted to Helen Richardson-Hewitt for correcting my English. Ana García undertook very kindly the task of drawing the impression of the cylinder seal BM WA 89846. My special thanks go to my husband, Ignacio, for his critical, but caring, comments on my ideas. The research carried out is part of the project FFI2011-23981 granted by the Spanish Ministerio de Economía y Competetividad.

Barbara Böck Madrid (CSIC), April 2013 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Presentation of the Study

As the medical historian Vivian Nutton writes in his study on Greek and Roman health systems ‘History is an art of forgetting as well as of remembrance’.1 Indeed, what is basic to the study of ancient civilizations is the reconstruction of the written word and, consequently, some consideration of whether the available information has been deliberately handed down or is due to random circumstances. When looking back at the Ancient Babylonians we are faced with an arbitrary as well as an erratic transmission of cuneiform documents: not every issue or aspect is equally covered over the centuries. As a result, serious gaps in the transmission can lead to a biased interpretation of the available evidence. In addition, we should bear in mind that the Mesopotamian civilization was basically an oral culture in which literacy was for considerable periods of Ancient Mesopotamian history restricted to a small elite, with the result that the corpus of the written documentation is only a small fraction of the framework of Babylonian ideas and beliefs.2 Many aspects of medicine, in particular, the technical skills such as setting bones or recognizing healing plants, were not subject to written tradition but passed on from mouth to mouth over many generations. Still, the corpus of Ancient Babylonian medicine that has survived until today is impressive: more than one thousand texts written in cuneiform and impressed on durable clay tablets are kept in the museum collections worldwide. As we shall see, substantial parts of the written texts are only fragmentarily preserved, which more often than not hampers a complete understanding. In spite of the number of texts, little is known about the belief system of Ancient Mesopotamian healing. One of the main reasons is due to the

1 See his Ancient Medicine, London – New York 2004, p. 1. 2 See for the discussion on literacy the contributions of C. Wilcke, Wer las und schrieb in Babylonien und Assyrien? Überlegungen zur Literalität im Alten Zweistromland, München 2000 (= Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Kl. Sitzungsberichte 2000, Heft 6) and D. Charpin, Reading and Writing in Babylon, Cambridge – London 2010. 2 chapter one fact that merely 15% of the written documentation on Ancient Meso- potamian medicine is available in up-dated translations;3 a substantial number of the cuneiform material is edited in cuneiform autographs only. Publications range from text critical editions, the study of illnesses, the interpretation of incantations that are imbedded in medical recipes and the analysis of the performance of rituals and rites of sympathetic magic, to the discussion of the interrelationship between magic and ostensibly medical-therapeutical cures.4 In this context also, discussions on the responsibilities of the different healing practitioners and case studies of diseases have been presented. In this study, however, I have chosen a different approach to explore another facet of the Ancient Babylonian idea of healing. I shall focus on the healing goddess Gula and on what we may call her avatars, viz. the healing plants that are associated with her. My aim is to elaborate the different ideas of medicine and healing ranging from mythological- religious beliefs and the concept of magic to natural explanations and how they merge into each other. Originally, the Babylonian pantheon included several independent healing goddesses who during the course of the period from the third to the second millennium BC merged into the figure of Gula.5 In order to introduce the goddess and characterize her all- encompassing powers, I quote some lines from the well-known Gula Hymn of Bullussa-rabi who put the following words into her mouth: I am the physician, I know how to heal. I take along all healing plants, I expel disease. I am girded with a bag containing life-giving incantations. I carry a scalpel for curing. I am giving medication to people: The pure bandage soothes the skin sore, The soft poultice eases the sickness. My very glance at the moribund revives him, My mere words make the weak stand up.6

3 This estimation is based on my ongoing study of the pertinent cuneiform material of Ancient Babylonian medicine. 4 See for a collection of the pertinent bibliography N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, Münster 2000 (= AOAT 43), pp. 385–401 and “Bibliographie zur altorien talischen Medizin 2000 bis August 2005 (mit Nachträgen aus früheren Jahren),” JMC 6 (2005) pp. 34–40. 5 See for the discussion Chapter 2.1. 6 See for the edition of the hymn W.G. Lambert, “The Gula Hymn of Bulluṭsa-rabi,” OrNS 36 (1967) pp. 105–132; quoted are ll. 79–87 for which see ibidem p. 120. introduction 3

I am merciful; even from afar I am listening, I bring back the moribund from the netherworld. I am girded with a leather bag, I . . . a scalpel and a knife. I am watching over the enfeebled, I examine the sick, I open the skin sore. I am the Lady of Life: I am the physician, I am the seeress, and I am the exorcist.7 We meet in this hymn Gula as a practical physician caring for the criti- cally ill, prescribing healing plants, as a seeress who must know the course and outcome of illness and as an exorcist whose healing spells support the recovery of the sick and exorcize disease. Conspicuously, these three domains—treatment with medicinal plants, diagnosis and prognosis of disease and its magical manipulation—are determinative for Ancient Babylonian medicine and its literature. In fact, we could even classify cuneiform medical works within these three spheres: the handbook of medical prescriptions, Šumma amēlu muḫḫašu umma ukāl “If the top of a man’s head is hot,”8 as well as the different handbooks on medicinal plants give ample evidence of the knowledge of effective natural treatments;9 statements about diagnosis and prognosis were included in the handbook Sakikkû (sa.gig) ‘Symptoms’;10 and healing spells and magical cures that entered the handbook of prescriptions. In this respect, the healing goddess embodies the sum of medical literature. But does this literature refer back to Gula? What is her rôle in the handbook of diagnosis and prognosis? In what context does the goddess appear in healing spells? And how do the handbooks on medicinal plants relate to her?

7 See ibidem, pp. 126–128, ll. 178–183. 8 For a discussion of the sources for the reconstruction of this handbook see F. Köcher, “Spätbabylonische Texte aus Uruk,” in: C. Habrich, F. Marguth & J.H. Wolf (eds.), Medizinische Diagnostik in Geschichte und Gegenwart, München 1978, pp. 17–22. 9 No editio princeps is available yet. The edition of the pertinent cuneiform texts is being prepared by B. Böck; see †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming). For a short and up-dated description of the different handbooks see B. Böck, “Pharmakologische Texte”, in: B. Janowski & D. Schwemer (eds.), Texte zur Hei lkunde. Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testamentes, Neue Folge 5, Gütersloh 2010, 163–168, and B. Böck, “Shaping Texts and Texts Genres: On the Drug Lore of Babylonian Practitio ners of Medicine,” in: I. Andorlini, D. Leith & A. Maravela (eds.), The Texts of the Medical Professions in Antiquity: Genres and Purposes (Studies in Ancient Medicine), Leiden – Boston (in press). 10 See the text critical editions of R. Labat, Traité akkadien de diagnostics et pronostics médicaux, Paris – Leiden 1951, and N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik. 4 chapter one

1.2 Scope and Structure of the Book

I have structured the discussion around four main points: the healing goddess Gula in religious literature is discussed in Chapter Two; references to her in the handbook of diagnosis and prognosis are analysed in Chapter Three; healing spells that are addressed to the healing goddess are exam- ined in Chapter Four; and the medicinal plants related to her are studied in Chapter Five. My aim in Chapter Two The Healing Goddess Gula: A Portrait is to delin- eate an image of Gula by tracing those characteristic features of hers, which are relevant for a better understanding of the later medical literature. The chapter is divided into three sections; in 2.1 Gula’s Position in the Pantheon and Her Appearance in Literature I discuss the names given to the healing goddess. In a reflection of the political structure in Ur III times and the Old Babylonian period with various city-states rivalling each other for supremacy, each city had its own local pantheon. Consequently, the healing goddess was worshipped under different names. While this section is designed merely to give an overview, the section, which follows forms the core of Chapter Two. In 2.2 Gula in the Life of Ancient Mesopotamians I analyse the characteristic aspects of the healing goddess. Sumerian literary compositions, namely hymns and letter prayers addressed to her, form the starting-point for the discussion. In isolating five themes—2.2.1 Knives, 2.2.3 Skin Sores, 2.2.4 The Body, 2.2.5 Midwifery, and 2.2.5. Namtar and Asakku—I am composing an image of Gula (Ninisina), which survives throughout the millennia and recurs in the distinct genres of first- millennium cuneiform medical literature, jutting out like the tip of an iceberg. It is in this section that I lay the foundation for the religious concept of Ancient Babylonian medicine. In Chapter 2.3 I deal with the animal that is connected with Gula, namely a dog. Very much in the line of the previous considerations I am interested in the reflection and impact of this association in later medical literature. Chapters Three, Four and Five are dedicated to the medical literature of the first millennium BC proper and analyse the textual evidence for Gula’s appearance. In Chapter Three Gula’s ‘Hand’ in The Handbook of Diagno- sis and Prognosis, Sakikkû, I take a look at texts, which appear to bridge the genres of medicine and divination. Formulated in the typical style of divinatory literature, structured in apodosis and protasis, the handbook gives quite a number of symptoms of illnesses some of which are attested in medical prescriptions. However, the purpose of the handbook is not to provide a medicament but to give information about the patient’s life introduction 5 expectancy and/or to diagnose the supernatural cause responsible for the symptoms. Characteristic of the latter is the attribution of an illness to the ‘hand of a deity or demon’. I am focusing on those entries in which symptoms are associated with the healing goddess, and aiming to establish the mythological-religious concept of the association of Gula with illnesses in the handbook. In Chapter IV Gula and Healing Spells I have brought together medical incantations that invoke or mention the healing goddess. Under the nomenclature, medical incantations, I include spells and prayers that are transmitted together with medical prescriptions and which were recited during the preparation or administration of the medication. The chapter has five parts: first, I present those incantations that directly address the healing goddess, and in the second part, healing spells which refer to her without directly invoking her are discussed. The third part deals with incantations that are related to one of the afflictions which are attributed to the healing goddess, namely skin sores. The aim is not only to show how Gula features in these texts but also to study the immediate context, namely, for which illness and its treatment the incantation was to be recited. The chapter offers transliterations and translations of eleven healing spells and includes partial translations of excerpts of incantations, which mention the healing goddess. The following part, 4.4, contains a short overview of Gula’s appearance in standard formulas of healing spells. In Chapter 4.5 I deal with the metaphorical language of healing spells and apply, as an innovative approach in the study of cuneiform texts, the theory of discourse metaphor as cognitive instrument to explain pain, illness and treatment. Chapter Five Gula’s Healing Plants discusses two medicinal plants that are associated with the healing goddess: buʾšānu aka lišān kalbi (‘dog’s tongue’) and ṣaṣuntu. I highlight the use of each plant as a simple pharmaceutical element, i.e. their employment as a single ingredient in medical prescriptions, thus elaborating on the respective plant profiles. The reason for this choice is obvious: on the one hand, the approach enables us to relate particular herbs with specific diseases and symptoms. Thus I am excluding complex remedies since we do not know the criteria, if they existed at all, for the combination of their ingredients.11 On the other

11 See my reflections on combined remedies “Medicinal Plants and Medicaments Used for Conception, Abortion, and Fertility Control in Ancient Babylonia,” JA 301 (2013) p. 83. 6 chapter one hand, the fact is stressed that Ancient Babylonian practitioners recognized the existence of the medicinal properties of plants, whatever the origin of this knowledge was. As shall be seen, the data I have analysed comes from medical prescriptions, the Lists of Simple Drugs or vade mecum texts, and the plant encyclopaedia, uru.an.na: maštakal. In Chapter Six The Cultural Setting of Ancient Babylonian Medicine, I bring together all the threads of the previous discussions. Chapter 6.2 includes considerations on the interplay of medicine, religion, and magic and discusses abracadabra spells as well as some metaphors that are characteristic for exorcistic incantations; I am also addressing aspects of the two principal medical practitioners, the āšipu/mašmaššu ‘exorcist’ and the asû ‘physician’ and their respective lore. CHAPTER TWO

THE HEALING GODDESS GULA: A PORTRAIT

This is not a systematic survey of the goddess Gula and her cult but a study of some facets of her character as healing goddess. Subsequently, we shall deal with aspects that throw light on the motivation for her appearance in cuneiform medical literature. There are various ways to characterize deities: I have chosen to deal first with Gula’s position in the Babylonian pantheon; then I shall discuss the significance of the healing goddess for the lives of the ‘black-headed people’ and, finally, make some observations on the association between her and the animal connected with her.

2.1 Gula’s Position in the Pantheon and Her Appearance in Literature

If we were to rank Gula’s position among the Babylonian deities on the basis of theological lists such as the Great God List an : anum or the Canon- ical Temple List we would certainly be surprised to see her mentioned, though not in the last section, but towards the end. This is certainly due to the internal organization of the god list that does not reflect entirely the degree of supremacy; often spouses appear separated from each other or from their entourage because of the insertion of divine sons, as is the case with Enlil, Ninlil and Ninurta or Enki, Damkina and Marduk. Ninurta, e.g. is dissociated from his manifold manifestations, among them Ningirsu whose wife Baba (identified with Gula) commences the section on the Healing Goddesses.1 As for an : anum the text starts with An and his family, followed by Enlil and his court and Ninurta. The list moves on to the Mother God- dess who is succeeded by Enki and his circle, including Marduk and Nabû. Next are mentioned Sîn, Šamaš, Adad and Ištar. Then come manifestations of Ninurta: Lugalbanda, Lugal-Marrada, Zababa, Uraš, and Ningirsu. The list continues with Baba, Ningirsu’s wife who initiates the section of the Healing Goddesses including Nintinuga, Ninkarak and, finally, Gula

1 See the description of W.G. Lambert, “Götterlisten,” in: E. Weidner & W. von Soden (eds.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 3/6, Berlin 1969, pp. 475–476. 8 chapter two with her family.2 The section is followed by chthonic and netherworld deities including Tišpak and Nergal. The last section gives additional names of Marduk.3 The picture from temple lists is quite similar; as a matter of fact, they are modelled on an : anum as A.R. George explains.4 Throughout this book the different manifestations of the Ancient Mes- opotamian healing goddess are indiscriminately lumped together. The main reason for this approach is due to the nature of the study, which is to discuss aspects of the literary figure of the healing goddess and not of her local cults.5 While quotidian documents of accounting and law from Ur III times to the Old Babylonian period, following local customs, differentiate usually between the various healing goddesses, even contempo- rary literary compositions to some extent do not.6 However, to distinguish more easily the different names of the healing goddess a cursory survey is included.

2 See for a discussion on the Healing Goddess in god lists Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Süd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, Münster 20042 (= AOAT 257), pp. 214–225. 3 See for the edition of the great god list, R.L. Litke, A Reconstruction of the Assyro- Babylonian God-Lists, AN: dA-NU-UM and AN: ANU ŠA₂ AMĒLI, New Haven 1998. 4 House Most High: The Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia, Winona Lake 1993, p. 6, refer ring to previous discussions by B. Landsberger and W.L. Moran. He then goes on to list the deities according to the temple register. If the Canonical Temple List were completely preserved it presumably would have started with Anu. Enlil is preserved and his court in Nippur together with Ninurta, followed by the Mother Goddess, and Ea, including Marduk and Nabû. The list continues with Sîn, Šamaš, Adad, Ištar, and manifestations of Ninurta such as Lugal-Marrada, Lugalbanda, Amurru, Tišpak, Zababa, and Ningirsu. Then comes Gula with her entourage in Isin; the list ends with Nergal and other chthonic gods and goddesses. 5 Detailed information about the local Babylonian panthea and the position and cult of the healing goddess can be consulted in W. Sallaberger’s oeuvre Der kultische Kal ender der Ur III Zeit, Berlin – New York 1993, and in Th. Richter’s comprehensive Unter suchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Süd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit. See also the forthcoming article announced by J. Goodnick Westenholz, “The Plethora of Female Deities,” in: J. Goodnick Westenholz & J. Asher-Greve, Goddesses in Context: On Divine Powers, Roles, Relationships and Gender in Mesopotamian Textual and Visual Sources, Fribourg, which deals with the syncretism of healing goddesses (as announced in her contribution “Ninkarrak—An Akkadian Goddess in Sumerian Guise,” in: D. She hata, F. Weierhäuser & K.V. Zand (eds.), Von Göttern und Menschen. Beiträge zu Literatur und Geschichte des Alten Orients. Festschrift für Brigitte Groneberg, Leiden – Boston 2010 [= CM 41], p. 395 note 37). 6 See for the syncretism of Ninisina and Gula in Old Babylonian times Th. Richter, ibidem, p. 221 note 945. As for Nintinuga and Ninisina W. Sallaberger, ibidem, p. 154, has shown that they had already in Ur III times been syncretized into one goddess; see also his remarks on Ninisina and Gula from Nippur, pp. 153–154. See also S. Tinney who points out that in the Old Babylonian period the healing goddess is worshipped in Isin under the name Ninisina, while she is called Nintinuga in Nippur; see his The Nippur Lament, Philadelphia 1996 (= OPSNKF 16), p. 173. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 9

First attestations for Gula, written dgu.la₂, come from Fara and Abu Sal- abikh dating to the Early Dynastic Period (IIIa; ca. 2600–2450 BC).7 The main cultic place for Gula in Ur III times was located in the city state of Umma; however, the healing goddess was locally worshipped in other cities as well.8 As for the city of Isin, F.R. Kraus suspected that Gula or the goddess Ninkarak might be hiding behind the name Ninisina (‘Lady of Isin’), which can be interpreted as both an epithet and a proper name.9 In the course of the period from the end of the third millennium to the beginning of the second millennium BC several goddesses or main aspects of them merged into Gula. Thus, in literary compositions from the middle of the second to the first millennium BC Gula is usually worshipped under several names. This is best illustrated in the hymn of a certain Bullussa- rabi to the healing goddess Gula, which roughly dates between 1400 and 700 BC and a bilingual incantation or prayer addressed to Ninisina attested in Old Babylonian times.10 The hymn to Gula mentions, among other names, Nintinuga, Ninkarak, and Baba.11 The bilingual incantation is directed to Ninisina who in the Akkadian version appears as Gula and Ninkarak; further names given are Nintinuga and Baba.12 There are

7 See M. Krebernik, “Die Götterlisten aus Fara,” ZA 76 (1986) p. 194 (Index); P. Mander, Il pantheon di Abu-Salabikh. Contributo alla studio del pantheon sumerico arcaico, Napoli 1986, p. 37. For the internal dating of the Fara texts see M. Krebernik, Die Texte aus Fāra und Tell Abū Ṣalābīḫ, in: P. Attinger & M. Wäfler (ed.), Mesopotamien. Späturuk-Zeit und Fruhdynastische Zeit. Annäherungen, 1, Freiburg/Schweiz – Göttingen 1998 (= OBO 160/1), pp. 257–260. 8 See W. Sallaberger, Der kultische Kalender der Ur III Zeit, pp. 88–89, esp. pp. 153–154. Note that in documents referring to a journey of the healing goddess she is called ‘Ninisina from Umma’ in Puzriš-Dagan, while documents from Nippur refer to her as ‘Gula from Umma’. For her cult in Old Babylonian times in Nippur, Isin, Larsa, and Ur see Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Süd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, pp. 525–526 (Katalog) and see Index. 9 See F.R. Kraus, “Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden,” JCS 3 (1951), pp. 66–68. 10 See for the edition and study of the hymn W.G. Lambert, “The Gula Hymn of Bulluṭsa- rabi,” pp. 105–132; W.G. Lambert gives as date of the composition 1400–700 BC (p. 109). 11 I keep the traditional spelling of the goddess; for the reading Bau see G. Marchesi, “On the Divine Name dBA.U₂,” OrNS 71 (2002) 161–172. See for these names of the healing goddess W.G. Lambert, ibidem, p. 109. 12 According to an Old Babylonian catalogue of incipits the incantation was already known in Old Babylonian times; see C. Wilcke, “Sumerische literarische Texte in Maches ter und Liverpool,” AfO 24 (1973) pp. 14–15. However, the extant text duplicates date to the first millennium BC for which see the edition B. Böck, Das Handbuch Muššuʾu “Einreibung”. Eine Serie akkadischer und sumerischer Beschwörungen aus dem 1. Jt. v. Chr., Madrid 2007 (= BPOA 3), pp. 184–189 (Muššuʾu V/a) and p. 25 (on the age of the incantation). 10 chapter two

various first millennium literary compositions addressing Gula.13 So far three prayers of the so-called šuilla type are known to which a number of fourteen other prayers and incantations can be added.14 In addition, there are some lamentations directed to her, which have been transmitted from the Old Babylonian period to the first third of the first millennium.15 The name Nintinuga (as well as the variant writing Nintiliuga) means literally ‘Lady who gives life to the dead’.16 The main place of her worship was the city of Nippur; her name appears as early as in Early Dynastic god

13 First references to literary texts about the healing goddess were collected by J. Nikel, Ein neuer Ninkarrak-Text, Paderborn 1918 (= Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des Alter tums X/1), pp. 27–31; namely the šuilla prayer BMS 6 and the Nineveh tablet K.232 pub lished as ABRT II pl. 16–18. C.J. Mullo-Weir in his “Four Hymns to Gula,” JRAS 1929, pp. 1–18 mentions the šuilla prayers BMS 4 and 6, the bilingual incantation ABRT I 18, and the text K.232. Though K.232 includes a rather long list of epithets of the healing goddess, the text is not a Gula hymn. The beginning of the hymn, which has been restored through the join with K.3371, begins with dlugal.dim₃.me.er.an.ki, an epithet of Marduk. R. Frankena in his entry “Gula” in: E. Weidner & W. von Soden (eds.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 3/9, Berlin – New York 1971, pp. 696–697, adds the šuilla prayer fragment, BMS 34, LKA 19 (which duplicates BMS 4), and six further prayers and incantations, namely KAR 73, LKA 17, 18, 20, 22 (which seems to be the same prayer as BMS 34), and STT I 73. W.R. Mayer in his Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylo nischen Gebetsbeschwörung, Rome 1976 (= StPohl SM 5), p. 387 gives a list of seven prayers: the šuilla prayers Gula 1a (BMS 6 with duplicates); Gula 1b (BMS 4); Gula 2 (BMS 34); Gula 3, the šuilla-like prayer LKA 20; and the incantations Gula 4 (KAR 73); Gula 5 (BAM II 124 with duplicates, which is an incantation addressed to Ninisina); and Gula 6 (STT I 73, which was recited in the context of an incubation ritual; see for the transliteration E. Reiner, “Fortune-Telling in Mesopotamia,” JNES 19 [1960] pp. 32–33, and for the study of the text, i.e. the relevant lines, S.A.L. Butler, Dreams and Dream Rituals, Münster 1998 [= AOAT 258] pp. 351–352, pp. 364–366). 14 For the šuilla prayers Gula 1a, Gula 1b, and Gula 2 see W.R. Mayer, ibidem, pp. 450– 454 (Gula 1a) and pp. 455–457 (Gula 1b) with previous literature; for Gula 2 see ibidem p. 387. For Gula 1a see also A. Lenzi, Reading Akkadian Prayers and Hymns, Atlanta 2011, pp. 243–256. The present study deals with three incantations or prayers that are included in the list of W.R. Mayer, namely Gula 3, Gula 4 (which are two incantations), and Gula 5, and adds five new compositions addressed to the healing goddess. 15 See the so-called Balaĝ composition (the name derives from the accompanying musical instrument, a lyre or a harp) Uruḫulake of Gula. The text is written in Emesal, a Sumerian dialect used for lamentations, and is published by M.E. Cohen, The Canonical Lamentations of Ancient Mesopotamia, Potomoc 1988, vol. I, pp. 253–271. For the known Eršemma compositions (Sumerian šem denotes a type of drum) see M.E. Cohen, Sumer ian Hymnology: The Eršemma, Cincinnati 1981, pp. 96–103 and pp. 103–106. Because of the broken beginning of the second mentioned Eršemma it is not clear whether it is identical with the Eršemma e₂ zi g[ul.g]ul, which the catalogue text of the incipits of the Balaĝ lam entations attributes to the Uruḫulake of Gula (see M.E. Cohen, ibidem p. 43 l. 12). 16 See for the name Nintilauga, the “ancient learned etymology” of the name Nintinuga, G. Selz, “ ‘Babilismus’ und die Gottheit dNindagar,” in: O. Loretz (ed.), Ex Mesopotamia et Syria Lux. Festschrift für Manfried Dietrich, Münster 2002 (= AOAT 281), p. 661. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 11 lists and votive inscriptions,17 and her cult in Nippur is well attested in Ur III and Old Babylonian times.18 As F.R. Kraus observes, names such as Nintinuga that refer to the defining activities of a deity are characteristic of minor gods which belong to divine entourages such as musicians or shepherds.19 The goddess appears as an independent ‘literary figure’ in a Sumerian votive inscription usually referred to as A Dog for Nintinuga and a Sumerian letter prayer written to her by Inanakam, both of which are only known from Old Babylonian school exercise tablets.20 First attestations for the goddess Ninkarak come from the Early Dynas- tic period.21 She is scarcely attested in Old Akkadian and Ur III times as well as the Old Babylonian period.22 Her name is referred to in literary bilingual texts of the first millennium as a counterpart to Ninisina,23 and Ninisina is in god lists equated with her.24 Since it is furthermore not

17 See M. Krebernik, “Die Götterlisten aus Fara,” ZA 76 (1986) p. 187 SF 1 col. xx: 8’, p. 190 SF 5–6: 18; see H. Steible, Die altsumerischen Bau- und Weihinschriften, Wiesbaden 1982 (= FAOS V/2), pp. 228–230 inscriptions AnNi pp. 3–5. 18 See for the Ur III period W. Sallaberger, Der kultische Kalender der Ur III Zeit, pp. 100, 110, 140, 149; for an overview of Nintinuga’s cult at Nippur see Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Süd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, pp. 110–112. 19 “Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden,” p. 70. 20 See for the edition of the text of the votive inscription F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters: Two Collections From the Old Babylonian Schools, University of Pennsylvania Ph.D. 1964, pp. 144–148; M. Civil, “Le chien de Nintinugga,” RA 63 (1969) p. 180 no. 14; and A. Kleiner man, Education in Early 2nd Millennium BC Babylonia. The Sumerian Epistolary Miscellany, Leiden – Boston 2011 (= CM 42), pp. 174–177. For the letter prayer see F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters: Two Collections From the Old Babylonian Schools, pp. 137–143; B. Böck, “ ‘Wenn du zu Nintinuga gesprochen hast, . . .’,” AoF 23 (1996), pp. 5–11; W.H.Ph. Römer, “Miscellanea Sumerologica V. Bittbrief einer Gelähmten um Genesung an die Göttin Nintinugga,” in: W. Sallaberger, K. Volk & A. Zgoll, Literatur, Politik and Recht in Mesopotamien, Wiesbaden 2003, pp. 237–249; and A. Kleinerman, ibidem, pp. 171–173. 21 See the study of the goddess by J. Goodnick Westenholz, “Ninkarrak—An Akkadian Goddess in Sumerian Guise,” in: D. Shehata, F. Weierhäuser & K.V. Zand (eds.), Von Göt tern und Menschen. Beiträge zu Literatur und Geschichte des Alten Orients. Festschrift für Brigitte Groneberg, Leiden – Boston 2010 (= CM 41), pp. 377–405. I am very grateful to reviewer B who pointed out to me this article. 22 See for the references Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Süd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, pp. 113–114 revising the statement of F.R. Kraus “Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden,” p. 69 that the goddess is not attested in administrative documents. See also J. Goodnick Westenholz, ibidem pp. 379–388. 23 See F.R. Kraus, ibidem, p. 69; Th. Richter, ibidem, pp. 193–194; see for an example from Middle-Assyrian times K. Wagensonner, “Nin-Isina(k)’s Journey to Nippur: A Bilin gual Divine Journey Revisited,” WZKM 98 (2008) pp. 277–294, esp. p. 286. 24 See already F.R. Kraus, ibidem, p. 64; and see D.O. Edzard, “Ninisina,” in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 9 5/6, Berlin – New York 2000, p. 387. 12 chapter two

evident whether the name Ninisina is a nomen or a cognomen F.R. Kraus speculated that the actual goddess behind the name could be Ninkarak.25 Ninkarak, however, does not appear as an independent character in the Sumerian and Akkadian literary tradition; but she is the healing goddess invoked in the curse section of Ḫammurabi’s law code.26 In all likelihood, her name is of foreign origin.27 As her name ‘Lady of Isin’ indicates, Ninisina was the patron deity of the city.28 Her name is attested in god lists from the Early Dynastic period onwards.29 First indications for her cult in Isin come from the Old Akka- dian period.30 As goddess of Isin, which was the main seat of the kings of the Isin dynasty, she assumed aspects of the goddess Inanna.31 This partial syncretism between the two deities can be detected in various ways: sometimes both goddesses share the same epithet (such as telītu) or sometimes include the same deities in their respective entourages (such as Ninigizibara).32 As she was the patron deity of a city, which was the seat of a ruling dynasty, it does not come as a surprise that numerous Sumerian literary compositions are addressed to her. In addition to seven praise songs of Ninisina, three hymns to her have been handed down which mention some of the Isin kings.33 As mentioned above, Ninisina

25 Or Gula, see F.R. Kraus, ibidem, p. 70. 26 See also D.O. Edzard, “Die Mythologie der Sumerer und Akkader,” in: H.W. Haussig (ed.), Wörterbuch der Mythologie, Stuttgart 1961, p. 78. 27 See J. Goodnick Westenholz, “Ninkarrak—An Akkadian Goddess in Sumerian Guise,” p. 381. 28 See for the writing of the name, P. Steinkeller, “A Note on the Reading of the Name Isin,” JCS 30 (1978) pp. 168–169. 29 See the references given by D.O. Edzard, “Ninisina,” p. 387. 30 See B. Groneberg, “Tiere als Symbole von Göttern in den frühen geschichtlichen Epochen Mesopotamiens: Von der altsumerischen Zeit bis zum Ende der altbabylonischen Zeit,” in: Les animaux et les hommes dans le monde syro-mésopotamien aux époques his toriques (= Topoi suppl. 2), Paris 2000, p. 298 with further bibliography. 31 See the discussion of Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Süd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, pp. 519–520. 32 See my remarks in Chapter 4.1.2, commentary to line 7, and Chapter 5.1. 33 The hymns to Ninisina are easily available through the ETCSL database (etcsl.orient. ox.ac.uk, The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature); see catalogue numbers 4.22.1.– 4.22.6; and see the Ninisina hymn published by G. Zólyomi, “Hymns to Ninisina and Ner gal on the Tablets Ash 1911.235 and Ni 9672,” in: H.D. Baker, E. Robson & G. Zólyomi (eds.), Your Praise is Sweet. A Memorial Volume for Jeremy Black from Students, Colleagues and Friends, London 2010, pp. 413–420. For hymns to the goddess with reference to the Isin kings Išbi-Erra, Iddin-Dagan, and Lipit-Eštar respectively, see the catalogue numbers 2.5.1.4 (Išbi-Erra D), 2.5.3.4 (Iddin-Dagan D), and 2.5.5.5 (Lipit-Eštar E). the healing goddess gula: a portrait 13 was soon identified with Gula as stated in the hymn of king Išbi-Erra, the first ruler of the Isin dynasty, to her: “Pure Ninisina, Lady Gula.”34 Another Sumerian composition is the Letter Prayer of King Sin-Iddinam of Larsa to the healing goddess, which formed part of the Old Babylonian school curriculum.35 In the centuries, which followed, the goddess merged completely into Gula. The other goddess who became synonymous with the healing goddess was Baba or Bau.36 She was originally worshipped in Girsu and is, thus, best known from the literature of Gudea’s dynasty, especially from the famous cylinders and statues of Gudea himself.37 Girsu remains also in Ur III times one of the central place of the veneration of Baba.38 The syncretism of Baba and Ninisina and hence with Gula is apparently based on their common filiations and matrimonial alliances and took place after the third dynasty of Ur.39 However, few proper names show that Baba

34 The text (now Išbi-Erra D) has been referred to already by F.R. Kraus, “Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden,” p. 56. The editio princeps of the hymn was produced by W.H.Ph. Römer, Sumerische Königshymnen der Isin-Zeit, Leiden 1965, pp. 77–82. 35 See for the study and edition of the text W.W. Hallo, “The Royal Correspondence of Larsa, I. A Sumerian Prototype for the Prayer of Hezekiah?,” in: B.L. Eichler, J.W. Heimer dinger & Å.W. Sjöberg (eds.), Kramer Anniversary Volume. Cuneiform Studies in Honor of Samuel Noah Kramer, Neukirchen-Vluyn 1976 (= AOAT 25), pp. 209–214; and N.M. Brisch, Tradition and the Poetics of Innovation. Sumerian Court Literature of the Larsa Dynasty (c. 2003–1763 BCE), Münster 2007 (= AOAT 339), pp. 75–77, pp. 142–156. 36 See for the discussion of the reading of the name G. Marchesi, “On the Divine Name dBA.U₂,” OrNS 71 (2002) pp. 161–172, and Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Süd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, pp. 118–119 note 526. While G. Marchesi favours the reading, Bau (ba-u₂), Th. Richter prefers the spelling Baba (ba-ba₆), which he bases on the reading of the god Abba/Abu. However, J. Peterson, Godlists from Old Babylonian Nippur in the University Museum, Philadelphia, Münster 2009 (= AOAT 362), pp. 49–50, argues that a reading Abu (written ab.u₂) is preferable in view of the etymology since the god is called ‘lord of the plants’ (lugal u₂). 37 See for the discussion of Baba A. Falkenstein, Die Inschriften von Gudea von Lagaš, Roma 1966 (= AnOr 30), pp. 63–67; for the literature of Gudea, see D.O. Edzard, Gudea and His Dynasty (= RIME 3/1), Toronto – London 1997. See for a study of the development of the worship of Baba in Old Sumerian times G. Selz, Untersuchungen zur Götterwelt des alt sumerischen Stadtstaates von Lagaš, Philadelphia 1995 (= OPSNKF 13), pp. 102–103, 296. 38 See for the importance of her feast the discussion of W. Sallaberger, Der kultische Kalender der Ur III Zeit, pp. 288–291 and pp. 309–310. 39 See for the discussion Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Süd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, pp. 514–516; and M. Ceccarelli, “Einige Bemerkungen zum Synkretismus BaU/Ninisina,” in: P. Negri Scafa & S. Viaggio (eds.), Dallo Stirone al Tigri, dal Tevere all’Eufrate. Studi in onori de Claudio Saporetti, Roma 2009 (= AIO 477), pp. 39–41. 14 chapter two was attributed the status of a healing goddess as early as in Ur III times.40 As a result of the equation of Pabilsag, Ninisina’s consort, with Ningirsu/ Ninurta, Baba’s spouse, both goddesses merged.41 In the Sumerian literature of the Old Babylonian period Baba then assumed the common epithets of a healing goddess.42 Interestingly, in the great syncretistic hymn KAR 109 from first-millennium Ashur it is Baba who in her aspect as healing goddess also merges into Ištar.43 As a result of the syncretistic development, several consorts are attributed to Gula: Pabilsag, Ningirsu, and Ninurta.44 We have seen that in Isin, Gula and Ninisina, whose consort was Pabilsag, had merged. In the process of unifying the local pantheons divine pairs were identified with their corresponding couples in other cities. As Pabilsag was considered the son of the supreme god Enlil, other sons of Enlil such as Ningirsu from Lagaš/Girsu, whose consort was Baba, and Ninurta from Nippur were grouped together.45

40 See M. Ceccarelli, ibidem, p. 39. He refers to the personal name, Baba-azu (‘Baba is physician’) and the field name, Baba-nin-azu (‘Baba, lady physician’). 41 See for a concise description of this process S. Tinney, The Nippur Lament, pp. 172–173. 42 See Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Süd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, p. 516; and M. Ceccarelli, “Einige Bemerkungen zum Synkretis mus BaU/Ninisina,” pp. 34–38. The main literary text witness is the hymn Išme-Dagan B for which see the edition of W.H.Ph. Römer, Sumerische Königshymnen der Isin-Zeit, pp. 236–265. 43 KAR 109 is joined with KAR 343; for the edition of the former text see E. Ebeling, Quellen zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion, Leipzig 1918 (= MVAG 23), pp. 49–52. See for the temples of the healing goddess usually attributed to Gula, Enamtila and Esabad, ll. 17 and 19. The text is not only known from Ashur, see P.D. Gesche, Schulunterricht in Baby lonien im ersten Jahrtausen v. Chr., Münster 2001 (= AOAT 275), pp. 238–239, who identifies some sections of the school text BM 36333 as belonging to the composition. Apparently, there are more unpublished duplicates of the text, see the remark by A.R. George, Babylo nian Topographical Texts, Leuven 1992 (= OLA 40), p. 387 (commentary to ll. 11–12) and see for a partial transliteration of a few lines of the syncretistic hymn T. Oshima, Babylonian Prayers to Marduk, Tübingen 2011 (= ORA 7), pp. 394–395. 44 There are more gods who appear as Gula’s consorts but as I have restricted this sur vey to Ninisina, Ninkarak, and Baba they are not taken into account here. See for additional names the discussion by W.G. Lambert, “The Gula hymn of Bulluṭsa-rabi,” pp. 109–114. See also the discussion of the appearance of the healing goddess in god lists by Th. Richter, Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Süd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit, pp. 214–225. 45 For a discussion of the family and entourage of the healing goddess in Nippur see Th. Richter, ibidem, pp. 117–122; for Isin see pp. 196–197; for Larsa see pp. 361–362; and for Ur see pp. 466–467. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 15

2.2 Gula in the Life of the Ancient Mesopotamians

As a healing goddess Gula is called the ‘great physician’,46 ‘who revives the dead’,47 ‘gives life’,48 and ‘cares for life’.49 She does so with her incantations to which Ancient Babylonians attributed the power of healing50 and with medicinal plants.51 Special emphasis was apparently laid on her hands since she is named ‘Mother with the soothing hand’ (ama.šu.ḫal.bi), and ‘Faithful hand of heaven’ (šu.zi.an.na).52 Indeed, we find some references to the work of her hands that motivated these titles. One of the most extensive pieces of information about the rôle of the healing goddess comes from a Sumerian hymn to Ninisina, catalogued as Ninisina A.53 The composition gives a vivid insight into the healing goddess’ activities.

46 For the epithet asugallatu see e.g. the incantation ‘I contemplated your countenance’ studied in Chapter 4.1.3 (the term appears in the first text line). 47 The expression muballiṭat mīti is e.g. stated in the incantation ‘Gula, great Lady who dwells in the pure heavens’ line 2 for which see Chapter 4.1.5. 48 For the epithet nādinat balāṭi see e.g. the incantation ‘[The intestines are persist ently] massed together’ line 25 for which see Chapter 4.2.3. 49 The phrase qāʾišat napišti balāṭi is attested e.g. in the bilingual incantation ‘Gula, august Lady—when you descend from sky’s horizon’ line 20 for which see Chapter 4.1.2. 50 For the expression tuduqqûša bulluṭu see e.g. the incantation ‘May they worship Gula’ line 11 for which see Chapter 4.1.4. 51 As stated in the Gula Hymn of Bullussarabi line 80 for which see W.G. Lambert, “The Gula Hymn of Bulluṭsa-rabi,” p. 120. As far as the Sumerian epithets of the figure of the healing goddess are concerned, see the conclusions reached by E. Robson on the basis of an ETCSL database search for the Sumerian terms a.zu (physician), šim.mu₂ (healer) and išib (purification priest), “Mesopotamian Medicine and Religion: Current Debates, New Perspective,” Religion Compass 2 (2008) pp. 467–472. 52 Amašuḫalbi is according to the great god list an: Anum V: ll. 183, 189 one of the five tutelary angubbû deities associated with Gula, see R.L. Litke, A Reconstruction of the Assyro- Babylonian God-Lists, AN: dA-NU-UM and AN: ANU ŠA₂ AMĒLI, p. 185. Šuḫalbi appears as epithet of the goddess Baba, see W.H.Ph. Römer, Sumerische ‘Königshymnen’ der Isin-Zeit, p. 236 l. 7 (Išme-Dagan B; see also M.-C. Ludwig, Untersuchungen zu den Hymnen des Išme- Dagan von Isin, Wiesbaden 1990 [= SANTAG 2], pp. 4–5). In later tradition Šuḫalbi belongs as one of four udug spirits to Gula’s entourage, see the great god list an: Anum chapter V l. 175, for which see R.L. Litke, ibidem, p. 184. 53 See the ETCSL database 4.22.1 (etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk); see also J. Black, G. Cunningham, E. Robson & G. Zólyomi, The Literature of Ancient Sumer, Oxford 2004, pp. 254–257, p. 359. The hymn is classified in Sumerian as šir₃.gid.da, literally ‘long song’. For the genre which seems to praise especially the martial aspects of deities see C. Wilcke, “Formale Gesichts punkte in der sumerischen Literatur,” in: Sumeriological Studies in Honor of Thorkild Jacob sen on His Seventieth Birthday June 7, Chicago 1975 (= AS 20), p. 287; M.C. Ludwig, ibidem, pp. 38–40; and D. Shehata, Musiker und ihr vokales Repertoire. Untersuchungen zu Inhalt und Organisation von Musikerberufen und Liedgattungen in altbabylonischer Zeit, Göttin gen 2009 (= GBAO 3), pp. 274–278. 16 chapter two

17 tug₂bar.si.ge šu im.ma.an.ti šu im.gur.gur.re “She takes a piece of cloth and wipes (the wound carefully) with it, 18 tug₂bar.si dig.dig.e im.ma.ak.e She softens the wound dressing, 19 im.al.du₁₁.ga im.ku₇.ku₇.e Makes comfortable the plaster to be put (on the wound). 20 mud₂ lugud.e šu im.šu₂.ur.šu₂.ur.re She cleans the wound from blood and suppuration,

21 simx.simx.ma šu kum₂ mu.na.ak.e And lays (her) warm hand on the severe wound.”54 37 dnin.in.si.na.ke₄ tu₆ bi₂.in.du₁₁ ba.sa₆ “Ninisina recited the incantation and it turned out well. 38 i₃ nun.e nam.šub ba.an.šum₂ She recited the spell over the ghee, 39 bur gal.la.na ba.ni.in.de₂ Poured it into her great bowl 40 šu še₁₇.da.na nam.ma.an.de₆ And brought it along with her soothing hands.”55

54 The cuneiform texts are published by E. Chiera, SRT 6 and 7. Quoted are SRT 6 i: 17–21. The editio princeps was produced by W.H.Ph. Römer, “Beobachtungen zur Göttin Nini(n)sina auf Grund von Quellen der Ur III-Zeit und der altbabylonischen Periode,” in: M. Dietrich & W. Röllig (eds.), Lišān mitḫurti: Festschrift Wolfram Freiherr von Soden zum 19.VI.1968 gewidmet von Schülern und Mitarbeitern, Neukirchen – Vluyn 1969 (= AOAT 1), pp. 284–291; note that the continuous line numbers follow this edition. Another transla tion and transliteration is offered in the ETCSL database 4.22.1. W.H.Ph. Römer dealt with the hymn again in his Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, Münster 2001 (= AOAT 276), pp. 107–142. The present lines are difficult to understand; my translation dif fers in some points from W.H.Ph. Römer’s and the ETCSL’s interpretation. W.H.Ph. Römer suggests in his first treatment of the passage that the bandage itself was manipulated (l. 17–19) “er(?) nahm die Binde, wischt sie ab(?), seine(?) Binde behandelt(?) er(?) mit Öl(?), den Ton(? ?), der darauf getan worden war(?), entfernt(? ?) er(?)”, see his 1969 contribution, p. 285; similarly the rendering in ETCSL 4.22.1 “he takes bandages and wipes them; he treats the bandages with embrocation, and softens the plaster that had been put on them.” In his 2001 study, W.H.Ph. Römer renders the lines differently, “Sie nahm die Binde, sie wird um (die Wunde) gewickelt werden, / die Binde mancht sie zu(??) einer sehr weichen(??), / die erforderliche(?) Tonerde(?) süsst(??) sie, / nach Blut (und) Eiter streckt sie die Hand aus(??), / an die bösen Wunden macht(?) sie die warme Hand heran,” p. 116 ll. 17–21. Because of the reference to blood and pus, which is to be removed from the wound, I have interpreted simx.simx ‘severe wound’ in l. 21 as direct object in the preceding lines and not the bandage. If this interpretation is correct the paragraph describes the typical treatment of skin sores, namely cleansing the wound, preparing the wound dressing, and removing wound exudates. 55 Quoted are SRT 6 i: 37–ii: 2; the line numbers follow the edition of W.H.Ph. Römer, “Beobachtungen zur Göttin Nini(n)sina auf Grund von Quellen der Ur III-Zeit und der altbabylonischen Periode,” pp. 284–291. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 17

We learn from the passages that the healing goddess laid hands on wounds and that she had soothing hands.56 Not only were her hands soothing but also the bandages she applied. The effect of her bandages seems to have been central to her image since it is a recurrent theme in Sumerian literary compositions and first-millennium healing incantations. In the Sumerian Letter Prayer of Nannamansum Nannamansum addresses the healing goddess “pure Ninisina who heals with a cooling dress;”57 and the Gula Hymn of Bulussa-rabi states “my gentle bandage soothes the sick.”58 Therefore it does not come as a surprise that bandaging turned into the synonym of healing, namely the healing of the asû ‘physician’ whose patron deity the Ninisina / Gula was. In a passage from the Tukulti-Ninurta Epic we learn that the cuneiform tablets belonging to the ‘craft of the asû physician’, the asûtu, were characterized as nēpeš naṣmadāti, ‘undertaking of bandages’.59 The hymn to Ninisina (Ninisina A) is meaningful on other grounds too: it refers to diseases and inflicted body parts the goddess treats, the knife she uses, the demons she threatens, and mentions her rôle as midwife associating her thus with some of the activities of a mother goddess. All these features are recurrent themes in the later medical literature and incantations of the first millennium BC evidencing how deeply rooted her conception was in the tradition of Ancient Babylonians. Some of these aspects feature in the Sumerian Letter Prayer of Nannamansum to her—a genre, as the designation indicates, which uses the style of a letter but

56 The Akkadian equivalent is the expression ina rabbâtim qātī “with gentle hands” or rittū rabbâtu “gentle hands” which is used to describe the healing aspect of gods; see the attestations in CAD R 15 s.v. rabbu A a) and b). Note also the expression in the healing incantation LB 1000 obv. 3: liṣmidka dninkarak ina rabbâtim qātīša “May Ninkarak bandage you with her gentle hands” (the parallel texts, CT 42 32 obv. 8, has lirkuska); see for the edition of both texts M.J. Geller & F.A.M. Wiggermann, “Duplicating Akkadian Magic,” in: R.J. van der Spek (ed.), Studies in Ancient Near Eastern World View and Society, Bethesda 2008, 149–160. 57 TCL 16 60 obv. l. 6: ku₃ dnin.i₃.si.in.na tug₂niĝ.la₂ še₁₇.de₃ ki.bi.še₃ bi₂.ib₂.gi₄.gi₄. See for the complete edition of the letter B. Böck, Untersuchungen zu den sumerischen Gottes briefen, Berlin 1993 (unpub. MA thesis), pp. 62–65. The text TCL 16 60 has been partially studied by F.R. Kraus, “Nippur und Isin nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden,” pp. 77–78, ll. 1–4, 6–7, 9; and W.H.Ph. Römer, “Beobachtungen zur Göttin Nini(n)sina auf Grund von Quellen der Ur III-Zeit und der altbabylonischen Periode,” p. 291, ll. 5–9. 58 rabbu ṣindī marṣa upaššaḫ, see W.G. Lambert, The Gula Hymn of Bulluṭsa-rabi,” p. 120 l. 85. 59 See for the passage W.G. Lambert, “Three Unpublished Fragments of the Tukulti- Ninurta Epic,” AfO 18 (1957), p. 44, text BM 98730 rev. 8. 18 chapter two is actually a prayer or petition;60 and in a votive inscription written on a dog made of stone that is dedicated to the healing goddess Nintinuga, called in the secondary literature A Dog for Nintinuga.61 These three literary Sumerian works from the Old Babylonian period are the starting-point for studying some of the specific traits of the healing goddess, namely the surgical instruments that characterize her, afflictions of the body and demons which are associated with her, and her role as midwife.

2.2.1 Knives The healing goddess Ninisina ‘checks the lancet’ and ‘sharpens the scalpel’ before treating the wound (simx, simmu).62 The Sumerian terms are bulug. kiĝ₂.gur₄ (Akkadian masdaru) and ĝiri₂.zal (Akkadian karzillu). The goddess and her knives must have been a standard image of her and a frighten- ing one as well, as we read in one of the hymns praising king Iddin-Dagan from Isin, Iddin-Dagan D; here the goddess uses the scalpel (ĝiri₂.zal) and the lancet (bulug.kiĝ₂.gur₄), “sharp as the claws of a lion to enter the flesh, so that the black-headed people,” a poetic designation of the Sumerian

60 See for the study of the genre W.W. Hallo, “Individual Prayer in Sumerian: The Continuity of a Tradition,” JAOS 88 (1968) pp. 71–89; B. Böck, “ ‘Wenn du zu Nintinugga gesprochen hast . . .’. Untersuchungen zu Aufbau, Inhalt, Sitz-im-Leben und Funktion sum erischer Gottesbriefe,” AoF 23 (1996) pp. 3–23; and see the remarks of A. Kleinerman, Education in Early 2nd Millennium Babylonia, pp. 35–37, 54–55. Often letter prayers are interpreted as ‘mere fictional device’, see E. Robson, “Mesopota mian Medicine and Religion: Current Debates, New Perspectives,” p. 458. However, from an Old Babylonian letter written by Warad-ilīšu to his father we learn “4’ I am lying in the swamps, 6’ I am depressed, 5’ weeping and crying 7’ which has become pleasant to me. 8’ During my journey [I have . . .] a letter to my lady Ištar . . . (. . .) 16’ May they let my lady hear (the letter) and 18’ let it be deposited 17’ in the cella before Ištar,” ABB 6 135 rev. 4’–8’, 16’–18’. While the Sumerian letter prayers preserved have their setting in the Old Babylo nian school, the practice of writing letters of petition and depositing them in temples and sanctuaries was actually carried out. Note in this context W.W. Hallo who mentions an oral communication by Th. Jacobsen that a closed letter envelope with the inscription ‘to DN’ had been found near the fundament of a statue for a deity, see “Individual Prayer in Sumerian: The Continuity of a Tradition”, JAOS 88 (1968) p. 88 note 74. 61 Similarly to the letter prayers, the text of the inscription is known from school texts only. The original piece has not been found; see for the edito princeps F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters: Two Collections From the Old Babylonian Schools, pp. 144–148; M. Civil, “Le chien de Nintinugga,” p. 180 no. 14; and A. Kleinerman, Education in Early 2nd Millennium BC Babylonia, pp. 174–177. 62 SRT 6 i: 10–11: bulug.kiĝ₂.gur₄.ra igi mu.un.sig₁₀.ge / dnin.in.si.na.ke₂ ĝiri₂.zal.e u₃.sar im.ma.ak.e. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 19 people, “are shaking with fear.”63 Also healing spells refer to the menacing aura of Gula’s surgical instruments: in a first-millennium incantation to be recited during the removal of foreign bodies from the eye the exorcist speaks “(go away) before the obsidian blade and the naglabu knife will reach you!”64 In an Old Babylonian incantation directed against the affliction of the musculoskeletal system, maškadu, the same words are used for expelling “(go away) before the obsidian blade and the naglabu knife will reach you!”65 Interestingly, in yet another healing spell the affliction is not only threatened with a masdaru lancet but also with a cautery.66 The attribution of the karzillu scalpel to the healing goddess is a clear superposition from daily life. I should recall one of the paragraphs of Hammurabi’s law code, which alludes to some of the activities of the asû physician: “If a physician performed a difficult surgery with a bronze lancet and thus healed the man.”67

63 See Iddin-Dagan D ll. 8–9 (OECT V 8 ll. 8–9): ĝiri₂.zal bulug.kiĝ₂.gur₄ ĝiri₂ piriĝ.ĝa₂. gin₇ uzu e₃.a.zu.uš / uĝ₃ saĝ ĝe₆ su ma.ra.sag₃.sag₃.ge. 64 The text is BAM VI 510 iv: 37–38 // BAM VI 514 iv: 42: la-am ik-šu-du-ki-na-ši ṣur-ru nag-la-bu / ša₂ dgu-la. See for the use of scalpels and knives in the treatment of eye diseases the discussion of J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschriftlichen Quellen. Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Medizin, Würzburg 2000 (= Würzburger medizinhistorische Forschun gen 70), pp. 294–297, esp. p. 297. See for a discussion of warning with Gula’s scalpel in case of eye diseases M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, Chichester 2010, p. 92. 65 The text is YOS XI 14 rev. 5: la-a-ma ik-šu-du-ka ṣu₂-ur-ru na-ag-la-bu [ša d]gu-la. See also N. Wasserman, “On Leeches, Dogs, and Gods in Old Babylonian Medical Incantations,” RA 102 (2008) p. 11. 66 This is mentioned in the text K.6057+ ii: 22–23 (unpublished): [a]-a iṭ-ḫi-ka nak-mu- ˹u₂˺ [. . .] / [a]-˹a˺ iṭ-ḫi-ka mas-da-ra ˹x˺ [. . .], “The cautery shall not come near to you . . ., the lancet shall not approach you . . .!” See for the discussion of the term nakmû M. Stol, “Review of H. Avalos, Illness and Health Care in the Ancient Near East,” BiOr 54 (1997) p. 409 with previous literature. The name of the disease which is threatened is not pre served; however, we may presume that the skin was afflicted since the text K.6057+ com bines several incantations that are directed against simmu, skin sores. Note in this context that cauterization was a common method in antiquity for treating e.g. abscesses. See for the term masdaru the brief discussion of M. Stol, “Remarks on Some Sumerograms and Akkadian Words,” in: M.T. Roth, W. Farber, M.W. Stolper & P. von Bechtolsheim (eds.), Studies Presented to Robert D. Biggs, Chicago 2007 (= AS 27), p. 238. 67 Quoted after the edition of M.T. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor, Atlanta 19972, p. 123 paragraph 215: šumma asûm awīlam simmam kabtam ina kar zilli siparrim īpušma awīlam ubtalliṭ. Note that the expression simmam kabtam epēšum is often understood literally as ‘to make a serious wound’, see e.g. the translation of M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 58 ‘if a physician made a serious wound’ (CH 215); or J.C. Fincke in her study “Spezialisierung und Differenzierung im Bereich der altorientalischen Medizin,” in: G.J. Selz, The Empirical Dimension of Ancient Near Eastern Studies. Die empirische Dimension altorientalischer Forschungen, Wien 2011 (= WOO 6), rendering “Wenn ein Arzt einem Patienten (lit.: Büger) mit einem bronzenen Sklapell (lit.: Barbiermesser) eine schwere Wunde beibringt und den Patienten heilt” 20 chapter two

The healing goddess is reputed to have used a number of different surgical instruments as stated in the Gula Hymn of Bullussa-rabi: she carries along a naglabu knife and a quppû lancet as well as a masdaru lancet.68 Unfortunately, we cannot further specify the surgical instruments used but the Ancient Babylonians must have disposed of an ample variety of fine instruments.69 As the archaeological findings from Babylon show at least sixteen surgical instruments were unearthed in different areas of the city, all approximately dating to the first millennium BC; among them we find three scalpels made of bone, one long hook, and various probes.70 Further evidence of surgical equipment, including drills, saws, and mechanical cutters, comes from a small receipt for over twenty-three bronze instruments which were manufactured for a physician.71 If we interpret the sequence of incidents in hymn Ninisina A as reflection of an actual course of events a striking image of pre-surgical procedures and preparations emerges.72 First the goddess dresses in a ‘great robe’ (tug₂ gal), which as W.H.P. Römer suggested could be a doctor’s overall.73 It is not known what kind of robe it was but Ninisina conspicuously wears

(p. 170 note 62). Compare the suggestion of CAD E 217b 2.(c) simmu to understand the expression as idiomatic phrase translating ‘to perform an operation(?)’. 68 “I carry a scalpel for curing”, našâku masdaru ša šalāmi (l. 82), “I . . . a scalpel and a knife,” naglaba quppâ . . .rāku (l. 179); see for the edition of the hymn W.G. Lambert, “The Gula Hymn of Bulluṭsa-rabi,” pp. 105–132. 69 There are several texts that state how much these fine instruments weighed, namely from 8 to 160 gr; see H. Waetzold, “DUB.NAGAR in Ebla: ‘Meißel, Steinmeisen, Beitel’, nicht ‘Hammer’,” NABU 1995 no. 117, pp. 102–104. 70 See the catalogue Babylon. Wahrheit, Berlin 2008 (J. Marzahn & G. Schauerte, eds.), fig. 302 on p. 414 and the description of K. Sternitzke, pp. 425–427; see also K. Sternitzke, “Spatel, Sonde und Skalpell. Medizinische Instrumente im Archäologischen Befund,” in: H. Baker, K. Kaniuth & A. Otto (eds.), Stories of Long Ago. Festschrift für Michael D. Roaf, Münster 2012 (= AOAT 397), pp. 649–666. See for surgical instruments probably used for blood-letting the discussion of M. Stol, “Old Babylonian Ophthalmology,” in: M. Lebeau & Ph. Talon (eds.), Reflets des deux fleuves, Leuven 1989 (= Akkadica Suppl. VI), p. 164. 71 The text unearthed at Ebla and dating around the middle of the third millennium BC has been published by A. Archi, “List of Tools,” in: M. Dietrich & O. Loretz (eds.), Vom Alten Orient zum Alten Testament. Festschrift für Freiherrn von Soden zum 85. Geburtstag am 19. Juni 1993, Neukirchen – Vluyn 1993 (= AOAT 240), pp. 7–10; and see the contribu tion of F. D’Agostino, “Considerazioni sul medico eblaita ei suoi strumenti di lavoro,” in: P. Marrassini (ed.), Semitic and Assyriological Studies Presented to Pelio Fronzaroli by Pupils and Colleagues, Wiesbaden 2003, pp. 136–149. 72 See for a general overview of the instruments and materials used for surgery the con tribution of P.B. Adamson, “Surgery in Ancient Mesopotamia,” Medical History 35 (1991) pp. 428–435. 73 Stated in SRT 6 i: 9: tug₂ gal.e, for the interpretation as ‘Ärztekittel??’ see W.H.Ph., Römer, Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, p. 122 commentary to AI9. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 21 it also in another praise song, mentioning king Išbi-Erra of Isin.74 The characterization ‘great or big’ strikes one indeed as odd. The robe has special decoration that cannot be further identified. Once dressed, she speaks words of comfort and prepares the instruments to treat the wound. The actual treatment is not explicitly stated in the hymn, only the preparation of the bandage. But as is clear from the image of the scalpel and knife that ‘enter the flesh like a lion’s claw’ and from the aforementioned paragraph in Codex Ḫammurabi, the instrument was used to treat the wound, whether to clean it or to open the skin for further operations. In art, Gula is frequently shown holding a scalpel and another object. On the basis of W.G. Lambert’s interpretation of a passage in the Gula Hymn of Bulussa-rabi D. Collon suggests that it might be a cuneiform tablet containing medical prescriptions.75 The crucial line was read našâku mašṭaru ša šalāmi “I carry documents of healing;”76 however, as M. Stol discussed we should rather understand našâku masdaru ša šalāmi, meaning, “I carry the masdaru lancet for healing.”77 This interpretation rules out the translation ‘documents’ and puts in doubt the identification of the object the healing goddess holds in her hand. Taking into account the literary tradition of hymns and prayers I would propose to identify this object with her cooling or soothing bandage or even with a swab. Also her son Damu was associated with a scalpel: in the so-called Götter- typentext, which gives a description of twenty-seven gods and Mischwesen that supposedly decorated the walls of a temple in Kassite Babylon,78 he is said ‘to carry a karzillu knife’.79

74 The text STVC 61 obv. 5 states: tug₂.zu tug gal.la.am₃, “your robe is a great robe,” see for the edition of Išbi-Erra D W.H.Ph. Römer, Sumerische Königshymnen der Isin-Zeit, pp. 77–82. 75 See D. Collon, “Iconographic Evidence for Some Mesopotamian Cult Statues,” in: B. Groneberg & H. Spiekermann (eds.), Die Welt der Götterbilder, Berlin 2007 (=BZAW 376), p. 69; see also her entry on “Gula,” in Iconography of Deities and Demons (pre-publication from 1 July 2009; see www.religionswissenschaft.unizh.ch/idd). This interpretation is fol lowed by N. Wasserman, “On Leeches, Dogs, and Gods in Old Babylonian Medical Incanta tion,” p. 11 and M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 93. 76 See W.G. Lambert, “The Gula Hymn of Bulluṭsa-rabi,” p. 120 l. 82. 77 See his “Remarks on Some Sumerograms and Akkadian Words,” p. 238. Note that the term appears together with the karzillu knife in the incantation BAM VI 580 ii: 17’ // CTN IV 116 rev. 20–21. 78 See F.A.M. Wiggermann, “The Mesopotamian Pandemonium”, SMSR 77 (2011) p. 298. 79 See for the edition of the text F. Köcher, “Der babylonische Göttertypentext,” MIO 1 (1953) pp. 57–107; col. i: 12’ karzilla naši ‘he carries a karzillu knife’ is quoted. 22 chapter two

Figure 1. BM WA 89846 (drawing by Ana García). The goddess Gula, facing right, holds in her raised right hand a scalpel. The object in her extended left hand is possibly a bandage or a swab. In front of her sits her symbolic animal, a dog. A beardless worshipper faces both. Behind him is a tree; a goat or ibex standing on its hind legs is feeding from its branches.

2.2.2 Skin Sores The motivation for the bond between the healing goddess and wounds or skin sores is no longer obvious. The constancy of the association of Sumerian simx or Akkadian simmu(m) with Ninisina, Nintinuga, Ninkarak and Gula is nonetheless remarkable. In the Sumerian Letter Prayer of Nan- namansum Nannamansum writes to Ninisina: “The severe wound whose cause remains dark—no man knows it but pure Ninisina heals it with the cooling bandage.”80 The cooling bandage echoes her cooling and soothing hands. Also in the votive inscription A Dog for Nintinuga it is the healing goddess “who examines the very heart of the Asag-demon and the wound, (. . .) who knows

80 The text is TCL 16 60 obv. ll. 5–6 simx.simx.ma ki ku₁₀.ku₁₀.ga.ba ša₃.bi lu₂ nu.zu / ku₃ dnin.i.si.in.na tug₂niĝ.la₂ še17.de₃ ki.bi.še₃ bi₂.ib₂.g[i₄.g]i₄; see for the edition of the letter prayer B. Böck, Untersuchungen zu den sumerischen Gottesbriefen, pp. 62–63. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 23 well what causes skin sores and the sick spots of painful afflictions.”81 The motif of the healing goddess threatening to inflict long-lasting wounds whose nature physicians cannot diagnose is a common curse in royal inscriptions and Middle Babylonian kudurrus.82 I recall from the curse section of Ḫammurabi’s law code the threat: “May the goddess Ninkarak, daughter of Anu who speaks in the Ekur in favour of me, cause a serious disease (murṣam kabtam), the evil asakkum demon (asakkam lemnam) and a severe skin sore (simmam marṣam) to break out upon his limbs— an affliction which cannot be soothed, which a physician can neither diagnose nor ease with a bandage, which like the bite of death cannot be expelled!”83 The association of skin diseases and skin sores is echoed in the medical literature also. The handbook of diagnostics and prognostics, Sakikkû, attributes a number of skin diseases (e.g. sāmānu, ašû, šadânu) and skin sores or eruptions (ṣītu and ṣarrišu) to the ‘hand’ of Gula.84 As for the chronological frame it should be added that although few written manuscripts of diagnostic and prognostic texts are preserved from the Middle Babylonian period the contents of the handbook were certainly known.85

81 See for the edition F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters: Two Collections from the Old Babylonian Schools, pp. 144–148. Quoted are ll. 6 and 8 of the composite text: a₂.sag₃ simx.ma ša₃.be₂ bar a₅/ niĝ₂.ra.aḫ.a du₁₁.ge zi.ir.ra ki gig.bi zu.zu. F.A. Ali and ETCSL translate ‘the bitter / virulent asag demon’ interpreting simx.ma as adjective; A. Kleinerman, Education in Early 2nd Millennium BC Babylonia, p. 174, interprets ‘wounding asag-demon’. PSD B s.v. bar–a₅ 116a translates the expression as a genitive relation ‘the asag demon of diseases’. In view of the concurrence of asakkum and simmum in texts such as Ḫammurabi’s law code (li: 52–53) I have interpreted the phrase as two independent entities. 82 See for some examples CAD S 276a s.v. simmu. The skin sore is often said to be long- lasting (lazzu) for which see the references under meaning 1.b). 83 See for the text M.T. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor, pp. 139– 140. The Sumerian equation of the expression simmum marṣum, namely simx.simx.ma, appears in the hymn Ninisina A l. 21 and in the Sumerian Letter Prayer of Nannamansum to Ninisina, TCL 16 60 obv. l. 5. The common motif of physicians who cannot diagnose disease and whose bandages are not soothing can be found in the Sumerian Letter Prayer of King Sin-Iddinam of Larsa to Ninisina, l. 26, for which see N.M. Brisch, Tradition and Poetics of Innovation. Sumerian Court Literature of the Larsa Dynasty (c. 2003–1763 BCE), pp. 142, 152. 84 Chapter XXXIII: 103–105 for which see N.P. Heeßel, Die babylonisch-assyrische Diag nostik, pp. 357–358. I shall discuss the reference to the ‘hand of Gula’ in the Sakikkû hand book in Chapter 3.4. 85 For the Middle Babylonian evidence see M.T. Rutz, “Threads for Esagil-kīn-apli. The Medical Diagnostic-Prognostic Series in Middle Babylonian Nippur,” ZA 101 (2011) pp. 294–308. Compare also Esagil-kīn-apli’s catalogue of the incipits of the handbook Sakikkû. He was active at the court of Adad-apla-iddina who reigned in the 11th century BC (see the updated time chart of J.A. Brinkman in: A.L. Oppenheim, La antigua Meso potamia. Retrato de una civilización extinguida, Madrid 2003, translated and updated by I. Márquez Rowe, p. 319). 24 chapter two

The best evidence for the book comes, however, from the libraries of the first millennium BC. The healing goddess and the theme of skin sores or wounds appear again in medical incantations. An illustrative example comes from an as yet unpublished collection of healing spells that are directed against simmu wound and other diseases. The text K.6057+ from one of Ashurbanipal’s libraries in Nineveh starts with the incantation “There are many wounds whose names I did not know.”86 Another incantation in the same tablet includes the statement: “[Gula], they have named you great queen! Gula, great physician . . . sinews. There are so many skin sores whose names [I did not know].”87 This association between healing goddess and wounds is also discernible in a ritual to be performed in order to save infants from supernatural attacks. Here the ‘hand’ of Gula, together with the ‘hands’ of Lamaštu, the ‘adversary’, and ‘curse’ cause ‘many skin sores’.88 Gula is not the only deity who is associated with simmu. Also Asaluḫi appears in incantations that list all kinds of diseases in the context of wounds. Interestingly, in a Middle Babylonian text from Ugarit, which brings together various incantations, the exorcist addresses Asaluḫi using the same words “there are so many skin sores whose names I did not know.”89

2.2.3 The Body As we have seen the hymn to Ninisina characterizes the activities that are specific to the healing goddess. We may therefore assume that the ailments, demons and sick condition mentioned in the text fall likewise

86 Col. i: 1 en₂ si-im-mu ma-ʾ-du šu-mi-šu₂-nu ul i-di; see for comments to this lines B. Böck, Die Krankenmassage nach keilschriftlichen Quellen, Berlin 2002 (unpublished habilitation), p. 149. 87 K.6057+ col. ii: 31–33 reads: [dgu-la šar-r]a-tum gal-tum na-bu-u₂ [šu₂-nu] / [dgu-la] a-zu-gal-la-tu₂ ma-na-na [̣. . .] / [si-im-mu m]a-ʾ-du šu-mi-šu₂-nu [ul i-di]. 88 The expression is the same: simmūšu ma⁠ʾdū. The text is SpTU III 84 rev. 79/80: [diš lu ina š]u dgu-la lu ina šu dlamašti lu ina šu gaba.ri lu ina šu nam.erim₂ / [x x x x x l] u dumu.meš uš₂-tu₄ lu simx.meš-šu₂ ma-ʾ-du dumu.meš-šu₂ e-ṭe-ri, “[If from the] ‘hand’ of Gula, the ‘hand’ of Lamaštu or be it from the ‘hand’ of the adversary or the ‘hand’ of curse / [. . .] the children are about to die, or their (the hand’s) wounds are too many: in order to save his children.” The passage is quoted again below in the context of Lamaštu in Chapter 2.3. 89 RS 17.155 with duplicate RS 15.152, l. 16: ma-ʾ-du si-im-mu mu.meš-šu₂-nu uli-de₄. The text is published by J. Nougayrol, Ugaritica V, Paris 1968, pp. 30–40; parts of the incanta tion duplicate Muššuʾu V/d for which see B. Böck, Das Handbuch Muššuʾu, pp. 191–196 (the Ugarit tablet appears in the score text with the sigla ‘U’). the healing goddess gula: a portrait 25 into her domain. A graphic account of the pains, which can befall man, is included in ll. 32–35 of the hymn Ninisina A. 32 ša₃.gig libiš.gig lu₂.lu₁₈.ra mu.[n]a.[ka]r.ra “Because of the illness of (his) belly and the illness of (his) sick intestines that afflict the man 33 lu₂.lu₁₈.bi muš ki bil₂.gin₇ i.im.bal.bal.e This man writhes like a snake on burnt ground, 34 muš ki.uš₂.a.gin₇ e.na dag i₃.si.il.e He hisses like a desert snake and 35 ša₃.ĝu₁₀ libiš.ĝu₁₀ bil₂.la.bi im.me He is feverishly crying out: ‘My belly! My intestines!’ ”90 Both belly and intestines were strongly associated with the healing goddess in the medical literature of the first millennium. As I discuss below in Chapter 4 on the medicinal plants attributed to Gula, they were employed to treat pains in the abdomen and troubles of the intestinal tract which are precisely the symptoms that are associated with the ‘hand’ of Gula according to the handbook on the prognosis and diagnosis of disease, Sakikkû. In one of the entries it is stated: “If his belly is seized and he cries ‘Ouch!’: ‘hand’ of Gula.”91 This idea entered apparently medical prescriptions. In one of the elaborate recommendations for severe digestive problems the practitioner has to invoke Gula and Ninmaḫ to guarantee the efficacy of his treatment.92 In a Middle Babylonian incantation from Ugarit that combines gibberish words with a short Akkadian text Gula is invoked as ‘Lady of Life’. Interestingly, according to its rubric the healing spell was to be recited ‘to stop diarrhoea’, ka.inim.ma ša₃.sur ku₅.ru.da.kam₂.93 The words ša₃ and libiš are general terms referring to both an internal area of the body and an emotional state;94 in this regard they are

90 The lines correspond to SRT 6 i: 32–35. 91 See my discussion in Chapter 3.3 Sakikkû XIII i: 55’. 92 The prescription is BAM VI 579 iv: 33–42; the goddesses appear in iv: 42: mu dgu-la u dnin-maḫ ta-zak-kar “you invoke Gula and Ninmaḫ.” 93 See for the text RS 25.456B the edition of D. Arnaud, Corpus des textes de bibliothèque de Ras Shamra – Ougarit (1936–2000) en sumérien, babylonien et assyrien (= AuOr Suppl. 23), Barcelona 2007, pp. 90–96. The incantation is preserved in obv. 22-rev. 1. The rubric is preserved in rev. 2. 94 See for a discussion of the terms libiš and ša₃ in the construction with the respective verbs bal and dab₅ denoting expressions that refer to different stages of anger M. Jaques, Le vocabulaire des sentiments dans les textes sumériens. Recherche sur le lexique sumérien et akkadien, Münster 2006 (= AOAT 332), pp. 90–93 (libiš . . .bal) and pp. 93–95 (ša₃ . . . dab₅). See also my contribution “Die Hymne Ninisina A Z. 30–42 mit einem Exkurs über š a ₃ ‘Bauch, Magen-Darm-Trakt’ als Sitz der Gefühle,” Babel und Bibel, Annual of Ancient Near Eastern, Old Testament, and Semitic Studies 8 (2013) (in press). 26 chapter two

ambiguous. However, the meaning abdomen, belly of ša₃ is evident when the term appears in the context of other inner organs.95 As for the meaning of libiš, an illustration as to its rendering is the description of Umul (or Uĝul), the poor helpless creature fashioned by Enki in the mythof Enki and Ninmaḫ.96 The text starts with the head and goes body part by body part down the torso: “it could not breath (zi til.til), the ribs were shaky (ti sur.sur), the lungs sick (mur gig.ga), the belly afflicted (ša₃ gig.ga) and the intestines troubled (libiš gig.ga).”97 The lexical text List of Diseases equates libiš gig with the Akkadian term for colic of the gastrointestinal tract, namely kīs libbi.98 The other disease system that is associated with the healing goddess is called in Sumerian, sa, usually rendered ‘sinew, muscle, blood vessel’. Yet this translation does not seem to fully grasp the meaning of the term if we turn to one of the descriptions in the votive inscription, A Dog for Nintinuga. The healing goddess is said to be the one “who chooses between the ‘sa of life’ and the ‘sa of death’, makes their joints good.”99 Here a translation ‘tendon / muscle / blood vessel of life’ is too narrow. The Sumerian term sa refers to several physical objects: a bundle of reeds (Akkadian kiššu), a net (Akkadian šētu), gut (Akkadian irru), and sinew, muscle, and blood vessel (Akkadian šerʾānu). Common to the different meanings is the concept of strings or cords, which in the case of a net could be tied together. As a matter of fact, the votive inscription clearly alludes to the joints of the body cords evoking the image of a neatly tied net. The sa could be evil (Sumerian ḫul) as is stated in a medical incantation or sick (Sumerian gig).100 As for the latter, this is precisely the name of the handbook of prognosis and diagnosis, Sakikkû, which is a learned

95 See the discussion of M. Stol, “The Digestion of Food According to Babylonian Sources,” in: L. Battini & P. Villard (eds.), Médecine et médecins au Proche-Orient ancien, Oxford 2006 (= BAR International Series 1528), p. 103. 96 See for the social rôle of Umul the interpretation of A. Westenholz, “Enki and Ninmaḫ: An Interpretation,” in: W. Horowitz, U. Gabbay & F. Vukosavovic (eds.), A Woman of Valor: Jerusalem Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Joan Goodnick Westenholz, Madrid 2010 (= BPOA 8), pp. 201–204. 97 See Enki and Ninmaḫ l. 89 (ETCSL c.1.1.2). 98 See MSL IX p. 92 col. i: 1. 99 See for the edition F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters: Two Collections From the Old Babylo nian Schools, pp. 144–148; l. 7 is quoted: sa nam.ti.la sa nam.uš₂.a.ka igi saĝ₅.saĝ₅ niĝ₂.keš₂. bi sa₆.ge; and A. Kleinerman, Education in Early 2nd Millennium BC Babylonia, p. 174. 100 See B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, Muššuʾu VIII/c l. 97 p. 281. The Akkadian expression šerʾānu lemnu is attested in the incantation Muššuʾu IV/a (see ibidem l. 29 p. 156); note that it seems to be explained by the following addition, šerʾānu napṣu ša šēpī ‘broken cord of the feet’. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 27 loanword from Sumerian sa.gig, literally ‘sick cords’, usually rendered ‘symptoms’. Since the handbook is about disease symptoms that affect man, sa must be a generic term for the cord-like system of the body101 that seemed to have been tied together like a net. This system consisted in tendons, sinews, muscles, and blood vessels and was contrasted in Akkadian literary texts with ‘flesh’ (šīru), a term that refers to the soft parts of the body. Akkadian šerʾānu was paralleled with ‘body’ (zumru) and appears to have been used per merismum and as metonymy for the whole body.102 Interestingly, in the dedicatory inscription, A Dog for Nintinuga, the statement of sa is preceded by the reference to yet another body part the healing goddess cares for: “she keeps an eye on the bones.”103 Taking the different statements together on sa, flesh and bones, it becomes clear that Ancient Mesopotamians had a tripartite concept of human anatomy differentiating between a cord-like system of the body that was visualized as a net, the soft parts of the body, and the skeleton. That the ‘strings’ fell into the domain of the healing goddess is corroborated by two further attestations from literary texts. The first comes from the bilingual incantation ‘Ninisina, mother of the land’ (en₂ dnin. i₃.si.in ama kalam.ma.ke₄) which forms part of the incantation handbook Muššuʾu, ‘Embrocation’. Here, Damu, the son of the healing goddess is described as the one “who joins/strengthens the cut ‘strings’,” lu₂ ku₅.da sa ru₅.ru₅.ke₄ ša₂ šir₂-a-ni bat-qa i-kaṣ-ṣa-ru.104 Nearly the same epithet is given to Nintinuga in the Sumerian letter prayer that Inanakam wrote to her. She is the “great relief bringer to the crippled” (literally “the great joiner of the cut man”), lu₂ ku₅ lu₂ ku₅.bi ru₅.ru₅.gal.bi.me.en.105 We again perceive the image of a net, this time broken since its strings are cut.

101 See also A. Attia, “A propos de la signification de šerʾānu dans les textes médicaux mésopotamiens: Une question d’anatomie,” Histoire des sciences médicales 33 (2000) p. 55. 102 See attestations in CAD Š/II s.v. šerʾānu pp. 309–310. 103 This is stated in l. 6: ĝiri₃.pad.du igi bar.re, for which see F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters: Two Collections From the Old Babylonian Schools, p. 144; and A. Kleinerman, Education in Early 2nd Millennium BC Babylonia, p. 174. 104 See for the edition of the incantation (V/a, cited is l. 4), B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, pp. 184–189 (transliteration), 208 (translation), 214 (com mentary). For a meaning ‘to give relief’ of the verb kaṣāru in a medical context see CAD K 259b 1.e)–3’. 105 See for the passage, B. Böck, “ ‘Wenn du zu Nintinuga gesprochen hast, . . .’. Unter suchungen zu Aufbau, Inhalt, Sitz-im-Leben und Funktion sumerischer Gottesbriefe,” p. 8; and see W.H.Ph. Römer, “Miscellanea Sumerologica V. Bittbrief einer Gelähmten um Genesung an die Göttin Nintinugga,” p. 246 (commentary to line 9). W.H.Ph. Römer reads instead of ru₅.ru₅ du₇.du₇ with reference to AHw s.v. šuklulu(m) 1264a and translates ‘Ver vollkommnerin’. However, the verb šuklulu(m) is not attested in the context of healing. 28 chapter two

The healing goddess or her son has to join or bind them together in order to restore the ‘net’. As shall be discussed below, there are a number of Sumerian disease terms commencing with sa such as sa.gal (sagallu), sa.keš₂.sa (šaššaṭu), sa.keš₂ (maškadu), sa.keš₂.keš₂ (šuʾu), all denoting afflictions of the musculoskeletal system which, as we have seen, was associated with the healing goddess.106 This tradition can be traced from the early second millennium down to the first millennium BC. The afflictions sagallu, maškadu, and šuʾu, which is the name of the demon causing the maškadu disease, are often treated in combination with the recitation of healing spells that invoke the healing goddess.107 However, Gula was not the only deity who was associated with the curing of the ‘cord-like system of the body’. The other god was Asaluḫi; in one of the medical incantations of the tablet K.6057+, which combines several incantations to be recited for simmu, skin sore, their collaboration is described as: 7 “Asaluḫi recited his incantation of life, 8 Gula relieved with her soothing hands, 9 They both tear out the skin sores/diseases from his ‘strings’.”108 It does not come as a surprise that the activities of the healing goddess are attested together with the manipulations of the god of magic. This ‘division of labour’ between the two deities becomes a standard motif in medical incantations and might actually stand for the two complementary arts in healing, namely āšipūtu, ‘magical art’, and asûtu, ‘healing craft’. Both gods appear again in one of the incantations included in the Maqlû, ‘Burning’, compendium, a ritual handbook with incantations to ward off the evil attacks of witchcraft. In one of the incantations the ritual expert reassuringly tells his patient that he has anointed him with the pure oil of Ea and Asaluḫi and that he has calmed down the bad ‘cords’ of his limbs with the spell of Asaluḫi and the soothing bandage of Gula.109 The god of magic alone is referred to in an Old Babylonian incantation against

106 See for the three ‘sa-keš₂ combinations’ MSL XVII p. 19, Erimḫuš I: 268–270. 107 See Chapter 4.1.1. 108 Quoted are iii: 7’–9’: 7’ [i-n]am-di dasal-lu₂-ḫi ši-pat-su ša ba-la₂-ṭi 8’ u₂-šap-ša₂-aḫ d ’ gu-la ina šu.min-ša₂ ša₂ te-ni-iḫ-ti 9 [s]imx/gig.meš i-na-as-sa-ḫu ina sa.meš-šu₂. 109 Paraphrasing Maqlû chapter VIII ll. 39, 41–42 for which see T. Abusch & D. Schwe mer, “Das Abwehrzauber-Ritual Maqlû (“Verbrennung”),” in: B. Janowsky & G. Wilhelm (eds.), Omina, Orakel, Rituale und Beschwörungen, Gütersloh 2008 (= TUAT NF 4), pp. 169– 170; and T. Abusch & D. Schwemer, “The Chicago Maqlû Fragment (A 7876),” Iraq 71 (2009), pp. 62, 67. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 29 the consequences of breaking an oath which later was incorporated into the first millennium BC handbook, Muššuʾu, ‘Embrocation’. Here, Asaluḫi “relieved his (the patient’s) ‘cord-like system’ ” presumably with oil.110 Even if both, Gula and Asaluḫi, seemed to have cured afflictions of the skin and musculoskeletal systems of the body it is especially Gula who in the religious realm is attached to them. As will be discussed in detail below, one of her antagonists or rather unequal opponents is the Asag or Asakku demon. This supernatural being, whose name served as a generic term for disease was known for a variety of pains but particularly because he “twists the ‘cords’ like clothing for a headdress.”111 In addition, Asakku was associated with severe skin wounds. This combination of afflictions of the sa cord-like system of the body and the skin is strangely mirrored in the Sumerian-Akkadian lexical tradition. Both skin afflictions and diseases of the musculoskeletal system are written in Sumerian with the sign sa. Compare the following sets of lexical entries; the first is taken from the so-called Erimḫuš List, the other comes from the Antagal List. Both lexical works have in common that they are structured acrographically, i.e. terms that start with the same cuneiform signs are grouped together. The resulting sets of words come from one semantic field including synonyms, homonyms or complementary concepts; they are organized primarily according to the entries in the Akkadian column.112 In other words, terms that were considered to belong together and were written with the same first cuneiform sign form little units, usually consisting of three entries. sa.keš₂.sa šaššaṭu a disease of the joints sa.keš₂ maškadu a disease of the joints sa.keš₂.keš₂ šuʾu the name of the demon who causes maškadu113 As for the Sumerian terms they combine sa ‘cords’ with the verb keš₂ ‘to bind’ and refer to different stages of ‘bound or twisted cords’. sa.gu₇ ḫarāsu itching sa.gu₇.e ekketu scratching sa.umbin.ak.ak rišûtu itch114

110 See B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, p. 234, l. 65: sa ni₂. te.a.na mu.un.ši.dub₂.dub₃.bu, šir₂-a-an ra-mi-ni-šu₂ u₂-šap-šaḫ (VI 65). 111 See CT XVII 10: 51–52; see for the restoration of the line CAD P 277a s.v. patinnu (lexical section). 112 See the description in MSL XIII pp. 3–4 and MSL XVII p. 3. 113 Erimḫuš I 268–270 for which see MSL XVII p. 19. 114 Antagal E iv: 6’–7’ for which see MSL XVII p. 212. For the term ḫarāsu see the brief dis cussion of M. Stol, “Remarks on Some Sumerograms and Akkadian Words,” p. 235. Note that I 30 chapter two

The first two entries contain the verb gu₇ ‘to eat (said of pain)’ designating a ‘painful sa’. The third entry could be literally translated as ‘bringing the fingernail to the sa’. It is interesting to note that another lexical list gives for the ekketu scratching the Sumerian equivalent su.gu₇ ‘painful su’,115 which seems to provide a more ready understanding of the Sumerian etymology since the sign su can stand for ‘body’ and, when read kuš, for ‘skin’. However, as we have discussed above, the Akkadian equivalent of sa, namely šerʾānu, is often used metonymically to denote the body. On analysis of the lexical entries, it seems that on a cognitive level the sign sa was not only a generic term for the ‘cord-like system of the body’ but also of what covered this system, viz. the skin. In this context, one of the meanings of sa should be recalled, namely ‘net’ (Akkadian šētu). Although neither the Akkadian term šerʾānu nor the Sumerian sa is used as a designation for the skin it seems that the concept of a net as a covering entity was present in the Sumerian designations for skin diseases.

2.2.4 Midwifery The hymn Ninisina A offers yet another facet of the healing goddess: she was not only seen as a midwife but as a deity who caused fertility. 74 šar₂ ki.sikil li.li ĝa₂.ĝa₂.de₃ “To create for thousands of young women offspring, 75 baḫar₂.ra.ke₄ si sa₂.e.de₃ gi.dur ku5.de₃ nam tar.re.de₃ To make thrive like a potter, to cut the umbilical cord, to determine destinies, 76 gišig niĝin.ĝar.ra.ke₄ sa₂.us₂.u₃.de₃ / šu us₂.u₃.de₃ um.ki ra.ra.de₃ And to open the door to the Niĝar chapel, to set aside the afterbirth, 77 dumu.lu₂ ur₂.ra da an.ri.ri gu₃ nun su₃.su₃.de₃ To lift the baby to the lap, to let it cry out loudly, 78 ša₃ ki.še₃ ĝa₂.ĝa₂.de₃ saĝ šu bal ak₃.de₃ While holding it pointing (first) the belly to the ground and (then) turning the head upside down— 79 nam.nu.u₈.gig zi ki.in.de₃ Performing the true office of a midwife.”116

follow for the meaning ‘itch’ for rišûtu the translation of CAD R 381b and not ‘Rötung’ as AHw 989b renders. 115 Proto-Izi II 373 for which see MSL XIII p. 51. 116 Quoted are SRT 6 iii: 1–6 // 7 ll. 11–17a; the consecutive line counting follows the edition of W.H.Ph. Römer, Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, p. 113. The second part of line 76 is difficult to understand. W.H.Ph. Römer suggests the translation “die Fötusse zu richtiger Entwicklung gelangen zu lassen(?),” “Beobachtungen zur Göt tin Nini(n)sina auf Grund von Quellen der Ur III-Zeit und der altbabylonischen Periode,” the healing goddess gula: a portrait 31

The first section of the paragraph (ll. 74–75) refers to four phases in the genesis and course of life: conception; development of the baby using the image of a potter, which alludes to the creation of man from clay; birth; and future destiny.117 The reference to Gula as a midwife is not an isolated attestation and also mentioned in a slightly earlier composition, namely an Ur III incantation that was recited to facilitate birth. Of interest are the last two lines of the text: “May Gula, the just administrator with meticu- lous hands determine the destiny, once she has cut the umbilical cord!”118 The idea of the healing goddess as responsible for ensuring fecundity was not a simple abstract construction but echoes Ancient Mesopota- mian cultic and religious reality. The best evidence comes from one of the queens of the Ur III dynasty. When Kubātum, the wife of Šu-Suen, penultimate king of the dynasty, was pregnant or had given birth she offered lavish gifts to Gula and her assistant Niĝar: a basket and a bucket made of bronze and copper.119 Interestingly, the birth of the child was furthermore commemorated with a so-called Balbale hymn to the goddess Baba.120 The conception of the healing goddess who guarantees pregnancy was still alive in late first-millennium Uruk. In one of the rituals to assure fecundity and pregnancy, first libation and incense had to be p. 295. In his edition Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, he translates “Missgeburten(??) zu verursachen(??),” see p. 118 l. AIII3//B14. M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible. Its Mediterranean Setting, Groningen 2000 (= CM 14), p. 29, renders “she makes the malformed birth come out (?)”; ETCSL does not translate the expression. My understanding is guided by W.H.Ph. Römer’s commentary (p. 296 in his 1969 edition and p. 134 in his 2001 treatment) who discusses the term um.ki.ra.ra which is equated with ezbu, ‘abandoned’. He argues that ra.ra should express an activity. Thus, the indefinite verbal form ra.ra.de₃ is here taken to have the meaning ezēbu, ‘to leave, set aside’. The problem is that there is no other reference to this equation outside the Sumerian term um.ki.ra.ra. In l. 79 I follow the suggestion of W.H.Ph. Römer to understand ki.in as a syl- labic writing of kiĝ; see ibidem, Münster 2001, p. 135. 117 See M. Stol, ibidem, p. 78 about the mother goddess moulding man from clay; note that according to an : anum the mother goddess is called nin baḫar ‘Lady Potter’, see R.L. Litke, A Reconstruction of the Assyro-Babylonian God-Lists, AN: dA-NU-UM and AN: ANU ŠA₂ AMĒLI, p. 69, l. 26. 118 Stated in UM 29–15–367 ll. 49–50 and the Old Babylonian text VAS 17 33 ll. 25–26; see for both texts the edition of J.J.A. van Dijk, “Incantations accompagnant la naissance de l’homme,” OrNS 44 (1975) pp. 53–65; see for text UM 29–15–367 also G. Cunningham, ‘Deliver Me From Evil’. Mesopotamian Incantations 2500–1500 BC, Roma 1997 (= StPohl SM 17), pp. 69–75. 119 See F. Weierhäuser, Die königlichen Frauen der III. Dynastie von Ur, Göttingen 2008 (= GBAOB 1), pp. 157–158. While F. Weierhäuser interprets the bronze and copper utensils as a gift in gratitude for a healthy birth, M. Widell suggests that they “were intended to win the divine aid so that Kubātum would become pregnant by Šu-Suen,” see his “Who’s Who in ‘A balbale to Bau for Šu-Suen’ (Šu-Suen A),” JNES 71 (2011), p. 300. 120 See M. Widell, ibidem, pp. 289–302. 32 chapter two offered to Gula and then the goddess Ninkarak was invoked.121 Her rôle to assure pregnancy is possibly the reason why some curse formulas in Middle Babylonian kudurrus occasionally request from to the healing goddess to cause infertility by destroying or gathering up the ‘seed’: “May Ninurta, the king of heaven and earth, and Gula, the bride of the Ešara temple destroy his seed!”122 The second section of the hymn Ninisina A gives a rare insight into the activities of a midwife. After cutting the umbilical cord she was to deposit the afterbirth. In the temples of both Gula and Inanna was a special chapel intended for keeping placental expulsions, stillborn infants and the unborn foetuses, if we take the name of the religious place Niĝara literally, “(House where) the afterbirth and foetus is deposited.”123 The next step was to assure that the baby would breath by turning it upside down and making it cry out.124 The Sumerian term for midwife is nu.gig, which is equated with the Akkadian qadištu, ‘the sacred one’. Both designations are euphemistic since the midwife was the woman responsible of dispos- ing of impure substances such as the blood, placenta and other tissue of women in childbirth.125 Though not stated in the hymn to Ninisina, the qadištu office also included the breast-feeding of babies126—an activity which is relevant for the discussion below of the rôle of Gula and her antagonist Lamaštu and Gula’s animal, the dog.

121 See SpTU V 248 rev. 12’–17’, pp. 59, 62. See for a discussion of the text J.A. Scurlock, “Translating Transfers in Ancient Mesopotamia,” in: P. Mirecki & M. Meyer (eds.), Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World, Leiden 2002, pp. 207–223. 122 See BBSt 6 ii: 39; see for more examples J. Goodnick Westenholz, “Ninkarrak—An Akkadian Goddess in Sumerian Guise,” p. 391. 123 The chapel is attested various times, see A.R. George, House Most High: The Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 133. Note that A.R. George translates the name ‘House, estab lished chamber’, which is followed by N.M. Brisch, Tradition and Poetics of Innovation. Sumerian Court Literature of the Larsa Dynasty (c. 2003–1763 BCE), p. 146, commentary to l. 146. However, the term niĝin₃/ni₉/nig₆ is equated with Akkadian kūbu ‘foetus’. For a discussion of the chapel name see M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible. Its Mediterra nean Setting, p. 29. Th. Jacobsen suggested that the chapel served as a funeral site for dead infants, prematurely born foetuses/infants, and the afterbirth in The Harps That Once . . ., New Haven – London 1987, p. 475 note 1. The name of the chapel is also mentioned in the Letter prayer of King Sin-Iddinam of Larsa to Ninisina, see N.M. Brisch, ibidem pp. 142, 149 l. 7. 124 I follow the interpretation of M. Stol, ibidem, pp. 112, 177. 125 See for the impure connotations of the office which was attributed also to the god dess Ištar B. Groneberg, “Aspekte der ‘Göttlichkeit’ in Mesopotamien,” in: R.G. Kratz & H. Spieckermann (eds.), Götterbilder—Gottesbilder—Weltbilder. Polytheismus und Mono theismus in der Welt der Antike, Tübingen 2006, p. 158. 126 See the discussion of M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible. Its Mediterranean Setting, pp. 185–190. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 33

The association of the healing goddess with midwifery and babies is of importance for another reason: as will be discussed in Chapter 3.5 the diagnostic and prognostic handbook, Sakikkû, devotes one chapter to infant diseases. A well-known characteristic of the handbook is the attribution of afflictions and pains to the ‘hands’ of deities. Now, it is remarkable and has so far not been explained that the majority of infant diseases are connected with the ‘hand of Gula’.127 It is quite plausible that this attribution echoes her image as ‘midwife’, ‘guarantee of fecundity’, and ‘mother of the land’. The healing goddess was connected with the belly, sometimes in reference to the abdomen and intestines, sometimes as the seat of the womb.128 In the imaginative world of Ancient Mesopotamians the belly was a dark place.129 The image was current for more than one millennium. It occurs again in one of the medical incantations from first-millennium BC Nineveh, which was intended to be recited during the treatment of pains in the abdomen: “Belly, oh belly! Dark is the belly, filled with the awe- inspiring splendour like night.”130 The concept of a dark belly is corroborated by the fact that two of the medical incantations that accompanied medical recipes for colic and pains in the belly are directed to the sun god, Šamaš.131 The invocation of Šamaš

127 Namely, in ca. 33% of all the afflictions attributed to the supernatural realm in chap ter XL of Sakikkû. Gula appears twenty-one times, the personal god ten times, the daughter of Anu eight times, Sîn and Lamaštu six times; see also Chapter 3.5. 128 Note in this context the medical prescription BAM VI 579 iv: 33–42 which recom mends for the treatment of severe pains in the belly the preparation of a potion. Before it is to be taken the practitioner had to invoke Gula and Ninmaḫ. It is possible that the reason for the invocation of the mother goddess Ninmaḫ is this same association between belly as seat of diseases and the foetus. 129 This is stated in one of the Sumerian temple hymns praising the house of the mother goddess Nintu stating that she is “mother Nintu, the lady of creation who cares for the belly, the dark place,” (TCS III, TH no. 39) see M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible. Its Mediterranean Setting, p. 75. See for the motif of the belly as dark place also the collection of attestation of M. Stol, “The Digestion of Food According to Babylonian Sources,” p. 115. 130 BAM VI 574 iv: 24 states: en₂ lib₃-bu lib₃-bu e-ki-il lib₃-bu gin₇ mu-ši-tim ma-li nam- ri-ri. Quoted by M. Stol, ibidem, p. 115 with note 111. 131 en₂ šam-m[u ša lib₃]-bi ina kur-i a-ṣi-ma, “Incantation: The plant for the belly grows in the mountain”, which is BAM VI 574 iii: 34–39 with the duplicates STT II 252 obv. 1–13 (for which see E. Reiner, “Another Volume of Sultantepe Tablets,” JNES 26 [1967] pp. 191–192), BAM VI 576 ii’: 2’–12’; AO 7765 rev. 8’–14’ (for which see J. Nougayrol, “Tab lettes diverses de Musée du Louvre,” RA 73 [1979] p. 69). The incantation was already known in Old Babylonian times; see for the edition and study N. Veldhuis, “The Heart Grass and Related Matters,” OLP 21 (1990) pp. 27–44. Note, however, that N. Veldhuis understands the term libbu as referring to the heart as the seat of the emotions and not to the belly. The second incantation en₂ ša₃ dutu ina kur-i, “Incantation: The belly of Šamaš in the mountain” is BAM VI 574 iii: 23–31 with the duplicates YOS XI 11 ll. 1–9 and YOS XI 12 ll. 1–15 (see for the YOS XI 11 and 12 N. Veldhuis, ibidem pp. 27–44). A study of 34 chapter two in healing spells is unusual since the sun god is commonly appealed to in his function as ‘judge’. The rationale behind his appearance is evident: the sun god was thought to bring light into the darkness of the belly. As for the unborn baby, it was said to be the one ‘who dwelt in the dark chamber’ and was addressed in incantations as ‘dweller in the dark’.132

2.2.5 Namtar and Asakku Namtar and Asakku (or Asag in Sumerian) are both generic terms for disease (and the demons who cause them). Namtar, ‘destiny’, is in F.A.M. Wiggermann’s words a “disease (and death) that is ‘decided’ by the gods, part of the rightful cosmos” in contrast to Asakku who rep- resents “what is not decided, disease that is not part of the rightful cosmos, suitably translated as ‘disorder’.”133 The aspect of uncontrolled power seems to be the motivation for his name: the Sumerian term Asag (written a₂.sag₃) literally means ‘smashing force’.134 As a contrasting and complementing pair Namtar and Asakku are usually mentioned together in incantations and literary works.135 As for the Namtar demon, we observe that in the incantation tradition of the second and first millennium BC he remains a demon and disease while in the mythological realm he develops an independent character

the first-millennium text is offered by E. Reiner, Your Thwarts in Pieces, Your Mooring Rope Cut. Poetry from Babylonia and Assyria, Michigan 1985, 94–100. Note that E. Reiner interprets the term libbu as heart translating accordingly ‘The Heart Grass’. 132 For the standard motif of the baby in the dark see the discussion of W. Farber, Schlaf, Kindchen, Schlaf! Mesopotamische Baby-Beschwörungen und -Rituale, Winona Lake 1989, pp. 149–150. 133 Mesopotamian Protective Spirits. The Ritual Texts, Groningen 1992 (= CM 1), p. 162. 134 See for the discussion of the name J.J.A. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LÁM-bi NIR-ĞÁL, vol. I., Leiden 1983, pp. 19–20. 135 See CAD 247a s.v. namtaru 2.a) –1’. See for the pair R. Borger, “Die erste Teiltafel der zi-pà Beschwörungen (ASKT II),” in: M. Dietrich & W. Röllig (eds.), Lišān mitḫurti: Fest schrift Wolfram Freiherr von Soden zum 19.VI.1968 gewidmet von Schülern und Mitarbeitern, Neukirchen – Vluyn 1969 (= AOAT 1), p. 5 VIII–IX; or compare the composition Gilgameš, Enkidu and the Netherworld ll. 227, 235 (see for a translation P. Attinger, Bilgameš, Enkidu et le monde infernal (1.3.1), 2008–2009, up-dated 2012, retrieved from the web page of his home institution http://www.arch.unibe.ch/content/e8254/e9161/e9186/1 . . .). In a sequence of demons Namtar and Asakku appear in the hymn Ninisina A l. 48 (SRT 6 ii: 10, for which see W.H.Ph. Römer, Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, p. 112) and in the Letter Prayer of Sin-iddinam to Utu both demons are said not to approach the Elamites who are depicted as uncivilized people, l. 28 (for which see W.W. Hallo, “The Royal Correspondence of Larsa. II: The Appeal to Utu,” pp. 95–109). the healing goddess gula: a portrait 35 and becomes a netherworld deity figuring as a vizier of Ereškigal.136 In the Sumerian Letter Prayer of the Scribe Nannamansum to Ninisina, the healing goddess is characterized as the one who heals man from “the onrush- ing Namtar demons who have set in the body of man and whom nobody knows how to expel.”137 More abundant is the information about the association of the Asakku demon with the healing goddess. In the Sumerian Letter Prayer to Nintinuga, Inanakam who is apparently crippled associates her affliction with the activities of the Asakku, writing: “If my lady answers favourably, she shall tear out from my body the Asag demon that is present in my body. May she heal my foot, then I shall be her servant maid!”138 We have already quoted the ‘healing goddess curse’ in Ḫammurabi’s law code. Asakku(m) is listed together with murṣu(m) ‘disease’ and simmu(m) ‘wound’ as the afflictions with which Ninkarak threatens any perjurer. The close bond between simmu, Asakku and the healing goddess is also described in the votive inscription, A Dog for Nintinuga, where it is said that the healing goddess ‘examines the very cause of Asakku and simmu wound’.139 It seems then that the Asakku demon was associated with both afflictions of the musculoskeletal system and skin sores which are precisely two of the ailments that fall under the dominion of the healing goddess. This interrelationship between goddess and demon does not come as a surprise since in mythology it is precisely her consort Ninurta who defeats Asag / Asakku as threatening ‘cosmic demon Disorder’.140 The composition that describes the fight between them commences in Sumerian with lugal.e ud

136 As a vizier of the netherworld Namtar appears in the literary text of the Vision of the Netherworld by an Assyrian Crownprince for which see the edition of A. Livingstone, Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea, Helsinki 1989 (= SAA III), no. 32 pp. 68–76 (Namtar appears in rev. 2, p. 71). 137 nam.tar ir.ru.uš su lu₂.ka ĝal₂.la zi.ga nu.ub.zu. See for the study of TCL 16 60 l. 8 B. Böck, Untersuchungen zu den sumerischen Gottesbriefen, pp. 62, 65; and W.H.Ph. Römer, “Miscellanea Sumerologica V. Bittbrief einer Gelähmten um Genesung an die Göttin Nin tinugga,” p. 291. The expression ir.ru.uš is difficult to interpret. Römer translates ‘fürchter licher Schweiß’, suggesting that ru.uš might stand for ḫuš. I have tentatively analysed ir.ru. uš as a plural form of the verb ir/ri/ru, Akkadian zâqu. 138 Quoted are ll. 20–22: 20a₂.sag₃ su.ĝa₂ ĝal₂.la su.ĝa₂ ḫe₂.ta.an.zi 21ki.in.gub nam.ti.la. ke₄ ĝiri₃.ĝu₁₀ ḫe₂.bi₂.ib.gub.be.en 22u₃ ĝa₂.e geme₂.zu for which see B. Böck, “ ‘Wenn du zu Nintinuga gesprochen hast, . . .’. Untersuchungen zu Aufbau, Inhalt, Sitz-im-Leben und Funktion sumerischer Gottesbriefe,” p. 10, and W.H.Ph. Römer, ibidem, p. 243. 139 a₂.sag₃ simx.ma ša₃.bi bar a₅; see the edition of F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters: Two Col lections From the Old Babylonian Schools, p. 144 l. 6; and A. Kleinerman, Education in Early 2nd Millennium BC Babylonia, p. 174. 140 See for the expression F.A.M. Wiggermann, Mesopotamian Protective Spirits. The Ritual Texts, p. 162. 36 chapter two me.lam₂.bi nir.ĝal₂, ‘Lord, storm whose splendour is forceful’, also called Ninurta’s Exploits. It belongs to the few Sumerian literary works, which have been handed down until the last third of the first millennium BC,141 and formed part of the Assyrian national Ninurta mythology.142 The ideational dimension of the demon and the healing goddess, and furthermore its impact on medical ideas become more pronounced, when the appearance of Asakku in the Ninurta myth, Ninurta’s Exploits is taken into consideration. The character of Asakku is multifaceted. J.J.A. van Dijk stresses seven aspects of which two are particularly interesting for the present discussion. The demon’s presence is described as u₂.bu.bu.ul e₃.a.bi nu du₁₀.ga bu-bu-ʾ-tu₂ ša₂ a-ṣu-šu la ṭa-a-bu aš₂.gig.ga kir₄ e₃.a.bi nu sig₅.ga ṣe-en-ni-tum ša₂ ina ap-pi a-ṣ[u-š]u la dam-qu A boil143 whose suppuration is unpleasant, A skin eruption coming forth from the nose which is nasty.144 The characterization of Asag as a skin disease is striking not only because the comparison is quite unusual and not otherwise attested for a demonic power, but exactly corroborates the image which emerged from the concurrence of demon and skin sores. It seems as if Ancient Mesopotamians would have associated Asag / Asakku with skin afflictions. The other aspect of the demon according to the myth concerns his appearance as the north wind. The comparison of demons with winds is a stereotyped cliché in incantations but together with the comparison of skin diseases it acquires an original significance. In l. 276 the myth states mir mir.ra lil₂ teš₂ im.gaz.za.ta ur₅ tu₁₁ mu.e.a₅.e After the raging north wind (Asag) has beaten down everything into nothing, that one will strike you (Ninurta).

141 See for the Standard Babylonian and Late Babylonian manuscripts J.J.A. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LÁM-bi NIR-ĞÁL, vol. II, Leiden 1983, pp. 1, 19–23. 142 See for the relationship between Ninurta and the Neo-Assyrian kings the discus sion of S.M. Maul, “Der assyrische König – Hüter der Weltordnung,” in: K. Watanabe (ed.), Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East: Papers of the Second Colloquium on the Ancient Near East (Mitaka, Tokyo), March 22–24, 1996, Heidelberg 1999, pp. 208–213. 143 See for the term also the discussion of J.C. Fincke, “Spezialisierung und Differen zierung im Bereich der altorientalischen Medizin. Die Dermatologie am Beispiel der Symp tome simmū matqūtu, kalmātu (matuqtu), kibšu, kiṣṣatu und gurištu,” pp. 166–168. 144 See J.J.A. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LÁM-bi NIR-ĞÁL, vol. I., p. 85 ll. 268–269. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 37

The association of a storm wind with Asakku is known from the compendium of incantations directed against the ‘Grave Asakku demons’, asag. gig.ga.meš: ‘the Asakku blew against the man like wind’,145 and appears frequently in the udug.ḫul compendium directed against the evil Udug / Utukku demons: ‘Asakku who like a violent storm (mir) thrusts against the earth’.146 Interestingly, Ninisina herself is said, ‘to sweep away man like a violent storm (mir)’, which not only corroborates the specificity of Asag’s description but also confirms the internal bond between goddess and demon.147 The Sumerian term mir is ambiguous and can stand for both Akka- dian meḫû ‘storm’ and ištānu ‘north wind’.148 However, it seems that the translation ‘north wind’ for the Sumerian word is more appropriate if we take into account that the bubuʾtu boil is associated with the north. This correspondence is particularly obvious in the Sumerian composition Lam- entation over the Destruction of Ur when it states that god ‘Enlil afflicted those coming from the north with bubuʾtu boils’.149 Ancient Babylonians must have seen boils, pustules or carbuncles and wind as a unit—whether or not the relationship was recognized as coherent.150 Interestingly, both features appear together in the diagnostic and prognostic handbook, Sakikkû, in a medical recipe and a medical commentary.151

145 [a₂].sag₃ lu₂.ra tumu₃.gin₇ ba.an.ri, [a-sak-k]u a-na lu₂ ki-ma ša-a-ri i-ziq-ma; CT XVII pl. 10 l. 45–46. 146 a₂.sag₃ mir.gin₇ ki.a mu.un.du.₇.du₇, a-sak-ku ki-ma me-ḫe-e ina ki-tim iš-ta-ap- pu-u; UET VI/2 392 l. 2 which constitutes the beginning of Udug.ḫul tablet III for which see M.J. Geller, Evil Demons. Canonical Utukkū Lemnūtu Incantations, Helsinki 2007 (= SAACT V), p. 100. 147 mir.gin₇ du / mir.du.gin uĝ₃.še₃; SRT 6 iv: 24 // SRT 7 l. 72, for which see W.H.P. Römer, Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache, p. 116 (Ninisina A 134). 148 See for a discussion F.A.M. Wiggermann, “The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu,” in: C. Wilcke (ed.) Das geistige Erfassen der Welt im Alten Orient. Sprache, Religion, Kultur und Gesellschaft, Wiesbaden 2007, pp. 125–165, esp. p. 129. 149 See the edition of W.H.Ph. Römer, Die Klage über die Zerstörung von Ur, Münster 2004; l. 260 is quoted, for which see p. 59 (transliteration), p. 98 (translation), and p. 140 (commentary). 150 Also simmu, skin sore, was associated with the wind. According to fragment D of the myth about the sage Adapa the south wind is said to inflict people with her blowing causing simmu; see Sh. Izre’el, Adapa and the South Wind. Language Has the Power of Life and Death, Winona Lake 2001, p. 38 l. 15’–16’. 151 The entry on bubuʾtu carbuncle is included in chapter XXXIII of Sakikkû which deals with the appearance of skin sores and afflictions of the skin; the same line is preserved in a medical recipe that forms part of a larger tablet with treatments for skin sores and skin diseases, namely BAM VI 580 vi’: 8’; and the medical commentary K.3526 rev. 8’ quotes exactly the same entry. 38 chapter two

diš simx gar-šu₂ gin₇ u₃.[bu].bu.ul pa-gar-šu₂ sa₅ ši-biṭ im [mu.ni] If the sore looks like bubuʾtu boil and his body is red: ‘gale of wind’ is its name.152 The Akkadian expression šibiṭ šāri ‘gale of wind’ is equated with the Sum- erian expression im/tumu₃.ri.a153 which are precisely the words of the Sumerian description of the activities of the Asag demon according to the handbook asag.gig.ga.meš: tumu₃.gin₇ ba.an.ri, “he blew like a wind.”154

2.3 Gula’s Dog

One of the most intriguing features of Gula is her connection with a dog.155 As for the rationale of this bond I. Fuhr suggested it was due to the healing effects of dogs licking wounds;156 Th. Jacobsen also adduced this as an explanation.157 Indeed, clinical studies corroborate the—limited—effect of dog saliva in promoting healing and reducing bacterial contamination of wounds through licking.158 It remains, however, open whether Ancient Mesopotamians recognized these properties and did not interpret the licking as a magical transference of disease from man to dog.159

152 See for the Sakikkû entry N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 354 l. 26; end of line restored with the help of the medical recipe BAM VI 580 vi’: 8’. Note that the commentary K.3526 rev. 8’ writes mu-šu₂. 153 See MSL XVII p. 209, Antagal E i: 17’. 154 See CT 17 pl. 10 l. 45. 155 See for a possible raîson d’etre for the association of goddess and animal the discus sion in Chapter 4.5. 156 For the association of dogs with healing in Classical antiquity see the discussion of I. Fuhr “Der Hund als Begleittier der Göttin Gula und anderer Heilgottheiten,” in: Isin— Išān Bahrīyāt I. Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 1973–1974, München 1977, pp. 139–145. Note that she refers to the catholic saints Sao Lázaro and St. Rochus. The latter saint is also mentioned by N. Wasserman, “On Leeches, Dogs, and Gods in Old Babylonian Medical Incantations,” p. 11 note 11. 157 Quoted by W. Heimpel, “Hund,” in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 4, Berlin – New York 1972–1975, p. 496; and see also D.O. Edzard, “Ninisina,” p. 388. 158 See N. Benjamin, S. Pattullo, R. Weller, L. Smith & A. Ormerod, “Wound Licking and Nitric Oxide,” The Lancet 349 (June 14, 1997) p. 1776 with further literature; see also G. Hatfield, “Dog,” Encyclopedia of Folk Medicine, Santa Barbara 2000, pp. 122–124 with further bibliography. 159 See V. Haas, Materia Magica et Medica Hethica. Ein Beitrag zur Heilkunde im Alten Orient, Berlin – New York 2003, p. 407, pp. 525–529 316.1 (text examples); and cf. B. Groneberg, “Tiere als Symbole von Göttern in den frühen geschichtlichen Epochen Mesopotamiens: Von der altsumerischen Zeit bis zum Ende der altbabylonischen Zeit,” Topoi Suppl. 2 (2000), p. 309. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 39

The close relationship of goddess and her symbolic animal is wide- spread in Ancient Mesopotamia and well attested in written and archaeological sources throughout two millennia.160 In an incompletely preserved prayer to the goddess the negligence of a dog was severely punished by Gula. Rather uniquely, the prayer tells us that not only dogs were protected but also cats.161 The text LKA 20 states how man could fall into disgrace with Gula:162 8 [. . .] dan-na-at ma-gal uq-tal-lil ša₂ ana dgu-la ˹x x˺ [. . .] 9 [. . . igi]-˹ma˺ pa-ni-šu₂ ana [nu z]u-e gar-un ur.gi₇ gaz igi-ma pa-ni-šu₂ [ana nu zu-e gar-un] 10 [ ur.gi₇ . . .]˹x˺ igi-m[a p]a-ni-šu₂ ana nu zu-e gar-un ur.gi₇ im-daḫ-ḫ[a-ṣu . . .] 11 [. . .]˹x˺-aḫ-ḫi-su-ma igi-ma pa-ni-šu₂ ana nu zu-e gar-[un . . .] 12 [. . .]˹x˺ lasic iq-bir-ma i-mis-ma lu [. . .] 13 [. . . ur].gi₇ im-daḫ-ḫa-ṣu-ma la u₂-nak-kir₃-šu₂-nu-t[i . . .] 14 [. . . igi-ma pa]-ni-šu₂ min sa.a gaz igi-ma pa-ni-šu₂ [. . .] 15 [. . .] igi-ma pa-ni-šu₂ min sa.a im-daḫ-ḫa-ṣu-ma igi-ma [pa-ni-šu₂ . . .] 16 [. . . ]˹x˺-aḫ-ḫi-su-ma igi-ma pa-ni-šu₂ min sa.a ˹x x˺-ma la ri ˹x˺ [. . .] 17 [. . .] ˹x˺-en-šu im-daḫ-ḫa-ṣu-ma igi-ma pa-ni-šu₂ la u₂-nak-˹ki-ir˺ ˹x˺ [. . .]

8 . . . is grave, he has shown great disrespect which before Gula . . . 9 [He saw . . .] but pretended not to notice it. He saw a wounded dog but he pretended [not to notice it]. 10 He saw [a . . . dog] but pretended not to notice it. The dogs [were] fighting . . . 11 [. . . they were wai]ling163 and he saw it but pretended not to notice it . . . 12 [He saw a dead? dog]164 but did not bury it and threw it to the ground . . .

160 See the basic studies of B. Groneberg, ibidem, pp. 297–304 (5. Der Hund der Gula); and T. Ornan, “The Goddess Gula and Her Dog,” Israel Museum Studies in Archaeology 3 (2004), pp. 13–30. 161 The text LKA 20 has been quoted several times as the main witness to the close rela tionship between Gula and her dog; the reference to cats in the same text has so far gone unnoticed. K. van der Toorn was the first to draw attention to the difficult prayer, see Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia. A Comparative Study, Assen 1985, p. 26. His com ments on the relation of dogs and Gula were included by H. Avalos in his Illness and Health Care in the Ancient Near East: The Role of the Temple in Greece, Mesopotamia, and Israel, Atlanta 1995 (= Harvard Semitic Museum Monographs 54) pp. 186–187, and mentioned by P. Attinger, “La médecine mesopotamienne,” JMC 11–12 (2008) p. 56. 162 Because of the state of preservation of the text, transliteration and translation are tentative. Lines 8–12 have been translated by K. van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia. A Comparative Study, Assen 1985, p. 26 with note 223 on p. 168. 163 Here and in l. 16 perhaps to CAD N/I 132b s.v. naḫāsu B ‘to sob, to lament, to wail’. Note, however, that the traces in the copy do not allow to restore [u₂-t]a/n]a-. Cf. the translation (restored) of K. van der Toorn, ibidem, p. 26 “dogs were figh[ting, crying and] wailing.” 164 Tentatively restored because of the context. Cf. also the translation of K. van der Toorn, ibidem, p. 26 “[he saw a dead dog]”. 40 chapter two

13 . . . the dogs were fighting but he did not remove them . . . 14 [He saw . . . . ] but pretended ditto (= not to notice it). He saw a wounded cat but pretended [not to notice it]. 15 He saw [. . .] but pretended ditto (= not to notice it). The cats were fighting and he saw it but [pretended not to notice it]. 16 . . . they (cats) were wailing? and he saw it but pretended ditto (= not to notice it). The cats . . . 17 . . . were . . . they were fighting and he saw it but did not change his face . . . The healing goddess is the only deity who appears to such an extent with dogs.165 More specifically, incantations offer evidence for this relationship, whether the healing goddess appears surrounded by puppies or is addressed in the case of dog bites.166 From the humoristic piece about Ninurta-pāqidāt’s dog bite we know that such wounds could be treated in her temple in Isin.167 Because of this very link it is interesting to analyse some occurrences of the dog in rituals and medical incantations. The first instance that comes immediately to mind is the female demon Lamaštu. Usually demons are vaguely described in cuneiform literature but Lamaštu is distinguished not only by a distinctive iconography but also by the machinations specific only to her. Ancient Babylonians visualized the demon as having a dog’s or donkey’s teeth, the head of a lion and the talons of an eagle.168 In iconography, i.e. on the numerous plaques that served as amulets to ward her off, she appears together with objects that mark her: a comb and a spindle,

165 I do exclude the four dogs of Marduk for which see R.L. Litke, A Reconstruction of the Assyro-Babylonian God-Lists, AN: dA-NU-UM and AN: ANU ŠA₂ AMĒLI, p. 99 l. 275; and the dogs of Ninkilim which are a metaphor for locusts and other field pests; see for the latter A.R. George, “The Dogs of Ninkilim: Magic Against Field Pests in Ancient Mesopo tamia,” in: H. Klengel & J. Renger (eds.), Landwirtschaft im Vorderen Orient, Berlin 1999, pp. 291–299, and A.R. George & Y. Taniguchi (with a contribution by M.J. Geller), “The Dogs of Ninkilim, Part Two: Babylonian Rituals to Counter Field Pests,” Iraq 72 (2010) p. 85 note 17. See for still another metaphorical use of Gula’s dogs, namely for leeches, the contribution of N. Wasserman, “On Leeches, Dogs, and Gods in Old Babylonian Medical Incantations,” pp. 71–88. 166 See e.g. the incantations published by I.L. Finkel, “On Some Dog, Snake and Scor pion Incantations,” in: T. Abusch & K. van der Toorn (eds.), Mesopotamian Magic. Tex tual, Historical, and Interpretative Perspectives, Groningen 1999, pp. 219–223, which are discussed in Chapters 4.1.6 and 4.1.7. For an Old Babylonian incantation for dog bites which mentions the healing goddess Ninkarak see W. Farber, “Zur älteren akkadischen Beschwörungsliteratur,” ZA 71 (1981) p. 57 C) no. 31. 167 See for the edition and discussion of the text A. Cavigneaux, “Texte und Fragmente aus Warka (32. Kampagne),” BaM 10 (1979) pp. 111–117, and A.R. George, “Ninurta-Pāqidāt’s Dog Bite, and Notes on Other Comic Tales”, Iraq 55 (1993) pp. 63–72. 168 See W. Farber, “Lamaštu and the Dogs,” Journal for Semitics 16 (2007) p. 639. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 41 a puppy and a piglet, occasionally a scorpion, a snake and a donkey’s leg.169 Lamaštu appears as an all-destructive power attacking man, animal and even plants;170 however, her “speciality is killing babies.”171 In one of the incantations to prevent her attacking a baby a pack of Gula’s hounds stands up to her: “We are not just any dog, we are dogs of Gula, poised to flay your face, tear your back to pieces, and lacerate your ankles.”172 On amulets she is usually shown with a dog and a pig jumping up to her breast or even sucking at them.173 As W. Farber points out, “one might infer that, by having her suckle a dog and a pig, her deadly attention is directed away from humans.”174 Recently, F.A.M. Wiggermann suggested that the replacement of human babies by suckling animals, which was thought to prevent Lamaštu from killing the baby, might actually reflect a custom known from other ancient and some traditional societies. According to several ethnographic studies the breast-feeding of animals by women reduced lactation after the death of the baby.175 Both interpretations are quite stimulating, particularly with regard to another demon. The evil creature, Samana, whom Ancient Babylonians visualized as a fierce dog, attacks very much in the manner of other demons first wild and farm animals, then humans. He also approaches babies: dumu.ga.ke₄ ninda.gur₅.na ba.ni.ĝen.a.gin₇, “as soon as (Samana) has gone to the suckling’s mash.”176 The image seems to be that of a dog snatching food—but what is its significance?

169 See for a discussion of the amulets F.A.M. Wiggermann “Lamaštu, Daughter of Anu. A Profile,” pp. 219–224; and see the case study of W. Farber, “Tamarisken—Fibeln— Skolopender. Zur philologischen Deutung der ‘Reiseszene’ auf neuassyrischen Lamaštu- Amuletten,” in: F. Rochberg-Halton (ed.), Language, Literature, and History: Philological and Historical Studies Presented to Erica Reiner, New Haven 1987 (= AOS 67), pp. 85–105. 170 See for a discussion of her activities W. Faber, “Lamaštu—Agent of a Specific Dis ease or a Generic Destroyer of Health?,” in: I.L. Finkel & M.J. Geller (eds.), Disease in Baby lonia, Leiden – Boston 2007, pp. 137–145. 171 As F.A.M. Wiggermann writes in his study “Lamaštu, Daughter of Anu. A Profile,” p. 224. 172 I have followed the translation of W. Farber, “Lamaštu and the Dogs,” p. 641. The incantation is included in his Schlaf, Kindchen, Schlaf! Mesopotamische Baby-Beschwörun gen und -Rituale, as paragraph 34 pp. 103–107; for ll. 11–15 quoted here, see pp. 104–105. 173 See W. Farber, “Tamarisken—Fibeln—Skolopender. Zur philologischen Deutung der ‘Reiseszene’ auf neuassyrischen Lamaštu-Amuletten,” pp. 86–87. 174 See W. Farber, “Lamaštu and the Dogs,” p. 637. 175 See F.A.M. Wiggermann, “Dogs, Pigs, Lamaštu, and the Breast-Feeding of Animals by Women,” in: D. Shehata, F. Weierhäuser & K.V. Zand (eds.), Von Göttern und Menschen. Beiträge zu Literatur und Geschichte des Alten Orients. Festschrift für Brigitte Groneberg, Leiden – Boston 2010 (= CM 41), pp. 410–411. 176 The quotation is from the Ur III incantation AO 11276 obv. 11. J. Nougayrol in his “Conjuration ancienne contre Samana,” Archiv Orientalni 17 (1949) p. 214 translates 42 chapter two

J. Nougayrol assumed that the baby was about to take his first step in life, namely being weaned from the mother, and that the demon did not let him eat his first food.177 In the light of the sequence of attacking, first the ‘food’ of the suckling, then the young woman’s breast and breast milk,178 the image might allude to a different moment. In his study on the Samana demon I.L. Finkel refers to an entry from the infant chapter of the Sakikkû handbook which, as he states, might point to the idea ‘that the affliction comes through the milk, since according to the incantations Samana attacks women in the breast’.179 diš lu₂.tur a-šu₂-u₂ u sa-ma-ni dab-su ana tu-la-a eš-ša₂ tu-na-kar-šu₂ u en₂ šub-di-šum-ma ti If either ašû disease or sāmānu disease attack a baby, you should change him to a new breast, recite an incantation over him, then he shall recover.180 The entry of the Sakikkû handbook suggests that the mother’s milk was poisoned so that the baby had to be given to a wet nurse. From an ideational viewpoint Samana attacks the young woman’s breast contami- nating the milk. The demon turns into mash and as such he reaches the suckling in the shape of poisoned food.

“le nourrisson, c’est lui qui empêche son sevrage” which is followed by G. Cunningham, Deliver me From Evil, p. 68 “concerning (samana) which for the baby has hindered its wean ing;” differently I.L. Finkel, “A Study in Scarlet: Incantations against Samana,” in: S.M. Maul (ed.), Festschrift für Rykle Borger zu seinem 65. Geburtstag am 24. Mai 1994—tikip santakki mala bašmu . . . (= CM 10), Groningen 1998, p. 74 “when he carries off the suckling child at his pap.” 177 “Ibidem”, p. 222. 178 A recurrent motif in the Samana incantations is the attack on the young woman, ki.sikil. It is, however, not well understood what the demon does. It approaches her gaba. iti.iti which J. Nougayrol tentatively translates ‘flux mensuel’ (ibidem, p. 214 l. 13), then her breast (gaba; see I.L. Finkel, “A Study in Scarlet: Incantations against Samana,” p. 76 l. 8), her milk (ga; see I.L. Finkel, ibidem, p. 79 l. 12), and her breast bone (giš.gaba, šitiq irti; see I.L. Finkel, ibidem, p. 88 l. 16). Note, that the Sumerian term ki.sikil does not necessarily imply that the woman is a virgin: ‘mother Baba’ is frequently called ki.sikil; see e.g. the hymn Išme-Dagan B l. 30 for which see W.H.Ph. Römer, Sumerische Königshymnen der Isin- Zeit, p. 37; or Ninurta’s Exploits l. 674 for which see J.J.A. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LÁM-bi NIR-ĞÁL, vol. II, p. 171. 179 Ibidem, p. 90 fn. 32. 180 See R. Labat, TDP XL: 38 (p. 222). Note, that in one of the incantations of Samana the demon is compared to the ašû disease (see I.L. Finkel, ibidem, pp. 79–80 l. 9). For the association of Gula and her plants with ašû and sāmānu see below Chapters 5.1.1.6, 5.1.2.4, 5.1.2.8, 5.3.1, and 5.2.4. the healing goddess gula: a portrait 43

The idea of poisonous mother’s milk is then the ultimate raison d’être for having dogs and pigs sucking on Lamaštu’s breasts.181 Indeed, in one of the incantations directed against her it is stated that, ‘whomever she suckles drops (dead)’182 because ‘her breasts are bathed with the milk of death’.183 As a counter image to Gula, Lamaštu appears as midwife, though as a false and treacherous one calling on people ‘Bring yours sons to me that I may suckle them, I will give your daughters my breast!’184 Her milk was deadly for the baby and was to be transferred to the two animals which according to Babylonian thought served as a ‘container’ for evil.185 This relation between Gula and Lamaštu is probably the reason for the association of their ‘hands’ in a ritual which was performed to ward off supernatural attacks on infants.186 Interestingly, in an Old Assyr- ian incantation directed against Lamaštu it is the healing goddess, under the name Ninkarak, who is said to have cast the original spell against the female demon.187 We may pursue the concept of Lamaštu and the dogs even further: according to ethnographic studies, F.A.M. Wiggermann states that the suckling animals were obviously very small animals. This is exactly the image we find in one of the incantations directed to Gula, en₂ i-na e₂-gal-maḫ

181 See for her venomous milk F.A.M. Wiggermann, “Lamaštu, Daughter of Anu. A Profile,” p. 231. 182 See W. Farber, “Lamaštu and the Dogs,” p. 636 with note 6. 183 The ‘milk of death’ is stated in the Ugarit incantation RS 25.420+ i: 5’ published by J. Nougayrol, Ugaritica VI, Paris 1969, p. 395. Note that J. Nougayrol reads . . . ba ša mu-ti; I owe the reference as well as the reading ˹ši ˺-[iz]-ba to Ignacio Márquez Rowe, see G. del Olmo Lete with the collaboration of I. Márquez Rowe, Incantation and Anti-Witchcraft Texts from Ugarit (in press). See for the complete text line CAD R 114b s.v. ramāku 3. a)-1’ š[iz]ba ša mūti rummukā irtāša. 184 Ll. 120–121 of the first chapter of the Lamaštu handbook are quoted. The reference is quoted by F.A.M. Wiggermann in his study “Lamaštu, Daughter of Anu. A Profile,” p. 230 with note 91. 185 For dogs see D. Schwemer, Abwehrzauber und Behexung. Studien zum Schadenzau berglauben im Alten Mesopotamien, Wiesbaden 2007, p. 228; for the rôle of the pig see M. Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia, Groningen 1993 (= CM 2), pp. 99–101. 186 See the text SpTU III 84 rev. 79/80: [diš lu ina š]u dgu-la lu ina šu dlamašti lu ina šu gaba.ri lu ina šu nam.erim₂ / [x x x x x l]u dumu.meš uš₂-tu₄ lu simx.meš-šu₂ ma-ʾ-du dumu.meš-šu₂ e-ṭe-ri, “[If from the] ‘hand’ of Gula, the ‘hand’ of Lamaštu or be it from the ‘hand’ of the adversary or the ‘hand’ of curse / [. . .] the children are about to die, or their (the hand’s) wounds are too many: in order to save his children.” 187 See C. Michel, “Une incantation paleo-assyrienne contre Lamaštum,” OrNS 66 (1997) p. 60 l. 20. According to J. Goodnick Westenholz this the first attestation of Ninkarak’s rôle in the corpus of Lamaštu incantations, see “Ninkarrak—An Akkadian Goddess in Sumer ian Guise,” p. 388. 44 chapter two aš-bat dgu-la, “Gula dwells in the Egalmaḫ temple.”188 The healing goddess is surrounded not by dogs but by puppies huddled together (ru-ub-bu-ṣu mi-ra-nu-šu₂, l. 4). This picture is strikingly paralleled by archaeological findings: in 1973 German excavators discovered in Isin in the complex of the Gula temple thirty-three dog skeletons. The palaeo-zoological analysis showed the following distribution in age: one stillbirth, fifteen puppies, four young dogs of up to one year, four dogs between 1¼ and 1½ years, and nine adult animals.189 We do not know what happened in the temple of Gula at Isin but we can imagine that the adult dogs were meant to lick the wounds of sick people190 while the puppies were used as sucking animals. The bond between Gula and Lamaštu appears to be an antagonistic relationship of the false and the true midwife and wet-nurse:191 Lamaštu killing babies, reducing thus mankind according to the composition of Atraḫasis where she is mentioned under her by-name ‘the exterminating one’,192 and Gula saving suckling babies with the help of her puppies, giving fertility to women and serving as mid-wife. As for the latter, it might not come as a surprise that one of the medicinal plants associated with the healing goddess was employed in medical recipes precisely to facilitate birth.193

188 Published by I.L. Finkel “On Some Dog, Snake and Scorpion Incantations,” pp. 219– 221, and see below Chapter 4.1.7. 189 See J. Boessneck, “Die Hundeskelette von Išān Bahrīyāt (Isin) aus der Zeit um 1000 v. Chr.,” in: Isin—Išān Bahrīyāt I. Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen 1973–1974, München 1977, p. 101. 190 See on the licking dogs D. Charpin, “Zur Funktion mesopotamischer Tempel,” in: G.J. Selz, The Empirical Dimension of Ancient Near Eastern Studies. Die empirische Dimen sion altorientalischer Forschungen, Wien 2011 (= WOO 6), p. 410. 191 For the rôle of Lamaštu as qadištu midwife, see F.A.M. Wiggermann in his study “Lamaštu, Daughter of Anu. A Profile,” pp. 230–231. 192 The term pāšittu is quoted in Atra-ḫasis III vii: 3 for which see W.G. Lambert & A.R. Millard, Atra-ḫasīs. The Babylonian Story of the Flood, Oxford 1968, pp. 102–103. See for a discussion of the relation between Lamaštu and Pāšittu F.A.M. Wiggermann, ibidem, p. 225 with note 44. 193 See below Chapter 5.1.2.9. CHAPTER THREE

Gula’S ‘Hand’ in the Handbook of Diagnosis and Prognosis, Sakikkû

Based on the analysis of Sumerian literary compositions I have given in the previous chapter a sketch of the different areas of authority Ancient Babylonians ascribed to the healing goddess. I was able to show that there existed a strong association between disorders of the digestive tract and Ninisina; this connection seemed to have been based on analogical infer- ence between the goddess and the belly as both the seat of disease and the home of the baby. The belly was not the only body part that was linked to Ninsina/Gula but also the skin as well as the ‘cord-like system’ of the body, Sumerian sa or Akkadian šerʾānu. In this chapter and the following Chapters Four and Five I will discuss how this conceptual framework was developed in the medical literature of the first millennium BC presenting the textual evidence. Statements about diagnosis and prognosis of symptoms were collected and systematically compiled into a handbook that was known under two titles in Ancient Babylonia: the rather scholastic title sa.gig or Sakikkû, commonly rendered ‘Symptoms,’ and the title taken from the incipit of the first tablet Enūma ana bīt marṣi āšipu illaku ‘When the exorcist is on his way to the house of the sick’. Similarly to other works of the Babylonian knowledge culture the majority of manuscripts of the Sakikkû handbook come from libraries that date from between the 8th and 3rd centuries BC. Due to the publications of variously R. Labat, to whom we owe the editio princeps of the handbook, M. Stol, who offered a case study of the chapters dealing with epilepsy, N.P. Heeßel, who revised, updated and ampli- fied the material on diagnostic and prognostic texts, and J.A. Scurlock, who analysed the symptoms together with the descriptions from medical recipe texts in order to identify the Babylonian names of illnesses with modern clinical pictures, we are well informed about the origin, contents and function of Sakikkû.1

1 See R. Labat, Traité akkadien de diagnostics et pronostics médicaux, Leiden – Paris 1957 (abbreviated TDP); M. Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia, Groningen 1993 (= CM 2); 46 chapter three

The handbook, which is referred to as Sakikkû throughout the present study, includes six major parts that are differently structured. The first part, comprising two chapters, contains observations of ominous events that occur to the exorcist on his way to his patient. It is the incipit of this tablet which served as the title of the handbook and which the colophons of the individual chapters quote.2 Part two is the heart of the handbook: organized into twelve chapters and structured according to the scheme a capite ad calcem,3 it includes a gamut of symptoms and their interpretation. In part three with eleven chapters we find most of the symptoms that are stated in the previous part, but now combined with the time and duration of the affliction. Part four, comprising five chapters, deals with epileptical strokes. A particular feature of two of the subchapters of this part is the reference to various medico-magical recommendations.4 The last part of the handbook incorporates afflictions of pregnant women and babies; four of the chapters include observations on pregnant women that have an impact on the gender and destiny of the future child and the final chapter is about infant diseases. A well-known characteristic feature of the entries is the division into two parts, the protasis and the apodosis. The first part is formulated as a conditional sentence and includes the symptoms, while the main clause gives the prognosis and/or diagnosis of the symptoms. The prognoses refer to the course and outcome of the affliction and are couched in stereotyped phrases such as ‘his affliction will last’, ‘his condition is critical’,

N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, Münster 2000 (= AOAT 43); and J.A. Scur lock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, Chicago 2005. 2 See in the edition of N.P. Heeßel, ibidem, e.g. p. 206 colophon A line 49’, colophon B line 40’; p. 257 colophon A line 31; p. 312 colophon A line 82. Occasionally both titles are quoted, see e.g. p. 344 colophon A line 19’. 3 This is a common structure; see e.g. the lexical texts ugu.mu ‘My skull,’ reconstructed by M. Civil and edited by B. Landsberger, MSL IX, pp. 49–73; the handbook of physiogno mic omens Alandimmû ‘Physique,’ for which see B. Böck, Die babylonisch-assyrische Mor phoskopie, Wien 2000 (= AfO Beiheft 27), p. 1 with note 6. Also medical recipe texts are structured ‘from the upper head to the toe nails,’ see BAM VI 575 iv: 59. Some literary texts follow the same structure, see e.g. the hymn Ludul bēl nēmeqi ‘I shall praise the Lord of wisdom’: the text duplicate Si 55 published by W.G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Litera ture, Oxford 1960, pp. 52–55, enumerates the diseases which have befallen the righteous sufferer, afflicting head, eyes, ears, nose, lips, mouth, teeth, tongue, and throat; and see the Sumerian literary composition Enki and Ninḫursaĝa in which the god Enki lists his pains: head, nose, mouth, throat, arm, rips, and flanks; see for the edition of P. Attinger, “Enki et Ninhursaga,” ZA 74 (1982) pp. 28–30. 4 See M. Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia, pp. 81–90, and N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, pp. 318–338. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 47

‘he will recover’ or ‘he will die’.5 The diagnoses consist in the attribution of the symptoms to the action of supernatural agents. Typical expressions are ‘hand of the deity NN’ or ‘hand of the demon NN’ and ‘seizure of the deity NN / demon NN’ or ‘touch of the deity NN / demon NN’.6 Only in few cases is the actual name of a disease mentioned.7 It is still not readily apparent how the Babylonian practitioner handled this data; N.P. Heeßel, following R.D. Biggs, argued that the exorcist used the information to choose between the various rituals, incantations and prayers with which he would address the supernatural force that was believed to be the cause of disease.8 However, so far there is no evidence that would corroborate this suggestion. Note that not all the entries are necessarily based on actual observation but rather on deduction.9 It is noteworthy, for example, that the first sixty-six entries of chapter XV of the handbook are parallel to entries in chapters III to XIV, the only difference being the addition ‘if a man is already one day sick’ in chapter XV.10 Some entries are clearly the result of associative work.11 In this regard, the handbook Sakikkû should not be understood per se as a collection of genuine observations made by the practitioner but as a handbook that was compiled of information coming from very different sources.12 Among the many gods to which the Sakikkû handbook attributes afflictions is the healing goddess Gula. In order to create a context for her appearance I have analysed the apodoses of the preserved parts of the handbook.13 Together with the first two chapters of the handbook I have not considered the four chapters on the course of pregnancy; the chapter

5 See the description of N.P. Heeßel, ibidem, pp. 63–65. 6 See ibidem, pp. 53–54 and p. 55. 7 E.g. the entries TDP p. 20 l. 31 (Sakikkû III: 31), TDP p. 80 l. 11, 12 (Sakikkû X: 10, 11) which all give as diagnosis the term sa.dugud, šaššaṭu, ‘šaššaṭu disease;’ or sa.gal, sagallu, ‘sagallu disease’ in TDP p. 140 l. 39’ (Sakikkû XIV iii: 39’); or the kissatu disease which is e.g. quoted in Sakikkû XVI: 29 for which see the edition of N.P. Heeßel, ibidem, p. 175. 8 See R.D. Biggs, “Medizin. A. In Mesopotamien,” in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 7 7/8, Berlin – New York 1990, p. 624; and N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, Münster 2000 (= AOAT 43), pp. 83–85. 9 See for a list of entries, which are in all likelihood based on deduction, my contribu tion “Diagnose im Alten Mesopotamien. Überlegungen zu Grenzen und Möglichkeiten der Interpretation keilschriftlicher diagnostischer Texte,” OLZ 104 (2009) pp. 391–396. 10 See N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, pp. 160–161. 11 See ibidem, p. 39. 12 As already observed by the first editor of the handbook, R. Labat, Traité akkadien de diagnostics et pronostics médicaux, p. xxxii. 13 The basis for this study are the editions of R. Labat, ibidem; M. Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia; N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik; with important additions by J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine. Cf. also the 48 chapter three dealing with children’s diseases is treated separately. References to gods and goddesses are included in 16% of the entries (Sakikkû, chapters 3–35); 14% associate afflictions with demons. We observe that statements about the course and outcome of disease predominate, at 44%. However, the pattern that emerges from the chapter about infants is different: deities are mentioned in 57% of the entries, demons in 21% and indications on the course and outcome of disease amount to 36%. It should be noted that quite a number of apodoses contain both, prognosis and diagnosis, which is the reason why the total sum exceeds 100%. It is worth mentioning that the course or outcome of a disease is not dependent on the influence of supernatural powers; thus the patient could either recover or die from the ‘hands,’ ‘seizures’ or ‘touches’ of gods and demons. While the major part of the apodoses referring to adult man features statements on the course and outcome of disease, the chapter on infants shows an inverted picture. The information is given in the form of a table:

Entries in Sakikkû; Entries in Sakikkû; chapters 3–35 chapter 40 (adult man) (infant) Gods and goddesses 16% 57% Demons 14% 21% Course and outcome of 44% 36% disease

Among the symptoms of adult man that are associated with gods the healing goddess Gula appears in the second part of the handbook three times, twice spelled me.me and once as Gula, and seven times in chapter XXXIII. Compared to other divinities the healing goddess is hardly referred to. Ištar, for example, is mentioned more than seventy times, the sun god Šamaš as well as the twin gods Lugalgirra and Meslamtaea appear about thirty times. Also the personal god of the patient is cited more than thirty times and the moon god Sîn about twenty times.

counting of the ‘hands’ of gods, which N.P. Heeßel offers in his edition on pp. 53–54. He, however, does not differentiate between adults and infants. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 49

3.1 Sakikkû VI: 19

The first attestation comes from chapter six (part II) of the Sakikkû handbook and is not completely understood. This part of the handbook is concerned with symptoms of afflictions of the nose, nostrils, lips, and teeth. The entry referring to the ‘hand of Gula’ deals with the syndrome of blood coming from nose, eyes and ears: diš ina kir4-šu2 igi.ii-šu2 u geštug.ii-šu2 mud₂ diš-niš gen-ku šu dme.me sig₃-su ki šu2 nit ta at gam If at once blood discharges from his nose, his eyes and his ears: the ‘hand of Gula’ hit him . . . he will die.14

Commentary With the help of the duplicate BM 34071 obv. 3 the signs transliterated by R. Labat as ‘i su’ can now be read sig₃-su. I have left untranslated the part of the apodosis stating ‘ki šu2 nit ta at’. J.A. Scurlock suggests the reading ki-šu₂ nit-ta-at and translates “. . . with him.”15 As for the identification of the symptoms, J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen suggest that the entry may describe a haemorrhagic viral infection, “the patient had a clotting abnor- mality causing this multifocal bleeding.”16 No ancient commentary to explain this entry is preserved. Interest- ingly, the expression of discharging blood from the eyes constructed with the verb alāku(m) ‘to flow, to run’ is not attested in the symptom descriptions of medical prescriptions. While blood coming from nose and ears is often constructed with alāku(m),17 for the eyes we usually find the verb malû(m) ‘to fill’.18

14 See for the edition of the text R. Labat, TDP, p. 56 l. 19. The line is restored with the help of the duplicate BM 34071. A photograph of the text is published in J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pl. 3. 15 See J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, ibidem, p. 78 (3.239). 16 See ibidem, note 237 on p. 695. 17 See for the nose e.g. BAM V 461 iii: 14’ or K.4782 i: 8’; for the ear see e.g. BAM I 3 iv: 23 or CTN IV 113 ii: 21. 18 See J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschriftlichen Quellen. Untersuchungen zur alto rientalischen Medizin, Würzburg 2000 (= Würzburger medizinhistorische Forschungen 70), pp. 126–128. 50 chapter three

3.2 Sakikkû XII iv: 16

This text passage, which comes from chapter 12 (part II), is again not entirely clear. The tablet or chapter of the handbook deals with the torso including symptoms that can occur in the chest, breast, kidneys, back- bone, coccyx, hips, pelvis, and armpits: diš ur₂.kun-šu2 gu7-šu2 šu dgu-la ana ni-ri il₂-ma nigin-šu₂ If his pelvis hurts him: ‘hand of Gula’, he carries a yoke but it will turn away from him.19

Commentary The translation of the second part of the apodosis is more conjectural than compelling; a somewhat similar expression is found in the following third attestation for Gulas’s hand for which see below. J.A. Scurlock proposes to read diš ni-ri instead of ana ni-ri and translates the whole phrase “if a yoke-shaped lesion rises and curves round.”20 I am reluctant to follow her suggestion for two reasons: first, we would expect the nominative of nīru, and second, what seems to be according to J.A. Scurlock’s interpretation an explanatory addition to the first symptoms, is without parallel in the Sakikkû handbook—except the similar expression in the third attestation for Gula’s hand which J.A. Scurlock understands in a similar way. More- over, the pronominal suffix -šu is left unexplained and is not translated. However, my translation is also without parallel in the handbook. Note that the entry was not explained in a commentary.21

19 See for the edition TDP p. 108 l. 16. 20 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 226–227 (10.102). 21 Both N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 144, and, following him, E. Frahm, Babylonian and Assyrian Text Commentaries. Origins of Interpretation, Münster 2011 (= GMTR 5), p. 225, refer to the commentary GCCI II 406. Difficulties arise from the subscript in l. 11 of the commentary which identifies the preceding lines as belonging to chapter XI of the handbook (see E. Frahm, p. 225). As R. Labat already stated in his TDP p. 124, the commentary refers to several entries of chapter XIII of the Sakikkû handbook, namely ll. 7–9 of GCCI II 406 comment words of TDP p. 124 l. 18, 24, 25. One should add that the commentary’s first line refers to TDP p. 110 l. 12’ and l. 10 to TDP p. 126 l. 43. After the subscript the commentary gives words that seem to belong to chapters XII and XIV of Sakikkû (see E. Frahm, p. 225). handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 51

3.3 Sakikkû XIII i: 55’

This part of the handbook is also concerned with the human torso. The entries refer to afflictions of abdomen, belly, and intestines. The topic treated is pains in the belly: diš ša₃-šu₂ dab-[it-ma] u₂-a du₁₁.ga šu dme.me ana ni-ri gu₂-šu₂ gar-ma nigin If his belly is seized [and] he cries ‘Ouch!’: ‘hand of Gula’ . . .22

Commentary I have already stated the problems involved in properly understanding the second part of the apodosis. J.A. Scurlock offers the translation “if a yoke-shaped lesion is established on his neck and curves round.”23 Again, doubts arise as to the meaning of the explanatory addition. We would expect a main clause following the dubious phrase, which is the reason why J.A. Scurlock makes an amendment and adds freely ‘hand of Gula’. The line is not commented on in any ancient commentary text. The line seems to echo the description of a sick person in the hymn Ninisina A which we discussed in the previous chapter. Here the healing goddess approaches a man who is crying out in pain, ‘My belly, my belly!’24 Note that the same cry of pain is attested frequently in this chapter of Sakikkû but without reference to Gula. The deities mentioned are the personal god, the female demon Ardat lilî, the Spirit-of-the-dead, Šamaš, the personified Curse, and Ištar.25 However, in all cases the cry is not the only symptom but it is accompanied by others, which seems to be the deter- mining factor for the difference in attribution.

3.4 Sakikkû XXXIII

This chapter differs in structure and content from the rest of the handbook. Quite unique is a concordance between disease names and the ‘hands’ of gods with which the chapter closes. This distinctive feature also seems to

22 See TDP p. 116 l. 55’; for the restored line see J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 227 (10.103). 23 Ibidem, p. 227 (10.103). 24 See Chapter 2.2.3. 25 See the list given by J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Baby lonian Medicine, pp. 619–620. 52 chapter three have been recognized by Ancient Babylonians: in a catalogue text, which gives in form of a table of contents the titles of all the chapters of the handbook, chapter XXXIII appears twice. The original first line is mentioned with the words diš simx gar-šu₂ ‘the appearance of the skin sore’ which belong together, as stated in the catalogue, with the closing section sa-ma-nu šu dgu-la ‘sāmānu disease: ‘hand’ of Gula’.26 In the reconstruction of the chapter this entry corresponds to line 103.27 Chapter XXXIII is divided into five sections of unequal length. The first, lines 1–70, deals with the description of the appearance of a number of skin diseases.28 With few exceptions they are structured in the same way:29 first a characterization of the skin sore is given, and then the name of the disease is stated, as in the following entry: ‘if the afflicted area is hard, placed on top of his flesh, and is again and again hot: its name is kirbānu ‘clod’ disease’.30 This way of organization is without parallel in the Sakikkû handbook. The second section, lines 71–74, is badly preserved, as is the succeeding section, lines 75–86. Both parts have in common that they break the structure, instead of giving the disease name they refer to the ‘hands’ of the gods. The fourth part, lines 87–102, contains a short description of symptoms which are identified with disease names—again a feature only attested in this chapter. The last section, lines 103–123, attributes diseases to the ‘hands’ of the gods. It is in this fifth section that the ‘hand’ of Gula appears. The chapter stands out for still another feature which has so far gone unnoticed: at least three of the sections seem to focus on the healing goddess. This is evident in section five which is headed by Gula. The first seven entries of this part ascribe different diseases to her ‘hand’. Subse- quently, the ‘hand’ of Ninurta, her divine consort, is mentioned. Then

d 26 diš simx gar-šu₂ en ˹sa˺-ma.nu šu me.me, “(The section) ‘If the skin sores looks like’ until (the section) ‘sāmānu skin affliction: hand of Gula’.” See for the text the edition of I.L. Finkel, “Adad-apla-iddina, Esagil-kīn-apli, and the series sa.gig,” in: E. Leichty, M. de J. Ellis & P. Gerardi, A Scientific Humanist. Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs, Philadelphia 1988 (= OPSNKF 9), p. 147, l. A 40 // B7’. 27 See N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 357. 28 There are few exceptions: miqtu ‘stroke’ in lines 53–54, gallû demon in line 56, and ṣinnaḫ tīri diarrhoea in lines 65–66. 29 Some entries start with the difficult to understand expression šumma ina lakûtīšu “in his infancy” which seems to refer to affliction the patient suffered when he was still a baby. However, the verb following the expression is not clear. The phrase appears in ll. 44–47, 51–53. 30 See for the entry the edition of N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 355, line 39. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 53 come the deities Marduk, Ea, Šamaš, Ištar und Šulpaea. Strikingly, the healing goddess who belongs to the deities mentioned less often in the adult part of the Sakikkû handbook heads the list. The goddess Ištar who appears more than seventy times is ranked sixth and the sun god Šamaš who is referred to more than thirty times is in fifth position. The list then does not reflect the impact of divine appearance, so the principle behind how it is organized should be sought on another level. I have stated in the Chapter 2.2.2 that there is a strong affinity between skin sores and the healing goddess. This association is well known from curse formulas. Gula usually threatens perjurers, law-breakers and culprits to afflict them with severe skin diseases.31 The generic term used is simmu, ‘sore’.32 One of the rather detailed curses from Ḫammurabi’s law collection, quoted above, illustrates this: May the goddess Ninkarak [later merged into Gula] (. . .) cause (. . .) a serious skin sore (simmam marṣam) to break out upon his limbs—an affliction which cannot be soothed, which a physician can neither diagnose nor ease with a bandage, which like the bite of death cannot be expelled!33 The original motivation for this association between disease and the healing goddess is no longer clear from the texts. In view of the theme of skin sores in the first section (lines 1–64, 67–70)34 and the skin disease, saḫaršubbû, which is referred to in the second section (lines 71–74) I would suggest that the reason for Gula’s position at the head of the list is precisely this close association. Support for the idea of connecting the goddess with the diseases mentioned comes from the fourth section (lines 87–102), which gives connections between symptoms and disease names. The first disease is buʾšānu (ll. 87–91), which is followed by amurriqānu (l. 92) and aḫḫāzu (l. 93), both terms for jaundice. As I discuss in Chap- ter 5, these afflictions are all treated with medicinal plants that belong to the healing goddess.35 The section also includes the diseases, šaššaṭu

31 The skin sores are usually said to be either long-lasting (lazzu) or proliferating (ṣarrišu), see CAD S s.v. simmu 277b 1. b). 32 See for this interpretation J.-M. Durand, “Maladies et médecins,” ARM 26/1, Paris 1988, pp. 552–553. 33 See for the text M.T. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor, Atlanta 19972, pp. 139–140. The Sumerian equivalent of the expression simmum marṣum, simx.simx. ma, appears in the Sumerian Letter prayer of Nannamansum to Ninisina discussed in the Chapter 2.2.2. 34 The exceptions are lines 53–54 (miqtu ‘stroke’), line 56 (gallû demon), and lines 65–66 (ṣinnaḫ tīri diarrhoea). 35 See for buʾšānu Chapter 5.1.1.2, and for jaundice Chapters 5.1.1.4 and 5.1.2.5. 54 chapter three

(ll. 94–97), sagallu (l. 98), and maškadu (ll. 99–100) which designate afflictions of the musculoskeletal system. Interestingly, they are all written logographically with the compound sa whose original meaning ‘strings, cords’ of the body I have discussed in the previous chapter.36 The term šaššaṭu corresponds to the logograms sa.dugud ‘heavy string’ and sa.keš₂ ‘bound string’; sagallu is sa.gal ‘great string’ and maškadu can be written sa.gig ‘sick string’ or also sa.keš₂ ‘bound string’.37 Both the diseases maškadu and sagallu are in healing spells directly related to the healing goddess, which is discussed in Chapter 4.1.1. The last disease name mentioned is kiṣṣatu/kissatu in lines 101–102. The term denotes according to the suggestion of J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen myalgia, muscular pain.38 Similarly to the disease šaššaṭu there are no references that would associate the healing goddess with the disease kissatu. However, from a commentary text to one of the tablets of the Sakikkû handbook we know that the name, when written as a logogram, was spelled sa.gig ‘sick cord’, which brings the disease close to the ‘sa complex’ of afflictions.39 The seven attestations that refer to the ‘hand’ of Gula form the beginning of the last section of the chapter. Succinctly, the text reads: 103 sa-ma-nu [šu] dgu-la [a]-šu-u₂ šu d[gu-la] 104 ṣi-i-tum šu dgu-la x [. . .] šu d[gu-la] 105 ṣar-ri-šu šu dgu-la š[a-da-n]u šu dg[u-la] 106 ṣi-in-na-aḫ ti-ri šu dgu-la sāmānu disease: ‘hand’ of Gula; ašû disease : ‘hand’ of Gula; ṣītu abscess : ‘hand’ of Gula; . . . : ‘hand’ of Gula; ṣarrišu disease : ‘hand’ of Gula; šadânu disease : ‘hand’ of Gula; ṣinnaḫ tīri disease : ‘hand’ of Gula.40

36 See Chapter 2.2.3. 37 See for the attestations the respective lexical sections in CAD Š/II 175a s.v. šaššaṭu, CAD S 21a s.v. sagallu, and CAD M/I 368a s.v. maškadu. 38 See Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 667; the identification is stated in lines 101 and 102. See also the discussion of J.C. Fincke, “Spezialisierung und Dif ferenzierung im Bereich der altorientalischen Medizin. Die Dermatologie am Beispiel der Symptome simmū matqūtu, kalmātu (matuqtu), kibšu, kiṣṣatu und gurištu,” pp. 176–181; J.C. Fincke argues that kissatu/giṣṣatu denotes not only a disease of the tendons but also an affliction of the skin. 39 The commentary GCCI II 406 includes in rev. l. 17 the explanation sa.gig: ki-is-sa- tum; see for a brief discussion of the commentary E. Frahm, Babylonian and Assyrian Text Commentaries. Origins of Interpretation, p. 225. 40 Quoted according to the edition of N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, pp. 357–358. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 55

The disease terms sāmānu, ašû, ṣītu, ṣarrišu, and šadânu denote afflictions of the skin which have been summarized under the generic term simmu, skin sore.41

3.4.1 Sakikkû XXXIII 103a: Sāmānu, an Affliction of the Skin There are several suggestions as to which modern disease patterns the term sāmānu could refer.42 One is provided by J.V. Kinnier Wilson who proposed an identification with a fungal infection, namely mycetoma;43 and the other has been described by J.A. Scurlock & B. Andersen, interpreting the different cuneiform descriptions of the disease as referring to wound and soft tissue infections, or to cellulitis.44 As F. Köcher has already pointed out, there are only a few descriptions of the disease preserved;45 four come from chapter XXXIII of Sakikkû and another one is recorded in BAM V 494, a tablet with medical prescriptions for a variety of skin diseases that afflict the head.46 They are discussed in the following. Sakikkû XXXIII: 23 diš simx gar-šu₂ sa₅ e-em mu₂-iḫ u gen-ak sa-ma-nu [mu.ni] If the skin sore is red, hot, inflamed, and skin flakes off : sāmānu is its name.47

Commentary The two key words are the Sumerian sign GIG and the logogram gar which stands for Akkadian šiknu. GIG can be read either gig ‘disease’

41 For a discussion of simmu(m) as generic term for skin diseases see J.-M. Durand, “Maladies et médecins,” pp. 552–553, see also the discussion of J.C. Fincke, “Spezialis ierung und Differenzierung im Bereich der altorientalischen Medizin. Die Dermatologie am Beispiel der Symptome simmū matqūtu, kalmātu (matuqtu), kibšu, kiṣṣatu und gurištu,” pp. 170–171. 42 For a complete discussion see J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 692 note. 176. 43 See his article “The sāmānu Disease in Babylonian Medicine”, JNES 53 (1994) pp. 111–115. 44 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 63–64; 66 (3.192). 45 See his contribution “Ein Text medizinischen Inhalts aus dem neubabylonischen Grab 405,” in: R.M. Boehmer, F. Pedde & B. Salje (eds.), Uruk. Die Gräber, Mainz 1995 (= AUWE 10), p. 211, commentary to line 14’. 46 F. Köcher suggests in BAM V p. xxix that the tablet might have formed part of the handbook of medical prescriptions. He attributes it either to the first section of the hand book which deals with afflictions of the head or another part—badly preserved—which could have included skin diseases. 47 See the edition of N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 354. 56 chapter three

(Akkadian murṣu) or simx (Akkadian simmu), a general term for ‘skin sore’.48 As most of the afflictions described in the first section of Sakikkû chapter XXXIII are skin diseases I have favoured the reading simx.49 Con- cerning the Akkadian term šiknu the dictionaries provide the meanings ‘outward appearance, shape, structure’, CAD Š/II 436b, and ‘Gestalt(ung), Aussehen, Art’, AHw 1235a meaning (C). The construction ‘item šikinšu’, ‘item, its appearance’, is the constituent feature of the three cuneiform compendia Šammu šikinšu, ‘On the appearance of the medicinal plant’, Abnu šikinšu, ‘On the appearance of the stone’,50 and Ṣēru šikinšu, ‘On the appearance of the serpent’.51 It has been suggested that the literal meaning, ‘external appearance’, would not fully express the semantic field of šiknu. E. Reiner, inspired by the use of Romance natura in Medieval texts that describe animals, proposed to translate the Akkadian term with ‘nature’.52 Similarly, M.J. Geller suggested the meaning ‘nature, character’ comparing the semantic field of the Akkadian term with the Greek word physis.53 Taking into account certain passages in the inscriptions of Sennacherib and Esarhaddon in which the appearance of stones is linked to their magical function, J.N. Postgate argues that šiknu should also refer to the substance and function; accordingly he translates ‘nature’.54 Also J.A. Scurlock in her translation of the phrase favours ‘nature’, rendering the expression GIG šikinšu, ‘the nature of the sore’.55 By contrast, N.P. Heeßel proposes in his study a translation ‘Befund’ (diagnostic findings), an interpretation that is based on his discussion of the expression šikin murṣi in non-medical texts which he translates as ‘the nature of the disease’.56

48 See J.M. Durand, “Maladies et médecins,” pp. 552–553. 49 By contrast, N.P. Heeßel Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, pp. 359–361, prefers the reading gig and translates, accordingly, ‘disease’. 50 Note that A. Schuster-Brandis in her edition of Abnu šikinšu chooses the expression ‘der Stein dessen Gestaltung (folgendermaßen ist)’, Steine als Schutz- und Heilmittel. Unter suchungen zu ihrer Verwendung in der Beschwörungskunst Mesopotamiens im 1. Jt. v. Chr., Münster 2008 (= AOAT 46), pp. 34–39. 51 See for the latter composition on serpents E. Reiner, Astral Magic in Babylonia, Phila delphia 1995 (= TAPS 85/4), p. 29. 52 Ibidem, p. 30. 53 Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 20. 54 See “Mesopotamian Petrology: Stages in the Classification of the Material World,” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 7 (1997) p. 217; note, however, his remark that English ‘nature’ is not a true equivalent of šiknu. 55 See e.g. J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medi cine, p. 224 (10.89, 10.90, 10.91). 56 See Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 75, ‘Wesen / Natur der Krankheit’. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 57

The translation ‘nature’ would well express the system of double meanings that is characteristic for Ancient Babylonian medicine. However, I would suggest in the present context a narrow translation for šiknu because the descriptions of plants, stones, and skin sores refer principally to the external appearance. This meaning, I believe, is corroborated by the structure of the entries of the plant descriptive text, Šammu šikinšu. They consist of two parts: the first part, commencing with the expression šammu šikinšu ‘the plant, its appearance’, contains the description of the external features. First the general appearance of the plant is compared to another plant which is then followed by other comparisons with distinctive plant parts such as seed, fruit or root. The second part starts with the formulation ‘it is good for the disease . . .’ (ana . . . damiq) and gives the instructions for the administration of the plant. For example: “The external appearance of the plant is like the plant alamû. Its seed is as red as abulīlu. This plant is called . . . It is good to remove paralysis. Dry (and) crush it, annoint him with fine oil (mixed with the plant), [then he shall recover].”57 I believe the separation points to the fact that in this type of descriptive texts Ancient Babylonians differentiated between physical aspects and inherent functions. In order to illustrate my point that šiknu rather refers to what is physically perceived I shall quote three further examples. Note that I avoid the literal reproduction of the u₂/na/simx gar-šu₂ gin₇, ‘the plant / stone / skin sore, its appearance is like’, and paraphrase instead ‘the plant / stone / skin sore looks like’. The first example comes from the Šammu šikinšu handbook; the manuscript is KADP 33 rev. 8’: u₂ gar-šu₂ gin₇ u₂.lag.aša₃ gurun-šu₂ sa₅ u₂.bi u₂gi-šu-ut ki mu-šu₂ The medicinal plant looks like ‘field’s clod’. Its fruit is red/brown. This plant is called ‘spittle of the ground’. The other example is from the compendium, Abnu šikinšu l. 84:58 na gar-šu₂ gin₇ kap-pi kal-lat dutu-ši na₄dur₂.m[i.n]a.ban₃.da mu.[ni] The stone looks like the wing of a dragonfly. Its name is turminabandû.

57 KADP 33 obv. 6–7: u₂ gar-šu₂ gin7 u₂.am.ḫa.ra numun-šu₂ gin7 a-bu-li-li ˹sa5˺ u₂.bi [u₂. mu.ni] / ana šim-ma-te zi sig ḫad₂.a sud₂ i₃.giš eš-[su-ma ti-uṭ]. See the edition of the text †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming). 58 See the edition of A. Schuster-Brandis, Steine als Schutz- und Heilmittel. Untersu chungen zu ihrer Verwendung in der Beschwörungskunst Mesopotamiens im 1. Jt. v. Chr., pp. 36–37. 58 chapter three

And the third example is taken from Sakikkû XXXIII l. 6:

[diš] simx gar-šu₂ gin₇ uḫ-ma pa-gar-šu₂ sa₅ a-šu-u₂ m[ut-ta]p-ri-šu mu.ni If the skin sore looks like the (bite of) lice, and his body is red: flying ašû disease is its name. As for the verb alāku, written gen-ak in the Sakikkû line under discussion, the translation ‘skin flakes off’ is based on AHw s.v. alāku(m) III.9) 32b ‘sich abblättern (von Haut)’. W. von Soden refers here to idiomatic expressions constructed with skin, hair or flesh. In the present line no such grammatical object is given but since the context is about skin sores the reference is implicit. J.A. Scurlock suggests the translation ‘flows’ and N.P. Heeßel renders ‘umherwandert’.59 Sakikkû XXXIII: 24 diš simx gar-šu₂ sa₅ lu₂ kum₂.kum₂-im u i-ta-nar-ru₃ sa-ma-nu [mu.ni] If the skin sore is red, the patient suffers from bouts of fever and he is persistently sick: sāmānu is the name (of the disease).60

Sakikkû XXXIII: 25 diš simx gar-šu₂ da-an tab x-ma ina igi-ka la i-na-aš mid-ru kimin sa-ma-nu [mu.ni] If the skin sore feels hard, burns, . . . and does not come off when you examine it: midru ditto (= is its name), sāmānu is the name (of the disease).61

Commentary I have read the expression ina igi-ka as ina amārīka, literally ‘when you see it’. The phrase appears at least in two letters in which a physician (asû) is sent for. The text RMA 18 rev. 5–6 states: lu₂a.zu / lil-lik-ma li-mur- šu₂ “a physician should come and see him”; and in ABL 341 lines 11–13 (= SAA 16 26 pp. 20–21) we read: lu₂a.zu 1-en / lil-li-ka li-mur-ši “one physician shall come and see her.” In both cases the connotation of the verb amāru is ‘to undergo a medical check’, which I have applied to the line under discussion.

59 See for the first J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 62 (3.172), and for the second N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 360. 60 See the edition of N.P. Heeßel, ibidem, p. 354. 61 See ibidem, p. 354. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 59

The correct meaning of the verb inâš is difficult to determine. As the text is dealing with skin sores I have assumed that it refers to skin flakes coming off; see for this meaning AHw s.v. nâšu(m) 761b ‘sich lockern, sich bewegen,’ and CAD N/II s.v. nâšu sub 2.b) 114b ‘to be weakened, to become shaky’ said of parts of the body. J.A. Scurlock translates the expression ina amārīka lā inâš rather freely ‘and does not respond to (your treatment)’. N.P. Heeßel renders it ‘vor dir nicht zurückweicht’.62 The disease term midru is further attested in the Nineveh tablet K.6057+ which is a collection of healing spells for simmu skin sores. The passage is badly damaged; col. ii: 6 mi-id-ru si-iḫ-p[u . . .], “midru, sweeping attack . . .”. BAM V 494 i: 35’ If a person’s head is afflicted with sāmānu: it is turning him red, is torn out (i-na-saḫ) or calms down, then it extends (again).

Commentary J.A. Scurlock translates the verb inassaḫ ‘it retracts’.63 I have interpreted the form as N stem innassaḫ.

3.4.2 Sakikkû XXXIII 103b: Ašû, an Affliction of the Skin There are a number of references to this disease which are compiled and discussed by J.A. Scurlock.64 Both J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen propose that ašû “was applied to any skin condition of non-venereal origin that covers the entire body with characteristic lesions.”65 It is, however, noteworthy that the secondary symptoms of ašû (when mentioned) affect mainly the head, face or eyes.66

62 See for the first J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 66 (3.192), and for the second N.P. Heeßel, ibidem, p. 360. 63 Ibidem, p. 63 (3.174). 64 See ibidem, pp. 224–226. 65 Ibidem, p. 224. 66 A translation of a sample of medical recipes for the treatment of the ašû disease is offered by H. Scheyhing, “Babylonisch-assyrische Krankheitstheorie. Korrelationen zwischen medizinischen Diagnosen und therapeutischen Konzepten,” WO 41 (2011), p. 102, and see the collection of attestations pp. 104–106. 60 chapter three

3.4.3 Sakikkû XXXIII 104: Ṣītu, an Affliction of the Skin The designation ṣītu is translated by the dictionaries of the Akkadian language with abscess; see AHw 1106a A.1), CAD Ṣ 218a 2.b). The term is derived from the verb (w)aṣû(m) ‘to come forth’. The word is attested in an Old Babylonian letter from Mari. The passage in question refers to an abscess which grows below the ear of a boy: šaplānum uznīšu ṣītum ūṣim, ‘below his ear an abscess has grown’.67 The same text states that ṣītu(m) was understood by Ancient Babylonians as a form of simmu(m), skin sore.68

3.4.4 Sakikkû XXXIII 105a: Ṣarrišu, an Affliction of the Skin The Akkadian term ṣarrišu is rendered ‘sich ausbreitende (Wunde)’, ‘proliferating (said of skin sore)’; see AHw 1086, CAD Ṣ 114b. On grounds of form ṣarrišu is a parris-participle (see W. von Soden GAG 55m 20a II); CAD, following AHw, interprets the term, which generally precedes Akka- dian simmu, as an adjective, though in the discussion section of the entry it is stated that the position is unusual. The present attestation, however, suggests that ṣarrišu was used as a substantive; accordingly, I propose the meaning ‘the growing one’. Note that the references in both dictionaries of the Akkadian languages to the expression ṣarrišu simmu (lazzu) should be accordingly corrected and translated ‘the growing one, a (long-lasting) skin sore’. It seems as if simmu (lazzu) served as an explanatory apposition to ṣarrišu.

3.4.5 Sakikkû XXXIII 105b: Šadânu—an Affliction of the Skin The disease šadânu has been recently treated by J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen.69 On the basis of the attestations they come to the conclusion that the Akkadian term also included plague. However, in an earlier discussion F. Köcher argued that the identification with bubonic plague is not beyond doubt.70 It should be noted that šadânu is also associated with the ‘hand of Ninurta’ (Sakikkû XXXIII: 106b) and to the

67 See A. Finet, “Les médecins au royaume de Mari,” AIPHOS 14 (1954/57), p. 131 l. 8; the text is published in ARM XIV 3. 68 See J.-M. Durand, “Maladies et médecins,” p. 552. 69 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 73–74. 70 See “Ein Text medizinischen Inhalts aus dem neubabylonischen Grab 405,” in: R.M. Boehmer, F. Pedde & B. Salje (eds.), Uruk. Die Gräber, Mainz 1995 (= AUWE 10), p. 212 commentary to ll. 29’–32’. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 61

‘touch of Marduk and Ninurta’ (Sakikkû XXXIII: 31). The disease is homonymous with a mineral; both terms are understood by the CAD dictionary as two different words (see CAD Š/I 36a s.v. šadânu A ‘hematite’ and CAD Š/I 38a s.v. šadânu B ‘(a disease)’). Note that W. von Soden in AHw 1123a transcribes the disease name šādānu and interprets this writing as a variant spelling for the disease term ṣīdānu which denotes vertigo (see AHw 1100b ‘Schwindelanfälle’). Ancient Babylonians apparently distinguished between these two diseases since they not only chose to write them with two different Sumerian logograms, namely sa.ad.nim for šadânu and sa.nigin for ṣidānu, but also treated them medically in a different way. I would propose that the name of the skin affliction is related to the mineral šadânu which has been identified with hematite or magnetite.71 Evidence which would support this suggestion comes from the description of the skin sore in Sakikkû XXXIII: 29. It refers to the typical reddish colouring of the mineral form of this iron oxide; the affliction is “hard to the touch and covered with red/rust-red streaks.”72 Not only the colour but also the criterion of hardness shows that Ancient Babylonians associated the disease name with the stone.73 In the Sumerian literary composition, Ninurta’s Exploits, which relates the god’s conquest of minerals, hematite is included among those stones that did not oppose the god. In contrast to the other formulations of addressing the stones, Ninurta speaks to šadânu (or na₄KA.gi.na) because of its ‘hardness’ (Sumerian nam.kala.ga, Akkadian dannūtu). The Akkadian term is derived from the verb danānu which is precisely the one used to describe the skin affliction.74 In light of the Sum- erian composition it appears then obvious that the skin affliction was also associated with Ninurta. The juxtaposition of ‘hard, hardness’ with the reddish coloration of hematite to characterize the šadânu disease points again to the persistence of traditions, rooted in a distant past, which can

71 See for a discussion of the mineral A. Schuster-Brandis, Steine als Schutz- und Heilmit tel. Untersuchung zu ihrer Verwendung in der Beschwörungskunst Mesopotamiens im 1. Jt. v. Chr., pp. 424–425 with further bibliography. 72 ana lapāti dān tikpī sāmūti mali, see for the text N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 354. 73 For the association of hematite with the administration of justice see J.N. Postgate, “Mesopotamian Petrology: Stages in the Classification of the Material World,” pp. 216, 218 and note 46. The stone is said to be the beloved one of Šamaš and as such functions like a judge. The Sumerian spelling (KA.)gi.na ‘to be true, to establish (in legal context)’ alludes to this aspect. 74 See for the text edition J.J.A. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LÁM-bi NIR-GÁL, vol. II, p. 136 l. 498. 62 chapter three be found in second millennium BC literary texts as well as in the medical literature of the first millennium.

3.4.6 Sakikkû XXXIII 106a: Ṣinnaḫ tīri—Diarrhoea Disorder The term ṣinnaḫ tīri denotes a disorder of the digestive tract whose main symptom is diarrhoea; see AHw 1103b, CAD Ṣ 200b. Only a few medical prescriptions mention the term, usually in connection with other symptoms.75 According to the Ninevite tablet BAM VI 543 which includes recommendations for diseased teeth as well as afflictions of the mouth and nasopharyngeal zone diarrhoea appears together with the description “if ditto (= the lips of a man are . . .) and he voids blood, it has turned into ṣinnaḫ tīri disorder.”76 For this condition a combined treatment is recommended, consisting first in the application of ghee to the diseased spot and then, in broken context, in a medicament based on the so-called ‘white plant’ which is the byname of the resin of the ṣarbatu tree. Another prescription gives the symptom that “the lungs (of a man) are affected;”77 this corresponds well with the third attestation which states: “If a man has difficulty breathing, ṣinnaḫ tīri disorder, (and) burning heat (of the belly) . . .”78 The connection between lungs and difficulty breathing with ṣinnaḫ tīri is especially noteworthy for two reasons: firstly, it throws light on a short cuneiform text which associates disease with body organs. According to this Late Babylonian medical text from Uruk Ancient Baby- lonian practitioners believed that ṣinnaḫ tīri diarrhoea would eventually come from the lungs.79 Secondly, the observation that digestive disorders can be connected with difficulty breathing is included in one of the entries on infant diseases in Sakikkû XL: 97 for which see below.

3.5 Sakikkû XL

The ‘hand of Gula’ is further attested in chapter XL of Sakikkû which is dedicated to infant diseases. In contrast to the other chapters of Sakikkû

75 There are two descriptions of ṣinnaḫ tīri in Sakikkû XXXIII: 65, 66; both lines are badly preserved. According to l. 66 one of the symptoms is ‘he holds sweat’. 76 BAM VI 543 i: 53’: diš ki.min (= na nundum.meš ku-. . .)-ma mud₂ i-ṣa-na-ḫa ana ṣi-in-na-aḫ ti-ri gur-šum igi simx i₃.nun eš. 77 BAM I 66 rev. 18’ // AMT 45,1 14’: [. . .] mur.meš gig-ma na.bi (variant na šu₂) ṣi-na-aḫ tu-ra. 78 SpTU I 44 obv. 1: diš na na-piš kir₄-šu₂ dugud ṣi-in-[na-aḫ] ti-ru ḫi-miṭ u₄.[da . . .]. 79 SpTU I 43 rev. 25: kimin (= [ul-t]u ḫa-še-e) ṣi-in-na-aḫ tir. The impact of this observa tion for the overall interpretation of the Uruk text shall be discussed elsewhere. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 63 which include only ten references to Gula, the indication of her ‘hand’ is quoted most often the infant chapter. She appears twenty-one times;80 compare this to the ‘hand of Ištar’ which is mentioned just three times, the ‘hand of Kūbu’ which is referred to four times,81 or the ‘hand of Sîn’ which is attested six times (twice we find the ‘hand of Sîn and Ištar’). The ‘hand’ of Šamaš and the Twin gods is not recorded. One of the entries of chapter XL identifies the symptoms attributed to Gula with the so-called buʾšānu disease. Many of the symptoms of this disease point to diphtheria.82 It affects particularly infants, which is why in modern times the disease received the designation ‘strangling angel of children’. Sore throat, painful swallowing, fever, respiratory distress due to swollen mucous membranes and a sweet smell coming from the mouth83 are some of the characteristic symptoms; in addition, infants suffer from discharge of blood and pus, nausea, vomiting, headaches and chills.84 Some of the medical prescriptions dealing with the buʾšānu disease include incantations. Common to all is the leitmotif of a lion and a wolf catching the throat and palate or head and nose:

80 J.A. Scurlock discusses Gula separately as one of the goddesses who causes infant diseases; see Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 509–512. She includes twenty-six references. However, four attestations do not belong to chapter XL, the chapter of Sakikkû dealing with infants, and in a further attestation the apodosis, which gives the diagnosis, is broken (TDP p. 226 line 75). 81 One of the gods of infant diseases is the personified stillbirth, Kūbu, as J.A. Scurlock analyses in ibidem, pp. 512–514. It should be noted that out of the eighteen references she discusses, only four attestations come from the ‘infant chapter’. The second most quoted deity in connection with infant disease is therefore not Kūbu, but the (personal) god which is attested eleven times. 82 See already F. Köcher, “Spätbabylonische medizinische Texte aus Uruk,” p. 20; the suggestion is also followed by D. Cadelli, “Lorsque l’infant paraît . . . malade,” Ktèma 22 (1997) p. 32. J.V. Kinnier Wilson suggested the identification with scorbutus (scurvy), see his “Organic Diseases of Ancient Mesopotamia,” in: D. Brothwell & A.T. Sandison (eds.), Diseases in Antiquity, Springfield 1967, pp. 193–194. K. Volk in his study “Kinderkrankheiten nach der Darstellung babylonisch-assyrischer Keilschrifttexte,” OrNS 68 (1999) pp. 27–28, follows the incorrect identification by the Akkadian dictionary, CAD B s.v. buʾšānu pp. 350– 351, with leprosy. J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen distinguish between three separate dis eases that were designated by the term buʾšānu: diphtheria, oral infection with Herpex simplex virus typ 1, and an anaerobic infection of the gingiva and throat, see Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 40. See also S. Salin, “Una nota sui casi di buʾšānu,” NABU 2010 no. 14. 83 Note here the etymological meaning of the term which is a derivation of ba⁠ʾāšu ‘to smell bad’, which has been already stressed by F. Köcher, “Saḫaršubbû—zur Frage nach der Lepra im alten Zweistromland,” in: J.H. Wolf (ed.), Aussatz—Lepra—Hansen-Krankheit. Ein Menschheitsproblem im Wandel, Würzburg 1986, p. 30. 84 I have taken the symptoms from the MSD-Manual der Diagnostik und Therapie, München – Wien – Baltimore 1988, p. 1694. 64 chapter three

Buʾšānu is strong, like a lion it has caught the throat, like a wolf it has caught the hard and soft palate, it has caught the tongue, it dwells in the windpipe or Strong is the seizure of buʾšānu. Like a lion it has caught the head, like a wolf it has caught the throat, it has caught the nose, it has caught the tongue, it dwells between the teeth.85 The respective healing spells describe very graphically precisely the chok- ing sensation, which the swelling of the afflicted parts causes.86 The following table includes the attestations that refer to the ‘hand of Gula’ and the buʾšānu disease.87, 88

TDP XL Gula’s ‘hand’ “buʾšānu has seized (the infant)” 5 his body is yellow, he does not have fever, his temples are sunken, his nose is stopped up and does not produce mucus87 uzu.me-šu₂ ur-qa₂ it-ta-du-u₂ kum₂ la u₂-kal sag.ki.ii-šu₂ ma-aq-tu₂ ap-pi-šu₂ ma-gal i-si-ir u₂-pa-ṭi la i-[šu 61 his body is dark (variant: is sunken) and he is fumbling his nose, his eyes are with tears88 uzu.meš-šu₂ ge₆.meš : šub-tu u ap-pa-šu₂ uz-za-na-ar di-im-tum ina igi.ii-šu₂ gen-ak

85 See for both incantations H. Hunger, SpTU I 44. Quoted are rev. ll. 55–57 and ll. 65–66 on p. 52. 86 I wish to thank Dr. H.J. Breimann from Münster for the suggestion that the meta phorical language expresses suffering very well. 87 The disease name is written BI-LU which is explained in the commentary text to this line, SpTU I 41 line 5, with the buʾšānu disease. This identification is difficult, as K. Volk dis cussed in his “Kinderkrankheiten nach der Darstellung babylonisch-assyrischer Keilschrift texte,” p. 27 note 166, since in this line and in TDP p. 230 line 114 (in TDP p. 224 line 61 the verb is broken) BI-LU is constructed with a verbal form in plural: ṣabtūšu “they—the BI-LU diseases—have seized the infant;” in contrast, buʾšānu is always constructed with a verbal form in the singular. 88 The disease name is spelled BI-LU. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 65

(cont.) TDP XL Gula’s ‘hand’ “buʾšānu has seized (the infant)” 76 “his body is yellow” uzu.meš-šu₂ sig₇ šub-u₂ 77 “his belly is yellow” ša₃.meš-šu₂ sig₇ šub-u₂ 78 “his epigastrium protrudes” sag ša₃-šu₂ za-qir 79 “he has fever and intestinal cramps” kum₂ tuku ša₃.meš-šu₂ eb-ṭu 80 “he has no fever and intestinal cramps” kum₂ nu tuku ša₃.meš-šu₂ eb-ṭu 81 “. . .” ru-šu-ud 82 “he keeps turning round and is upset”89 it-ta-na-as-ḫar it-ta-na-as-la-ʾa 83 “he is persistently perturbed” lu₃.lu₃-aḫ 84 “he is persistently stretching (the limbs) and his arms are turned backwards” iš-ta-na-ad-da-ad u a₂.ii-šu₂ gur-ra 85 “one moment his body is feeble, then he is fine” uzu.me-šu₂ za-mar i-šaḫ-ḫu-ḫu za-mar i-šal-li-mu 86 “he is red and yellow” sa₅ u sig₇ 87 “he is white and black” babbar u ge₆

89 The text permits several interpretations; D. Cadelli suggests that the symptoms refer to babies who “se tournent sans cesse ou se retournent dans leur sommeil” combining this line with TDP p. 218 line 16 which refers to sleep, see her “Lorsque l’infant paraît . . . mal ade,” p. 26. J.A. Scurlock renders “if an infant is repeatedly (and) continually sick,” see Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 510 (19.319). 66 chapter three

(cont.) TDP XL Gula’s ‘hand’ “buʾšānu has seized (the infant)” 88 “he is weak and strong” i-ba-aḫ-ḫi u₃ i-kab-bir 89 “he has fever and loses weight” kum₂ tuku u uzu.meš-šu₂ i-maṭ-ṭu-u₂ 90 “he has burning fever” kum₂ ṣa-ri-iḫ 91 “his trachea is narrowed” ur-us-su ḫa-niq 92 “he is constipated and his body is yellow” u₂-nap-paq u uzu.meš-šu₂ sig₇ 93 “he is constipated, he does not suckle at the breast and his body is yellow” u₂-nap-paq ubur nu gu₇ u su-šu₂ sig₇ 94 “he is constipated and does not suckle at the breast” u₂-nap-paq ubur nu gu₇ 95 “his intestines are cramped and his anus is constipated” ša₃.meš-šu₂ eb-ṭu u dur₂-šu₂ ḫa-niq 96 “his intestines are cramped and his body is yellow” ša₃.meš-šu₂ eb-ṭu u su-šu₂ sig₇ 97 “his intestines are cramped and he has difficulty breathing”90 ša₃.meš-šu eb-ṭu u kir₄-šu₂ ka-bit 98 “he persistently secretes saliva” il-la-tu-šu₂ gen.meš-ka 99 “his saliva contains blood” il-la-tu-šu₂ mud₂ u₂-kal-la

90 The translation is based on the complete expression napiš appīšu kabit. Appar ently, napiš can be occasionally dropped as is evident from the variants for the title of the sub-chapter of medical recipes dealing with afflictions of the upper respiratory tract; see F. Köcher, BAM VI p. xxi with note 37. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 67

(cont.) TDP XL Gula’s ‘hand’ “buʾšānu has seized (the infant)” 100 “the top of his head, his chest and his back are hot” ugu-šu₂ gaba-su u ša₂-šal-la-šu₂ kum₂.meš 101 “fever goes temporarily down and his intestines are cramped” kum₂ la ḫa-aḫ-ḫaš u ša₃.meš-šu₂ eb-ṭu 114 “his cries die off and he does not produce mucus”91 ik-kil-la-šu₂ e-sir₂ u₂-pa-ṭi nu i-šu 118 “he is constipated and his body is yellow” u₂-nap-paq u su-šu₂ sig₇

Some of the entries are a good illustration of one of the particular features of the Sakikkû handbook, viz. the fragmentation of a syndrome into single symptoms; see e.g. the description in line 93 ‘he is constipated, he does not suckle and his body is yellow’ and compare the entries ‘his body is yellow’ in line 76 and ‘he is constipated and his body is yellow’ in line 92. The combination of single symptoms in order to reconstruct syndromes was undertaken by J.A. Scurlock who was supported in this difficult task by the physician B.R. Andersen.92 Both suggest that the entries in lines 75 to 96 could possibly be combined and interpreted as one single syndrome for which they propose the identification with visceral leishmaniasis or kala-azar.93 Indeed, as they explain all the symptoms are consistent with the symptoms of the clinical picture of visceral leishmaniasis. I am no physician, nor do I intend to reject or correct this identification pro- posal, but I would seriously question the potential arbitrariness of the methodology.94 As a medical layperson I wonder whether other groupings

91 The disease name is spelled BI-LU. 92 See the description of the methodology in their Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylo nian Medicine, pp. xx–xxii. 93 Ibidem, p. 509. 94 See for further remarks my review of their study, “Diagnose im Alten Mesopotamien. Überlegungen zu Grenzen und Möglichkeiten der Interpretation keilschriftlicher diagnos tischer Texte,” pp. 381–398. 68 chapter three are equally possible. One could, e.g., combine and understand the symptoms of lines 76–80 as referring to infant jaundice, lines 82–85 as indicating pains, line 86–87 as abnormal colouring which could be a symptom of heart issues, lines 88–91 as fever because of tonsillitis, and lines 92–96 as severe constipation. Other disease interpretations have been put forward by D. Cadelli: e.g. line 78 could refer to a malformation of the skeletal system and line 84 may indicate a neurological disorder.95 We learn from these entries that Gula’s ‘hand’ when observed in infants was associated with constipation, the discoloration of the body, especially yellow colouring, unusual behaviour on the part of the baby (jumpy, perturbed, unnatural movement of legs and arms), changing body conditions, and the buʾšānu disease. The yellow discoloration possibly refers to the Babylonian illness amurriqānu ‘jaundice’. Both afflictions were treated with medicinal plants that are associated with the healing goddess Gula, as is discussed in Chapter 5.96 Because of the preponderance of references to the ‘hand’ of Gula in chapter XL of the handbook, J.A. Scurlock characterizes Gula as the ‘goddess of infants’ diseases’.97 This observation would fit well into the image of the healing goddess according to the hymn Ninisina A. The healing goddess is depicted as a midwife who lifts the newborn onto her lap and in turning the baby upside down probably intends to prevent birth asphyxia.98 In addition, Gula’s dog seemed to have played an important role in the imagery used by Ancient Babylonians to deter the child-snatching female demon Lamaštu from attacking baby and mother.99 Although we can detect a certain affinity of the healing goddess for infants, there are no concrete texts that would corroborate a clear connection between her and infants’ diseases. It will be noted that there are no correspondences between Gula’s ‘hands’ in chapter XL of Sakikkû and her ‘hands’ in the adult part. None of the skin diseases enumerated in chapter XXXIII of the handbook appears among the infant’s diseases; the same holds true for the symptoms of discharging blood from nose, mouth and ears, and pains in the pelvis. Although the adult and infant parts deal with aching belly or diarrhoea disorders, the formulation in Akkadian is so different that it is difficult to

95 See D. Cadelli, “Lorsque l’infant paraît . . . malade,” pp. 17 and 24. 96 See for buʾšānu Chapter 5.1.2, and for jaundice Chapters 5.1.4 and 5.2.5. 97 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 509. 98 See Chapter 2.2.4. 99 See the discussion in Chapter 2.3. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 69 make a comparison. From the use of Gula’s avatar medicinal plants and her appearance in healing spells discussed in Chapters 4 and 5 respectively we learn that she was associated with the inside of belly and the buʾšānu disease.100

3.6 ‘Ninurta’s Hands’

We know that the god Ninurta shifted towards the realm of healing because of his marital relation with the healing goddess.101 Although he himself appears mainly in magical healing context,102 the divine couple Ninurta–Gula became the standard gods the physicians at the Assyrian royal court would invoke in the greeting section of the letters they wrote to the kings Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal.103 On analysing the ‘hands’ of Gula I noticed that there is, though only in a few cases, a certain analogy between the disorders associated with her ‘hand’ and with the ‘hand’ of her divine consort. As I discuss in Chapter 5, this partial correspondence can also be observed for Gula’s plants which are used to treat some of diseases attributed to Ninurta’s ‘hands’.104 The statement šu dmaš, qāt dninurta is attested nine times; once the touch of Ninurta (and Marduk) is mentioned.105 In her opus magnum written together with B.R. Andersen J.A. Scurlock discusses the idea that Ninurta is associated with the liver, jaundice and plagues.106

3.6.1 Sakikkû VII: 68’ and Sakikkû VII: 73’ The first two attestations of Ninurta’s hand come from tablet VII of the handbook. The chapter is poorly preserved; all we know is that it dealt

100 See for buʾšānu the discussion in Chapter 5.1.2 and for afflictions located in the belly Chapters 4.2.2, 4.2.3, 5.1.1.3, 5.1.2.7, and 5.2.3. 101 See the remark of W.G. Lambert, “The Gula Hymn of Bulluṭsa-rabi,” p. 110; and see the detailed discussion of A. Annus, The God Ninurta in the Mythology and Royal Ideology of Ancient Mesopotamia, Helsinki 2002 (= SAAS XIV), pp. 138–145. 102 See my brief description in Chapter 6.2. 103 See e.g. the letters published in SAA X no. 254, nos. 315–325, no. 329, no. 333 and no. 334; see for a discussion A. Annus, The God Ninurta in the Mythology and Royal Ideology of Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 142. 104 See for an overview the table in Chapter 6.1. 105 N.P. Heeßel gives in Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 53 the number eight for the hands of Ninurta. I suppose the disagreement lies in the reading of tablet XXXIII l. 107. Following J.A. Scurlock (& B.R. Andersen), Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, Ninurta’s hand appears twice in this line, accordingly amounting to nine times in toto. 106 See Ibidem, p. 456 19.99, p. 520 19.365; p. 571 Ap. 104–106. 70 chapter three with observations made of the patient’s tongue and mouth and his way of talking; apparently, the exorcist also took his cries of pain into account when establishing the graveness of the illness and its outcome. VII: 68’ diš du₁₁-šu₂ kur₂.[kur₂-i]r kum₂ šub.šub-su šu dmaš ana u₄ 10.[kam₂ . . .] If his diction is altered and he has persistently fever : Ninurta’s ‘hand’; . . . on the 10th day.107 In all likelihood, we have to restore the verbal form imât (written gam) “he will die” after the span of time. VII: 73’ ˹diš˺ ˹du₁₁˺-[šu₂ kur₂.kur₂ . . .]-lu šu dmaš [. . .] If his diction is [altered . . .] : Ninurta’s ‘hand’ . . .108 Not much can be derived from the entry. It is equally possible to understand the sign lu as the particle lū ‘be it, or’. J.A. Scurlock extrapolates the correspondence of ‘Ninurta’s hand’ with liver diseases to the present text line and attributes the altered speech by which she renders ‘unintelligible words’ to a liver failure because of alcohol.109 She brings together ll. 66’– 68’ and 69’–73’ which include spitting blood and swollen innards (l. 66’), meteorism and belching (l. 67’), desire for beer or wine (l. 69’, l. 70’), groan- ing (l. 71’), and crying ‘Ouch, my belly, ouch, my belly!’ (l. 72’).110 However, none of these entries is associated with the hand of a god. Common to all is that the apodosis specifies the precise time of probable death. The expression du₁₁-šu₂ kur₂.kur₂ has been explained in the Late Babylonian commentary from Uruk, SpTU I 32 rev. 7, by the verbal form il-ta-na-an which is probably a mistake for iltani to be derived from šanû B ‘to be confused’.111

3.6.2 Sakikkû IX: 69–70 The third reference comes from chapter IX of Sakikkû which contains statements about the appearance of the patient’s face.

107 See for the text edition TDP, p. 66. 108 See ibidem, p. 66. 109 See together with B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 595 and p. 521 19.367. 110 See for the lines in question TDP, p. 66. 111 As suggested by H. Hunger, SpTU I p. 41 commentary to l. 7; the reference is also included in CAD Š/I p. 366, lexical section. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 71

diš igi.meš-šu₂ u igi.ii-šu₂ mu₂.meš piš₁₀ igi.ii-šu₂ sa₅ im kir₄-šu₂ kum₂ : ṣa-bit ˹kaš₃˺.meš-šu₂ ta-ba-ka nu zu-e gaba.ri sig₃-iṣ šu dmaš If his face and eyes are inflamed, the border of his eye(lids) is red, the breath of his nose is hot (variant: seized), he cannot pass water : the front is seized, Ninurta’s ‘hand’.112 Because of the reference to urinating J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen attribute the entry to “kidney failure as a consequence of urinary tract obstruction caused by trauma.”113

3.6.3 Sakikkû XVII: 75 Chapter XVII of Sakikkû focuses on the changing courses and developments of illnesses. The present line comes from a section of four entries dealing with an affliction that lasts for one whole day. diš kal u₄-mi ti/tin-ma ina ge₆ gig u₄.da gig-su u₄ 27.kam₂ šu dmaš If he is well during the day but sick in the night : ṣētu fever is his disease— 27 days : Ninurta’s ‘hand’.114 Note that the preceding line gives the same diagnosis, ṣētu, but reverses day and night, “if he is sick during the day but well at night : ṣētu is his disease.” The reference to time is difficult to interpret. It is not evident whether the span of time refers to the duration of the illness or whether it turns after one month into the affliction Ninurta’s ‘hand’. J.A. Scurlock interprets the line that the patient has been sick already for a month.115

3.6.4 Sakikkû XVIII: 15–16 As N.P. Heeßel states, chapter XVIII deals with the body condition of the patient.116 At least the first eight entries—our lines constitute entry no. 9 of the chapter—concentrate on the body temperature, namely if the patient “is hot” (ēm) or “has no fever” (umma la irašši). Ll. 15–16 are

112 See for the text edition TDP, p. 78. 113 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 106. I have followed this interpre tation in my table in Chapter 6.1 focusing on the urinary tract obstruction. 114 See for the text edition TDP, p. 164; and N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diag nostik, p. 202. 115 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 571 Ap.104. 116 Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 222. 72 chapter three poorly preserved: in l. 15 there is space for at least three more symptoms, only half of l. 16 is complete. [diš . . . ku]m₂-im igi.ii-šu₂ it-te-ni-ip-rik-ka-a [. . . šu] dmaš mu dam lu₂ [If the illness of his body . . .] is hot, his eyes are persistently crossed . . . Ninurta’s ‘hand’ because of the man’s wife.117 The reference to human wrongdoing, in this case adultery, is only ascribed a few times to the wife of the patient.118

3.6.5 Sakikkû XXI: 6–7 Little is known of chapter XXI. With the help of a Late Babylonian commentary the organizing principle of the chapter can be established, viz. “If all the veins of the sick man are all right”, diš gig nigin sa.meš-šu₂ silim-ma.119 The commentary belongs according to E. Frahm’s analysis of this highly specialised literature to the ṣâtu 7c type which is about “lemmata, oral explanations, and (materials for) a ‘questioning’ by a (master-)scholar, relating to (tablet incipit).”120 The line in question reads: diš ki.min-ma (= gig nigin sa.meš-šu₂ silim-ma) mud₂ ina kir₄-šu₂ gen- ˹ku˺-ma u₄ u [ge₆ . . .] šu dmaš bur₂-ma tin [. . .] If all the veins of the sick man are all right but blood flows from his nose, day and night . . . Ninurta’s ‘hand’; it will lift and he shall recover . . .121

117 See for the text edition TDP, p. 170; and N.P. Heeßel, ibidem, p. 218. 118 M. Stol counts five attestations for the expression ‘because of the wife of a man’ following the hands of gods; once it is stated after the hand of Šamaš, once after Ninurta and three times after the god Uraš, see “Diagnosis and Therapy in Babylonian Medicine,” JEOL 32 (1991–1992) p. 44. Note that also the patient himself is said to have committed adultery in approaching another man’s wife. In Sakikkû XVII 32 adultery is followed by the ‘hand’ of Uraš. 119 The text has been published by E. Leichty, “Two Late Commentaries,” AfO 24 (1973) pp. 82–86. 120 Babylonian and Assyrian Text Commentaries. Origins of Interpretation, p. 54. See for the commentary which was written by a Nippur scribe but found at Uruk ibidem, pp. 226–227. 121 See for the text edition TDP, p. 238 (not assigned to a chapter of Sakikkû); and N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 218. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 73

3.6.6 Sakikkû XXXIII: 31 and Sakikkû XXXIII: 106b Both entries of chapter XXXIII deal with the šadânu disease. I have included also the attestation in XXXIII: 31, though it attributes the affliction not only to Ninurta but also to Marduk. In this entry šadânu is not associated with ‘hands’ but with the ‘touch’ of both gods. XXXIII: 31 diš simx gar-šu₂ gin₇ na₄ da-an qer-bi-nu-um-ma gal qer-bi-nu-um-ma gen-ak il₂-šu₂ zi-a [gen.meš] gub.g[ub-az] la i-le-ʾ-e ša-da-nu mu.ni tag damar.utu u [dnin.urta] If the skin sore is as hard as a stone, it is growing inside but is loose, he is unable to lift, stand up, walk about or stand : šadânu is its name—touch of Marduk and Ninurta.122 The entry in Sakikkû is paralleled by BAM IV 409 obv. 32’–36’ as stated by F. Köcher.123 J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen interpret the symptoms as plague; F. Köcher was diffident about this identification because the classical symptoms of bubonic pest include enlarged lymph nodes which are located in neck and armpit124 and the present description does not seem to fit into the typical disease pattern. Crucial is the understanding of the expression qer-bi-nu-um-ma gen-ak, literally ‘it goes inside’ which J.A. Scurlock translates ‘it continually goes down inside’.125 This translation assumes a Gtn stem of alāku for which we would expect the logographic writing gen.meš. However, it is difficult to establish the correct interpretation of alāku ‘to go, to move, to be loose’. Since both verbs rabû and alāku denote movement and one of the characteristics of enlarged (lymph) nodes caused by bubonic pest is precisely that they are immov- able the identification of šadânu with bubonic plague at least in this entry should be questioned. XXXIII: 106b ša-[da]-nu šu dnin-[urta] šadânu disease : Ninurta’s ‘hand’.126

122 See for the text edition N.P. Heeßel, ibidem, pp. 354–355. 123 “Ein Text medizinischen Inhalts aus dem neubabylonischen Grab 405,” pp. 206– 207. For minor variants see ibidem. 124 Ibidem, p. 212. 125 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 73, 3.226. 126 See for the text edition N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 358. 74 chapter three

This line is included in the last section of chapter XXXIII of Sakikkû in which disease names are associated with the hands of gods. According to Sakikkû XXXIII: 105 the šadânu disease fell also under the authority of Gula. See for the internal association between šadânu and Ninurta the discussion under 4.5. Sakikkû XXXIII: 105 above.

3.6.7 Sakikkû XXXIII: 107a ta-kal-tum šu dnin-urta Liver : Ninurta’s ‘hand’.127 This entry breaks with the general structure of the section in which diseases are associated with the hands of gods. Here an internal organ, the liver, corresponds to the god’s hand. Consequently, J.A. Scurlock argues in her discussion on the aetiology of disease patterns that afflictions of the liver were assigned to Ninurta. She proposes that the association between the god and the internal organ might be based on a word play between takaltu ‘liver’, the verb takālu ‘to trust’ which is a common epithet of Ninurta and the Sumerian logogram for weapon gištukul which alludes to the god’s nature as a warrior, hero-god and slayer of the Anzû bird.128

3.6.8 Sakikkû XXXIII: 107b aḫ-ḫ[a-z]u šu d[nin-urta] aḫḫāzu jaundice : [Ninurta’s] ‘hand’.129 Though the name of the god is restored, Ninurta’s appearance is certainly expected because of internal reasons: as J.A. Scurlock argues, he is associated with liver diseases and jaundice is considered to be an affliction of the liver.130 I have summarized the diseases and symptoms attributed to Gula and Ninurta in the form of a table. As mentioned above, there are only partial overlaps. Most interesting is the juxtaposition of yellow discoloration associated with Gula which is the main symptom of amurriqānu jaundice and jaundice caused by the Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon which Ancient Baby- lonians attributed to Ninurta’s hand.131

127 See for the text edition ibidem, p. 358. 128 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 520. 129 See for the text edition N.P. Heeßel, Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik, p. 358. 130 See Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 456 19.99, p. 520 19.365. 131 See for this pair the discussion in Chapter 4.5. handbook of diagnosis and prognosis, sakikkû 75

Gula’s ‘hand’ Ninurta’s ‘hand’ Sakikkû VI: 19 Sakikkû XXI: 6–7 Blood from nose, eyes and ears blood from nose Sakikkû IX: 69–70 urinary retention Sakikkû XII iv: 16 pain in the pelvis Sakikkû XIII i: 55’ belly is seized, ‘Ouch!’ cries Sakikkû XVII: 75 ṣētu fever Sakikkû XXXIII: 103a sāmānu Sakikkû XXXIII: 103b ašû Sakikkû XXXIII: 104 ṣītu Sakikkû XXXIII: 105a ṣarrišu Sakikkû XXXIII: 105b Sakikkû XXXIII: 31, 106b šadânu šadânu Sakikkû XXXIII: 106a ṣinnaḫ tīri diarrhoea Sakikkû XL: 78–80, 92–96, 118 constipation Sakikkû XL: 5, 76, 77, 86, 92–96, 118 Sakikkû XXXIII: 107 yellow discoloration aḫḫāzu jaundice Sakikkû XL: 89–90, 100 Sakikkû VII: 68’, XVIII: 15–16 fever (kum₂) fever (kum₂) Sakikkû XL: 5, 61, 96–114 buʾšānu Sakikkû XL: 82–85 unusual behaviour of the baby Sakikkû XXXIII: 107 liver

CHAPTER FOUR

GULA AND HEALING SPELLS

Under healing spells I understand those incantations that are either embedded in medical prescriptions or referring to a medical context. The usually short compositions are introduced with the Sumerian logogram en₂ (Akkadian šiptu) which is conventionally translated ‘incantation’. However, many of the ‘incantations’ might be better considered as prayers because of contents and style. Because of this observation it is assumed that šiptu / en₂ does not necessarily refer to the nature of the composition but rather to the form of a more or less standardized text that is part of a given ritual.1 Healing spells are to be recited either during the preparation or the administration of a remedy. Typical expressions to indicate the repetition are šipta tamannu (3 / 7 / 7 u 7.kam₂) “you recite the incantation (three, seven, seven and seven times)” or šipta annâ tamannu “you recite the this incantation.” Possibly depending on local traditions or scribal preferences either the incipit of the spell is quoted, i.e. citing the first words of text, or the incantation is written in extenso; in the latter case the incantation is detached from the prescription by a dividing line. Not all prescriptions contain incantations and often several incantations refer to one and the same medical prescription. We have no information as to whether incantations had to be recited with a particular intonation; the verb used to designate the recital is manû (written logographically šid) with the meaning ‘to count, to recount events, to recite’, though manifold repetition and the use of gibberish words or mumbo-jumbo suggest a rhythmical singsong.2 Few incantations had to be whispered or murmured. The context in which the respective Akka- dian verb luḫḫušu or the noun liḫšu ‘whisper’ is attested is quite circumscribed: if a patient were to suffer from an attack of the Spirit-of-the-dead, the Eṭemmu ghost, who entered his victim through the ear according to

1 See for this problem of nomenclature the discussion of E. Reiner in her contribution “First-Millennium Babylonian Literature,” in: J. Boardman, I.E.S. Edwards, N.G.L. Hammond, E. Sollberger & C.B.F. Walker, The Assyrian and Babylonian Empires and other States of the Near East, from the Eighth to the Sixth Centuries B.C. (= Cambridge Ancient History Vol. III part 2), Cambridge 1991, p. 309. 2 The effect and function of mumbo-jumbo spells is discussed in Chapter 6.2. 78 chapter four

Ancient Babylonian thought, the incantation was to be whispered in his right or left ear.3 Occasionally, incantations just had to be spoken aloud using the verb ‘to speak, to utter, to declare’, Akkadian qabû, usually written logographically du₁₀.ga.4 Broadly speaking we may distinguish between universal healing incantations that could be recited in different medical contexts and those used for one or more rather defined settings.5 In the present chapter I have brought together, to the best of my knowledge, the healing spells that invoke the goddess or mention her. My aim is to study the medical context and explore from another point of view the relationship between the healing goddess and diseases. In Chapter 4.5 I discuss the function and implication of healing spells; in applying the theory of discourse metaphor I analyse the imagery of some healing spells to show how Ancient Baby- lonians conceptualized pain and illness.6 Special emphasis is laid on the metaphors that are linked to the healing goddess.

4.1 Healing Spells Appealing to Gula

About 350 healing spells are included in the corpus of medical prescriptions;7 only few of them address the healing goddess. In this section I offer eight spells in transliteration and translation. The texts provide a good insight into the typical characteristics of the corpus regarding style and language. There are few more incantations directed to Gula but since they are found in an unspecified medical context or have a religious setting I have not taken them into consideration.8

3 See e.g. BAM V 503 ii: 33’: ina geš]tug zag-šu₂ li-iḫ-šu₂ ‘a whisper in his right ear’; or BAM V 503 ii: 36’: ina geštug g]ub₃-šu₂ li-iḫ-šu₂ ‘a whisper in his left ear’. See for the conception of the eṭemmu entering his victims’ bodies through the ear the discussion of J.A. Scurlock, Magico-Medical Means of Treating Ghost-Induced Illnesses in Ancient Meso potamia (= AMD 3), Leiden – Boston 2006, p. 14. 4 See e.g. BAM IV 322 rev. 54: ki-a-am du₁₀.ga ‘thus you shall say’. 5 See my “ ‘When You Perform the Ritual of ‘Rubbing’: On Medicine and Magic in Ancient Mesopotamia,” JNES 62 (2003) pp. 1–16; and my discussion of the spectrum of medical contexts in Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, pp. 43–65, 79–86. 6 See also my discussion in Chapter 6.2. 7 This preliminary number goes back to my compilation of incantations attested in medical prescriptions. 8 See for an incantation without specific medical context the composition ‘Ninsina, mother of the land!’ (en₂ dnin.i₃.si.in.na ama kalam.ma.ke₄) for which see B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššuʾu (V/a), p. 86; see for the edition pp. 184– 189, 208 ll. 1–16. Two further incantations are attested in instructions on how to please gods so that they intercede for the supplicant for his wellbeing. One spell is incompletely gula and healing spells 79

The first incantation is ‘Physician of the land, Ninisina’ (en₂ da.zu kalam. ma dnin.i₃.si.na); the composition combines a few lines of text written in Sumerian with an Akkadian text that contains some gibberish words. The incantation ‘Lady Gula—when you descend from sky’s horizon’ (en₂ dgu- la nin an.ta.gal an.ur₂.ta nam.ta.e₃, Chapter 4.1.2) is a Sumerian-Akkadian bilingual, and six spells are entirely written in Akkadian (Chapter 4.1.3–8), more precisely, in the Standard Babylonian dialect of Akkadian. Three of the Akkadian spells (Chapters 4.1.6–8) are not embedded in medical prescriptions; however, as in two of them ritual instructions are attached, they are included here. The incantation ‘Gula, physician of the people’ (en₂ dgula asâti tenīšēti, Chapter 4.1.8) seems to have been recited in a rather open medical context. The reason for its inclusion here is twofold: it not only adds data to the discussion of the relationship between the deities Gula and Asaluḫi but also offers a rather unusual glimpse into the redaction work of incantations.

4.1.1 ‘Physician of the Land, Ninisina’ The healing spell en₂ da.zu kalam.ma dnin.i₃.si.na is so far attested in three manuscripts; two of them have been unearthed in Ashur (BAM II 124 and 127) and one comes from Ashurbanipal’s library at Nineveh (K.2432+, CT 23 pl. 2). In tablet BAM II 127 the incantation is succeeded by another one without a dividing line between them: “Šuʾu is its name, maškadu disease is its alternative name” (en₂ šuʾu šumšu maškadu kinūssu).9 A rubric indicating for which affliction both incantations had to be recited, provides precious information about the medical context: ka.inim. preserved and not fully understood; BAM IV 322 obv. 26–27 // STT II 230 rev. 9–12: an-tum gu-la al.ag.ag ‘Goddess Gula . . .’. The text mentions Nabû and Tašmētu who would inter cede for the supplicant (BAM IV 322 obv. 18 // BAM IV 321 obv. 28: a-bu-ut un-ni-ni-šu₂ ana ṣa-ba-ti) so that his prayers would be heard (BAM IV 322 obv. 18 // BAM IV 321 obv. 28: ni-iš šu.II-šu₂ ana ma-ḫa-ri) and his god be pleased (BAM IV 322 obv. 19 // BAM IV 321 obv. 30: dingir-šu₂ ana ag₂-me). The incantation was to be recited over a salve with which the temples and the forehead of the supplicant were to be anointed (described in BAM IV 322 obv. 20–25). The other incantation is better preserved; BAM IV 322 rev. 74–75: [an/bel]- tum gu-la a.zu ša₂ ḫul zi.zi ša₃.zu [ḫ]e₂.en.ḫug.ga₂ / bar.zu šed₇.de₃ ḫe₂.en.ku₃.[g]a ḫe₂. en.sikil.la ḫe₂.en.dadag.ga, “Goddess/Lady Gula, physician who removes evil! Your heart shall be appeased, your mind calm down! May he be purified, may he be cleansed, may he become bright!” The prayer was to be recited over a little amulet after the supplicant had bathed, was salved and fumigated (described in BAM IV 322 rev. 73–74). Interestingly, it is Gula’s spouse Ninurta who is brought in to help the supplicant (BAM IV 322 rev. 71: ana re-ṣu-su a-la-ki), the text goes on with a prayer that everything the patient wished would come true (BAM IV 322 rev. 72: mim-ma ma-la ina ša₃-šu₂ it-mu-u a-ma-ri). 9 See for the latter B. Böck, ibidem, pp. 290–291, 304, ll. 153–160a (incantation VIII/l). 80 chapter four ma sa.[gal.la.k]am₂, ‘Wording for the sagallu disease’ (BAM II 124 iv: 28). Together with the term maškadu the sagallu disease apparently denotes afflictions that cause low back pain which can radiate to the ankles.10 As discussed above, the attribution of musculoskeletal disorders to the healing goddess is a theme already current in Old Babylonian Sumerian religious compositions that echo in all likelihood a far older tradition.11 Transliteration and translation are offered here for the first time.

A VAT 8772 + 15549* BAM II 124 B VAT 11224* + 11705* BAM II 127 C K.2432 + S.1899 CT XXIII pl. 2

1 A iii: 60 [ ] ˹d˺nin.i₃.si.in.na ama arḫuš kal[am. B obv. 1 [en₂ d]˹a˺.zu kalam.ma dnin.i₃.si.[ C obv. 15 en₂ da.zu kalam.ma dnin.i₃.si.in.[na.k]e₄ ama arḫuš kalam.ma.me.en

2 A iii: 61 [ ] nin e₂.dub.ba B obv. 2 [agri]g e₂.kur nin e₂.dub.ba C obv. 15 agrig arali nin e₂.dub.ba

3 A iv: 1 [ ] nin saĝ.ĝ[e₆. B obv. 2 ˹d?˺[ ? C obv. 16 [dšu.zi. ]gal.an.na nin saĝ.ǧe6.ga.ke4

4 A iv: 2 [ ] dkur.rib.b[a B obv. 3 duraš dagal.la dkur!.rib.ba za.ra x [ C obv. 17 [dura]š dagal dkur.rib.ba ˹za.ra˺ [

5 A iv: 3/4 [ a]-gi nam-ri-ri ša₂ da-nu[m / [ -k]u-nu-ši B obv. 4 ša₂ da-num den-lil₂ u de₂-a iš-ku-nu C obv. 17 [ ] : an-e a-gi-e nam-ri-ri

6 A iv: 4 ri-eš bara₂ kur.kur dingir. m[eš . . .] ˹i ˺-[na]-aš₂-šu₂-u B obv. 4 ri-[ C obv. 18 [ ].meš gal.mes i-na-aš₂-šu₂-u

10 See for a discussion of the disease term J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 257–258. 11 See Chapter 2.2.3. gula and healing spells 81

7 A iv: 4/5 igi-ki / [ -r]a ḫu-bur še.gan₂.gan₂ de₂-a za-ru-u₂ ša₂ kur B obv. 5 [ ] paṭ-ra ḫu-bur še.gan₂.gan₂: d[e₂-a] za-˹ru˺-u₂ š[a₂ C obv. 18 igi! [

8 A iv: 6 [ -r]i-tum til-la-tum im.ma.an.šub B obv. 6 [u]l-gi-ri-tum til-la-tum im.ma.an.šub C obv. 19 [ ] ˹x˺ ul-gi-gi-tu₂

9 A iv: 7 [ ]-ša₂ u8 ina sig₂.ḫi.a-ša₂ i₇ir-ḫa-an ina kib-ri-ša₂ B obv. 6/7 ab₂ [in]a si-ša₂ u8 ina sig₂.[ ] / i₇ir-ḫa-an ina kib-ri-ša₂ C obv. 20 [ ] kib-ri-ša₂

10 A iv: 8 [ -ḫ]u lid-di-ma pa-aš₂-ḫu liš-ši B obv. 7 ša₂ i-na-ḫu lid-di-ma pa-a[š₂-

11 A iv: 9 [ ]-ma ša₂ nenni a nenni pa-rik-ta-šu₂ li-šir B obv. 8 qi₂-ba-a-ma ša₂ nenni a nenni pa-rik-ta-šu₂ li-[

1 “Physician of the land, Ninisina—you are the merciful mother of the land! 2 Housekeeper of the Ekur (variant: Netherworld), lady of the Edubba temple, 3 [Faithful], great [hand] of heaven, lady of the black-headed people, 4 Ample earth, Uraš, incomparable netherworld . . . 5 . . . of heaven who carries the radiant crown with which the gods Anu, Enlil and Ea bestowed her. 6 The great gods raise the top of the sanctuary of the lands. 7 Before you . . . is open; the green grass of the field—Ea, creator of the land, 8 Recited (the words) ulgiritum tillatum. 9 Cow with her horn, ewe with her wool, river of the netherworld, Irḫan, with its shore— 10 Speak, (all of ) you ‘May the one who is growing tired throw it down, may the one who is calm lift it up!’ 11 So that the wrong done to NN, son of NN, may be righted!”

Commentary The Sumerian text lines are mostly epithets of the healing goddess. Some of these bynames are well attested in hymns addressed to her. l. 2: Text of manuscript C reads instead of e₂.kur, E₂.KUR.BAD, which is read arali. The epithet agrig e₂.kur (housekeeper of the temple Ekur) is ambiguous since e₂.kur can also be interpreted as a poetic description of the netherworld. Note that the genitive marker –ak is missing. The temple name e₂.dub.ba can also be read e₂.kišib.ba for which see A.R. George, House Most High, Winona Lake 1993, pp. 78–79 no. 200. 82 chapter four

l. 3: For the restoration dšu.zi.gal.an.na cf. Gula’s epithet dšu.zi.an.na in the godlist KAV 46 obv. l. 19. l. 4: The epithet dkur.rib.ba is attested as the byname of Gula in the Marduk hymn K.232+ obv. l. 34; see for its identification as the Marduk hymn the discussion in Chapter 2.1 note 13. The fragment preserving the invocation of Gula has been transliterated and translated by C.J. Mullo- Weir, “Four Hymns to Gula,” JRAS 1929, p. 11. l. 7: I follow here the suggestion to interpret ḫu-bur as ḫabburu ‘shoot, stalk’ of reviewer B. The translation of še.gan₂.gan₂ is tentative, the term seems to be attested only in this text. As in l. 2, the genitive marker is missing. l. 8: The term tillatum can be translated, namely ‘help, support’. However, as it is cited together with the unintelligible ulgigitu (variant ulgiritum) I have interpreted both terms as abracadabra words. Probably because of the intelligible tillatum the term ulgiritum has entered the dictionaries of the Akkadian language, see AHw 1408a ‘unb. Herkunft’ and CAD U/W 72b (mng. unkn.). l. 9: The bizarre images of cow, sheep and river are also included in the short incantation en₂ bir.ri.a bir.ri.a in K.2432 + S.1899 obv. 7 (CT XXIII pl. 1). Note that this incantation is likewise to be recited for the sagallu disease; see the rubric in l. 8: ka.inim.ma sa.gal.la.kam₂ ‘wording for sagallu’. l. 10: I have followed the translation suggested by reviewer B.

4.1.2 ‘Gula, August Lady—When You Descend from Sky’s Horizon’ The Sumerian-Akkadian bilingual incantation en₂ dgu-la nin an.ta.gal an.ur₂.ta nam.ta.e₃ is embedded in a medical prescription for urinary tract diseases and was recited during the treatment. Both healing spell and prescription have been recently treated by M.J. Geller in Renal and Rectal Disease Texts (= BAM VII), Berlin 2005, pp. 90–93 ll. 44–59. So far two manuscripts are known: one is from Nineveh, the other was unearthed in Ashur. The latter text is a single tablet which includes two spells addressed to Gula (see for this incantation ‘I contemplated your countenance’ Chapter 4.1.3); a medical context for the Ashur duplicate is not given. There is no colophon; the text was found together with about 270 tablets on the plastered courtyard of the house of the family clan of Baba-šuma-ibni who served as exorcists in the Ashur temple.12 The Ashur

12 See for the genealogical tree and the family’s library, S.M. Maul, “Die Tontafelbib liothek aus dem sogenannten ‘Haus des Beschwörungspriesters’ ”, Assur-Forschungen 1 (2010) pp. 189–228. gula and healing spells 83 tablet shows some epigraphic particularities which will be discussed in the commentary below. The tablet from Ashurbanipal’s library at Nineveh is written in the characteristic layout of the Ninevite handbook of medical prescriptions with two columns on each side with about 60 text lines per column.

A K.4957+ BAM VII 9 text I i: 19’–40’ B VAT 9024 KAR 73 rev. 1’–28’, BAM VII 10 text K plate 9–1013

1 A i: 19’ en₂ dgu-la nin an.ta.gal [an.u]r₂.ta n[am.t]a.e₃ 2 A i: 20’ dmin gašan gal-tum i[š-tu i-šid an]-e ina a-ṣi-i-ki

3 A i: 21’ diĝir.re.e.ne.[ke₄ ad.gi₄.gi₄ an.u]r₂.ta nam.ta.e₃ 4 A i: 22’ ma-li-kat₂ [dingir.meš iš-tu i-šid an-e] ina a-ṣi-i-ki

5 A i: 23’ maḫ.di d[ an.u]r₂.ta nam.ta.e₃ B rev. 1’ [ ] traces [ ] 6 A i: 24’ ti-[iz-qar-tu ] u₂-dam-ma-qu min B rev. 2’ [ ] ˹ana˺ lu₂ re-e-ma tuku-u₂ ˹u₂-dam-ma˺-[qu] ˹kimin˺

7 A i: 25’ u₄.gi[n₇ zalag₂ an.u]r₂.ta nam.ta.e₃ B rev. 3’ [ ] an.zeb₂ še.ga an.ur₂.ta nam.ta.e₃ 8 A i: 26’ te-[ -t]i ma-gir-tu min B rev. 4’ [ ]-tu [ ] gin₇ u₄-me šu-pa-ta ma-gir-tu kimin

9 A i: 27’ n[in e₂.šu.me.ša₄ sikil maḫ.ke₄ a.g]i.a den.lil₂.la₂ ki.aĝ₂.ĝa₂ dutu.u18.lu₂ B rev. 5’ [nin e₂.šu.me.ša₄ sik]il maḫ.ke₄ e₂.gi16.a den.lil₂.la₂ ke4.aĝ₂.ĝa₂ dutu.u18.lu₂ 10 A i: 28’ [gašan e₂-šu-me-ša₄ sikil]-tu kal-lat den-lil₂ na-ram-ti dmaš B rev. 6’ [gašan] ˹e₂-šu˺-me-š[a₄ siki]l-tu₂ ṣir-tu₂ kal-lat dbad na-ram-tu dnin-urta

11 A i: 29’ ĝa₂[.e ] su₃.ud.da gu₃ mu.ra.an.de₂ B rev. 7’ ĝa₂.e ir₃ ˹d˺[gu.la ša₃ an] su₂.da gu₃ mur.an.da 12 A i: 30’ ana-k[u ] an-e ru-qu-ti al-si-ki B rev. 8’ a-na-k[u ir₃ dgu-la ina qe₂]-reb an-e ru-qu-ti al-si-ki

13 A i: 31’ dili.m[u ] du11.ga ĝa₂.e ĝiš.tuku.ma.ab B rev. 9’ ˹dili˺ gub.[bu].da.a! ĝiš.tuku.a ugu.na 14 A i: 32’ e-[ -a]z-ki a-qab-bi ši-man-ni ia-a-ti B rev. 10’ e-˹di ˺-[ši-ia] a-za-az-ki a-qab-bi ši-man-ni a-a-ši

13 For obverse read reverse here, and for reverse read obverse. 84 chapter four

15 A i: 33’ mu.u[d ] ˹x˺ igi.zu.še₃ a.i₃ gub.bu.da.a.mu B rev. 11’ mu.gig.ga.me.en [i]gi.zi.še₃ a.a gub.ba.ad.mu 16 A i: 34’ a[š₂- ] ma-ḫar-ki az-ziz a-ḫu-lap-ia B rev. 12’ ˹aš₂˺-šu₂ mar-ṣa-ku-ma ma-ḫir-ki a-zi-iz a-ḫu-la-a-pi₂-ia

17 A i: 35’ g[al ] gig.ga ĝa₂.e dili.mu a.mu B rev. 13’ ˹gal˺ i₃.zu gig.ga ĝa₂.e dili.˹mu˺ a.a.ad.mu 18 A i: 36’ [ ] mur-ṣi e-diš-ši-ia a-ḫu-lap-ia B rev. 14’ ˹ra˺-bi-˹ti mu˺-da-at mur-ṣi e-diš-˹ši˺-ia a-ḫu-la-a-pi₂-ia

19 A i: 37’ [ na]m.ti.la ke₄ za.e.me.en B rev. 15’ igi maḫ zi.ba nam.˹ti˺.la.ke₄ za.a.me.en 20 A i: 38’ [ na]-piš-ti ba-la-[ṭi] at-ti-ma B rev. 16’ ˹ru˺-ba-tu₂ ṣir-tu₂ qa-i-šat na-piš-ti ba-la-ṭi₂ at-ti-˹ma˺

21 A i: 39’ [ ar]ḫuš tuku.ma.ra.ab B rev. 17’ [ga]šan.mu mu.[u]n?.˹du₃˺.a ḫuĝ.ĝa₂ arḫuš tuku.ma.ra.ab₂ 22 A i: 40’ [ ] re-e-ma ri-ši-i B rev. 18’ [b]e-el-˹tu˺ nu-ḫi-ma re-e-mu ri-še-e

23 B rev. 19’ [ ti.l]a gig nu.i₃.zu ˹šu˺.mu mu.ni.in.dab 24 B rev. 20’ [mu]-še-zi-bat na-piš-ti mur-ṣi la i-du-u₂ qa-ti ṣab-ti

25 B rev. 21’ ˹en˺ u₄.da ti.la.me.en u₄ gul mu.un.ni.ĝa₂.ĝa₂ 26 B rev. 22’ a-di u₄-mu ba-laṭ-ku lud-lul!-ki

27 B rev. 23’ ˹lu₂˺ igi.du₈.a nam.dingir.zu₂ ḫe₂.e₃ 28 B rev. 24’ [a-mi]-ri li-ta-ʾi-id ˹dingir˺-ut-ki

29 B rev. 25’ [en na]m.ti.la me.en nam.maḫ.zu₂.˹a˺ du₁₁.ga 30 B rev. 26’ [a-di ba]l-ṭa-ku-ma nar₃-bi-ki lu-uq-bi

31 B rev. 27’ [ĝa₂.e lu₂ m]u₇.mu₇ ir₃.zu₂ ka.tar.zu₂ ḫe₂.me.en 32 B rev. 28’ [a-na-ku a-ši]-pu a-rad-ki da-lil-li!-ki lud-lul

1–2 “Gula, august Lady—when you descend from heaven’s horizon, 3–4 Counsellor of the gods—when you descend from heaven’s horizon, 5–6 Supreme [Gula] who shows mercy with man and keeps him alive—when you descend from heaven’s horizon, 7–8 Experienced one, as brilliant as daylight, favourable one—when you descend from heaven’s horizon, 9–10 Lady of the Ešumeša temple, pure and supreme, Enlil’s daughter-in-law, Ninurta’s beloved! 11–12 I, servant of Gula, have called upon you amidst the distant heavens: 13–14 I stand alone before you—I am speaking, listen to me! 15–16 Because I am sick I have stood up before you—help me! gula and healing spells 85

1 7–18 O Great one who understands sickness, I am alone—help me! 19–20 You are the sublime princess who bestows life and wellbeing. 21–22 My Lady, calm down and have mercy! 23 The one who saves life from unknown disease has taken my hand. 24 You who saves life from unknown disease—take my hand! 25–26 As long as I live I shall exalt you! 27 May the one who sees (your deeds) extol your divinity! 28 May the one who sees me extol your divinity! 29–30 As long as I live I shall sing your praise! 31–32 (And also) I, the exorcist, your servant, shall proclaim your glory!”

Commentary Only when it deviates from the Sumerian is the Akkadian text translated as in ll. 24 and 28. l. 6: The epithet Gula as the one ‘who makes good’ is resumed by one of the plants associated with her, namely the buʾšānu plant which is said to be kal damiq ‘good for everything’ and mudammiq ‘which makes good (any diseases)’. See for the descriptive plant names the discussion in Chapter 5.1.1. l. 7: The epithet an.zéb (Akkadian telītu) is used in the first place for the goddess Ištar; see CAD T s.v. teleʾû b) pp. 327–328. l. 11, 15, 16: The Ashur manuscript shows some peculiar writings. In his edition of the text Renal and Rectal Disease Texts (= BAM VII), Ber- lin 2005, plate 9, M.J. Geller notes that the text was written by a poor scribe because of the epigraphic errors. However, I would suggest that these errors or unusual spellings could be explained on account of some of the patterns characteristic for vowel harmony in the Assyrian dialect. Note that these “Assyriasms” affected not only the Standard Babylonian but also the Sumerian: see e.g. mur.an.da for mu.ra.an.dé in l. 11; igi.zi.šè for igi.zu.šè in l. 15; ma-ḫir-ki for maḫarki in l. 16. l. 26: The form of the verbal adjective, ba-laṭ-ku, is aberrant (meta thesis); we would expect the regular form, as in l. 30, balṭāku. l. 31, 32: I presume that it is not the exorcist who is sick but the patient. Accordingly, the scenario would be that first the patient—probably with the exorcist’s help—would address Gula. While the last line of the incantation is clearly recited by the exorcist, at least lines 15 to 30 were supposed to be spoken by the patient, either together with the exorcist or repeating his words. 86 chapter four

4.1.3 ‘I Contemplated your Countenance’ and

4.1.4 ‘May they Worship Gula’ So far the two incantations, en₂ ātamar panīki and en₂ ana dgula likrubū, are known from two manuscripts: one from Ashur and one from Nineveh. While the Ninevite text distinguishes between two healing spells, the Ashur tablet understands the incantations as one continuous text, which is the reason why they are treated here together. Indeed, also on grounds of form they are both closely linked: ‘I contem plated your countenance’ (en₂ ātamar panīki) ends in a praise of Gula using precative forms; the incantation ‘May they worship Gula’ (en₂ ana dgula likrubū) opens precisely with precative forms which gives the impression of continuity. Also the theme is the same: a patient lifts a cup with a healing potion from Gula. Both incantations have recently been translated by M.J. Geller in his edition Renal and Rectal Disease, pp. 94–95 ll. 1’–8’. Again, the context is the treatment of renal and anal diseases which are this time explicitly stated in the incantation no. 3 en₂ ātamar panīki: the so-called pardannu disease, ‘dissolving stone’ disease (šaḫḫiḫu), discharge (mūṣu), stricture as well as dribbling of urine, a rectal disease and blood in the urine. Interest- ingly, the incantation includes the administration of the proper remedy.

A VAT 9024 KAR 73 obv. 15–32, BAM VII 10 text K plate 1014 B K.2960+ BAM VII 9b plate 7

1 A obv. 15 [e]n₂ a-ta-mar ˹pa-ne₂˺-e-k[i dgu-la a-s]u-gal-la-tu₂ ṣir-tu₂

2 A obv. 16 ˹x x˺ [ ]-bat at-ti-ma šu-ruḫ-tu₂ šu-pu-tu₂

3 A obv. 17 eb-bi-ta a-t[a-mar ša]m-mu an-na-a ša₂-a ina igi-ki il₂-ku B ii: 3’ a-t[a-mar ]

4 A obv. 18 ina u₄-me an-ni-˹e˺ [lu pa]r₃-dan-nu lu ša₂-ḫi-ḫu lu mu-ṣu B ii: 4’/5’ ina u₄-mi ˹an-ni-e˺ [ ] / lu mu-ṣu

5 A obv. 19 lu ḫi-niq-tu l[u dur₂.gi]g lu ta-ti-ka-te ša₂ kaš₃.meš tuku-ši B ii: 5’ lu dur₂.gig lu ˹x˺.gig [ ]

14 For obverse read reverse here, and for reverse read obverse. gula and healing spells 87

6 A obv. 20 lu gin₇ sin-niš-ti gi[štuk]ul sig₃-iṣ lu mim-ma mur-ṣu ša₂ mar-ṣa-ku-ma

7 A obv. 21 at-ti ti-de-e a-na-ku la i-du-u₂ B ii: 6’ at-ti zu-u₂ ana-ku nu zu

8 A obv. 21 šam-mu an-na-a nag [i]na u₂.meš an-ni-e lu-ub₂-luṭ lu-uš- lim lu-riš B ii: 6’/7’ nag-ti [ ] / ina šam-mi an-ni-e lu-ub₂-luṭ ina šam-mi an-n[i-e ]

9 A obv. 22 da-lil dingir-ti-[k]i gal-ti lud-lul B ii: 8’ ˹da˺-li₂-li₂ dingir-ti-ki gal-tum lud-lul [ ] (line in manuscript B)

10 A obv. 23 a-na dgu-la li[k-r]u-bu du₃-liš ub.meš B ii: 8’ [en₂ a]-na dgu-la lik-tar-ra-ba ka-liš [ ]

11 A obv. 24 ša tu₆.du₁₁.ga-˹šu˺ bul-lu-ṭu šu-tu-rat gal-at a-su-tu₂ B ii: 8’/9’ [ ]-du-qa-a u₃ bul-lu-ṭa š[u- ] / a-sa-ta

12 A obv. 25 mu-bal-li-ṭa-at dgu-la pa-liḫ₂-ša₂sic!(a) B ii: 9’ mu-bal-li-ṭa-at [ ]

13 A obv. 26 ina qi₂-bit dba-u₂ u₂-šar-bi mu-ša₂ ana du₃ un.meš a-zak-kar B ii: 10’ [ ] ˹u₂˺-šar-bi mu.ne ana kal un.meš [ ]

14 A obv. 27 ina igi-ša₂ ki-i al-˹li ˺-ka 3–šu₂ tu-šad-bab-šu₂ ki.za.za

15 A obv. 28 [š]am15-mu an-na-a nag-ma ki.za.za ur₅.gin₇ du₁₁.ga

16 A obv. 29 [š]a₂-mu ba-la₂-ṭi ša₂ gašan-ia al-ta-ti a-na-ku

17 A obv. 30 [ ] ˹x˺-ut u ab-ta-luṭ 3–šu₂ du₁₁.ga-ma uš-ka-na

18 A obv. 31 [ ] ˹x˺ šam-mu an-na-a nag.meš-ma ti-˹uṭ ˺

1 “Incantation: I contemplated your countenance, Gula, sublime great physician. 2 You are . . ., you are supreme, you are the brilliant one, 3 You are pure. I have looked at this remedy which I am raising to you: 4 From this day on, should I suffer from pardannu disease, šaḫḫiḫu disease, discharge,

15 According to the copy of E. Ebeling; M.J. Geller copies the sign ša₂ (BAM VII pl. 10 rev. 14’). 88 chapter four

5 Stricture, rectal disease or dribbling of urine, 6 Or should I (bleed) like a menstruating woman struck by a weapon, whatever disease— 7 You understand them, I do not understand them— 8 I shall drink this potion, I shall recover because of this potion, I shall get well with this potion! I shall rejoice! 9 I shall sing the praise of your great divinity!”

10 (“Incantation:) May all the ends of the earth worship Gula 11 Who surpasses all with (her) healing spell and cure! Great is the healing art 12 With which Gula heals those who worship her! 13 ‘By the command of the goddess Baba I shall exalt her name among all the people 14 When I stand before her!’ You have the patient say this three times and he shall bow down, 15 Let him drink this potion, then he shall bow down again and say the following: 16 ‘I have taken the healing potion of my Lady’. 17 ‘I am . . . and now I am recovered,’ have him say this three times, and then he shall bow down again. 18 . . . he should keep on taking this medication, then he shall recover.”

Commentary l. 5: M.J. Geller suggests in Renal and Rectal Disease Texts, p. 94 l. 5’ a reading murub₄.gig. I would discard this reading because the sign as cop- ied ends in one vertical wedge and not in a split vertical wedge as does murub₄. l. 8: Read in all likelihood in text A lu-riš at the end of the line; by contrast, however, M.J. Geller, ibidem, p. 94 l. 7’ text K suggests a reading lu-si.sa₂. l. 9: Read in text B da!-li₂-li₂ and correct accordingly the reading proposed by M.J. Geller, ibidem, p. 94 l. 8’ text J lal₃ i₃-li₂. l. 17: We have already mentioned above that KAR 73 possibly displays Assyrian spellings. To the list offered we can add uš-ka-na for uškêna.

4.1.5 ‘Gula, Great Lady who Dwells in the Pure Heavens’ The short healing spell en₂ dgula bēltu rabâtu āšibat šamê ellūti is so far attested in three manuscripts which were all kept in Assurbanipal’s library at Nineveh. One of the duplicates has been recently dealt with by M.J. Geller in Renal and Rectal Disease Texts, p. 90 ll. 39–40 (text I). gula and healing spells 89

The incantation is further included in two rather large tablets listing names for stones and other items which were to be worked into amulets. Both texts BAM V 430 and BAM V 431 offer the incantation in extenso as identified by the present author but do not indicate the condition for which it had to be recited. The manuscript BAM VII 9 text I in which the healing spell is preceded by a medical prescription against urethral stricture, Akkadian ḫiniqtu (see for the complete recommendation BAM VII 9 i: 34–38), is different and corroborates the use of Gula incantations in the context of renal diseases. The spell was to be recited three times.

A K. 9684+ BAM V 431 iii: 47–53 B K.4164+ BAM V 430 iii: 46’–47’ C K.4957+ BAM VII 9 text I i: 14’-16’16

1 A iii: 47 [en₂ dg]u-la gašan gal-tum a-ši-bat an-e ku₃.meš B iii: 46’/47’ en₂ dg[u-la ] / a-ši-b[at ] C i: 14’ en₂ ˹d˺[ ]

2 A iii: 48 [ -m]a dingir.maḫ C i: 14’ at-ti-ma dingir.maḫ

3 A iii: 49 [mu-b]al-liṭ-at ad₆ C i: 14’ mu-bal-li-ṭa-at a[d₆]

4 A iii: 50 [ ina?] pi-ki aš₂-ku-nu C i: 15’ šam-m[u ša₂? -n]u

5 A iii: 51 [ -š]u lib-luṭ C i: 15’ igi.bar-ma nag-šu lib-l[uṭ]

6 A iii: 52 [ -lu] l tu₆.en₂ C i: 16’ [da-li-il/li ? na]m.dingir-ti-ki gal-tum lid-lul tu₆.e[n₂]

1 “Incantation: Gula, great Lady who dwells in the pure heavens! 2 You are Dingirmaḫ 3 who resurrects the dead. 4 [This] potion [which] I have set down by your command, 5 Look at it so that the one who drinks it recovers! 6 He shall sing the [praise] of your great divinity! Wording of the incantation.”

16 See BAM VII pl. 4; according to M.J. Geller’s line-count i: 39–41. 90 chapter four

Commentary The incantation in BAM VII 9 i: 39–41 can now be restored with the help of BAM V 430 and 431. l. 4–6: The reading šam-mu in l. 4 is suggested in view of the incantations en₂ ātamar panīki (Chapter 4.1.3, ll. 3, 8) and en₂ ana dgula likrubū (Chapter 4.1.4, ll. 15, 16, 18) which both refer to the medication as šammu. There does not seem to be sufficient space in BAM VII 9 text I i: 15’ to restore šam-m[u an-na-a ša₂]. As the verbal form is a subjunctive we expect the relative pronoun. l. 5: I have understood the logogram igi.bar as an imperative form from the verb palāsu, namely naplisī, which fits better the context. By contrast, M.J. Geller who translates ‘she noticed their’, ibidem, p. 91 i: 40. l. 6: The restoration follows the expression da-lil dingir-ti-ki gal-ti lud- lul in the incantation en₂ ātamar panīki (Chapter 4.1.3, l. 9).

4.1.6 ‘Gula, May they Worship you Forever’ The incantation en₂ dgula liktarrabūki is known from a small tablet, which was unearthed in Late Babylonian Ur. The spell includes some of the standard expressions and themes associated with the healing goddess such as her epithets ‘great physician’, ‘seeress’ and the ‘one who gives life’ as well as the šammu potion, which the patient has to take. As a new element compared to the aforementioned compositions a reference to dog bites is added. However, it is not evident that the spells were meant to be used for treating dog bites. Though the text is not embedded in a medical prescription, an instruction is attached according to which the patient had to drink an actual potion over which the spell was to be recited three times. The editio princeps and study of this tablet have been produced by I.L. Finkel, “On Some Dog, Snake and Scorpion Incantations,” in: T. Abusch & K. van der Toorn (eds.), Mesopotamian Magic. Textual, Historical, and Interpretative Perspectives, Groningen 1999, pp. 221–223 (for the cuneiform autograph see p. 244 fig. 4). The text contains a colophon stating that the tablet belonged to a certain . . . -taqbi-līšir, son of Sin-bēl-šumi.

U 30655 Obv. 1 [en₂ a-na d]gu-la lik-tar-ra-b[u-ki] 2 zu₂.ku₅ ḫasx-sa-˹a˺-[ti] 3 [tu₆.du₁₁].˹ga˺ u3 bul-lu-ṭu gula and healing spells 91

4 zu₂.ku5 mu-da-a-ti 5 [a]-sa-a-ti ba-ra-a-ti mu-bal-li-˹ṭa-ti ˺ 6 dgu-la 7 a-na maḫ-ri-ka al-li-˹ka˺ 8 ˹ba-la˺-ṭi al-te-bi ša₂ [x x] 9 ˹šam˺-mi ba-la-ṭu ša₂ gašan-ia a[l-ta-ti] 10 šam-mi al-qi₂ u₂ giš na gab-[...] 11 te-e e[n₂]

Rev. 12 du₃.du₃.du₃ 3–šu₂ tu₆ ana ug[u] 13 u₂nam-ru-qu ta-man-ni-m[a] 14 lu₂ i-šat-ti-ma i-ni-i-i[š]

1 “Incantation: Gula, may they worship you forever! 2 You are mindful about dog bites. 3 –4 You know healing spells and cures for dog bites. 5 You are a physician, you are a seeress, you are the one who gives life. 6 Gula, 7 I have come before you: 8 I have enjoyed a long life which . . . 9 Now I have [drunken] the potion of life from my Lady, 10 I took the potion . . . 11 Wording of the incantation.

12–13 Its accompanying instruction: Recite the spell three times over the nam- ruqqu plant, 14 the man should drink it, then he will recover.”

Commentary The incantation is epigraphically difficult. I have followed almost all the suggestions I.L. Finkel put forward. l. 1: Note that it is possible to restore ana before dgula. l. 2: The reading hasx has been suggested by I.L. Finkel, ibidem, in his commentary on p. 222. l. 1–3: As stated by I.L. Finkel, ibidem, on p. 222 the present lines are parallel to the incantation en₂ ana dgula likrubū ‘May they worship Gula’, Chapter 4.1.4, ll. 10–12. l. 8: I have derived altebi from šebû. My rendering is based on the idiomatic expression balāṭa šebû ‘to enjoy a long life’, see AHw s.v. šebû(m) 1207a 3)b). Compare for the present context the expression ana maḫrīka allika balāṭa lušbi ‘I have come to you so that I enjoy a long life!’ in the prayer KAR 58 obv. 24 (see for the text the edition and study of W. Mayer, 92 chapter four

Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen “Gebetsbeschwörun- gen,” p. 483). By contrast, I.L. Finkel, ibidem, suggests the verb lebû (p. 223) ‘to howl, groan, cry’, CAD L s.v. 35a, translating ‘I bemoaned(?) my life which . . .’, which I find less likely. l. 9: I have restored the verb šatû in view of the incantation ‘May they worship Gula’ (Chapter 4.1.3, l. 16, KAR 73 obv. 29) which offers [ša₂-m]u ba-la-ṭi ša₂ gašan-ia al-ta-ti a-na-ku; by contrast, I.L. Finkel, ibidem, suggests the verb leqû in parallel with l. 10 of the incantation. l. 10: I have left the second half of the line untranslated; I.L. Finkel, ibidem, proposes the translation and restoration “I took up the drugs, the plant, the wood, the stone—all [of them(?)]” (see p. 222, commentary to l. 7). l. 12: du₃.du₃.du₃ is written for du₃.du₃.bi.

4.1.7 ‘Gula Dwells in the Egalmaḫ Temple’ The incantation en₂ ina egalmaḫ ašbat dgula preserved on a small tablet has been published by I.L. Finkel in his contribution “On Some Dog, Snake and Scorpion Incantations,” pp. 219–221 (for the cuneiform handcopy see p. 244 fig. 3). In this incantation the relation between Gula and the medical context is transparent: the spell refers to a dog bite and the ritual recommends its treatment. These instructions consist of the magical manipulation of the dog bite. However, since the substance which is applied to the wound, namely clay, was medicinally used in antiquity for the treatment of exuding wounds, we may also presume an actual natural effect of the cure. The recommendation serves, thus, as another illustrative example for the duality of Ancient Babylonian healing. So far no duplicates of the text have been found.

BM 28944 I.L. Finkel, “On Some Dog, Snake and Scorpion Incantations,” p. 244 fig. 3

Obv. 1 en₂ i-na e₂.gal.maḫ.a 2 aš₂-ba-at dgu-la 3 ˹u₃˺ ku-nu gišgu.za-šu₂ 4 ru-ub-bu-ṣu mi-ra-nu-šu₂ 5 iš-ḫi-iṭ ur.gi₇ it-ta-šu-uk 6 a-me-lu tu₆.en₂

7 du₃.du₃.bi im ta-leq-˹qu˺ 8 pa-ni ˹si ˺-im-mu tu-ṭar-ri gula and healing spells 93

9 ur.gi₇ ina ša₃-bi te-ep-pu-uš 10 ina i-ga-ri im.si.sa₂

Rev. 11 ina ma-ḫar dutu-ši ta-šak-ka-an 12 en₂ an-ni-tam 3–šu₂ ana ugu šid-nu 13 u ka-a-am ta-qab-bi um-ma 14 a-di i-AŠ-lu ur.gi₇ ib-ba-lu 15 ni-ši-ik a-me-lu-˹tim-ma˺

1 “Incantation: In the temple Egalmaḫ 2 Dwells the goddess Gula, 3 And well established is her throne; 4 Her puppies huddled against each other. 5–6 A dog jumped up and has bitten the man. Wording of the incantation.

7 Its ritual: You take clay, 8 You spread it over the wound. 9 You form a dog out of (the clay), 10–11 You place it on a north wall exposed to sunlight. 12 You recite this incantation three times over it 13 And say the following: 14 ‘As soon as the dog is dry, 15 The bite-wound of the man will be dried out!’”

Commentary l. 7: We would expect the spelling ta-leq-qi₂. l. 13: In contrast to I.L. Finkel who translates the line ‘and thus you say (as above)’ (p. 220) I prefer understanding umma as a particle to introduce the following direct speech which is included in the succeeding lines 14–15. l. 14: The spelling i-AŠ-lu should be corrected. I.L. Finkel suggests reading i-ḫal-lu and derives the form from the verb ḫâlu ‘to exude (a liquid)’ (p. 221). However, since ḫâlu with this meaning belongs to the mediae ī verbs we would expect the form iḫillu. I would instead propose to read i-tab-lu deriving the form from the verb abālu ‘to dry’, which fits the context well. Note that the form ibbalu is in all likelihood not a plural; the /u/ can be explained as a redundant final vowel. l. 14–15: The magical manipulation of the wound is an illustrative case of sympathetic magic. As the clay dries so the seemingly exuding wound dries out. In addition to the similia similibus curantur principle this rite is a typical example of the idea of transferring diseases to objects (transplan- tatio morbi) in that the affliction of the bite is absorbed by clay. 94 chapter four

However, we should not rule out the possibility that the treatment also had natural effects. For a better understanding of the use of clay in this context it is interesting to note the details the Greek physician Dioscorides gives in one of his five books about medicinal ingredients. In his De materia medica he describes the use of clay-like minerals such as ochre and diphrygos, literally ‘twice baked clay’. According to book V chapter 93 ochre had antiseptic and absorbing properties and was used to ease inflammations.17 As for the twice baked clay which Dioscorides treats in book V chapter 103 he writes in paragraph 4 that it has astringent, cleaning and extremely drying properties and was employed to aid the healing of abscesses.18

4.1.8 ‘Gula, Physician of the People’ Similarly to the two previous incantations, the incantation en₂ dgula asâti tenīšēti has been written on small format tablets. I.L. Finkel suggests that these tablets might have come from a teaching environment where they were dictated, to train future practitioners.19 So far three manuscripts have been identified; all are published by I.L. Finkel. The manuscript from Sippar, MM 86.11.130, appeared in volume II of the cuneiform texts kept at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, CTMMA II, pp. 157–159; and the two other duplicates which come from Babylon are included as no. 45 in his contribution “On Late Babylonian Medical Training,” in: A.R. George & I.L. Finkel (eds.), Wisdom, Gods and Literature: Studies in Honour of W.G. Lambert, Winona Lake 2000, pp. 200–202. Interestingly, the main part of the incantation duplicates exactly a passage from a spell directed to Marduk; namely lines 4 to 14 (lines 15–17 contain one of the standard formulas of spells). This Marduk incantation was included in the Muššuʾu ‘Embrocation’ handbook which combines

17 See for the discussion that ‘early man’ recognised the astringend and antiseptic properties of ochre J. Velo, “Ochre as Medicine: A Suggestion for the Interpretation of the Archaeological Record,” Current Anthropology 25/5 (1984) p. 674. 18 See the edition of M. Aufmesser, Pedanius Dioscurides aus Anazarba. Fünf Bücher über die Heilkunde, Hildesheim 2002, p. 324 (V 93) and p. 328 (V 103, 4). 19 See his contributions “Documents of the Physician and Magician,” in: I. Spar & W.G. Lambert (eds.), Literary and Scholastic Texts of the First Millennium B.C., New York 2005, p. 157; and “On Late Babylonian Medical Training,” in: A.R. George & I.L. Finkel (eds.), Wisdom, Gods and Literature: Studies in Honour of W.G. Lambert, Winona Lake 2000, pp. 137–223. gula and healing spells 95 exorcistic and medical spells. The incantation is known from a number of duplicates from Ashur, Nineveh, Sultantepe, Babylon and Uruk.20 While in the Muššuʾu version the god Marduk is addressed, the present text after praising Gula invokes Asaluḫi, Marduk’s alter ego.21 The Gula incantation appears to have been redacted in four blocks: first the address (l. 1) and then three epithets which resemble in structure and partially in wording the epithets in the Marduk composition. Compare line 2–3 with Marduk’s bynames in Muššuʾu IV/c l. 57: Gula tûka bulṭu—lipitka šulme—ēma qātī ubbalu šalāmu šukun ‘your spell is life’—‘your touch wellbeing’—‘where I lay hands, bestow health’

Marduk tûšu balāṭu—tûšu šalāmu22—tûšu šānina lā išû ‘his spell is life’—‘his spell is wellbeing’—‘nothing equals his spell’ The third section of the Gula incantation runs almost parallel to Muššuʾu IV/c line 58–63, the difference being the verbal forms: while the Muššuʾu text uses forms in the 3. Person sg., the Gula spell uses participles. This part forms an independent spell within the Gula text. The last block, lines 15–17, contains one of the standard exorcistic formulas. It seems as if the Gula spell was modelled on the Muššuʾu text or as if both incantations used the same pool of stock phrases.

A MM 86.11.130 I.L. Finkel, CTMMA II 30 B BM 42454+ I.L. Finkel, “On Late Babylonian Medical Training,” p. 201 fig. 55 C BM 42399 I.L. Finkel, “On Late Babylonian Medical Training,” p. 201 fig. 56 D Muššuʾu IV/c B. Böck, Das Handbuch Muššuʾu, pp. 159–160 (eclectic edition)

20 See for the edition of the incantation B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, pp. 159–160, 172. 21 See for the relationship between Marduk and Asaluḫi the brief discussion of T. Oshima, Babylonian Prayers to Marduk (= ORA 7), Tübingen 2011, pp. 42–47, which is limited to the Old Babylonian period. 22 The reading tû (tu₆) comes from the Ashur duplicate, namely from the text fragment VAT 10333 which S. Jakob recently joined with the text VAT 10392 published as BAM IV 338. I am very grateful to S. Jakob for having pointed out to me the join. He very kindly sent me a photo of the new text; his study will appear in a future KAL volume. Read accordingly in the fragment K.3428 rev. 2 (exemplar D in the Muššuʾu text edition) tu₆. 96 chapter four

1 A obv. 1 en₂ dgu-la a-sa-a-ti te-ni-še-e-ti B obv. 1 en₂ dgu-l [a ]-tum te-še-e-ti C obv. 1 en₂ dgu-la a-s[a-

2 A obv. 2 tu-ka bul-ṭu li-pit-ka šul-me B obv. 2 tu-ka bul-ṭu [ -p]it-ka šul-mi C obv. 2 [tu-k]a b[ul-ṭ]u li-[

3 A obv. 3 e-ma šu.ii ub-ba-lu ša₂-la-mu šu-kun B obv. 3 e-ma šu.ii ub-ba-[l ]u ša₂-la-mu šu-kun C obv. 3 [ -m]a šu.ii ub-ba-lu [

4 A obv. 4 dasal-lu₂-ḫi mu-bal-liṭ ad₆ B obv. 4 dasal-lu₂-ḫi mu-bal-liṭ ad₆ C obv. 4 [d]asal-lu₂-ḫi mu-ba[l- D 58 damar.utu ina qi₂-bi-ti-ka i-bal-luṭ ad₆

5 A obv. 5 mu-pa-aš₂-ši-iḫ mar-ṣa mu-ḫal-liq lem-nu B obv. 5 mu-pa-aš₂-ši-ru mar-ṣa mu-ḫal-liq lem-nu C obv. 5 mu-pa-aš₂-ši-iḫ mar-ṣa [ D 58/59 i-pa-aš₂-ša₂-aḫ lu₂gig / i-ḫal-liq ḫul

6 A obv. 6 mu-da-ap-pi₂-ir nam-ta-ri B obv. 6 mu-da-ap-pi₂-ir nam-tar-ri C obv. 6 mu-da-ap-pi₂-ir n[am- D 59 ud-da-ap-pir dnam.tar

7 A obv. 7 ḫa-a-a-ṭu ḫa-a-a-ṭi m[ur-ṣu] B obv. 7/8 ḫa-a-a-ṭu ḫa-a-a-i-ṭu / [mu]r-ṣu C obv. 7/8 ḫa-a-aṭu ḫa-a-a-[ ] / mur-ṣu D 60 [mur-ṣu?] ḫa-a-[a-ṭ]u [ḫa-a-a-i]-ṭum

8 A obv. 7 mi-šit-ti ra-pa-d[u . . .] B obv. 8 [ ]-ti ra-pa-ad-du C obv. 8 mi-šit-tu[m D 60 mi-šit-tum ra-pa-du

9 A rev. 1 e-ṭim₂-mu ša₂ ina su [lu₂ dumu dingir-šu₂] B obv. 9 gedim ša₂ ina s[u] lu₂ dum[u ] C obv. 9/10 gedim ša₂ ina su l[u₂] / [du]mu dingir-šu₂ D 60/61 e-ṭem-mu / [. . .] dalad lem-nu lil₂.la₂ ša₂ ina su [lu₂] dumu dingir-šu₂

10 A rev. 2 ba-šu-u₂ ina igi te-e ša₂ d[tu-tu] B obv. 10/11 ba-šu-u₂ [ ] / ša₂ dtu-t[u ] C obv. 10/11 ba-š[u- ] / ina igi te-e ša₂ d[ D 61/62 ba-šu-u / ina igi te-e ša₂ dtu-tu gula and healing spells 97

11 A rev. 3 li-su-u li-re-e-q[u] B rev. 12 li-re-e-[ ] C rev. 12 lis-su-u₂ li-r[e- D 62 li-is-su-u₂ li-re-qu

12 A rev. 4 li-id-dap-pi₂-ru lit-te-eḫ-su B rev. 13 li-dadap-[ ]-r[u ] C rev. 13 li-dadap-pi₂-r[u D 62 lid-da-pi₂-ru li-tal-k[u]

13 A rev. 5 gidim.dub₂ zi an.na ḫe₂.pa₃ B rev. 14 hul.dub₂ [z]i an.na ḫe₂.pa₃ C rev. 14 ḫul.dub₂ z[i D 63 [maš₂.ḫu]l.dub₂ zi an.na ḫe₂.pa₃

14 A rev. 6 zi ki.a. ḫe₂.pa₃ B rev. 15 zi ki.a. ḫe₂.pa₃ C rev. 15 [(x x x) z]i [ D 63 zi ki.a ḫe₂.pa₃

15 A rev. 7 eme ḫul.ĝal₂ bar.še₃ ḫe₂.em.su₈

16 B rev. 16 ḫul niš an-e lu-u₂ tam-ma-a-ta C rev. 16 [ ]

17 B rev. 17 ḫul niš ki-lam lu-u₂ tam-ma-a-ta C rev. 17 [ k]i-t[i l ]u-u₂ [

1 “Incantation: O Gula, you are the physician of the people, 2 Your healing spell means life, your touch well-being: 3 Wherever I lay hands, bestow health! 4 O Asaluḫi, who revives the dead, 5 Who calms the sick, who destroys evil, 6 Who fights back the Namtaru demon, 7 May the peeping ḫayyāṭu and ḫayyīṭu demons, disease, 8 Stroke, rapādu disease, . . . 9 The ghost that was within the body of a man, son of his god, 10–11 Leave in the face of the spell of Tutu! May they be distant, 12 May they be averted, may they be far away! 13 Scapegoat, be conjured by heaven, 14 Be conjured by earth! 15 May the evil tongue step aside! 16 Evil, be conjured by heaven, 17 Be conjured by earth!” 98 chapter four

Commentary l. 6: Correct the reading lem-nu-tu₂ ṭa-ab-ṭu₂ in B. Böck, ibidem, p. 159 l. 59 to lem-nu ud-da-ap-pir. l. 13: Text manuscripts B and C write ḫul.dub₂ which I.L. Finkel in his commentary interprets as ḫultuppû, a mace held by the exorcist (with reference to F.A.M. Wiggermann, Mesopotamian Protective Spirits, p. 68); the term can also denote a demon. As for the weapon the attestations quoted by F.A.M. Wiggermann appear to have a determinative hinting at their material, either na₄ for stone or giš for wood. Neither manuscript B or C preserves a determinative, which would perhaps indicate the demon. The Muššuʾu manuscript is restored but because of the available space a reading maš₂.ḫul.dub₂ is more likely. See for the use of the term in the standard formula maš₂.ḫul.dub₂ zi an.na ḫe₂.pa₃ zi ki.a ḫe₂.pa the discussion by A. Cavigneaux, “MAŠ₂.ḪUL.DUB₂.BA,” in: U. Finkbeiner, R.D. Ditt- mann & H. Hauptmann (eds.), Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte Vorderasiens. Festschrift für Rainer Michael Boehmer, Mainz 1996 pp. 53–67.

4.2 Healing Spells Referring to Gula and Her Dog

Although Gula was the patron deity of healing, only a relatively small number of incantations directly address her. By contrast, many healing spells conclude with a standard formula which involves her and her son Damu normally in company with the gods of magic Ea and his son Asaluḫi and the goddess Ningirim who was considered the ‘Lady of incantations’ of old.23 Two of these standard formulas are briefly commented on at the close of the chapter. Occasionally, the healing goddess makes her appearance in a secondary role or simply as a background actor in incantations that are principally directed against other agents. The collection of incantations against the demon Samana illustrates best this silent role. The evil Samana was imagined as a hound which belonged to Enlil, Enki and his consort, and also to two manifestations of the healing goddess. Though not explicitly stated in this corpus of incantations, Samana was associated with the sāmānu

23 See for the role of Ninigirima the entry of M. Krebernik “Nin-girima. I. Beschwörungs göttin,” in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäolo gie 9 5/6, Berlin – New York 2000, pp. 363–367. gula and healing spells 99 disease which Ancient Babylonians, in turn, attributed to the ‘hand’ of Gula.24 The aim of this section is then to bring together medical incantations in which the ideational dimension of the healing goddess materializes in an actual setting of disease or healing. In addition to the Samana incantations four more scenarios are presented which I consider representative of the image and the competencies Ancient Babylonians ascribed to their healing goddess, namely two incantations concerning afflictions of the belly, one spell about demonic agents, and a set of incantations concerning simmu skin wounds.

4.2.1 Incantations Directed Against the Demon Samana The healing goddess’ dog belongs to one of the constituent themes and motifs of the group of incantations that are directed against the demon Samana. The demon is the namesake for the sāmānu disease, which we discussed in Chapter Three on the Sakikkû handbook of prognosis and diagnosis.25 He is spelled in Sumerian nim.nim, which is also the logographic writing of Akkadian sāmānu. The oldest incantations against the demon are written in Sumerian and date to the end of the third millennium; however, most of the material comes from first-millennium texts, which consist not only of Sumerian monolingual incantations but also bilingual Akkadian-Sumerian as well as Akkadian spells. Finally the material was compiled to make a compendium. It was J. Nougayrol who first presented in an article a study and edition of the relevant text material; see his “Conjuration ancienne contre Samana,” Archiv Orientalni 17/2 (1949) pp. 213–226; further discussions and editions of new textual material have been published by I.L. Finkel, “A Study in Scarlet: Incantations against Samana,” in: S.M. Maul (ed.), Fest- schrift für Rykle Borger zu seinem 65. Geburtstag am 24.Mai 1994, Gronin- gen 1998, pp. 71–106. The Samana incantations describe the demon as a chimera, a Mis- chwesen with the mouth of a lion (ka piriĝ.ĝa₂), the teeth of a dragon (zu₂ muš ušumgal), the claws of an eagle (ur₂.re ri₂.in.na) and the tail of a scorpion (kun al.lu₅).26 However, the overall visualization was that of a

24 See the discussion in Chapter 3.4.1. 25 See Chapter 3.4.1. 26 This description is preserved in the Ur III incantation AO 11276 for which see I.L. Finkel “A Study in Scarlet: Incantations against Samana,” pp. 72–74; passages from ll. 2–5 are quoted. 100 chapter four dog. According to the bilingual Sumerian-Akkadian incantation en₂ nim. nim šu ḫuš ‘Incantation: Samana with fierce paw’27 the demon is called the ‘fierce dog of Enlil’ (ur ḫuš den.lil₂.la₂.ke₄, kalbu ezzu denlil ), ‘vicious dog of Enki/Ea’ (ur zu₂ ku₅.da den.ki.ga.ke₂, kalbu munaššiku ša dea), ‘lion of Damgalnuna/Damkina’ (ur.maḫ ddam.gal.nun.na.ke₄, nēšu ša ddam- kina), ‘blood-spilling dog of Ninisina’ (ur mud dub.dub dnin.i₃.si.in.ke₄, kalbu tābik dāmi ša dninisina), and ‘blood-drinking dog of Nintinuga’ (ur mud na₈.na₈ dnin.tin.ug₅.ga, kalbu šātû dāmi ša dNintinuga). J. Nougayrol and I.L. Finkel characterized the demon as ‘flux rouge’ and ‘Red Evil’ respectively on the basis of the association with blood mentioned in the incantations and the connection with sāmu ‘red’ or sâmu ‘to be red’.28 Of relevance for our present discussion is the fact that the Samana demon was also said to cause a disease, namely the so-called ašû disease.29 Interestingly, both ašû disease and sāmānu disease appear together in chapter XL of the Sakikkû handbook on infants’ diseases. The text states in l. 38: diš lu₂tur a-šu-u₂ u sa-ma-ni dab-su-ma ana tu-la-a eš-sa₂ tu-na-kar-šu₂-ma u en₂ šub-šum-ma ti If an ašû and sāmānu disease have seized an infant, then you make him change to the other breast and then recite an incantation over him, then he shall recover.30 In addition the demon seems to have affected the intestinal tract. The expression stated in one of the incantations is obscure (u₃.tar.e ḫaš.gal.na

27 See for the edition of I.L. Finkel, ibidem, pp. 87–92; ll. 2–6 are quoted here. 28 See J. Nougayrol, “Conjuration ancienne contre Samana,” pp. 215–216; and I.L. Finkel, ibidem, p. 72. For the derivation of the disease term from sāmu ‘red’ see J.V. Kinnier Wilson, “The Sāmānu Disease in Babylonian Medicine,” JNES 53 (1994) p. 112 referring to a suggestion by F. Köcher. 29 As stated in the incantation sa.ma.na šu ḫus, HS 1555+1587 obv. l. 9 for which see I.L. Finkel, ibidem, pp. 78–81. Note that Damu, son of the healing goddess, was said to heal two diseases, diʾu head dis ease / headache and ašû; see the incantation Muššuʾu IV/a l. 7 (B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, p. 150) with the Old Babylonian forerunner, LB 1000 obv. l. 4: “dda-mu li-is-sú-uḫ di-a-a-am u₃ a-ši!-a-am ša zum-ri-ka, “May Damu remove diʾu and ašû from your body!” (for which see also the edition of M.J. Geller & F.A.M. Wiggermann, “Duplicating Akkadian Magic,” in: R.J. van der Spek (ed.), Studies in Ancient Near Eastern World View and Society, Bethesda 2008, p. 153). 30 As R. Labat, TDP, p. 222 note 388 remarks this line might very well reflect the state ment in one of the Samana incantations (6 NT 145 obv. 11), namely ‘c’est (sâmânu) que du nourrisson empêche la sevrage’. The Sakikkû passage is also quoted by I.L. Finkel, ibidem, p. 90 note 32. gula and healing spells 101 ba.ni.na), “he has . . . of his intestines affected.”31 The translation suggested here is taken from the List of Diseases which equates the expression ša₃ ḫaš₂.gal x.se₃.ke with Akkadian miqit irrim, ‘hernia, intestinal prolapse’.32

4.2.2 ‘The River has Burst (its Banks)’ The incantation en₂ batqat nāru is included in a collection of healing spells which are directed against pains in the body, hips and feet.33 So far the present healing spell is preserved in the manuscript BM 98584 + 98589 + K.5461a, a four-column tablet which comes from one of Ashurba- nipal’s libraries in Nineveh. The incantation has been recently translated by M.J. Geller.34 According to the rubric Ancient Babylonians considered the spell as ‘wording for diarrhoea’. The instructions recommend the con- coction of pills, which the patient had to take. Their manufacture is one of the themes in the healing spell, depicting Gula as an active physician who produces precisely pills for diarrhoea. The transliteration of the incantation and the instructions for its recitation are published here for the first time.

BM 98584 + 98589 + K.5461a Rev. col. iii (collated) 4 en₂ bat-qat i₇ šur-d[a-a]t ˹a-tap˺-pu 5 ina illu gap-ši ˹ib˺-ba-[tiq] ˹bit˺-qu 6 ša dug₂ nam-zi-ti ma-˹qit bu-ru˺-us-su 7 ša₂ nenni a nenni ma-qit ir-ra-šu₂ ma-ki-lu ul i-[ši] 8 i-mur-˹šu˺-ma abgal dingir.meš dama[r.utu]

31 In HS 1555+1587 obv. l. 10 for which see I.L. Finkel, ibidem, pp. 78–81. In his com mentary Finkel states that bilingual incantations translate the Sumerian with Akkadian šapru ‘thigh’ or šapīlu ‘upper or inner thigh’ which are the common equations for haš₂. gal in lexical lists; see CAD Š/I 480a s.v. šapru A. He then proposes to provisionally under stand the term as emšu ‘abdomen’. Unfortunately, he does not explain the reason for his translation. 32 See for additions to the edition of Lists of Diseases A.D. Kilmer in: B. Landsberger & M. Civil (eds.), The Series HAR-ra = ḫubullu Tablet XV and Related Texts. With Addi tions and Corrections to MSL II, III, V and VII (= MSL IX), Roma 1967, p. 79 l. 170. See also A.L. Oppenheim’s unfinished essay “Man and Nature in Mesopotamian Civilization,” Dic tionary of Scientific Biography XV, Supplement 1, New York 1978, p. 645a. 33 See for the healing spells in the context of afflictions of the legs my discussion in Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, pp. 56, 60, 61; three of the incantations in BM 98584+ are included in the Muššuʾu handbook as VIII/l,m, VIII/p, VIII/q; see for the incantation VIII/p ibidem pp. 295, 305 ll. 179–180b. 34 See his contribution “Nieren-, Darm- und Afterkrankheiten,” in B. Janowski & D. Schwemer (eds.), Texte zur Heilkunde. Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testamentes (= TUAT ), Neue Folge 5, Gütersloh 2010, pp. 64–65. 102 chapter four

9 a-na de₂-a ad-šu₂ a-mat šu-a-tu₂ i-qab-b[i] 10 a-bi bat-qat i₇ šur-da-at a-tap-p[u] 11 ina illu gap-ši ib-ba-tiq bi[t-q]u 12 ša₂ dug₂nam-zi-ti ma-qit bu-ru-us-su 13 ša₂ nenni a nenni ma-qit ir-ra-šu₂ ma-ki-lu ul i-ši 14 [a]l-kam-ma a-lik ma-ri damar.utu 15 ˹ki˺-ka lu zi-u₂ 7 zik-ri dingir.meš kala.meš 16 dalad₃ ša₂ e₂ za-bi-lu ku-du-ru 17 dnin.girim₃ mu-tir-rat bu-ru-us-su 18 dgu-la ra-pi-ik bappir₂ numun babbar.ḫisar i₃sic.udu ina izi li-šab-ši-il 19 i-na pi-i i₇ lim-qut šu-tuk-ki 20 ina ka a-tap-pi lid-du-u aš₂-šu-ul-tum 21 ina ka bit-qa lit-bu-ku ṣa-bi-tum 22 dnin.girim₃ ša₂ nam-zi-ti li-tir bu-ru-us-su 23 ˹d˺gu-la ku-pa-tin-nu ša₂ ra-pi-qi li-kap-pit-ma 24 [nenni a] nenni li-ša₂-kil-ma ir-ra-[šu₂] li-in-ni-peš-ma 25 [ li-i]š-kun 26 [en₂ ul ia-ut-tu₂ en₂ de₂-a u dasal-lu₂-ḫi] 27 [en₂ dda-mu u dgu-la] 28 [e]n₂ d˹nin.girim₃˺ en en₂ tu₆.en₂

29 ka.inim.ma ša₃.si.sa₂.ke₄

30 du₃.du₃.bi i₃.udu ellag₂ udu nita₂ 31 ˹ša₂˺ ina mun nu šub-u bappir lu₂kaš.tin.na numun babbar.ḫisar 32 ki zid₂ tara-bak 15 ku-pa-tin-ni tu-kap-pat 33 ˹e˺-ma ku-pa-tin-ni en₂ šid-[m]a ul-lat-ma ina-eš

4 “Incantation: The river has burst (its bank), the canal overflowed, 5 The sluice has been breached by an enormous flood. 6 The stopper of the mashing tub has popped open, 7 The intestines of NN, son of NN, are bulging out—there is no holding back. 8 The wise among the gods, Marduk, saw this 9 And brought this case before his father Ea: 10 ‘My father, the river has burst (its bank), the canal overflowed, 11 The sluice has been breached by an enormous flood. 12 The stopper of the mashing tub has popped open, 13 The intestines of NN, son of NN, flow out—there is no holding back.’ 14 ‘Go, Marduk, my son! 15 With you together shall stand up the seven mighty gods, 16 The protective god of the house, the carrier of the basket to carry earth and bricks, and 17 The goddess Ningirim who replaces the stopper.’ 18 May Gula cook a mash of beer bread, seed of the papparḫû plant and suet over the fire! gula and healing spells 103

19 May a reed bundle fall into the river mouth! 20 May they throw aššultu grass into the canal mouth! 21 May they fill with rushes the opening of the sluice! 22 May Ningirim replace the mashing tub’s stopper! 23 May Gula produce pills from the mash! 24 May she administer them to [NN, son] of NN so that his intestines shall be restored again! 25 . . . may she put . . .! 26 [This is not my incantation, it is the incantation of Ea and Asaluḫi,] 27 [It is the incantation of Damu and Gula,] 28 [It is the incantation] of Ningirim, lady of incantation. Wording of the incantation.

29 Healing spell for diarrhoea.

30 Its ritual: You prepare a mash from mutton suet 31 Which has not been preserved in salt, beer bread from the brewer, and seed from the papparḫû plant 32 Together with flour. You produce 15 pills from it, 33 With every pill you recite the incantation. He shall swallow them and then he shall recover.”

Commentary l. 4: M.J. Geller in his “Nieren-, Darm- und Afterkrankheiten,” in B. Janowski & D. Schwemer (eds.), Texte zur Heilkunde. Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testamentes (= TUAT), Neue Folge 5, Gütersloh 2010, p. 65, translates the first words of the incantation ‘der Fluß ist abgeschnitten’. The translation here, namely the opposite meaning ‘to burst’ of batāqu said of watercourses, follows AHw s.v. batāqu(m) p. 114b G 4)-d). Since the context of the incantation is severe diarrhoea this rendering seems to fit better into the image of discharging water and other liquids. l. 7: The expression maqit irrašu certainly refers to the medical condition of miqit irrī ‘hernia, intestinal prolapse’ for which see CAD M s.v. miqtu mng. 1.b) p. 104a (without translation) or AHw s.v. miqtu 657b 7.a) ‘Darm- lähmung’. There are only a few medical prescriptions that refer to this affliction; unfortunately, they do not give a description of the symptoms. See for some recommendations the text published by M.J. Geller, Renal and Rectal Disease Texts, 9 text J iv: 2’-8’, I iv: 21’-27’, pp. 100–101.35 The

35 Further medical recommendations for miqit irrī can be found on the text MS 4575 from the Schøyen collection for which see CDLI no. P253648. 104 chapter four prescriptions for miqit irrī are here inserted into the section of prescriptions for treating the penis and testicles if both are discharging fluids. The images of the stopper of the mashing tub popping open, the river bursting its banks and the overflowing canal as well as the exclamation that ‘there is no holding back’ speak for a medical condition which is accompanied by dysentery. This is supported by the rubric of the incantation, ka.inim.ma ša₃.si.sa₂.ke₄. The term ša₃.si.sa₂ refers to bowel movement and diarrhoea; see CAD E 356a mng. 4. šūsuru. In view of this diverse information miqit irrī refers in all likelihood to diarrhoea. The imagery used in this healing spell is discussed in Chapter 4.5. l. 18: The dictionaries offer for the technical terms rabīku, rapīqu and rabāku the following translations: ‘Absud’ (AHw s.v. rabīku 935a) or ‘decoction’ (CAD R s.v. rabīku 20a) and ‘Absud herstellen’ (AHw s.v. rabāku(m) 933a) or ‘to decoct, to make an infusion’ (CAD R s.v. rabāku 8a). This meaning is difficult to apply when a mass of certain consist- ency is described which is then further processed into solid medications; see my contribution “On Medical Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia,” in: A. Attia & G. Buisson (eds.), Advances in Mesopotamian Medicine from Hammurabi to Hippocrates, Leiden – Boston 2009, p. 116. A study about poultices will appear elsewhere. Note, however, that CAD R 20b s.v. rabīku provides the meaning ‘mash’. l. 26–27: The restoration follows the well-known standard phrase in medical incantations. l. 30: For the use of mutton suet in the production of pills and supposi- tories, see my discussion in “On Medical Technology in Ancient Mesopo- tamia,” pp. 124–127. Interestingly, we learn from the incantation that suet was usually preserved in salt.

4.2.3 ‘[The Intestines? are Persistently] Massed Together, the Stomach is Twisted’ So far only one manuscript preserves the incantation [en₂ ša₃.meš? itt] anapḫarū zīr karšu, namely the first chapter of the section about “If a man suffers from suālu cough (and) it turns into colic” (šumma amīlu sūala maruṣ ana kīs libbi itâr). The editio princeps of the Ninevite tablet K.191+ was produced by F. Küchler;36 a new copy with further joins was presented by F. Köcher as BAM VI 574.

36 Beiträge zur Kenntnis der assyrisch-babylonischen Medizin, Leipzig 1904, pp. 1–13, 62–101. gula and healing spells 105

The incantation was to be recited in the case of colic of the digestive tract (kīs libbi). The restoration of the incipit of the incantation is tentative. The transliteration and translation are published here for the first time.

K.191+ BAM VI 574 Obv. col. ii

21 [en₂ ša₃.meš? i]t-˹ta˺-nap-ḫa!-ru zi-ir kar-ši ša₃.nigin ku-uṣ-ṣu-˹ru˺ [. . .] 22 [space for 4–5 signs] ˹x˺ ek-le-ta ki-i me-e ḫi-ri-ti a-la-pa-a na-du-u₂ igi.meš-šu₂ 23 š[a-ar e]din e-di-ip na-di i-ta-naq-qi₂-šu edin ma-la-a igi.meš-šu₂ 24 e-t[a-n]a-ba-la ša-pa-tu-šu₂ i-ta-na-pa-aṣ ki-ma ku₆.meš it-ta-nak-bir ki-ma muš 25 e-m[ur-m]a dgu-la na-di-na-at ba-la-ṭi nam.lu₂.u₁₈.lu₂ ina e₂ dasal-lu₂-ḫi u₂-bil eṭ-lu 26 d[ba]d re-mi-nu-u ip-pa-lis-su-ma gi-ša-ma ti-uṭ eṭ-lu 27 šum₂-ma im ina dur₂ lu-ṣi šum₂-ma gi-ša-tu ina nap-ša₂-ti li-še-ṣi tu₆.en₂

28 k[a.in]im.ma ana ki-is ša₃ šid-nu

21 “[Incantation: The intestines are persistently] massed together, the stomach is twisted, the bowels are tied together . . . 22 . . . darkness. His face is covered with algae like water from a ditch. 23 Wind of the desert is blown (into him), is poured (into him). He is persistently shedding them (tears) because his eyes are filled with desert. 24 His lips are persistently dry; he is persistently flicking like a fish, he is persistently puffed up like a snake. 25 Gula, the one who bestows life on mankind saw this and brought the young man to the house of Asaluḫi. 26 Enlil, the compassionate, looked at him: ‘belch and recover, young man!’. 27 If it is wind, let it break through the anus—if it is a belch, let it be emitted from the throat!”

Commentary l. 21: The restoration of the incipit is provisional; I follow the suggestion of CAD Z s.v. zarû B 73a mng. b) that the first readable signs should be understood as a Ntn present tense verbal form. However, after collation I would suggest, instead of the form ittanapšarū, the form ittanapḫarū as a passive meaning of paḫāru CAD P 27b mng. 3. ‘to mass(?), to contract(?)’ which is used in the context of marks on the liver. Since the verbal form requires a plural noun and the context is about parts of the intestines, 106 chapter four

I tentatively suggest restoring the logogram ša₃.meš (Akkadian irrū or qerbū). l. 23: The verb ittanaqqīšu is here interpreted as referring to the shedding of tears. The usual construction is with dīmtu ‘tear’ which is missing here; however, the rendering suggested here is based on the next stanza which refers to the eyes, namely to the desert which is filling the eyes. l. 24: The comparison of the patient to a fish flicking his tail and especially to a serpent recalls a passage from Ninisina A, a hymn in which a man with pains in the belly and intestines moves like a desert snake on burnt ground; see for a discussion Chapter 4.5. l. 27: The expression plays on the standardized formula kīma šāri ina šuburri kīma gišûti ina napšati aṣû ‘to come forth like wind from the anus, like a belch from the throat’ for which see B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, p. 219 commentary to ll. 57–62. The phrase was already recurrent in Sumerian incantations, see for the expression buluḫ.gin₇ ḫe.sil.e im.gin₇ gu.du.a.ni.ta ḫe.em.ma.ra.e₁₁.de₃ in an Old Babylonian incantation against bile, P. Michalowski, “Carminative Magic: Towards an Understanding of Sumerian Poetics,” ZA 71 (1981) p. 16.

4.2.4 Šamaš, Supreme Judge’ The incantation en₂ dšamaš dayyānu ṣīru which is addressed to Šamaš and Nintinuga is preserved in two manuscripts: AO 17656 published by J. Nougayrol37 (duplicate A) and BAM VI 531, identified by the present author, which comes from one of the Nineveh libraries.38 No strict medical context is preserved except for the instruction to recite the spell over the effigy of a worm. The incantation adds a new facet to the healing goddess who is here addressed under the name Nintinuga. One of her bynames is noteworthy: ‘the one who is able to heal bound intestines’, which explicitly states her association with afflictions of the digestive tract. Her appearance together with the sun god is a new element, as is the context of the worm. Because of the instructions and the demonic diseases enumerated, the worm is understood as a supernatural power rather than a natural cause of disease.39

37 “Textes et documents figurés,” RA 41 (1947) pp. 31, 41–42. 38 A new translation of AO 17656 following J. Nougayrol’s is published by M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 33. 39 See my remarks in Chapter 6.2. gula and healing spells 107

A AO 17656 J. Nougayrol, “Textes et documents figurés,” RA 41 (1947) p. 31 B K.3484 BAM VI 534

1 A obv. 1 en₂ dutu en di.ku₅ ṣi-i-ri ša₂ an-e u ki-tim B i: 3’ [. . .]utu di.ku₅ an-e [. . .]

2 A obv. 2 dnin-tin-ug₅-ga gašan mu-bal-li-ṭat uš₂ B i: 4’ [d]nin-tin-ug₅-ga a-z[u-gal-la-tu₂ . . .

3 A obv. 3 ša₂ ir-ri aš₂-ta-pi-ri bul-lu-ṭu i-li-ʾu-u₂ B i: 5’ ša ir-ri u aš₂-ta-p[i-ri . . .]

4 A obv. 4 an-ḫu dal-pu šu-nu-ḫu a-me-lu B i: 6’ an-ḫu dal-pu [. . .]

5 A obv. 5 ina su-šu₂ gal₂-ma gig di-ʾu la-maš-tum B i: 7’ ib-ba-ši-ma ina ša₃-šu₂ g[ig . . .]

6 A obv. 6 ˹aḫ ˺-ḫa-zu bi-bi-iḫ-ti u mar.gal B i: 8’ ur-ba-tu₂

7 A obv. 7 ˹mu˺-ab-bi-ṭat kal-la zu-mur lu₂ B i: 8’ mu-ʾa-[. . .]

8 A rev. 1 ina qi₂-bit didim dutu damar.utu B i: 9’ ina qi₂-bit de₂-[a . . .]

9 A rev. 2 u dnin-tin-ug₅-{ga} lit-ta-ṣi gig B i: 10’ dnin-tin-ug₅-g[a . . .]

10 A rev. 3 di-ʾu la-ma-š-tum aḫ-ḫa-zu bi-bi-˹iḫ ˺-ti

11 A rev. 4 u mar.gal ša₂ ina zu-mur-šu₂ ba-šu-u₂

12 A rev. 5 lit-ta-ṣi-ma lu₂ lib-luṭ B i: 11’ gal li[b-luṭ

13 A rev. 6–7 en₂ dda-mu dme.me u dingir.maḫ / te en₂

14 A rev. 8–9 en₂ an-nit ana ugu tam!-šil ša₂ mar.gal / šid-nu B i: 12’ ka.inim.ma ana ug[u . . .]

1 “Incantation: Šamaš, lord, supreme judge of heaven and earth, 2 Nintinuga, lady who revives the dead 108 chapter four

3 Who is able to heal the bound intestines! 4 (This) man is exhausted, depressed and weary. 5 In his body are sickness, diʾu disease, Lamaštu, 6 Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon, bibiḫtu demon, and a worm 7 Which destroys the whole body of the man. 8 By the command of Ea, Šamaš, Marduk 9 And Nintinuga, be expelled sickness, 10 Diʾu disease, Lamaštu, Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon, bibiḫtu demon, 11 And a worm which is in his body! 12 Be expelled so that the man may live! 13 Incantation of Damu, Gula and Dingirmaḫ. Wording of the incantation.

14 You recite this incantation over the effigy of the worm.”

Commentary The translation follows manuscript A. Note the slight variations in manuscript B: in l. 1 the epithet bēlu is dropped; in l. 2 the epithet ‘great physician’ is included; in l. 5 the logogram gal₂ is spelled out providing the reading of the verbal form; instead of the body, the belly is affected; ll. 10–11 are dropped; in l. 12 the meaning of gal ‘great’ or ‘to make great’ is not clear; l. 13 is missing; l. 14 gives the rubric of the incantation which seems to be parallel to the instruction given in manuscript B. l. 3: J. Nougayrol, “Textes et documents figurés,” p. 41, reads ša₂ lugal- ri. The second sign of the line can indeed be mistaken for lugal. How- ever, in view of the duplicate, a reading ir is beyond doubt. Note that M.J. Geller follows J. Nougayrol’s reading translating ‘kings and servants’, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 33. Interestingly, the line appears in the medical commentary BAM IV 401 which gives explanations for some terms that occur in the chapter on “If a man’s intestines are inflamed” (diš ša₃.meš-šu₂ mu₂.meš-ḫu). BAM IV 401 rev. 27–29 reads: 27 ša₂ ir-ri aš₂-ta-pi-ru bul-lu-[ṭu i-le-ʾ-u₂] 28 aš₂-ta-pi-ru : šit-pu-ru : ki-iṣ- ṣu-ru 29 da-da-ru : šit-pu-ru : da-da-ru ki-iṣ-ṣ[u-ru]. The editio princeps of the text was produced by V. Scheil, “Fragments et syllabaires assyriens,” ZA 10 (1895) pp. 194–197 (copy), 202–207.40 V. Scheil derives the spelling ir-ri not from irrū “intestines” but irrû ‘coloquinth’. Accordingly, he interprets the terms šitpuru, kiṣṣuru and daddaru as plant designations of

40 E. Frahm gives a short description of the text in his Babylonian and Assyrian Text Commentaries, pp. 236–237 (7.4.2.3. Comm. 1) suggesting that the commentary came from Nippur. gula and healing spells 109 which only the latter is attested as name. CAD K s.v. kiṣṣuru 445a suggests another interpretation understanding da-da-ru not as an Akkadian word but as the Sumerian da.da.ru which would explain the correspondence with the Akkadian forms šitpuru ‘attired with’ and kiṣṣuru ‘girded’. As for aštapiru the commentary offers the explanations šitpuru and kiṣṣuru of which kiṣṣuru would fit best into the context of intestines. Note that CAD A/II s.v. aštapiru e) 474b quotes the incantation translating ‘servants’. If we take into consideration the explanation with kiṣṣuru the expression is almost parallel to the previous incantation BAM VI 574 ii: 21 (no. 3) which reads ša₃.nigin ku-uṣ-ṣu-˹ru˺. With the help of the medical commentary we can now better place the fragment BAM VI 534 which must belong to the chapter on intestinal diseases and not as F. Köcher suggested in BAM VI p. xvii to the treatment of inflictions of the mouth. l. 4: The sequence of the adjectives anḫu, dalpu, and šūnuḫu is rather typical of the intercession part of Šuʾila prayers for which see W.R. Mayer, Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen Gebetsbeschwörung, pp. 70–72. l. 5: A reading simx, simmu ‘skin sore’ for gig is equally possible, especially since the healing goddess threatens in curses to inflict skin sores. l. 6: For the term bibiḫtu, bibītu see CAD B 219b ‘a disease, perhaps a chill’. The appearance of urbatu ‘worm’ might be at first sight surprising. However, at least one medical prescription gives as the cause for inflamed intestines, tapeworm infestation, namely BAM II 159 ii: 20 which starts diš na ša₃.meš-šu₂ mu₂.meš-ḫu “if a man’s intestines are inflamed” and gives the diagnosis na.bi ur-b[a-tu gig] “this man suffers from tapeworm” (ii: 22). Note also the nine recommendations for tapeworms in BAM II 159 ii: 25–48. However, as I have discussed in Chapter 6.2 the context here suggests understanding urbatu as a demonic power. l. 14: I suggest to read tam-šil instead of J. Nougayrol’s reading maš- šil in “Textes et documents figurés,” p. 41. M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 33, leaves the last line untranslated.

4.3 Incantations about Simmu, Skin Sore

It might not come as a surprise that the healing goddess appears in a group of spells for simmu, ‘skin sore, wound’. One of the main sources is the Nineveh tablet K.6057+7928+7954+82–3–23,47+82–5–22,539+83– 1–18,506, which still preserves parts of six incantations of which at least 110 chapter four four deal with simmu.41 The leitmotif in two incantations is the presumably desperate exclamation of the exorcist “there are so many simmu wounds—I did not (even) know their names!”42 An edition of the complete text goes beyond the scope of the present study; here I present for the first time one of the incantations in transliteration and translation. The incantation [en₂ e-n]u-ma da-nu ir-ḫu-u₂ transfers the setting into mythical times when the god Anu created the world and when the great gods determined the destinies. It was then that the gods chose Gula as the great physician. The first part of the second incantation is lost; when the text begins Gula has already entered the scene. She appears together with Asaluḫi both caring for the simmu wounds which afflict the ‘cord-like system’ (sa, šerʾānu) of the sufferer.

K.6057+ ii: 29–41 (unpubl.)43 29 [en₂ e-n]u-ma da-nu ir-ḫu-u₂ [ki-tim] 30 [dingir.(meš)? ga]l?.meš i-ši-mu ši-mat ma-[a-ti] 31 [dgu-la? ša]r-ra-tum gal-tum na-bu-u₂ [šu-nu?] 32 [dgu-la] a-zu-gal-la-tu₂ ma-na-na [. . .] 33 [si-im-mu m]a-ʾa-du šu-mi-šu₂-nu [ul i-di] 34 [im-ta-na-a]q-qu-tu₂ ˹ki ˺-ma mi-iq-ti 35 [ib-ta-na-ar-ri]-˹qu˺ [k]i-ma nim.gir₂ 36 [. . . k]i-ma la-a-mi 37 [. . .] u a-ṣu-u ki-ma šam-mi 38 [. . . gir]-giš-šu a-mur-ri-qa-nu aḫ-ḫa-zu 39 [. . . -tu]m ki-is-sa-tu₂ i-ša₂-tu₂ 40 [. . . i]-du-u₂ lim-ḫur-˹ka˺ 41 [en₂ ul ia-ut-tu-un] en₂ de₂-a u dasal-lu₂-ḫi

29 “Incantation: When god Anu impregnated [earth] and 30 [The great gods] had determined the destiny for the [land], 31 They appointed [Gula], the great lady, 32 [Gula], the great physician . . . the sinews . . . 33 There are so many wounds—[I did not know] their names! 34 [Again and again] they fall down like a collapse, 35 [Again and again they] strike like lightning,

41 My hand copy of the text dates to October 1999. 42 K.6057+ i: 1: en₂ si-im-mu ma-ʾa-du šu-mi-šu₂-nu ul i-di; probably again preserved in ii: 33: [si-im-mu m]a-ʾa-du šu-mi-šu₂-nu u[l i-di]. 43 A photograph of the text is available in The British Museum research web page on the Library of Ashurbanipal. gula and healing spells 111

36 . . . like embers. 37 . . . and they have come forth like a weed: 38 . . . girgiššu disease, amurriqānu jaundice, Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon, 39 . . ., kissatu disease, ‘fire’, 40 .. . . which I did [not] know—may she take (them) from you! 41 [The incantation is not mine], it is the incantation of Ea and Asaluḫi.”

Commentary l. 29: The restoration follows the common phrase occasionally used to introduce incantations for which see CAD R s.v. reḫû 253a mng. 2.a). l. 30: There is sufficient space in the gap at the beginning of the line to restore two or three signs. l. 31–32: Because of the epithet asugallatu ‘great physician’ it is likely to restore the name of Gula. l. 33: The line is restored on the basis of the first incantation in K.6057+ which commences with this phrase. Note that the expression is also attested in a Middle Babylonian incantation from Ugarit which is directed against a large number of diseases, namely the text RS 17.155 with the duplicate RS 15.152 line 16. The Ugarit tablet was published by J. Nougayrol in Ugaritica V, Paris 1968, pp. 29–40. A re-edition of the text was presented by D. Arnaud in his Corpus des textes de bibliothèque de Ras Shamra—Ougarit (1936–2000) en sumérien, babylonien et assyrien (= AuOr Suppl. 23), Sabadell 2007, pp. 77–88. This incantation runs partially parallel to one of the spells incorporated in the Muššuʾu handbook (V/d); see B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, pp. 191–196 ll. 30–37 and 39–68 (duplicate U). l. 35: The beginning of the line was restored following the pattern of the figura etymologica in the previous line. For the use of the expression kīma birqi barāqu in similes see the references quoted under CAD B s.v. barāqu p. 104 mng. 1. 3’. l. 40: I have tentatively understood the first part of the line as a relative clause referring to the exorcist, restoring [. . . ša la i-]du-u₂.

As I discussed in Chapters 2.2.2 and 2.2.3, the association of the healing goddess with the medical concept of the ‘cord-like system’ of a man’s body (sa, šerʾānu) and simmu skin wounds goes back to Sumerian compositions from the Old Babylonian period. There are several first-millennium B.C. healing spells which still reflect this concept and hence attest to its persistence, though the setting has changed. In accordance with a different 112 chapter four religious explanatory model the healing goddess appears now often together with Asaluḫi to treat both wounds and afflictions of the ‘cord- like system’. In the conceptual world the ultimate responsibility for simmu has passed to the gods Anu or Ea. From an incantation included in an apotropaic Namburbi ritual we learn that it is the god of magic, Ea, ‘who tears out the bad wound’ (nāsiḫ simmi lemni).44 Anu and the great gods are mentioned in one of the other main sources for medical prescriptions and healing incantations concerning simmu, namely BAM VI 580 from Ashurbanipal’s libraries and its duplicate CTN IV 116 from the temple of Nabû in Nimrud.45 Because of the state of preservation the incantation is not fully understood. When the broken text begins, the afflictions of a young man and a young woman are described (fatal chills and ‘fire’)46 of which only the moon god Sîn takes notice.47 He addresses the gods Enlil, Ea and Dingirmaḫ saying “we (the great gods) have established in the land simmu wound; since we created mankind we have tied to it death and life. Anu created you, all kinds of simmu, so that you would seize the body of god and man.”48 Some instances later Gula, installed as the “physician of the great gods” appears with her “. . . of life, her knife and her scalpel.”49 While in this spell the healing goddess seems to be the only one to treat the wound, in another text which was written on the reverse of K.6057+ she and Asaluḫi are collaborating.50

44 The text is published by E. Ebeling, “Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Beschwörungsserie Namburbi,” RA 50 (1956) p. 23 l. 14. 45 See for a partial treatment of both texts the contribution of M.J. Geller, “Fragments of Magic, Medicine, and Mythology from Nimrud,” BSOAS 63 (2000) pp. 336–339. 46 See for deadly chills BAM VI 580 ii: 3’ // CTN IV 116 rev. 7: ḫur-ba-šam mu-ta; for fire see BAM VI 580 ii: 4’ // CTN IV 116 rev. 8: i-ša₂-tu₂. See M.J. Geller, ibidem, pp. 337–338. 47 BAM VI 580 ii: 6’ // CTN IV 116 rev. 11: i-mur-šu dsuʾen e-da-nu-[uš-šu₂]. See M.J. Geller, ibidem, pp. 337–338. 48 BAM VI 580 ii: 9’-12’ // CTN IV 116 rev. 14–16: niš-ku-un(variant: -um)-ma i-na ma-a- ti sim-mi / ta a-me-lu-ti ni-ib-na-a mu(variant adds: -u₂)-ta ba-la₂-ṭa ni-ir-ku-sa it-ti-š[u] / sim-ma variant: -mu) ka-la-ma da-nu (variant adds: -um) ib-ni-ka zu-um-ri dingir u lu₂ ta-ṣa-bat. See M.J. Geller, ibidem, pp. 337–338. 49 BAM VI 580 ii: 16’-17’ // CTN IV 116 rev. 20–21: [. . . dgu-l]a a-su-ut dingir.dingir gal. gal (variant: dingir.me[š gal.meš] / [. . .] ša₂ ba-la₂-ṭi kar-zil-ki u mas-dar-ki. Note that I follow the suggestion of M. Stol, “Remarks on Some Sumerograms and Akkadian Words,” in: M.T. Roth, W. Farber, M.W. Stolper & P. von Bechtolsheim (eds.), Studies Presented to Robert D. Biggs, Chicago 2007 (= AS 27), p. 238, and read mas-dar-ki ‘your scalpel’ instead of M.J. Geller’s reading maš-ṭar-ki ‘your prescription’ (see ibidem, pp. 337–338). 50 See the discussion in Chapter 2.2.2. gula and healing spells 113

K. 6057+ iii: 1’–10’ (unpubl.) 1’ [(x)] ˹x x˺ dgu-la a-sa-a[t . . .] 2’ ˹e˺-mu-ru-ma mar-ṣa u₂-pa-aš₂-ši-˹ḫa˺ [. . .] 3’ [di?]-a-am51 maš-ka-du ki-is-sa-tum [. . .] 4’ [š]u-u sa-ma-nu gir-giš-ši a-mur-ri-q[a-nu . . .] 5’ [ši]m-ma-tum šim-mat uzu.meš ša₂-na-du ša₂-aš₂-˹ša₂˺-ṭ[u] 6’ ˹u₃˺ mim-ma lem-nu mu-ṣab-bi-tum a-me-lu-ti 7’ [i-n]am-di dasal-lu₂-ḫi ši-pat-su ša₂ ba-la₂-ṭi 8’ ˹u₂˺-šap-ša₂-aḫ dgu-la ina šu.ii-ša₂ ša₂ te-ni-iḫ-ḫu 9’ [gi]g/[si]mx.meš i-na-as-sa-ḫu ina sa.meš-šu₂ 10’ [a-n]am-di-ku-nu-ši52 en₂ ši-pat ba-la₂-ṭi

1’ “. . . Gula, physician of . . . 2’ Who saw (him/it) and calmed down the sick . . . 3’ Diʾu disease, maškadu disease, kissatu disease, . . . 4’ Šuʾu demon, sāmānu disease, girgiššu disease, amurriqānu jaundice, . . . 5’ Paralysis, paralysis of the flesh, šanâdu disease, šaššaṭu disease, 6’ And anything evil which has seized mankind! 7’ Asaluḫi recited his incantation of life, 8’ Gula relieved with her soothing hands. 9’ They both tear out the wounds / diseases from his ‘strings’. 10’ I recite the incantation ‘Incantation of life’ over you.”

4.4 Standard Formulas in Healing Spells Referring to Gula

At first glance the number of healing spells appealing directly to Gula is surprising. Only very few incantations address her, even though she is said in the Gula Hymn of Bullussa-rabi to carry incantations with her in a leather pouch.53 However, Gula appears far more often in a standard formula which closes many healing spells and which is put into the mouth of the exorcist: šiptu ul yattun šipat dea u dasaluḫi šipat ddamu u dgula

51 Tentatively restored on the basis of the Old Babylonian spelling of the disease. How ever, the usual spelling in first millennium incantations is di-ʾ-u/i. 52 I have restored a first person singular verb form in view of the similar incantation en₂ anamdīka šipta ṭāridat kal marṣāti “I recite the incantation over you which drives away any sick forms” for which see my edition Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, pp. 147–158, 170–171. 53 ezḫēku tukkanna ša šipat balāṭi, see for the edition W.G. Lambert, “The Gula Hymn of Bulluṭsa-rabi,” pp. 120–121, l. 81. 114 chapter four

šipat dningirim bēlet šipti šunu iqbûnimma anāku ušanni This is not my incantation, it is the incantation of Ea and Asaluḫi, It is the incantation of Damu and Gula, It is the incantation of Ningirim, lady of incantation. They have told it to me and I repeat it.54 I have quoted the long version; often the final sentence is dropped or the epithet of Ningirim, who is according to older traditions the divinity of exorcism, is missing. The primary purpose of the standard formula is to add divine authority to the efficacy of the spell. Some healing spells conclude with a telling sentence that is written in the first person and was spoken by the sick person himself or the exorcist. dgula bulluṭīma qīšta/qīstīki leqî Gula, cure (me/him) and accept the/your present!55 Occasionally reference is made to the fact that the practitioner himself received a present or his fee.56 This indication is included in a Middle Babylonian incantation that was unearthed at Ugarit: “May the expert receive the present!”57 We do not know to what present the patient refers; however, it is noteworthy that the words of appeal and the offer of a present were addressed only to the healing goddess. It is possible, though cannot be corroborated by any data, that the confirmation of paying Gula with a present actually refers to the ex voto offerings found in her temples. Both in Aqar Quf and Isin numerous dog figurines and clay models of body parts were unearthed.58 Many of the human figurines seem to point to specific body

54 See e.g. BAM II 124 iv: 23–26; BAM II 128 iv: 18’–23’. 55 See e.g. AMT 93,3 obv. 11’ (spelled qi-iš-tu₂ le-qi₂-e leaves no doubt that the form is an imperative 2. sg. fem.) or see e.g. for the variant ‘your present’ BAM VI 510 iii: 5 (spelled nig.ba-ki ti-i). 56 For a discussion of the term qīštu which should be rather understood as fee see M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, pp. 93–94. 57 RS 20.06 l. 13: dumu um.mi.a.meš nig₂.ba li-im-ḫur. See for the editio princeps J. Nou gayrol in Ugaritica V, Paris 1968, pp. 64–65. 58 See H. Avalos, Illness and health care in the Ancient Near East: The role of the temple in Greece, Mesopotamia, and Israel, Atlanta 1995 (= Harvard Semitic Museum Monographs 54) pp. 209–210; and A. Spycket, “Ex voto mésopotamiens du IIe millénaire av. J.-C., in: Ö. Tunca (ed.), De la Babylonie à Syrie en passant par Mari: Mélanges offerts à Monsieur J.-R. Kupper à l’occasion de son 70e anniversaire, Liège 1990, pp. 79–86 and pls. 1–3. gula and healing spells 115 parts, namely the back, belly, mouth, throat, head and eyes, as if indicating the location of the affliction.59 To conclude this chapter I would like to draw attention to the main aspects of how Gula appeared in healing spells stressing their persistance and prevalence. She was considered the ‘mother of the people’, the ‘great physician’ and a ‘seeress’. In some incantations puppies, dogs and dog bites are associated with her. A closer link seemed to have existed between the healing goddess and the Samana demon. The demon, in turn, was said to cause the so-called ašû disease and, though in a difficult context, intestinal troubles. In addition, Samana affected the suckling baby so that the mother had to change breasts, as is stated in one of the entries in the Sakikkû handbook. It seems as if in this association the image of her as a midwife and nurse would be echoed. In one instance we learn that Gula herself produced medicaments, namely in the case of diarrhoea; her affinity to afflictions of the belly is evident in other healing spells as well. The concept eventually materialized into the byname ‘the one who is able to heal bound intestines’. Also the idea of associating diseases of the digestive tract to the healing goddess was already fully elaborated in Sumer- ian hymns. The same holds true for her connection to both simmu skin wound and the ‘cord-like system’ of the body. Equally long-lasting is her appearance with a knife and scalpel, which she uses for medical treatments as well as to threaten diseases and their demonic agents. Finally, as the all-encompassing healing goddess she receives votive offerings for her cures.

4.5 The Metaphorical Language of Healing Spells

So far metaphors have been interpreted as a poetic or rhetoric device or have been understood in a literal sense as referring to the aetiology of diseases.60 Here I will choose a new and innovative approach. I will not

59 See M. Haussperger, “Die mesopotamische Medizin und ihre Ärzte aus heutiger Sicht,” ZA 87 (1997) pp. 205–206. 60 See for the use of metaphors and/or similes as literary forms e.g. J. Black, Reading Sumerian Poetry, London 1998, pp. 16–19; M.P. Streck, Die Bildersprache der akkadischen Epik, Münster 1999 (= AOAT 264), pp. 167–193, 207–213; N. Wasserman, Style and Form in Old-Babylonian Literary Texts, Leiden – Boston 2003 (= CM 27) pp. 99–156; B.R. Foster, Before the Muses. An Anthology of Akkadian Literature, Bethesda 20053, p. 18. For the inter pretation of metaphors as referring to the aetiology of diseases see T.J. Collins, Natural Illness in Babylonian Medical Incantations, Chicago 1999 (unpublished PhD thesis); for 116 chapter four use the term metaphor in the traditional view as a figure of style, but as it is applied in the conceptual and discourse metaphor theory. In their influential and now classic contribution Metaphors We Live By the linguist G. Lakoff and the philosopher M. Johnson argue that metaphors are “the key to giving an adequate account of understanding.”61 Originat- ing in the cultural and physical experience, metaphors have, according to this view, a deep impact on the way we conceptualize the world; their primary function is to explain one experience in terms of another.62 The theory defines a metaphor by understanding one conceptual domain, the target concept, in terms of another conceptual domain, the source concept (I follow the convention to indicate conceptual domains, source concepts and metaphors in small caps). love, for example, can be explained in terms of magic. In the conceptual metaphor love is magic the source concept magic is mapped onto the target concept love. The metaphor is reflected in language using expressions such as ‘She cast her spell over me. The magic is gone. I was spellbound. She had me hypnotized. He has me in a trance. I was entranced by him. I am charmed by her. She is bewitching’.63 The theory of conceptual metaphor was further elaborated;64 one of the most compelling critiques includes the view that G. Lakoff ’s and M. Johnson’s model does not account for cultural differences. Thus, in recent years a new type of study emerged dealing with discourse metaphor. While in conceptual metaphors the source domain can be very abstract correlating between sensori-motor experience and subjective judgement (e.g. the primary metaphors knowing is seeing, affection is warmth, or important is big), the source domain of discourse metaphor usually forms part of a common cultural space and is often concrete and material or otherwise tangible (e.g. the body is a container or revolution is a storm). The salient feature of metaphors, which makes the application of the explanatory model so appropriate for the interpretation of healing spells, is that they are used as a heuristic tool for exploring something

critical remarks of this interpretation see M.J. Geller, “Incantations within Akkadian Medi cal Texts,” in: G. Leick (ed.), The Babylonian World, London 2007, pp. 389–399. 61 Chicago – London, preface of the 1980 edition. 62 “Conceptual Metaphor in Everyday Language,” Journal of Philosophy 77 (1980) p. 454; Metaphors We Live By, Chicago – London 2003 (2nd edition with a new afterword), p. 5. 63 Metaphors We Live By, Chicago – London 2003, p. 49. 64 See G. Lakoff & M. Johnson, Philosophy in the Flesh. The Embodied Mind and its Chal lenge to Western Thought, Chicago 1999. gula and healing spells 117 that goes beyond normal comprehension and which is directly threatening health, wellbeing or survival.65 As a matter of fact, the fundamental relevance of metaphor in medical encounters was soon recognized.66 One of the major groundbreaking contributions is G.W. van Rijn-van Tongeren’s study Metaphors in Medi- cal Texts that focuses on the kind of metaphors that are used to structure medical concepts and on the function of metaphorical expressions in present-day medical texts.67 Her research centres on the metaphors of cancer and tumours identifying them as surface representation of an underlying system. Metaphors have an enormous explanatory capacity; this is the reason why they are especially important for making the patient understand his/her illness and the course it takes. In order to stress the impact of images G.W. van Rijn-van Tongeren argues that metaphorical thinking can often lead to major scientific discoveries. As an example she refers to William Harvey’s explanation of how blood goes through the body at a high rate, first introduced in 1628: it is flowing in a circle suggesting a circular movement—hence blood circulation—which was proven only much later by the existence of capillaries.68

One of the most common modern medical metaphors is treating illness is fighting a war.69 Modern physicians often use military images in their jargon, talking about fighting disease, developing strategies, body defence, heart attack, aggressive treatments, or killer cells. Other well- known modern metaphors include medicine is a detective story or illness is a puzzle to be solved, in which the medical doctor has to find clues and searches for the correct diagnosis, or he is suspicious about sin- ister diseases, and the body is a machine.70 Not only physicians but also patients would use the same language describing the heart as a ‘ticker’ or

65 See for an overview R.M. Frank, “The Language-Organism-Species Analogy: A Com plex Adaptive System Approach to Shifting Perspectives on ‘Language’,” in: R.M. Frank, R. Dirven, T. Zienke & E. Bernárdez (eds.), Body, Language and Mind. Vol. 2, Sociocultural Situatedness, Berlin 2008, pp. 215–262. 66 See e.g. the contribution of A.H. Carter & L.B. McCullough, “Metaphors, Language, and Medicine,” Soundings 72 (1989) pp. 7–164. For a discussion of the topic see S. Fleischman, “Language and Medicine,” in: D. Schriffin, D. Tannen & H.E. Hamilton (eds.), The Hand book of Discourse Analysis, Oxford 2001, pp. 470–502. 67 Amsterdam 1997. 68 Ibidem, p. 14. 69 For this terminology see G. Lakoff, J. Espenson & A. Schwartz, Master Metaphor List, Berkeley 1991 (2nd edition), p. 176. 70 See P. Hodgkin, “Medicine is War: And Other Medical Metaphors,” British Medical Journal 29 (1985) pp. 21–28. 118 chapter four

‘battery’ or referring to the body as an engine. Plumbing with its pipes, pressure, flushing and draining system appears as a common image of the body.71 By explaining disease with technical terms using familiar metaphors from daily life the practitioner transforms the diffuse subjective experience of suffering into something specific, palpable, and more tangible. The patient can understand the disease better and is able to take an emotional distance from his pain by translating his suffering experience into a mechanistic image.

Having outlined the theoretical frame, I am now able to address the question of what kind of images are used to structure the concept of disease in incantations and more specifically to what semantic fields these metaphors belong. In order to find out how concepts of disease—the target domain—are structured, we have to determine the source domain. When we have established these donor fields we will be able to formulate the functioning and dynamics of the metaphor. This analysis enables us to investigate to which extent metaphors in incantations can be related to the concept of disease and which aspects of medical reality are high- lighted. In my discussion I also include those similes that are related to metaphors. I follow here the distinction of W. Croft and D.A. Cruse who speak of ‘literal similes’ or ‘statements of similarity’ and ‘metaphorical similes’ or simply ‘similes’.72 The difference is that ‘metaphorical similes’ can be easily transformed into metaphors by dropping the indicator ‘like’ without any great change in meaning, while ‘literal similes’ do not correspond to metaphors.73 A comprehensive study of the imagery used in incantations is beyond the scope of the present contribution.74 My aim is to focus the discussion

71 See C.G. Helman, Culture, Health and Illness, Oxford 1994, p. 25. 72 Cognitive Linguistics, Cambridge 2004, pp. 211–216. See for the blurring of metaphor and simile in Sumerian literary texts the remarks of J. Black, Reading Sumerian Poetry, pp. 16–19. 73 To illustrate the difference I refer to two examples given by W. Cruse and D.A. Croft: the statement ‘John is like a lion’ is a metaphorical simile which can be transformed into the metaphor ‘John is a lion’. Compare in contrast the literal simile ‘nectarines are like peaches’ which does not mean ‘nectarines are peaches’; see Cognitive Linguistics, Cam bridge 2004, p. 211. 74 I am preparing a separate study of the imagery of medical incantations. See for a philological oriented study of Akkadian figurative language listing tenor and vehicle (or Bildempfänger and Bildspender corresponding to target and donor respectively) N. Wasser man, Style and Form in Old-Babylonian Literary Texts, pp. 99–156, and M.P. Streck, Die Bildersprache der akkadischen Epik, Münster 1999 (= AOAT 264), pp. 167–193, 207–213. gula and healing spells 119 mainly on two examples coming from exorcistic incantations and healing spells respectively. This case study will have a direct impact on our understanding of the essential formulation of ‘healing craft’ and ‘magic art’.75

We can observe that healing spells usually draw upon images from salient features or objects of the environment. landscape and animal belong to the most prominent source domains or donor fields; here we can further distinguish between sea – river – pond, on the one hand and wild animals and domestic animals on the other. Just to illustrate Let us begin with some examples of the source domain landscape: In some incantations that were recited in the context of easing birth, the belly of a pregnant woman is compared to an ocean in which the foetus is imagined as a boat that had to reach the harbour.76 The belly becomes an entity and turns into an independent place of action. The concept of the foetus as a boat complies with the harbour scenery. The image of the ocean corresponds exactly to the notion—or should we say theory—of conception in which the semen is usually expressed with terms for water or other fluids and is poured into the waters of intercourse.77 The recur- rence of water metaphors gives an idea of the kind of constituent water is in the cognitive landscape of Ancient Babylonians. In an Old Babylonian incantation from Sippar the belly is visualized as a pond; fish inhabit its waters but cannot escape. The whole image is used to explain severe troubles caused by constipation.78 This source domain, which interestingly targets the two ideational realms of the healing goddess, namely the belly as the place of the unborn baby and as the seat of digestive troubles, was abandoned in first-millennium incantations in favour of river metaphors. Commonly, we find intestinal troubles and digestive disorders compared with overflowing or breached riverbanks.79 However, the image was not

75 See the discussion in Chapter 6.2. 76 For the metaphor of sea and boat see J.J.A. van Dijk, “Incantations accompagnant la naissance de l’homme,” OrNS 44 (1975), pp. 73–75; for the motif of the boat see also the discussion of M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible. Its Mediterranean Setting, pp. 62–63 and see my comments in “Proverbs 30: 18–19 in the Light of Ancient Mesopotamian Cuneiform Texts,” Sefarad 69 (2009) pp. 272–274. 77 See for the expressions nīlu ‘fluid (semen)’, reḫû ‘to pour out’, riḫûtu ‘offspring, semen’ (literally ‘what is poured out’), and a ‘water’, M. Stol, ibidem, pp. 4–5. 78 See for the incantation A. Cavigneaux & F.N.H. Al-Rawi, “Charmes de Sippar et de Nippur,” in: H. Gasche, M. Tanret, C. Janssen & A. Degraeve (eds.), Cinquante-deux reflexions sur le Proche-Orient ancien offertes en hommages à Léon De Meyer, Leuven 1994 (= MHEO II), pp. 82–85 section A rev. ll. 16–40. 79 See the incantation discussed below. 120 chapter four restricted to this specific disease complex but was also used to describe the unnatural flow of blood and tears.80

The encounter with wild animals is another experience that served as a donor field for metaphors; the target here is pain. It is important to note that the images were rather stable and could not be used arbitrarily for any sensation of pain. The arrest of breathing caused by suffocating, the buʾšānu disease, which covers the clinical picture of diphtheria, was compared to an attack by a lion or a wolf. Healing spells frequently describe the sensation of the arrest as “like a lion it caught the throat, like a wolf it caught the larynx.”81 The metaphor used for pains affecting teeth and gums which were compared to a gnawing worm is very specific.82 The examples may suffice to give a general idea of metaphors in healing spells. We can observe that the imagery was often embedded in mini- narratives or historiolae that are so characteristic of this genre. In order to illustrate my point I shall deal with the metaphor the belly is a container and the body is a landscape.83 Incantations that are recited in the context of serious digestive troubles often use the concept of the belly as a closed container like the following text:84 The belly of the sick is covered like a box, It is like the water of a river without a current, It is like the water of a well, which does not flow. It is covered like a fermenting vat, Food and drink do not enter. God Marduk saw this And addressed his father Ea: ‘My father, the belly of the sick is covered like a box

80 See the incantation SpTU IV 129 rev. col. vi: 11–27 which was to be recited in the context of nose bleeding. According to rev. col. vi: 20–22 the flow of liquid is said to be “like an irrigated field whose dikes cannot keep the irrigation water, like a mashing tub whose stopper cannot stop (the liquid), like a leather waterskin whose band is not strong enough (to close it) and whose ligament is not reliable (to hold it together).” 81 See for the line of text H. Hunger, SpTU I 44 l. 55, p. 52, 54. 82 For a discussion of the tooth worm historiola see M. Dietrich, “Der unheilbringende Wurm. Beschwörung gegen den ‘Zahnwurm’ (CT 17, 50),” in: S. Graziani (ed.), Studi sul vicino oriente antico dedicati alla memoria di Luigi Cagni, Napoli 2000, pp. 209–220. 83 Incantations dealing with the image of the intestines as watercourses and the inside as a fermenting brewing vat have been brought together by M. Stol; see “The Digestion of Food According to Babylonian Sources,” in: L. Battini & P. Villard, Médecine et médecins au Proche-Orient ancien, Oxford 2006 (= BAR International Series 1528), p. 115. 84 CT IV 8a (collated); ll. 1–34 have been translated by B.R. Foster, Before The Muses, vol. I, p. 121 (no. II.19). For a transliteration of the complete text see B.B. Sullivan, Sumerian and Akkadian Sentence Structure in Old Babylonian Literary Bilingual Texts, microfilm of PhD thesis, Ann Arbor 1980 (unpublished PhD dissertation), pp. 131–134. gula and healing spells 121

It is like the water of a river without a current, It is like the water of a well, which does not flow. It is covered like a fermenting vat, Food and drink do not enter’. Ea answers Marduk: ‘All what I know also you know. Be it a man, an ox or a sheep: As soon as you have . . . a lump of salt and ‘lung (plant)’, Shall the excrements leave through his anus! May it leave like a belch! Get out like wind from the anus! The concept of the belly as fermenting vat can be found again in a very short incantation that starts ‘The belly is a fermenting vat’.85 Still pertain- ing to the conceptual metaphor the belly is a container are two further images: “the belly is a dark place;”86 and “the belly has no windows in the middle—no one can lean out of them.”87 When the intestine canals were blocked up and needed to be repaired, two deities were asked for help: “whom should I send to the canal inspectors of your belly? May they bring along spades made of silver and shovels made of gold! May they open the canals, may they open the branch canals! May they escape, may they come forth the excrements!”88 In the present incantation, “The belly of the sick is covered like a box” (CT IV no. 8a), the conceptual metaphors the belly is a container and the body is a landscape serve to describe the blockage of the intestines (constipation): the belly is a closed box and a covered fermenting vat used for beer brewing; the water of the river and the well does not move to drain off. Both conceptual metaphors are also used to describe the direct opposite of constipation, diarrhoea. In the incantation against diarrhoea, “The river has burst (its banks), the canal overflowed”, with which I dealt above in Chapter 4.2.2, the vat stands for a container that opens

85 BAM VI 574 iii: 54: en₂ ša₃ nam-zi-tum. 86 As for darkness see the incantation BAM VI 574 ii: 22; for the belly as a dark place see the incantation BAM VI 574 iv: 24 en₂ lib₃-bu lib₃-bu e-ki-il lib₃-bu gin₇ mu-ši-tim “Belly, belly! The belly is dark (filled with the awe-inspiring splendour) like night.” The meta phor was already used in Old Babylonian times for which see the text VAS 17 9 (l. 2 is parallel), see the edition of T.J. Collins, Natural Illness in Babylonian Medical Incantations, pp. 154–155 (Belly 18). 87 This is stated in the already quoted incantation BAM VI 574 iv: 25: [i-n]a qab-li-ti ul i-šu a-pa-tu₂-ma ul u₂-šar-šu ma-am-ma and see the Old Babylonian incantation VAS 17 (NF 1) 9 l. 4: a-na a-ap-ti-šu ma-am-ma u₂-ul [u₂-ša-ar]. 88 See for the formula W. Farber, “Mannam lušpur ana Enkidu: Some New Thoughts about an Old Motif,” JNES 49 (1990) pp. 319–321. 122 chapter four because of overpressure and the river refers to flooding. We read that the canal overflowed and broke the sluice and that the stopper of the mashing tub for beer popped open. All these images illustrate yet another feature of conceptual metaphors: they are taken from daily life experiences. As is well known, controlling the flow and the direction of water from the river, building canals, ditches and sluices, or draining swampy lands were a constant preoccupation in Ancient Mesopotamia. Not only the concern of proper irrigation but also the references to the production of beer, the characteristic ‘national’ drink of Ancient Mesopotamians,89 show that metaphors or metaphorical similes are culture-specific. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine that we could find in the Ancient Babylonian text sources the conceptual metaphor illness is imbalance, which is so characteristic of Greek medicine and its theory of humours. Metaphors help not only illustrate graphically pains but also mapping physiological body functions. One of the afflictions for which the healing goddess cared was pain in belly and intestines, as we learn from the Sumer- ian hymn Ninisina A (ll. 32–35).90 The image used to visualize the painful convulsions of the sick is that of a snake which wriggles on burnt ground: Because of the illness of (his) belly (ša₃) and the illness of (his) sick intestines (libiš) which afflict the man This man writhes like a snake on burnt ground (muš ki.bil₂.gin₇), Hisses like a desert snake (muš ki.uš₂.a.gin₇) and He is feverishly crying out: ‘My belly (ša₃.ĝu₁₀)! My intestines (libiš.ĝu₁₀)!’91 The motivation for the use of the image ‘snake on burnt ground’ becomes evident when we take a closer look at a Sumerian incantation, which provides the respective medical context. The healing spell opens with the following words: It is bile (ze₂). It broke through the earth like a green plant (u₂.šim.gin₇ ki mu.un.dar), Like a she-goat (uz₃) it raised its head.

89 For the brewing of beer see L.F. Hartman & A.L. Oppenheim, On Beer and Brewing Techniques in Ancient Mesopotamia According to the XXIIIrd Tablet of the Series ḪAR.ra = ḫubullu, Baltimore 1950 (= JAOS Suppl. 10); and see P. Damerow, “Sumerian Beer: The Origins of Brewing Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia,” CDLJ 2012: 2. For the aspect of a national symbol see I. Márquez Rowe, “Pain, bière et la culture d’Uruk. De Gilgamesh au bòl à bord biseauté,” in: D.A. Barreyra Fracaroli & G. del Olme Lete (eds.), Reconstruyendo el Pasado Remoto. Estudios sobre el Próximo Oriente Antiguo en homenaje a Jorge R. Silva Castillo (= AuOr Supplementa 25), Sabadell – Barcelona 2009, pp. 135–145. 90 See the discussion in Chapter 2.2.3. 91 SRT 6 i: 32–35. gula and healing spells 123

Like a he-goat (maš₂) and a she-goat (uz₃) it has white spots,92 Like a water snake (muš.a.gin₇) it slickers the tongue, Like a snake of burnt ground (muš ki.bil₂.la₂.gin₇) it spits out its venom.93 The incantation was to be recited together with four other healing spells during the treatment of biliary afflictions; the symptoms range from jaundice, acid belching, pains in the epigastrium and vomiting to the Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon (who causes jaundice), digestive troubles and fever.94 The prescription which is directly preceding the incantations was meant for the case: “If a man suffers on an empty stomach from piercing pain in his epigastrium, his belly is persistently hot (to the touch), and he has acid belching—this man suffers from pāšittu and dugānu.”95 The first affliction (pāšittu), which is also a byname of the female demon Lamaštu, refers to ‘bile liquid’, and the second term (dugānu) indicates severe dys- pepsia with diarrhoea.96 I would suggest that the use of the same image, the ‘snake on burnt ground’, to describe a comparable medical context points to the following interpretation: the man in the Ninisina A hymn ‘wriggles like a snake on burnt ground’ because he suffers from ‘bile’. Sup- port for this understanding comes from lexical texts which equate the Sumerian expression ki.bil₂, literally ‘scorched / burnt’ place, with Akka- dian ḫimṭētu ‘heartburn’ alluding to an affliction of the bile.97 I would like to elaborate on the imagery of ‘bile’ in the healing incantations that are incorporated in the medical text on biliary afflictions (BAM VI 578). The Sumerian incantation “It is bile. It broke through the earth like a green plant” (in BAM VI 578 ii: 29–38) appears together with four more spells of which two are better preserved. The immediately succeeding incantation is “Bile, bile, bile! All destroying bile!” (BAM VI 578 ii: 39–44) after which follows the spell “Yellow is the she-goat, yellow is her kid” (BAM VI 578 ii: 45–49). The incantation “Bile, bile, bile (martu martu martu)! All destroying bile (martu pāši[ttu])!” refers with the characterization of bile

92 See PSD B 23 s.v. babbar 2; the verb used is il₂ which I understand as equivalent for našû A 2e) “to bear wool, bristles (said of animals)”, CAD N/II 95a. 93 See the edition of P. Michalowski, “Carminative Magic: Towards an Understanding of Sumerian Poetics,” pp. 13–18 with previous literature. 94 See for amurriqānu e.g. BAM VI 578 i: 70, iii: 4, 6 (written sig₇.sig₇); for acid belching e.g. i: 1; for pains in the epigastrium e.g. i: 1, ii: 20; for vomiting e.g. i: 1, 27, 47; for Aḫḫāzu e.g. iv: 28, 30, 31; for digestive troubles e.g. i: 28, 38; for fever of the belly e.g. ii: 20. 95 BAM VI 578 ii: 20–22. 96 See M. Stol, “The Digestion of Food According to Babylonian Sources,” p. 111. 97 See for the lexical attestations CAD Ḫ 193a s.v. ḫimṭētu. Note that the term appears together with nemlû ‘throat’ which indicates the place of ‘burning’. For the translation see AHw s.v. ḫimṭētu 347b, meaning 4). 124 chapter four as ‘destroying’ clearly to the disease caused by the bile liquid, pāšittu. The term is explained in a Late Babylonian medical text with ‘bile’ (martu) itself. As stated in the same text both are said to come “from the mouth.”98 This localization of ‘bile’ corresponds to the ‘place of heartburn’ (ki.bil₂), namely the throat (nemlû). “Bile, bile, bile! All destroying bile!” uses as image a yellow heron that is wading probably through the marshes.99 Of relevance for the present discussion is not only that the heron is a swamp bird, which evokes indirectly the image of wetlands, but also the colour term ‘yellow’. The same colour forms the leitmotif of the healing spell “Yellow is the she-goat, yellow is her kid.” I quote the first lines: Yellow is the goat, yellow is her kid, Yellow is her shepherd, yellow is her shepherd boy. In the yellow meadow she eats yellow grass, From the yellow stream she drinks yellow water.100 The spell resumes the image of the goat from the Sumerian incantation “It is bile. It broke through the earth like a green plant.” It has been put forward that the motivation for associating the Sumerian terms ze₂, uz₃, maš₂ and sig₇ was based on phonological grounds. The repetitive use of sibilants might have captured the hissing sound of a snake and the term for snakes themselves (muš).101 I would prefer an alternative explanation, which rests on the colour term sig₇ or arqu that stands for ‘yellow’ and ‘green’. As mentioned above, two of the afflictions in the medical text BAM VI 578 refer to the symptom of jaundice, which Ancient Baby- lonians understood as disease proper: amurriqānu and Aḫḫāzu catcher- demon. The first designation is actually derived from the colour term ‘yellow-green’ and the second refers to the demon, which was believed to cause jaundice. As is well known, one of the characteristic symptoms of jaundice in man is the yellow staining of the whites of the eyes. It will come as no surprise that the eyes were the first body part in which also Ancient Babylonians observed jaundice. It is interesting that they did not make a difference between detecting amurriqānu or the catcher-demon

98 SpTU I 43 obv. 12. 99 BAM VI 578 ii: 40: mar-tu gin₇ ki.sag.salmušen sig₇ it-ta-na-al-lak a-n[a appari], “‘bile’ walks about like a yellow heron through [the marshes].” 100 BAM VI 578 ii: 45–46. See for the study the incantation B. Böck, “Babylonische Divi nation und Magie als Ausdruck der Denkstrukturen des altmesopotamischen Menschen,” in: J. Renger (ed.), Babylon: Focus mesopotamischer Geschichte, Wiege früher Gelehrsamkeit, Mythos in der Moderne, Saarbrücken 1999, pp. 420–421. 101 See P. Michalowski, “Carminative Magic: Towards an Understanding of Sumerian Poetics,” pp. 5, 7, 10. gula and healing spells 125 itself in the eyes.102 I would suggest that this typical symptom gave rise to the association with goat and heron. Both animals share a common physical feature: the natural and most common colour of their eyes is yellow-green. Another poetic transformation of the colour leitmotif is the comparison of ‘bile’ with greenery, as stated in the Sumerian incantation “It is bile. It broke through the earth like a green plant.” The same image and interestingly also the same words are used to describe the origin of the Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon. In one of the incantations incorporated in the Šurpu handbook the evil power is described in the following way: du₃.du₃ u₂.šim.gin₇ ki.a mu.un.d[ar] aḫ-ḫa-zu ki-ma ur-qi₂-ti er-ṣi-ta i-pi-ṣ[i] Aḫḫāzu was breaking through the earth like a green plant.103 While the Sumerian term for green plant is not related etymologically to a colour term, the Akkadian urqītu is a derivative of arqu ‘yellow-green’. In order to close the discussion of the associative chain I should add that yellow-green is precisely the colour of bile and its liquid. In medical prescriptions ‘bile’, amurriqānu jaundice and the Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon were seen as a unit.104 It is generally assumed that jaundice caused by the Aḫḫāzu demon would be a more severe symptom than amurriqānu;105 however, both are treated with exactly the same medications and both can lead to death.106 As I have argued in Chapter Three Ancient Babylonians

102 Sakikkû XXIII: 19. The filling of the eyes with Aḫḫāzu is further attested in some medical recipes, BAM I 92 iii: 11 or BAM VI 578 iv: 43 for which see J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 138–139 (6.116, 6.118). 103 See the edition of E. Reiner, Šurpu. A Collection of Sumerian and Akkadian Incanta tions, Graz 1958 (= AfO Beiheft 11), tablet VII ll. 5–6, p. 36. 104 See for this correspondence J.A. Scurlock, Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 138. 105 See R. Labat, TDP, pp. 178–179 note 315; P.B. Adamson, “An Assessment of some Akkadian Medical Terms,” RA 87 (1993) pp. 153–159. By contrast see J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen who suggest that Aḫḫāzu refers to ‘simply jaundice’ while amurriqānu means ‘jaundice and bloating or wasting’, ibidem, p. 138; cf. also their critique of P.B. Adamson’s interpretation on p. 705 note 127. 106 Medical recipes against jaundice can be found in the text BAM VI 578 iii: 4–iv: 46. BAM VI 578 iv: 46 states that the asû should not approach the patient since he would die of Aḫḫāzu. Also amurriqānu was lethal, see BAM VI 578 iii: 5. According to BAM VI 578 iii: 7 the patient would die of amurriqānu. Medications for amurriqānu include potions with the following ingredients which are also attested for Aḫḫāzu: the patient has to drink in beer burāšu juniper (BAM VI 578 iii: 8, amurriqānu; iv: 28, Aḫḫāzu), kikkirānu plant (BAM VI 578 iii: 8, amurriqānu; iv: 28, Aḫḫāzu), ‘lung plant’ (BAM VI 578 iii: 22, amurriqānu; iv: 29, Aḫḫāzu), liquorice root (BAM VI 578 iii: 15, amurriqānu; iv: 30, Aḫḫāzu), kurkānû plant (BAM VI 578 iii: 10, amurriqānu; iv: 36, Aḫḫāzu), or ‘bitter plant’ (BAM VI 578 iii: 8, 126 chapter four attributed amurriqānu to the ‘hand’ of Gula, while the Aḫḫāzu demon was associated with the ‘hand’ of Gula’s divine consort, Ninurta.107 So far we have established the motivation for connecting the healing goddess with the associative chain ‘snake on burnt ground—bile—goat, heron, green plants—biliary afflictions’. In what follows I would like to draw attention to yet another element to which the images implicitly refer, namely water. The Sumerian incantation “It is bile. It broke through the earth like a green plant” mentions a water snake; the spell of the yellow goat includes the image of the animal drinking yellow water from a yellow stream; and the heron of the healing spell “Bile, bile, bile! All destroying bile!” evokes the wetland. I would suggest that these images were not used at random but were motivated by the relation between the healing goddess and water in the body. Sumerian literary texts usually connect the term ze₂ with the image of a snake, which spits poison, to express the feeling of fury and anger.108 But in three cases ‘bile’ is associated with water: it is likened to an overflowing river filling the intestines of the enemy, described as a flood, and in the third text its amount is compared to abundant water. It is particularly striking that the association ‘bile—abundant water –filling the intestines’ is attested within the context of the healing goddess and her inner circle, namely her divine consort Ninurta and his antagonist Anzû. In the Sumerian poem of Ninurta’s fight against the Asag demon, Ninurta’s exploits, the rage of the god is described with the following words: The lord made poisonous gall (uš₁₁ ze₂) run against the rebel lands, Wherever he went, bile (ze₂) followed him and filled their intestines (libiš), So that he rose like a swelled river drowning the enemies.109 We learn that ‘bile’ fills first the intestines and, consequently, the river level rises. The image of the rising rivers recalls the metaphorical concept in some medical incantations, which is used to describe the digestive system. The association between ‘bile’ and flood is further attested in one of amurriqānu; iv: 29, Aḫḫāzu). Note also the prescription of a bath, a tested medication, for both Aḫḫāzu and amurriqānu in BAM II 186 obv. 11. 107 See for a recapitulation of the discussion Chapter 6.1. 108 See the discussion of P. Michalowski, “Carminative Magic: Towards an Understand ing of Sumerian Poetics,” p. 10; and M. Jaques, Le vocabulaire des sentiments dans les textes sumériens, Münster 2006 (= AOAT 332), pp. 181–182. 109 Ll. 106–108 (only the Sumerian text is quoted): en.e ki.bal.še₃ uš₁₁ ze₂.a i.ni.in.de₃ / du.ni ze₂ mu.un.us₂ libiš sumur mu.un.tag / i₇ maḫ.gin₇ mi.ni.ib.be₂ i₃.ur₄.ru gu₂ erim₂. še₂ for which see the edition of J.J. van Dijk, LUGAL UD ME-LÁM-bi NIR-ĞÁL, vol. II, pp. 60–61. gula and healing spells 127 the hymns of Iddin-Dagan, namely in his Song to Ninisina (Iddin-Dagan D). In one of the sections of the hymn the healing goddess is described when she is furious: Like an overwhelming flood she directs her spewed-out bile against the enemy.110 Another reference to water and ‘bile’ is included in the description of the mighty Anzû bird, which becomes in the Akkadian literary tradition Ninurta’s adversary. The following description comes from the Sumerian composition of Lugalbanda and the Anzû Bird: He (Anzû) poured out his bile as if it were ten gur (≈ 3,000 l) of water.111 The association of ‘bile’ with the accumulation of water, I would suggest, points to two Ancient Mesopotamian ideas of the body: one is that bile was believed to cause, regulate or distribute abundant water in the body; and the other is that abundant water in the intestines was believed to cause severe troubles. This interpretation would explain not only why afflictions of ‘bile’ and digestive problems like diarrhoea are associated with each other and appeared together in medical prescriptions and why both were consequently attributed to the healing goddess, but also why in medical incantations the image of flooded rivers and overflowing canals was used to describe troubles of the intestinal tract.112 I mentioned above that it is assumed that metaphors in medical texts are often related or leading to specific treatments.113 In this respect, I would propose that the Ancient Mesopotamian idea of the physiological function of the ‘bile’ is one of the reasons why many medical prescriptions from first millennium BC for the

110 L. 38: [a].ĝi₆ uru₁₆.gin₇ zi₂ guru₅.a gu₂ erim₂.e bi₂.ib₂.ri, for which see the edition of O.R. Gurney & S.N. Kramer, OECT V 8, Oxford 1976, p. 20 (transliteration) and 21 (translation). 111 L. 67: a 10 gur.am₃ ze₂.bi mu.un.de₂, for which see the text edition of C. Wilcke, Das Lugalbandaepos, Wiesbaden 1969, p. 98. See for a study of the composition, J. Black, Read- ing Sumerian Poetry, pp. 58–110. 112 Note in this context the Sumerian hymn to Gula/Ninisina, Ash 1911.235 // Ni 9672 ll. 18–20, which depicts the healing goddess as supervisor of the canal system of the Emi-tummal: “Gula was given the lapis-lazuli measuring rod and measuring line for the accountancy of levees and ditches belonging to the Emi-tummal by Enlil and Ninlil,” fol lowing the translation of G. Zólyomi, “Hymns to Ninisina and Nergal on the Tablets Ash 1911.235 and Ni 9672,” in: H.D. Baker, E. Robson & G. Zólyomi (eds.), Your Praise is Sweet. A Memorial Volume for Jeremy Black from Students, Colleagues and Friends, London 2010, p. 419. 113 See for the correspondence of metaphors in exorcistic incantations with ritual actions the discussion in Chapter 6.2. 128 chapter four treatment of jaundice (and other biliary afflictions) recommend usually liquid and laxative medicaments.114 We could accordingly understand the treatment as supporting the function of the ‘bile’ in properly distributing and filtering excess liquid out of the body.

114 As already stated by R. Labat in his entry “Gallenkrankheit, Gelbsucht,” in: E. Ebeling (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie 3/2, Berlin 1959, pp. 134–135, esp. p. 135. chapter five

Gula’s healing plants

In Chapter Three I have outlined the symptoms and diseases which the Sakikkû handbook ascribed to the ‘hand’ of Gula. Among these ailments are the skin afflictions sāmānu, ašû, ṣītu, ṣarrišu and šadânu; severe digestive troubles such as ṣinnaḫ tīri, diarrhoea and pains in the belly; an unusual discharge of blood from nose, eyes and ears; and pains in the pelvis. Further afflictions taken from the chapter on infants’ diseases include buʾšānu, yellow discolouration of the skin ( jaundice); digestive disorders (constipation and cramps); cramps in the belly accompanied by fever; and unusual behaviour of the baby. In Chapter Four I have discussed healing spells that refer to Gula. We could detect in the healing spells and their medical setting a correspondence between the healing goddess and disorders of the digestive tract, renal diseases, problems of the musculoskeletal system, skin sores, and dog bites. Analysing some of the salient metaphors used to describe afflictions that are attributed to the healing goddess I have suggested that Gula was associated with the regulation of excess body liquid. In this chapter we enter the ancient world of plants, which is as fasci- nating as it is difficult to grasp. More than one thousand medicinal plant terms are known from Mesopotamian texts. Similarly to other traditional societies and cultures, the terminology for plants was not standardized with the effect that a plant had more than one name: common alternative designations, names in foreign languages, or special names known only to practitioners. This seemingly infinite number of names constitutes one of the most salient problems to understand Ancient Babylonian medicine and was one of which Ancient Babylonian practitioners were well aware of too. In order to cope with the evergrowing corpus of plant names they collected all the names in a specialized compendium which was called after its incipit uru.an.na : maštakal, ‘Plant whose place is in heaven (corresponds to the plant) maštakal ’. So far nearly fifty manuscripts of different editions of the plant lexicon are known. The handbook is organized in two columns, which are divided in paragraphs of different length, each 130 chapter five referring to one and the same medicinal plant under its various names.1 Further important information for the use of healing plants comes from medical recommendations and the Lists of Simple Drugs. These Lists were in all likelihood used as a guidebook how to employ medicinal plants. There is no ancient title preserved for this genre nor do we know the extent of the handbook. In outward appearance the tablets are organized in lists divided in up to three columns. The first column gives the Akka- dian name of the medicinal plant used as simple drug and the second, the indication for which disease the plant is employed. The third column gives information about the preparation and administration of the plant remedy. As will be observed from my discussion, the information provided by the uru.an.na handbook, the Lists of Simple Drugs and medical recommendations is much the same complementing each other; the only difference consists in a different formulation.2 Ancient Mesopotamian culture has not produced mythological narratives that would associate plants with deities comparable to and so characteristic for Ancient Greece.3 Rather, the connection of plants with the divine realm was considered an esoteric knowledge.4 It might, thus, come as no surprise that the information about the attribution of medicinal plants to the healing goddess comes from the specialized literature Ancient Babylonian practitioners had at their disposal, namely the uru. an.na handbook and the Lists of Simple Drugs. Entries from both works are the key to relate three plant names with the healing goddess: buʾšānu, lišān kalbi and ṣaṣuntu. The uru.an.na handbook permits us to establish that the names buʾšānu and lišān kalbi refer to the same medicinal plant. In this chapter I study the therapeutic indications of the two plants associated with Gula. My aim is to show that there is a correspondence between Gula’s avatar plants and the afflictions associated with her. The chapter is structured in two parts in which I discuss the uses of the two healing plants when used as single ingredient or simple drug. All texts and text

1 See for a description my contribution “Shaping Texts and Texts Genres: On the Drug Lore of Babylonian Practitioners of Medicine,” (in press). 2 See for a discussion that these text genres share the same pool of information ibidem. 3 I refer e.g. to the myth about the nymph Daphne and her metamorphosis into a laurel tree in order to escape from Apollon or the story of Narkissos, the self-absorbed young man who converted into a narcissus flower. 4 I am referring to some explanatory texts which give correspondences between ritual plants and gods; see for this genre A. Livingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars, Oxford 1986, pp. 175–187, especially p. 181. gula’s healing plants 131 passages are included in †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming).

5.1 The Buʾšānu Plant aka Lišān Kalbi Plant

5.1.1 Buʾšānu Plant The present study was prompted by an entry in one of the manuscripts of the Lists of Simple Drugs which reads as follows: u₂ ḫab mu!-šu₂ ur.gi₇ dnin.gi.zi.bar.ra mu tu u₂ ḫe-pi₂ ina kaš.sag u i₃.giš sag.uš i-šat-ti The plant ḫab / buʾšānu, its alternative name is ‘Ninigizibara’s dog’. . . . broken. He drinks it repeatedly in best-quality beer and oil.5 The goddess Ninigizibara is hardly known; her descriptive name can be translated as ‘Well-regarded lady.’6 She belonged to the entourage of Inanna and served her as a harp goddess.7 According to another tradition, the one from which Bullussa-rabi’s elaborated hymn to the healing goddess draws and which is relevant for the present passage, she was one of the manifestations of Gula.8 This manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs is not the only text that preserves the alternative name of the buʾšānu plant. Also the encyclopaedic compendium uru.an.na: maštakal includes an entry with the same

5 The text is BAM I 1 iii: 20–21. 6 See for the structure of the name G.J. Selz, “The Holy Drum, the Spear, and the Harp,” in: I.L. Finkel & M.J. Geller (eds.), Sumerian Gods and Their Presentations, Groningen 1997 (= CM 7), p. 202 note 221. 7 According to the great god list an: Anum iv: 73 dnin.igi.zi.ba.ra is called balağ dinanna, see for the text R.L. Litke, A Reconstruction of the Assyro-Babylonian God-Lists, AN: dA-NU- UM and AN: ANU ŠA₂ AMĒLI, p. 153. See also W. Heimpel, “Ninigizibara I und II,” in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischesn Archäologie 9 5/6, Berlin – New York 2000, pp. 382–384. 8 See W.G. Lambert, “The Gula Hymn of Bulluṭsa-rabi,” p. 109 and p. 120 (l. 91). W. Heim pel in his entry on “Ninigizibara,” ibidem, p. 384, remarks about the relation between the two goddesses that “it seems impossible to find a common denominator with the harp goddess of Inanna beyond the common name.” However, we can observe certain syncre tistic developments between Ištar and Baba (who is syncretised with Gula) as is evident in the great hymn to Ištar, KAR 109+ (and duplicates). Gula, on the other hand, could be addressed with epithets usually employed to refer to Ištar; see e.g. the incantation addressed to Gula, KAR 73 obv. 3’ which mentions the epithet an.zeb₂, telītu ‘experienced’. See for the use of the epithet in apposition to the divine name Ištar CAD T s.v. teleʾu b) and c) pp. 327–328. The incantation is dealt with in Chapter 4.1.2. In this regard it cannot be ruled out that both Ninigizibaras were the same goddess. 132 chapter five

information, using a different formulation in that the name of the healing goddess is spelled dme.me:9 u₂ ḫab u₂ buʾšānu u₂ ur.gi₇ dme.me u₂ min The (Sumerian) plant ḫab stands for the (Akkadian) plant buʾšānu. The plant ‘Gula’s dog’ is the same plant. This equivalent is given for a third time in a medical prescription, namely in the fragmentary text AMT 19,7 from one of the libraries of Ashurbanipal in Nineveh. The reference is in all likelihood a quotation from the Lists of Simple Drugs or the uru.an.na handbook since medical prescriptions only rarely refer to alternative or other special names of healing plants. Line 4 is poorly preserved: [. . .] u₂ ḫab ša ur.gi₇ dgu-[la mu.ni . . .] . . . the buʾšānu plant whose [name is also] ‘Gula’s dog’. The plant handbook uru.an.na dedicates one section to buʾšānu which gives in addition to the mystical designation ‘Gula’s dog’ other common and foreign names as well as a descriptive name. The passage comes from the second chapter of uru.an.na; the line numbers correspond to the forthcoming edition of †F. Köcher and myself. 108 [u₂] ḫab u₂ du₃.a.bi sig₅ 109 u₂ ḫab u₂ bu-ʾ-šá-nu 110 u₂ ur.gi7 dme.me u₂ min 111 u₂ qar-bu-ḫu u₂ min 112 u₂ kir4.ḫab u₂ min 113 u₂ ar-me-da u₂ min 114 u₂ a-ra-la-aš₂ u₂ min 115 u₂ ar-ʾi-bu u₂ min 116 u₂ pi-ri-du-lu-uš u₂ min ! : 117 [u₂] x x x tam-šilx (liš) u₂ qar (text am)-[b]u-ḫu 118 ˹u₂˺ x x [x x]-ri mu-šu₂ u₂ bu-[ʾ-ša₂-nu] 119 u₂ bu-ʾ-ša₂-nu u₂ du₃ sig5 120 [u₂ ki.min] u₂ ša₂-mu sig.meš The first line explains the Sumerian plant name ḫab as ‘medicinal plant that is good for everything’. The Sumerian term is then in l. 109 equated with the proper Akkadian name of the plant, namely buʾšānu. In l. 110 the mystical name referring to the animal of the healing goddess is given. The

9 The lines quoted are from tablet II ll. 109–110; see for the edition †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming). gula’s healing plants 133 qarbuḫu plant in l. 111 only appears in this section of uru.an.na and seems to be another name for the same plant. The logographic spelling kir4.ḫab in l. 112 stands for the disease buʾšānu, homonymous with the plant name. The plant is, however, commonly spelled with the logogram ḫab, which turns the spelling with kir₄ into a sophisticated writing. The plant name armīdu in l. 113 is again only attested in the uru.an.na handbook. The succeeding lines 114–116 give names in other languages as evident from the respective word formations. Usually, a reference to the foreign language in question would be attached but is missing here. It is reasonable to assume that the terms stand for the corresponding Kassite, Aramaic, and Ḫurrian name. The beginning of l. 117 is poorly preserved; it should mention a plant term, which is said to be “similar to the qarbuḫu plant.” In l. 118 yet another name is listed which is equated to the buʾšānu plant; what can be read means “. . . is its name.” L. 119 repeats the information of l. 108. L. 120 which closes the section contains another example for scholarly writing: the logogram sig.meš is used for the expected spelling sig₅.meš.10 The meaning is similarly to the first line of the section. Instead of the explanation du₃.a.bi sig₅ to be read kal damiq ‘it is good for everything’ the alternative formulation sig.meš is given which stands possibly for Akkadian mudammiqu, ‘(plant) which makes feel good’. This descriptive name is in accordance with the image of Gula as all- encompassing healing goddess turning buʾšānu into a panacea. In spite of this classification, the plant had quite a specific profile as the following discussion of its therapeutic indications in medical prescriptions and in the Lists of Simple Drugs will show.

5.1.1.1 Fever, Blurred Vision, Blood in the Eyes The first attestation comes from the first chapter of the handbook on medical prescriptions known by the title Šumma amēlu muḫḫašu umma ukāl ‘If the top of a man’s head is hot’.11 The recommendation in question is rather elaborate and inserted in a section on various simple drugs. Here as in the following quotes from medical prescriptions I first give the line that contains the description of the symptoms and then add the actual

10 This alternative spelling is frequently used in other specialized texts on plant lore like the handbook Šammu šikinšu, ‘On the appearance of the medicinal plant’. Some of its manuscripts use instead of the rather long sign sig₅ the shorter sign sig; see e.g. KADP 33 obv. 7, 9, 11 or KADP 34b rev. 5’. 11 See the edition of M. Worthington, “Edition of UGU 1,” JMC 5 (2005), pp. 6–43. 134 chapter five prescription in which the preparation and administration of the medicinal plants is stated. BAM V 480 ii: 12, 15 12 [diš na sag.du-s]u kum₂ tuku-ma igi.min-šu₂ i-bar-ru-ra mud₂ u₂-kal-la 15 1/3 sila₃ u₂.ḫab ina ga sila₁₁-aš sar-ab ki.min (= la₂-ma u₄ 3.kam₂ nu du₈) If a man’s head is hot and then his eyes are blurred (and) contain blood: You knead 1/3 sila (ca. 333 grams) of the buʾšānu plant with milk (to a firm mass), you shave him and apply a bandage and then he should not take it off for 3 days. The prescription recommends the preparation of a poultice based on milk and the buʾšānu plant. Though not explicitly stated the mass had to be spread on a cloth which is the item that is applied or bound around the head to cover the inflamed area. No reference is made to where the bandage had to be placed or what effect was desired. For a discussion of the term barāru ‘to be blurred’ see the study of J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschriftlichen Quellen. Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Medizin, Würzburg 2000 (= Würzburger medizinhistorische Forschungen 70), pp. 86–91.

5.1.1.2 Buʾšānu Disease

BAM VI 543 ii: 24, 38 // BM 66560 rev. 7’ // SpTU I 44 obv. 16 diš na kir₄-šu₂ kum₂ il-la-tu-šu₂ gen-ku bu-ʾ-ša₂-na dab-su u₂.ḫab sud₂ min (= ina kaš nag buru₈-ma ina-eš) If a man’s nose is hot, he secretes saliva: the buʾšānu disease has seized him. You crush the buʾšānu plant, and let him drink it with beer; he should vomit and then he shall recover. SpTU I 44 obv. 20–23 This prescription is rather elaborate and recommends a combined treatment of the buʾšānu disease. The plant buʾšānu forms part of the con- cluding action; the complete prescription is quoted:

20 diš [na ap]-pa-šu₃ u ka-šu₂ bu-ʾu-ša₂-nu dab-it tug2gada ta-ṣap-pir lal₃ sud [im].saḫar.[na₄.kur.ra] 21 tu-l[a]-am a-na na-ḫir-ri-šu₂ ta-[sa]-an-niš u₂.šimbirida im.saḫar.[na₄. kur.r]a sud₂ tug2[gada . . .] gula’s healing plants 135

22 t[u]-la-am kir₄-šu₂ u ka-šu₂ en mud₂ igi ta-kar u₄ [3.kam₂] an-nam du₃-uš [u₄ 4.kam₂] 23 u₂.ḫab sig₇-su tu-ḫas₂-sa₃ a.meš ti-qe₂ 2 gin₂ i₃.giš ana š[a₃]-š[u₂-n]u ḫi.ḫi nu pa-tan tu-ša₂-r[a-šu-ma ina-eš] If buʾšānu has seized a man’s nose and mouth: fray a piece of linen, sprinkle honey on it, set aside alum; then insert (the linen) into his nostrils. Crush the nīnû plant and alum, a linen cloth . . . remove it. Then rub his nose and mouth until blood is to be seen. Do this over three days; [on the fourth day] you squeeze out fresh buʾšānu plant, take the juice, mix it with 2 shekels (ca. 16.6 grams) fine oil, let him drink it on an empty stomach, then let him vomit, and then he shall recover. Due to the damaged state of preservation the recommendation is not entirely understood. It seems that after the initial treatment of putting linen into the nostrils, a second piece of linen carrying another mixture had to be introduced. BAM VI 543 ii: 46’, 47’ // BM 66560 rev. 8’ diš lu₂ bu-ʾ-ša₂-nu (dab-su) u₂.ḫab ina i₃ u kaš (nag) If the buʾšānu disease has seized a man: Give him the buʾšānu plant in oil and beer to drink.12 BAM VI 543 iii: 53’–54’ ka.inim.ma bu-ʾ-ša₂-nu dab-su du₃.du₃.bi u₂.ḫab ḫad₂.a sud₂ ina i₃.giš [u k]aš nag-ma ina-[eš] Incantation for the buʾšānu disease has seized (man): Its ritual: You crush the buʾšānu plant, let him drink it with fine oil and beer, and then he shall recover. The four prescriptions give the same preparation form: a potion with beer, and the mixtures of water with fine oil and beer with oil as carrier substances. Only the first two prescriptions specify the effect of the potion, which is to provoke purging through the mouth. These recommendations are also more elaborate in style and give some symptoms of the buʾšānu disease. One gets the impression that the last two prescriptions are indeed short versions. Though the desired effect of the medicament in both short

12 The edition of the text BM 66560 is included in †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian- Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming). 136 chapter five indications is not explicitly stated we might assume that they were meant to work in exactly the same way as recommended in the longer versions. The two symptoms mentioned of the buʾšānu disease, i.e. a hot nose and secreting saliva, refer only to one spectrum of the affliction. The disease can provoke several severe conditions. J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen distinguish between three types of buʾšānu according to the main seat of the disease, namely diphtheria, which affects tonsils, pharynx, and nose, herpetic stomatitis which causes blisters, and Vincents’s angina which is an acute illness of the gums accompanied by fever.13 The symptom of salivation of the mouth is one of the symptoms of the disease which J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen identify as herpetic stomatitis.14 Though the buʾšānu disease appears only in the chapter on infants’ diseases and not in other chapters of the Sakikkû handbook, the correspondence between both the buʾšānu disease as the ‘hand of Gula’ and the buʾšānu plant as Gula’s herb is definite. BAM IV 379 iv: 18 Another symptom mentioned together with buʾšānu is gaḫḫu, a kind of cough, which J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen identify as a ‘brassy cough’.15 The use of the buʾšānu plant for this condition is referred to in the present manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs. ˹u₂˺.ḫab u₂ kal sig₅ mu.ni u₂ bu-ʾ-ša₂-ni u ga-aḫ-ḫi zi-ḫi ina i₃.giš u₃ kaš nag-ma ina-eš The buʾšānu plant, ‘plant which is good for everything’ is its alternative name. To remove buʾšānu disease and gaḫḫu cough. Let him drink it with fine oil and beer, then he shall recover. The entry includes a reference to the plant’s alternative name already discussed. According to the disease description J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Ander- sen put forward, buʾšānu can be identified here with diphtheria.16

5.1.1.3 Afflictions Located in the Belly I have included in this section the symptom of pains in the belly and the Akkadian expression ṣēta ḫamiṭ ‘he burns with heat.’ Ancient Babylonians used this phrase to describe diseases that would cause a hot belly.

13 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 40–42. 14 Ibidem, p. 41 examples 3.64–66. 15 Ibidem, p. 178. 16 Note that they did not include the present text. For diphtheria see ibidem, pp. 40–42. gula’s healing plants 137

Often, medical prescriptions just refer to pain such as the following prescription. BAM VI 574 ii: 2, 4 diš [na š]a₃-šu₂ gu₇-šu₂ u₂.ḫab ina kaš If a man suffers from pains in his belly: give him the buʾšānu plant in beer to drink. There is no indication as to the effect of the ingestion of the buʾšānu plant. We do not know whether purging was sought or whether the potion had a relieving effect. The symptom of pain in the belly appears in the Sakikkû handbook as one of the afflictions attributed to the healing goddess. Though the formulation is different, the meaning is the same: diš ša₃-šu₂ dab-su-ma u₂-a du₁₁.ga šu dme.me, “If his belly is seized and he cries ‘Ouch!’: ‘hand’ of Gula” (chapter XIII i: 55’). Compare in the context of pains in the belly the statements in the infant chapter of the Sakikkû handbook: here a bloated epigastrium and various forms of intestinal cramps are associated with Gula.17 BAM II 146 obv. 10’–11’ There are several expressions for fever or the impression of heat to the touch in Akkadian.18 The expression ṣēta ḫamiṭ, literally ‘he burns with heat,’ refers to illnesses located in the belly and was an accompanying symptom of various digestive disorders. J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen have proposed to identify the term ṣētu with enteric fever and dehydration.19 In the handbook of medical prescriptions, symptoms of ṣēta ḫamiṭ are included in the chapter on colics of the digestive tract.20 diš na u₄.da [tab.ba ana gig-su la] gid₂.da u₂.ḫab sig₇-su [. . .] u₄ 3.kam₂ la₂.la₂ If a man burns with heat, in order not to prolong his illness: . . . fresh buʾšānu . . . during three days you bandage him.

17 See Chapter 3.5. 18 See the contribution of M. Stol, “Fevers in Babylonia,” in: I.L. Finkel & M.J. Geller (eds.), Disease in Babylonia, Leiden 2007, pp. 1–39; and see also the entry of R. Labat on “Fieber,” in: E. Ebeling (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie 3/1, Berlin 1957, p. 61. 19 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 816. 20 See B. Böck, “Innere Krankheiten,” in: B. Janowski & D. Schwemer (eds.), Texte zur Heilkunde, Gütersloh 2010 (= TUAT NF 5), p. 70. 138 chapter five

Note that the medical prescription in the following line, BAM II 146 obv. 14’, specifies the belly as the body part which is hot; this additional information corroborates the idea that the present prescription in BAM II 146 obv. 10’–11’ refers to the belly too. Our prescription would then recommend bandaging the belly. The medical recipe recalls the prescription for the buʾšānu disease that affects the temporal arteries causing blurred vision (discussed above under 5.1.1.1). Also in this recommendation the poultice prescribed seems to have served to calm down the fever.

5.1.1.4 Liver Diseases and Jaundice According to modern clinical findings jaundice is considered a subcategory of liver disease.21 This is the reason why I have brought together both afflictions, though in the Ancient Babylonian handbook of medical prescriptions they are treated separately. Unfortunately, the prescription for liver diseases is not fully preserved. Only few signs belonging to the part of the symptom description can be read: BAM I 92 ii’: 22’, iii’: 9 // CT 51 197 ii: 5’ diš na tun₃.gig [. . . u₂]-kal ˹ka˺- x [x (x)] (ki.min) u₂.ḫab (variant: u₂ du₃.a.bi sig₅) sud₂ ina kaš.sag min (variant: nu pa-tan nag-ma t[i-uṭ]) If a man, liver disease . . . keeps . . . Crush the buʾšānu plant (variant: the plant that is good for everything), let him drink it in best-quality beer on an empty stomach, then he shall recover. As M. Stol has recently discussed, the logogram tun₃, Akkadian takāltu is closely related to digestion and refers to the liver;22 and J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen include the expression tun₃.gig in their chapter on liver diseases.23 There are no indications whether the remedy was used to provoke vomiting and to get rid of the disease in a mechanical magical way or whether the potion had soothing properties. Note that the ‘hand’ of Ninurta, Gula’s divine consort, was associated with the liver.24

21 See M. Haussperger, “Einige medizinische Anmerkungen zum Text BAM 393,” in: H. Gasche & B. Hrouda (eds.), Histoire, arts de l’espace et industrie de la terre. Etudes offertes en hommage à Agnès Spycket, Paris 1996 (= Civilisations du Proche-Orient, Serie I: Archae ologie et Environnement 3), p. 130. 22 See “The Digestion of Food According to Babylonian Sources,” pp. 107–110. 23 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 138–140. 24 See Chapter 3.6.7. gula’s healing plants 139

BAM VI 578 iv: 17 diš na igi.min-šu₂ a-mur-ri-qa-nu diri u₂.ḫab sud₂ ina kaš nag-ma ina-eš If a man’s eyes are full with jaundice: Crush the buʾšānu plant, let him drink it with beer and then he shall recover. One of the characteristic symptoms of jaundice is the yellow discoloration of the eyes; in addition, prescriptions mention yellow discoloration of the body and face and wasting of the body.25 The medical prescription recommends a potion, and again, there are no indications as to the desired effect of the medication. We recall that one of the symptoms attributed to ‘Gula’s hand’ in the Sakikkû handbook, namely in the chapter on infants’ diseases, is the yellow discolouration of the body.26 In addition, her consort, Ninurta, was associated with jaundice caused by the so-called Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon.27 For the link between afflictions of the biliary and the healing goddess see the discussion in Chapter 4.5.

5.1.1.5 Pregnant Women One prescription in the context of women’s diseases refers to the use of the buʾšānu plant. Unfortunately, the symptoms are not preserved, only parts of the administration form. BAM III 241 ii: 11’ ki.min u₂.ḫab ina kaš.gestin ta-ma-ḫa-[aṣ . . . Ditto: Beat the buʾšānu plant with kurunnu wine . . .

5.1.1.6 Ašû Disease The indication that the buʾšānu plant was used as a simple drug to treat the ašû disease is stated in one manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs. The section that refers to our plant is quite exceptional because it breaks with the common structure of the text. Usually in each line of text only one drug is listed to which a reference to the disease treated and the application method used is attached. In this case, buʾšānu appears in a row with

25 In BAM VI 578 iv: 16 we read that a man’s body is yellow (na su-šu₂ sig₇); yellow face (pa-nu-šu₂ sig₇) and wasting body (ši-ḫat uzu) are stated in BAM VI 578 iii: 7. 26 See Chapter 3.5. 27 See Chapter 3.6.8. 140 chapter five five other plant names. No disease is stated but the context strongly suggests ašû. BAM I 1 ii: 7–8 u₂ šim.gur₂.gur₂ šim.li u₂.ab₂.duḫ u₂.dnin.urta u₂.ḫab u₂ numun u₂.qut[ra]28 sud₂! u₂.ḫi.a šeš ina i₃.giš šub ina izi šeg₆-šal kum₂-su sag-su šeš₂.meš The medicinal drug kukru, burāšu juniper, kammantu, nikiptu, buʾšānu, the medicinal drug seed of qutratu/qutru. Crush, add these drugs to fine oil, let it heat up over fire, anoint his head repeatedly when still hot. The prescription recommends a salve that has to be frequently applied to the head, which is the seat of the ašû skin disease. The entry is another example for the correspondence of a disease attributed to ‘Gula’s hand’ and the treatment with a medicinal plant that is associated to her. Note that according to one of the incantations directed against Samana the demon is said to provoke ašû disease.29

5.1.2 Lišān Kalbi Plant Precious information about the lišān kalbi plant, literally ‘dog’s tongue’, comes from the third chapter of the pharmacological handbook uru. an.na : maštakal. This part is worthy of note since it includes a list of correspondences between medicinal substances and their respective coded terms or esoteric names. It was F. Köcher who drew attention to this issue in his discussion of the use of a logographic writing that belongs to the particular features of the chapter.30 While the first two chapters of uru.an.na have before every drug name the word u₂ that serves in some cases as a determinative and in others simply as an entry marker with the meaning ‘medicinal substance’, the third tablet introduces the terms in the second column with the Sumerian sign dili. F. Köcher suggested that the logogram stands for Akkadian pirištu ‘secret’ and would then, accordingly, indicate that the name of the plant that would follow the sign was encoded. The first entry of chapter three reads: u₂ šu-šu-um dili kun dnin.kilim Medicinal drug: šūšu (liquorice)—coded name: tail of a mongoose.

28 For the reading of the diri compositum written with the signs KI.dIŠKUR see the lexical list diri : atru IV: 9, for which see M. Civil, MSL XV, p. 150. 29 See the discussion in Chapter 2.3. 30 See “Ein Text medizinischen Inhalts aus dem neubabylonischen Grab 405,” p. 204. gula’s healing plants 141

The third chapter of uru.an.na : maštakal (l. 9) includes also the plant ‘dog’s tongue’. u₂ bu-ʾ-ša₂-nu dili eme ur.gi₇ Medicinal drug: buʾšānu—coded name: ‘dog’s tongue.31 In contrast to the first entry of the chapter about liquorice and ‘tail of a mongoose’ the motivation for the codification of buʾšānu as ‘dog’s tongue’ is transparent. Considering the mystical byname of the buʾšānu plant, ‘Gula’s dog’, the name ‘dog’s tongue’ is a metonymic derivation. Our plant had more than these two names. According to entries in two of the manuscripts of the uru.an.na handbook, lišān kalbi was also known under the Sumerian name gidir.sipa (ḫaṭṭi rēʾî), ‘shepherd’s crook’. KADP 2 v: 40–42 šam-mu ina muḫ-ḫi-šu₂ muš.dim₂.gurun.na ra-ab-ṣu : u₂ nig₂.gidir eme.ur.gi₇ mu-šu₂ a-na ša₃.zi.ga sig sud₂ ina i₃ šeš₂-šu₂ Plant on whose (leaves) lizards gather : ‘shepherd’s crook’, its name is ‘dog’s tongue’. It is good for potency (problems); crush it, rub him with oil. Similar information is given in the text KADP 4 rev. 36–37. A particular characteristic of this text is formed by the many glosses to explain the pronunciation of Sumerian logograms or their translation into Akkadian. Curiously, some of the Sumerian plant names are glossed with the Akka- dian word šumeru to indicate that the name is written in the ‘Sumerian language’. All these features suggest that the tablet was written by an inex- perienced scribe. As far as its contents are concerned it is very close to the previous text KADP 2.

! šu-me-rum u₂ ina ugu-šu₂ muš.dim₂.gurun.na ir -tab-bi-ṣ[u] ˹u₂˺ nig₂.gi-d[ir]sipa

u₂ eme˹x-x˺.ur.gi₇šu-me-rum mu.ni ana munussin-niš-tu₂ nula u₃.tu sig₅ da-me-iq Plant on whose (leaves) lizards usually gather : ‘shepherd’s crook’, ‘dog’s tongue’ is its name. It is good for women who cannot give birth. The plant ‘shepherd’s crook’, in turn, corresponds to the plant azallû which was its common Akkadian equivalent according in the lexical list ḫar.ra = ḫubullu. In addition, the Sumerian term was translated into Akkadian

31 See for the edition of the text †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming). 142 chapter five

ḫaṭṭi rēʾî.32 I understand that both names are alternative terms for lišān kalbi. This is why I have included the references to azallû and gidir.sipa (ḫaṭṭi rēʾî) in the section about the lišān kalbi plant.

5.1.2.1 Coughing 5.1.2.1.1 Productive Cough, Suālu There are two attestations for the use of lišān kalbi as a simple drug to remove suālu. J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen propose to identify the Akka- dian term with barking cough;33 suālu should refer to a non-productive ‘dry’ cough as is ‘very clear’ in one of the prescriptions.34 However, the term used in the prescription on which they base their argumentation is not the noun suālu but the verb sa⁠ʾālu in D-stem. The meaning is ‘to cough’ and is attested for both productive and non-productive coughs.35 F. Köcher proposed the translation productive cough (‘schleimiger Aus- wurf ’) as a symptom of bronchial diseases, which I have followed here.36 Both attestations are included in the same cuneiform tablet containing medical prescriptions for suālu. AMT 80,1 i: 1–3 // BAM VI 548 i: 1–3 // AMT 49,1 iv: 11’ diš na su-a-lam gig ana ša-ḫa-ṭi u₂eme ur.gi₇ sig₇ tu-ḫas₂-sa₃ [x x a] gazi.sar ḫaš-la-a-ti (: qa-la-ti) ana ša₃ šub(-di) ḫi.ḫi nag-ma [lu ina ka]-šu₂ lu ina dur₂-šu₂ i-šaḫ-ḫa-ṭa-am-ma ti-uṭ If a man suffers from productive suālu cough—in order to tear it out: You squeeze out ‘dog’s tongue’, . . . you add [water from] crushed (variant: roasted) kasû plant to it, you mix it, let him drink it and then it shall be torn out either through his [mouth] or his anus.

32 See for chapter XVII of ḫar.ra = ḫubullu MSL X, Rome 1970, by B. Landsberger and E. Reiner with the collaboration of M. Civil. The section ll. 105–109 on p. 86 deals with ḫaṭṭi rēʾî and azallû. 33 See their Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, p. 178. J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen argue on p. 711 note 51 that suālu is rather a sign and not a specific disease as put forward by J.V. Kinnier Wilson. He suggested an identification with pneumonic plague or tuberculosis, “Organic Diseases in Ancient Mesopotamia,” in: D. Brothwell & A.T. Sandison (eds.), Diseases in Antiquity: A Survey of the Diseases, Injuries and Surgery of Early Populations, Springfield 1997, pp. 199–200. 34 See J.A. Scurlock & B.R. Andersen, ibidem, p. 179 example 8.70; and see the discus sion on pp. 688–689 note 86. 35 See the attestations given in CAD S p. 1 meaning b). 36 See BAM VI p. xxvii to no. 574. gula’s healing plants 143

AMT 80,1 i: 8 // BAM VI 548 i: 8 [diš n]a su-a-lam gig u₂eme ur.gi₇ sig₇-su gin₇ lu.ub₂.sar šeg₆.ga₂ [ki] ga ku₇.ku₇ u i₃ ḫal-ṣi ḫi.ḫi nu pa-tan nag-ma ti If a man suffers from productive suālu cough: You bring to boil fresh ‘dog’s tongue’ as if it were a laptu turnip, mix it with sweet milk and pressed oil, let him drink it on an empty stomach, then he shall recover. The first medical recipe indicates the effect of the medication: purging through the mouth or anus in order to remove the cough from the body. As I shall discuss elsewhere, purging is not the only way to expel diseases from the body. What may be happening here is the possible overlap between the mechanical-magical removal of disease and purging as an effective healing therapy. Bronchitis—one of the diseases indicated by the expectoration of phlegm, suālu—is still nowadays treated with medicinal plants that serve as emetics. Interestingly, the juice of the fresh plant is used. This is reminiscent of the preparation of the buʾšānu plant to treat the buʾšānu disease, where the fresh plant had to be squeezed. The extracted juice was to be mixed with oil and served as an emetic.37 The second prescription also recommends the use of fresh lišān kalbi plant. No reference to the effect of the potion is given. The expression ‘to heat up like a laptu turnip’ must refer to a particular method of preparation. As far as I can see it is only attested on one other occasion in medical texts. In BAM VI 574 i: 48 the practitioner has to heat up the irrû plant with broad leaves ‘like a laptu turnip’; the verb used here is salāqu not bašālu. In the collection of culinary recipes published and studied by J. Bottéro there is one recipe that the editor calls ‘(cultivated) turnip’;38 described is the preparation of a soup without meat. As J. Bottéro remarks, not all the information one would expect is included in the culinary recipe.39 The first step in preparing laptu was to boil water (mê tukân, ‘you put the water on to boil’) and then to add the turnips together with spices. Though ‘dog’s tongue’ was not the ingredient for a soup it is evident that the comparison with laptu rests on the fact that the root of the plant was used. It must

37 See above Chapter 5.1.1.2, second text example. 38 See J. Bottéro, Textes Culinaires Mésopotamiens, Winona Lake 1995 (= Mesopotamian Civilizations 6), pp. 56–57 XXXV 71–73. 39 He misses in the present case the expression ana diqāri tukammas ‘you bring (the ingredients) together in a bowl with a round bottom’ (ibidem, p. 57 commentary to l. 72–73). 144 chapter five have been of a similar shape, size or texture to a turnip, otherwise it is difficult to understand why it would be boiled like laptu. It is also possible, though I believe less likely, that the corresponding preparation method refers to a particular type of earthenware or a specific cooking pot, or to the fact that the drug had to be added to boiling water. BAM I 1 ii: 35 u₂ eme ur.[gi₇ u₂] ki.min (= su-a-lim) a.meš-šu₂ šur-at nag Drug: ‘Dog’s tongue’—drug for ditto (= productive suālu cough)—squeeze out its juice, give to drink.

5.1.2.1.2 Ḫaḫḫu Cough The Akkadian language has several terms for coughing such as ḫaḫḫu, gaḫḫu, ganāḫu, guḫḫubu or ḫaḫû. The onomatopoeic formation suggests that the words imitate the sound they describe. In his entry on “Husten” R. Labat interprets ḫaḫḫu as ‘toux expectorante’;40 by contrast, J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen base their identification of ḫaḫḫu as ‘bloody sputum’ on the meaning of the verb ḫaḫû ‘to cough up’.41 Since the verb is used with and without blood I prefer to leave the term ḫaḫḫu untranslated.42 BAM I 1 ii: 45 u₂ eme ur.gi₇ u₂ ḫa-ḫi a.meš-šu₂ šur-at na nag Drug: ‘Dog’s tongue’—drug for ḫaḫḫu cough—squeeze out its juice, have the man drink it.

5.1.2.1.3 Suālu Cough and Ḫaḫḫu Cough According to an entry in one manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs the lišān kalbi plant could be used for both forms of bronchial expectorations. STT I 92 ii: 14 u₂ eme ur.gi₇ gal u₂ min (= su-a-lim) u ḫa-aḫ-ḫi a.meš-šu₂ šur-at n[a nag] Drug: Big ‘dog’s tongue’—drug for suālu cough and ḫaḫḫu cough—squeeze out its juice, have the man drink it.

40 In: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie 4, Berlin – New York 1972–1975, p. 523. 41 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, pp. 688–689 note 86; and see the example 8.93 on p. 183. 42 See the attestations given in CAD Ḫ s.v. haḫû p. 30b. gula’s healing plants 145

Again, the juice of the squeezed root is recommended. Whether or not the effect was to provoke purging as attested in the medical prescription discussed above under 5.1.2.1.1 for suālu cough, remains open. So far there are no references that would associate coughing with the ‘hand’ of Gula.

5.1.2.2 Stones in the Renal System One of the common troubles of the renal system is caused from blockages of the urinary tract.43 Ancient Babylonians noted that the pains could radiate towards abdomen, flanks or groin; other symptoms included blood in the urine.44 So far four recipes are attested for the use of lišān kalbi as a simple drug in the context of renal diseases. The first recipe is meant to discharge stones; the second prescription describes stones in the urinary tract. The other two examples are poorly preserved. BAM IV 396 ii: 13’–15’ ki 3 (= ˹na x na ša mu˺ [. . .] kaš₃-šu₂ na ₄ šub-a na.bi [x x x])45 u₂eme ur.gi₇ ḫad₂.du ta-sak₃ ina kaš.sag tar-sa₃-an ina ul tuš-bat ba-lu pa-tan nag-ma i-n[e-eš] Third instance (= if a man . . . kidney stones are discharged with his urine, this man . . .): Dry ‘dogs’s tongue’, crush it, soak it in best-quality beer, let it macerate over night under the stars, let him drink it on an empty stomach, then he will recover. The term rasānu/raṣānu ‘to soak, to soften’ and the indication that the potion has to mature overnight point to maceration as the method of preparation.46 BAM IV 396 iii: 7 ki 5 (= ii: 25’ diš na na₄ gig) u₂eme ur.gi₇ ša ina zi-ka dutu [nu igi du₈] iii: 8 ḫad₂.du ta-sak₃ ana kaš lu₂kurun.na [šub-di] iii: 9 ina ul tuš-bat ba-lum pa-tan [nag-ma i-ne-eš]

43 See for the edition of diseases affecting the urinary system M.J. Geller, Renal and Rec tal Disease Texts; and cf. my review of the book, “Babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen: Erkrankungen des uro-genitalen Traktes, des Enddarmes und des Anus,” WZKM 98 (2008) pp. 295–346. 44 See e.g. BAM VII 2 ii: 22’–28’; 3 ii: 21’–34’; 4 i: 1’–12’; BAM I 113 l. 3’–5’. 45 See for the symptoms BAM VII 1 ii: 1’ (p. 34). 46 See B. Böck, “On Medical Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia,” pp. 112–114 with a discussion of previous studies. 146 chapter five

Fifth instance (= if a man suffers from a stone): Dry ‘dog’s tongue’ which is [not exposed] to the sun when pulling out, crush it, [add] it to brewer’s beer, let it macerate overnight under the stars, let him drink it on an empty stomach, [then he will recover]. For the precaution of not exposing the drug to sunlight, see the discussion in Chapter 5.1.3 below. As far as I can see, only roots of medicinal plants had to be kept away from direct sunlight. Though not stated, the potion in this and the former prescription was administered to cause micturition. BAM VII 16 i: 17’-18’ [diš na . . . g]ig numun u₂.ur.gi₇ ḫad₂.a gaz [. . .] ti-uṭ [If a man suffers from . . .]: Dry seed of ‘dog’s tongue’, crush it, . . . then he will recover.47 BAM VII 3 ii: 12’–14’ diš ki.min i₃.giš sag i₃.giš bar₂.ga teš₂.bi ḫi.ḫi u₂eme ur.gi₇ sud₂ ana ša₃ šub ina ul tuš-bat ina še-rim nu pa-tan nag-ma ti If ditto: Mix best-quality oil together with pressed oil, crush ‘dog’s tongue’, add it (to the oil),48 let it macerate overnight under the stars, let him drink it in the morning, then he shall recover. So far no correspondence is attested between problems of the urinary tract, especially stones, and the ‘hand’ of Gula. However, the idea that the healing goddess is associated with these troubles is clearly stated in one of the few healing incantations addressing: “I contemplated your countenance,” en₂ ātamar panīki, mentions six conditions which were believed to be cured with Gula’s potion: the so-called pardannu disease, ‘dissolving stone’ disease (šaḫḫiḫu), discharge (mūṣu), stricture (ḫiniqtu), as well as dribbling of urine (tattikāte ša šīnāti), rectal disease (muruṣ šuburri) and

47 Correct M.J. Geller’s line numbering, Renal and Rectal Disease Texts, p. 118; ti-uṭ is written at the end of line i: 18’, not line i: 17’. 48 Correct M.J. Geller’s translation of ana libbi(ša₃) tanaddi(šub) ‘apply it to the shank (of his penis)’ (ibidem p. 59). The formulation is a common expression which is often used to indicate that solid ingredients had to be added to a liquid solvent. See also my remarks “Babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen: Erkrankungen des uro- genitalen Traktes, des Enddarmes und des Anus,” p. 322. gula’s healing plants 147 blood in the urine (paraphrased as ‘bleeding like a woman struck by a weapon’).49

5.1.2.3 Erectile Dysfunction One of the medical recipes prescribing lišān kalbi is included in the collection of incantations and magical as well as therapeutical cures to assure a man’s sexual desire and erectile function, which was known in Ancient Mesopotamia by the title ša₃.zi.ga, literally ‘lifting the interior’. The editio princeps of the relevant text material was produced by R.D. Biggs.50 Some of the physical causes of erectile dysfunction are venereal diseases such as gonorrhoea, which was connected with the loss of potency.51 The Babylo- nian term that includes this sexually transmitted disease, namely mūṣu, appears in the above-mentioned healing spell “I contemplated your countenance,” en₂ ātamar panīki, viz. mūṣu ‘discharge’. The word refers according to the medical prescription, BAM I 112 i: 17’-19’, to the discharge of pus.52 If we now interpret the present medical recommendation as dealing with an erectile dysfunction caused by mūṣu, we can again detect the ideational dimension of Gula. The same indication of potency problems is attested for the alternative names of lišān kalbi, namely ‘shepherd’s crook’ and azallû. KUB IV 48 ii: 1–2 diš ki.min (= lu₂ ša₃.zi.ga ina itibar₂.zag til) u₂eme ur.gi₇ tu-˹ba-al˺? x [. . .] nag-šu₂-ma ša₃.zi.ga tuku-[ši] If ditto (= a man’s erection stops in the month of Nisannu): Dry? ‘dog’s tongue’ . . ., let him drink it, then he will get potency. KADP 2 v: 40–42 According to the uru.an.na : maštakal handbook of medicinal plants lišān kalbi was considered one of the principal simple drugs for problems of male potency. The handbook gives not only the name lišān kalbi

49 See for the incantation Chapter 4.1.3. 50 ŠA₃.ZI.GA: Ancient Mesopotamian Potency Incantations, Locust Valley 1967 (= TCS II). 51 See ibidem, p. 3. 52 The text states as the main symptom: lugud gi-na-a ina giš₃-šu₂ gin-ak (i: 18’) “pus excretes constantly from his penis.” The recipe has been discussed by R.D. Biggs, ibidem, p. 3 note 16. For a recent translation see M.J. Geller Renal and Rectal Disease Texts, no. 4 col. i: 17’–19’, pp. 64–65. 148 chapter five but also the plant’s alternative name gidir.sipa (ḫaṭṭi rēʾî). Note that the method of application is different. šam-mu ina muḫ-ḫi-šu₂ muš.dim₂.gurun.na ra-ab-ṣu : u₂ nig₂.gidir eme.ur.gi₇ mu-šu₂ a-na ša₃.zi.ga sig sud₂ ina i₃ šeš₂-šu₂ Plant on whose (leaves) lizards gather : ‘shepherd’s crook’, its name is ‘dog’s tongue’. It is good for potency (problems); crush it, rub him with oil.

5.1.2.4 Ašû Disease So far no medical prescription attests to the use of ‘dog’s tongue’ to treat the ašû disease. Precious information comes from one manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs which states that the seed and the root of the plant were administered. Unfortunately, the indication for the methods of preparation and administration is no longer preserved. BAM V 426 ii: 17’, 24’ u₂ suḫuš eme ur.gi₇ [u₂ a-ši-i . . .] [u₂] numun eme u[r.gi₇ u₂ a-ši-i . . .] Drug: Root of ‘dog’s tongue’—[drug for ašû— . . .] [Drug]: Seed of ‘dog’s tongue’—[drug for ašû— . . .].

5.1.2.5 Jaundice There are five attestations of the use of lišān kalbi as a simple drug in the treatment of jaundice. Three come from medical recommendations and two are included in manuscripts of the Lists of Simple Drugs. As already stated, amurriqānu jaundice belongs to those symptoms that are attributed to Gula’s ‘hand’. Gula’s consort, Ninurta, in turn, was associated with jaundice caused by the Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon.53 BM 38583 rev. 4 diš ki.min (= na a-mur-ri-qa-na gig) suḫuš u₂eme ur.gi₇ ina [kaš nag] If ditto (= a man suffers from jaundice): [Let him drink] the root of ‘dog’s tongue’ with [beer].

53 See Chapters 3.6.8 and 4.5. gula’s healing plants 149

No indications for the preparation of the drug are given. The method of application is the same as for the buʾšānu plant in the prescription BAM VI 578 iv: 17: “If a man’s eyes are full with jaundice: Crush the buʾšānu plant, let him drink it with beer, then he shall recover” (u₂.ḫab sud₂ ina kaš nag-ma ina-eš).54 Only half of the Late Babylonian tablet BM 38583 from Babylon is preserved. The remaining recommendations share a striking feature: they all give simple drugs, namely for the sāmānu disease, jaundice (amurriqānu) and stones in the renal system. The combination of afflictions is quite peculiar because all are associated with the healing goddess.

BAM VI 578 iii: 7, 23 This tablet forms the third chapter of the sub-series ‘If a man is sick of suālu expectoration’ (šumma amēlu suāla maruṣ).55 The recommendation to use lišān kalbi is preserved in two prescriptions. diš na su-šu₂ sig₇ pa-nu-šu₂ sig₇ ši-ḫat uzu tuku-a a-mur-ri-qa-nu mu.ni suḫuš u₂eme ur.gi₇ sud₂ ina kaš nag If a man’s body is yellow, his face is yellow, and he suffers from a wasting body: jaundice is its name. Crush the root of ‘dog’s tongue’, let him drink it with beer. The entire section about jaundice with the symptoms of the yellow discoloration of the body and face and the reference to wasting flesh includes recipes prescribing simple drugs. The formulation is quite concise, generally just referring to crushing and drinking. The plant lišān kalbi aka buʾšānu appears again under the name ‘shepherd’s crook’ in BAM VI 578 iii: 21: u₂ nig₂.gidir sa₅sud₂ ina kaš nag, “Crush the red ‘shepherd’s crook’ plant, let him drink it with beer.”

BAM VI 578 iv: 17, 19 The third attestation for jaundice comes from a set of prescriptions, which also include the recommendation of a potion of the buʾšānu plant (BAM VI 578 iv: 17).56 Note that in the present case a different method of preparation is recommended.

54 See Chapter 5.1.1.4, second text example. 55 See F. Köcher, BAM VI, p. xxxix no. 578. For a recent translation of some of the pre scriptions of this chapter see B. Böck, “Innere Krankheiten,” pp. 75–78. 56 See Chapter 5.1.1.4, second text example. 150 chapter five

diš na igi.min-šu₂ a-mur-ri-qa-nu diri (diš) suḫuš u₂eme ur.gi₇ tu-bal ta-sak₂ ina kaš tara₃-ṣa-an nag-ma ina-eš If a man’s eyes are full with jaundice: Dry the root of ‘dog’s tongue’, crush it, soak it in beer, let him drink it, then he shall recover. While the prescription for the buʾšānu plant points to a potion to which the plant is simply added, the present recipe suggests the ingestion of the extract that is produced from the liquid in which the drug had to be kept. The term to designate this process, raṣānu/rasānu ‘to soak, to soften’ is often used in the context of a maceration.57 The indicative expression for this preparation method ‘you let it stay overnight’ is missing here but it is clear from the method of application, ‘to drink’, that a liquid had to be taken.

BAM I 1 ii: 60–61 // V. Scheil, “Un document médical assyrien,” RA 13 (1916) p. 37 rev. 32’ 58 The use of lišān kalbi for jaundice in medical prescriptions is confirmed by two entries in manuscripts of the Lists of Simple Drugs. Babylonian practitioners ascribed to quite a number of medicinal plants properties to cure from jaundice for which see BAM I 1 ii: 56–59. u₂ suḫuš eme.ur.gi₇ u₂ min (= a-mur-ri-qa-ni/nu) [. . .] ta-na-pal a.meš-šu₂ [šur-at nag] Drug: Root of dog’s tongue’—drug for ditto (= jaundice)— . . . you dig it out, [squeeze] its juice, [let the patient drink it]. In all likelihood we can restore the end of BAM I 1 ii: 60 (ša) ina nasāḫīka dšamši lā imur(u) “it should not be exposed it to sunlight when you pull it out” which is the usual precaution taken for gathering the root of lišān kalbi. There is no room for this phrase in the text published by V. Scheil. For the restoration of BAM I 1 ii: 61 and V. Scheil, RA 13 (1916) p. 37 rev. 32’ see the therapeutic indication of the root of ‘dog’s tongue’ for ḫahhu and suālu expectoration in the text STT I 92 ii: 14, another manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs.59 It is interesting that the root could be used both dried and fresh as the present prescription implies, in contrast to

57 See B. Böck, “On Medical Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia,” p. 114. 58 Substitute reverse for obverse and vice versa in V. Scheil’s copy. 59 See for the text Chapter 5.1.2.1.3. gula’s healing plants 151 the aforementioned recipe, BAM VI 578 iv: 19, which first recommends drying the plant part.

5.1.2.6 Fever, Throbbing Temple, Blurred Vision, Shedding Tears The lišān kalbi plant appears in a recipe from the first chapter of the handbook Šumma amēlu muḫḫašu umma ukāl “If the top of a man’s head is hot.” The preparation was rather elaborate. BAM V 480 i: 1–3, ii: 2–3 i: 1 diš na ugu-šu₂ kum₂ u₂-kal sa zi sag.ki tuku-ma igi.min-šu₂ i-dak i: 2 igi.min-šu₂ bir-ra-tam i-pi-tam i-ši-tam mur-din-na gu-qa-na a-ša₂-a i: 3 u₃ er₂ šub.šub-a ii: 2 numun [u₂]eme ur.gi₇ sig₇-su tu-ḫas₂-sa₃ a-šu₂ ana dugbur.zi šur-at en ḫad₂.du gar-an ii: 3 u4-[m]a i-tab-lu ina i₃ saḫar.urudu sud₂ mar If the top of a man’s head is hot, he has throbbing temples and his eyes are affected, his eyes are blurred60 with a film, a cloud, haziness, ‘rose’ or guqānu worm, and they are persistently shedding tears: You grind seed of fresh ‘dog’s tongue’, you extract its juice in a bowl, allow to dry.61 As soon as it is dry, you crush verdigris in oil, apply it (to his eyes). J.C. Fincke in her study on eye diseases explains that the symptoms mentioned here form part of the syndrome of Arteritis temporalis,62 literally ‘inflammation of the temporal arteries’. The disease begins with symptoms similar to a cold, namely a mild fever and a persistent headache. The first-mentioned symptom of mild fever or a ‘hot head’ is in all likelihood the reason for the inclusion of the prescription in this part of the handbook and not in the chapters dealing with afflictions of the eye-sight proper. Other indications include inflammation and swelling of the arteries, especially those of the temples; at a later stage blurred vision and temporary blindness can occur. The treatment consists of applying a salve to the eyes. As is evident, the desired effect was to ease the haziness. The medicament can only have afforded temporary relief.

60 See for the discussion of the term J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschriftlichen Quellen. Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Medizin, pp. 96–98. 61 Literally “you place it until it dries.” 62 J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschriftlichen Quellen. Untersuchungen zur altorien talischen Medizin, p. 80 and 139 sub III.B.38.j). 152 chapter five

5.1.2.7 Afflictions Located in the Belly There are many prescriptions that refer to excessive ‘wind’ in the belly, stomach or in the small and large intestines.63 Trapped intestinal gas causes abdominal pains and bloating which form one of the most common digestive problems of man. While the clinical condition nowadays does not receive much attention, Ancient Babylonian practitioners took ‘wind’ as a severe problem and a symptom of further diseases which they did not only combat with natural therapies but also with the recitation of healing spells. The present recommendation is included in the second chapter of the sub-series ‘If a man is sick of suālu expectoration’ (šumma amēlu suāla maruṣ).64 BAM VI 575 iii: 25–26 // BAM II 158 iv: 14–17 diš na im ina ša₃-šu₂ U₂-sa-na-ḫur ana ti-šu₂ suḫuš u₂eme ur.gi₇ ša ina zi-ka dutu nu igi.bi ḫad₂.a sud₂ ina kaš.sag nu pa-tan nag t[i] If ‘wind’ keeps moving around in a man’s belly—to heal him: You dry the root of ‘dog’s tongue’ which is not exposed to the sun when you pull it out, crush it, let him drink it on an empty stomach with best-quality beer, then he shall recover. See for the discussion of the indication that the root had to be protected from direct sunlight the discussion under 5.1.3 below.

5.1.2.8 Sāmānu Disease So far one medical prescription refers to the use of lišān kalbi in the treatment of the sāmānu disease. The tablet in question was already quoted for the use of ‘dog’s tongue’ for amurriqānu jaundice.65 The disease itself is stated in BM 38583 obv. 3’.

63 See e.g. the recommendations in BAM VI 574 i: 26–44, ii: 15–27; BAM VI 575 ii: 17–65, iii: 25–36; BAM VI 578 iii: 4–5; BAM VI 579 iv: 33–42. 64 See F. Köcher, BAM VI, p. xxviii no. 575. For a recent translation of some of the pre scriptions of this chapter see B. Böck, “Innere Krankheiten,” pp. 73–74. 65 See 5.1.2.6, first text example. gula’s healing plants 153

BM 38583 obv. 7’ diš ki.min (= na sa-ma-nam gig) suḫuš u₂eme ur.gi₇ ina gu₂-šu₂ gar-[an] If ditto (= a man suffers from the sāmānu disease): Apply root of ‘dog’s tongue’ to his neck.66 No indications for the preparation of the medicinal drug are given nor details whether it was to be applied as a poultice or with a bandage. Nei- ther does the recipe include any indication of how long the medicament had to be used. As is evident from the place of administration the patient must have suffered from a cutaneous infection in the area of the neck. However, another explanation based on the ideational level of the disease and the demon Samana appears to be equally possible. The reference to the neck might allude to the spot where the demon imagined as the ‘blood-drinking dog of Nintinuga’ had bitten the patient. This aspect is further discussed below under the use of lišān kalbi for dog bites.67

5.1.2.9 Pregnant Women There are many remedies that promised relief from pains occurring during childbirth.68 One of them recommends the use of ‘dog’s tongue’ as is stated in a medical prescription, an entry in one manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs, and in an entry in the uru.an.na : maštakal handbook of medicinal plants. BAM III 248 iv: 13, 21 diš munus u₃.tu-ma uš-tap-šiq u₂eme ur.gi₇ ki.min (= sud₂ ina kaš la pa-tan nag-ma ar₂-ḫiš u₃.tu) If a woman is giving birth and she has labour pains: ‘Dog’s tongue’ ditto (= crush it, let her drink it with beer on an empty stomach, then she shall quickly deliver). It is attractive to connect the purging or discharging effect of lišān kalbi when prescribed for the productive suālu cough or for stones in the renal

66 The text is included in †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming). 67 See Chapter 5.1.2.10. 68 See for some of the plants the discussion of M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible: Its Mediterranean Setting, pp. 52–54. See also my contribution, “Medicinal Plants and Medicaments Used for Conception, Abortion, and Fertility Control in Ancient Babylonia,” JA 301 (2013) pp. 71–96. See for a study of labour pains in medical incantations M. Stol, ibidem pp. 129–134. 154 chapter five system with the present recommendation for facilitating birth. Perhaps we can grasp here one of the ideas Babylonian practitioners had about the mechanism of the drug action of ‘dog’s tongue’, viz. to expel.

KADP 4 rev. 36–37 The other attestation comes from one of the manuscripts of the uru. an.na handbook.69

! šu-me-rum u₂ ina ugu-šu₂ muš.dim₂.gurun.na ir -tab-bi-ṣ[u] ˹u₂˺ nig₂.gi-d[ir]sipa

u₂ eme˹x-x˺.ur.gi₇šu-me-rum mu.ni ana munussin-niš-tu₂ nula u₃.tu sig₅da-me-iq Plant on whose (leaves) lizards usually gather : ‘shepherd’s crook’, ‘dog’s tongue’ is its name. It is good for women who cannot give birth. BAM IV 381 iii: 25–26 ‘Dog’s tongue’ appears twice in broken context in one manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs. Apparently, Ancient Babylonian practitioners considered both the entire plant and its root medicinal. [u₂ eme ur].gi₇ u₂ munus.la.[ra.aḫ . . .] [u₂ suḫuš eme ur].gi₇ u₂ ki.min (= munus.la.[ra.aḫ]) [. . .] Drug: ‘dog’s tongue’—drug for a woman in labour— . . . Drug: root of ‘dog’s tongue’—drug for ditto (= drug for a woman in labour)— . . . Unfortunately, neither the method of preparation nor of administration is completely preserved. The preceding lines mention ‘drug(s) for keeping semen’ (iv: 9–10), ‘drug(s) for a woman who cannot get pregnant’ (iv: 11), ‘drug(s) for an infertile woman’ (iv: 12–13), and ‘drug(s) for a woman who suffers from naḫšātu bleeding’ (iv: 14).70

5.1.2.10 Animal Bites: Dog and Serpent It may not come as a surprise that ‘dog’s tongue’ belonged to the simple drugs with which Ancient Babylonian practitioners treated wounds caused by dog bites or dog and snake bites. Relevant information comes from one manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs and the uru.an.na : maštakal handbook.

69 See for a description of the text above, Chapter 5.2. 70 See for a discussion of the whole section M. Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible: Its Mediterranean Setting, pp. 52–54. gula’s healing plants 155

STT I 92 i: 3 u₂ eme ur.gi₇ u₂ zu₂ u[r.gi₇ ina gu₂-šu₂ la₂-du]71 Drug: ‘Dog’s tongue’—drug for dog bite—to bandage his neck. The section about dog bites in this manuscript of Lists of Simple Drugs includes three more entries, mentioning illūru or šakirû, the seed of buṣinnu, and a mixture of bitumen and tallow.72 It is interesting that illūru/šakirû as well as the seed of buṣinnu had to be applied directly to the injured area, which is expressed as ana pān(igi) niški(zu₂) ṣamādu(la₂- [du]) ‘to bandage the area of the bite’. The mixture of bitumen and tallow was smeared directly onto the wound, ana pān(igi) simmi(simx) šitakkunu(gar.gar)-ma [. . .], ‘to frequently apply to the surface of the skin wound’. In the light of these methods of application the recommendation for lišān kalbi to bandage the neck sounds odd. It is certainly possible that the dog bite may have been located at the neck; however, another explanation seems to be likewise plausible, especially when taking into account the aforementioned case in which lišān kalbi had to be applied to the neck for treating the sāmānu disease.73 Both indications have in common that they were attributed to a dog: while in the present entry the dog is real, the causal relationship between the animal and the sāmānu skin disease is based on an ideational level. As already discussed, the demon Samana was visualized as fierce dog.74 In one of the oldest incantations directed against the demon it is addressed in Sumerian as gu₂ sur den.ki.ka, literally ‘neck-twister / neck-strangler of god Enki’.75 Blending this image from the mythological realm into the medical recommendation I would suggest

71 Restored with the help of unpublished duplicates for which see the edition of †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming). 72 STT I 92 i: 1–4 and unpublished duplicates. 73 See above 5.1.2.8. 74 See Chapter 2.3. 75 The interpretation of J. Nougayrol to understand the bird name gu₂.šurmušen, ‘torcol d’Enki’ should be discarded; see “Conjuration ancienne contre Samana,” p. 214 and for his commentary to the line pp. 218–219. A translation which fits better the context of a dog was suggested by I.L. Finkel who translates ‘neck-slicer of Enki’, “A Study in Scarlet: Incan tations against Samana,” p. 74; unfortunately, I.L. Finkel does not include a commentary to his translation. Note that the similar Samana incantation HS 1555+1587 writes ur gu₂. su₄ den.ki.ka. which M.J. Geller translates ‘shaggy dog of Enki’; see J.J.A. van Dijk & M.J. Geller, Ur III Incantations From the Frau Professor Hilprecht-Collection, Jena, Wiesbaden 2003, p. 27 and p. 28 (commentary). With respect to the latter incantation, I would suggest correcting the reading su₄ and read instead sur. 156 chapter five that the neck was treated because it was the spot where the savage mythical hound had strangled his victim. Nonetheless, not all prescriptions recommend the treatment of the neck as the next attestion shows. STT I 92 i: 11 u₂ eme ur.gi₇ u₂ zu₂ muš [u ur.gi₇ lu₂ šu-ku-lu u nag-u]76 Drug: ‘Dog’s tongue’—drug for snake and dog bite—to let the man eat and drink it. KADP 4 obv. 16 The compilers of the encyclopaedic handbook uru.an.na : maštakal understood ‘dog’s tongue’ as the principal medicinal plant to treat snake bites. The section on the lišān kalbi plant that is included in the first chapter opens with the following equation: 351 u₂ muš u₂ ˹eme˺ [ur.gi₇] Snake drug : the medicinal plant ‘dog’s tongue’.77 STT I 94 obv. 19’ This attestation is for ‘shepherd’s crook’ which is one of the many names of the buʾšānu aka lišān kalbi plant. The name is clearly motivated by the specific growth and appearance of the plant which looked in the eyes of Ancient Mesopotamians like the long staff of a shepherd. There are no explanations that would associate this name with the healing goddess. The plant is mentioned in a remarkable text which gives correspondences between names for snakes and various medicinal plants. [suḫuš] u₂ gidir.lu₂sipa [u₂] muš.igi.ii.˹gun₃˺ [Root] of ‘shepherd’s crook’—[drug] for the snake ‘multicoloured eye’.78

76 See for the edition of the text and the duplicates to restore the text †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming). 77 See for the edition of the text †F. Köcher & B. Böck, ibidem. For duplicates see ibidem. 78 For barma inī or muš.igi.gun₃ see R. Pientka-Hinz’ list of serpent names, “Schlange. A.,” in: M.P. Streck (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Altertumskunde 12 3/4, Berlin – New York 2009, p. 205. Note, however, that she did not take into consid eration the present text. gula’s healing plants 157

5.1.3 Remarks on the Buʾšānu aka Lišān Kalbi Plant The name buʾšānu is derived from the root ba⁠ʾāšu ‘to stink, smell badly’ emphasizing one of the salient features of the plant, namely its odour. The term is homonymous with the disease name buʾšānu, which suggests that a characteristic smell was also indicative for the disease and that the plant buʾšānu was considered its principal healing plant. The alternative name lišān kalbi was possibly motivated by the esoteric name of the buʾšānu plant, ‘Gula’s dog’. The name itself is a rather common term in other languages, referring to Cynoglossum officinale: Latin Cynoglossum, English ‘hound’s tongue’, German hundszunge, French langue de chien, or Turk- ish köpek dili. Its motivation is beyond doubt, as already Pliny the Elder explains, cynoglossus caninam linguam imitata, “the plant imitates”—in shape and softness—“the tongue of a dog.”79 The leaves of the plant were big enough so that lizards could bask on them in the sun. The German Botanist and Physician Hieronymus Bock (*1498, †1554) mentions in his New Kreutterbuch von underscheydt, würckung und namen der kreutter so in Teutschen landen wachsen80 another name for hundszunge which he explains as a simple derivation, namely German hundskraut and hundswurtzel. He argues that these alternative names indicate that the leaves and flowers of hundszunge smelled as unpleasant as a dog, adding the motivation of odour to the characteristics of shape and touch.81 In one of the entries of the plant description text Šammu šikinšu the leaves of lišān kalbi are mentioned. They are said to be ‘wide open’ and ‘red’.82 The red colour of the plant was apparently so characteristic that the uru.an.na : maštakal handbook gives for the alternative designation ‘shepherd’s crook’ (gidir.sipa) also the name ‘red plant’, which refers in all likelihood to the colour of its flowers.83 The name gidir.sipa (ḫaṭṭi rēʾî) points to another feature, namely the size and shape of the plant. As the discussion of the

79 Quoted after the edition of W.H.S. Jones, Pliny. Natural History VII, Books XXIV–XVII, London 1966, pp. 194–195, book 25, section 81. 80 Straßburg 1551, p. 88. 81 “Diß gewächß mit stengel, kraut und blumen stincken und grunzen [übel riechen] wie die hund stincken, daher es wol des geruchs halben Hundskraut oder Hundswurtzel heißen mag,” H. Bock, ibidem, p. 88. 82 See CTN IV 196 iii: 9’// BAM IV 379 ii: 13’: ne-pal-ka-a u sa5. The text and a new cuneiform autograph of CTN IV 196 are included in †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian- Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming). 83 See e.g. the uru.an.na : maštakal manuscript KADP 1 i: 18; see in addition the medi cal prescription BAM VI 578 iii: 21 in which ‘shepherd’s crook’ is specified as ‘red’. 158 chapter five relevant references to its use shows, seed and especially the root were believed to have medicinal properties. Some prescriptions stress the precaution that had to be taken when pulling out the root stating ‘it does not have to see the sun’.84 According to the interpretation E. Reiner put forward the expression alludes to the nighttime which was considered a propitious moment for picking up.85 When the powers of the night were sought we find, however, rather a reference to the role of stars.86 Because of statements concerning the importance of freshly harvested plants in medical prescriptions I believe it is reasonable to assume that Ancient Babylonian practitioner knew by experience how to use best raw medicinal plant material.87 I would therefore suggest that the root was not to be exposed to direct sunlight because its properties were thought to diminish.88 The description as a plant with unpleasant smell, the red colour (of the flowers?), the coarse tongue-shaped leaves and the name ‘dog’s tongue’, which is used to designate the plant Cynoglossum officinale in languages belonging to different family branches such as Latin and Turkish suggest that the same plant is meant with Akkadian buʾšānu aka lišān kalbi.89

5.2 The Ṣaṣuntu Plant

While both buʾšānu and the lišān kalbi plant are associated with Gula by means of metonymy through the name ‘Gula’s dog’, the ṣaṣuntu plant is directly connected with the healing goddess. The second chapter of the uru.an.na handbook about medicinal plant terms equates the ‘drug of Gula’ with the ṣaṣuntu plant:

84 Note that the same precaution had to be taken when picking the root of the pillû plant (u₂.nam.tar), baltu thorny plant (giš.diḫ₃), white baltu (giš.diḫ₃), and ašāgu thorny plant (giš.kiši₁₆); see for references E. Reiner, Astral Magic in Babylonia, pp. 36–37 with notes 149–150. 85 See ibidem, pp. 36–37. 86 See ibidem, pp. 15–18, 48. 87 See for the indication of freshness the attestations in AHw 1471b s.v. (w)arqūtu. 88 Compare the modern WHO Guidelines on Good Agricultural and Collection Practices (GACP) for Medicinal Plants p. 17, which mentions that “prior to processing, the medicinal plant materials should be protected from rain, moisture and any other conditions that might cause deterioration. Medicinal plant materials should be exposed to direct sunlight only where there is a specific need for this mode of drying.” 89 See for the identification R. Campbell Thompson, A Dictionary of Assyrian Botany, London 1949, p. 26. For a full discussion of buʾšānu aka lišān kalbi see my “Therapeutic Properties and Uses of Cynoglossum officinale and Related Species in the Ancient Babylo nian Medical Tradition” (in preparation). gula’s healing plants 159

42a u₂ dgu-la u₂ ṣa-ṣu-un-tu₂90 So far five different indications for the plant are attested, namely sāmānu disease, an affliction called bibirru, ḫimiṭ ṣēti fever, ašû disease, and to scare away wild animals from the house. The term ṣaṣuntu has many variants: it appears to be a short version of the terms aṣuṣimtu, aṣuṣitu, and aṣuṣutu; different spellings are ṣaṣumtu, ṣaṣūtu, ṣaṣuttu, ṣuṣuntu, ṣuṣimtu, and ṣuṣittu.91 R. Campbell Thompson in his A Dictionary of Assyrian Botany suggested that the name derived from the verb (w)aṣû(m) ‘to leave, to depart, to go out’ and referred to ‘what goes forth’, i.e. excreta, and proposed the identification with manna.92 Manna is a sweet substance, which some trees exudate after incision by a scaly insect into the bark of the tree during dry and warm weather. The insects feed on various trees such as tamarisk, ash, larch, olive, and camel thorn.93 The exudation is used as sweet and sweetener throughout the Middle East;94 it serves in traditional medicine as gentle laxative, especially when a soft stool is required in the case of haemorrhoids.95 How- ever, because of references to the use of the leaf of ṣaṣuntu in cuneiform medical recipes as well as indications that it is to be used in ‘its fresh, green state’ the identification with manna should be discarded.96

5.2.1 Sāmānu Disease Information about the ṣaṣuntu plant comes from the uru.an.na : maštakal handbook, which considered the drug as one of the principal simples for the affliction, and a number of manuscripts of Lists of Simple Drugs. The plant was mixed with oil with which the affected area had to be anointed.

90 The present line numbering follows the edition of the text in †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming). 91 See for some of these spellings CAD Ṣ s.v. ṣaṣumtu p. 116, and AHw s.v. ṣaṣm/untu p. 1087a. 92 London 1949, p. 278. 93 See the discussion of C.C. Townsend in: C.C. Townsend & E. Guest, Flora of Iraq III, Baghdad 1974, pp. 496–499. 94 See B. Grami, “Gaz of Khunsar: The Manna of Persia,” Economic Botany 52 (1998) 183–191. 95 H.N. Moldenke & A.L. Moldenke, Plants of the Bible, Waltham 1952, pp. 125–128; B.-E. van Wyk & M. Wink, Medicinal Plants of the World, Portland 2005, p. 147. 96 See for the plant in its green state AMT 88,2 obv. 7: u₂ṣa-ṣu-un-tu₂ sig₇-su; the leaf of ṣaṣuntu is used in BAM III 228 obv. 7: pa gišṣa-ṣu-un-tu₂. 160 chapter five

uru.an.na Chapter II 42 u₂ [ša₂-mi] sa-ma-ni u₂ ṣa-ṣu-un-tu₂ Drug for sāmānu : the plant ṣaṣuntu.97 KADP 1 v: 15 // BAM I 1 ii: 19 // CT XIV pl. 41 Rm. 362 l. 6’ Information about the use of ṣaṣuntu as a single ingredient for the treatment of the sāmānu disease was included in three manuscripts of Lists of Simple Drugs. [u₂ ṣa-ṣu-um]-tu₂ u₂ s[a-ma-ni] za-ku ina i₃.giš še[š₂] Drug: ṣaṣuntu—drug for sāmānu—to crush, to anoint with fine oil. u₂ ṣa-ṣu-um-tu₂ u₂ nim.nim šu.bi.aš.am₃ (= sud₂ ina i₃.giš šeš₂) Drug: ṣaṣuntu—drug for sāmānu—ditto (= to crush, to anoint with fine oil). [u₂ ṣa-ṣu-un-t]u u₂ sa-ma-ni zi-[(ḫi)] pa-ṣu₂ ina i₃.giš u [. . .] [Drug: ṣaṣun]tu—drug to tear out sāmānu—to squeeze, to . . . with fine oil and . . .

5.2.2 Bibir(r)u Disease The so-called bibirru disease is only attested once in a medical context, namely in the second chapter of uru.an.na : maštakal.98 286 u₂ ṣa-ṣu-un-tu₂ u₂ ša₂-mu bi-bir-ru Drug ṣaṣuntu : drug: medicinal plant for bibir(r)u.99

97 The present line numbering follows the edition of the text in †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming). 98 Note that the reference to the term in the medical prescription BAM IV 393 rev. 19 in CAD B 219b and AHw 124b should be deleted as stated by W. von Soden in his Berich tigungen und Nachträge in AHw III 1548a s.v. bibirru. Note that the reading R. Campbell Thompson, A Dictionary of Assyrian Botany, p. 275, provides, ša₂-mu bir-bir-ru, is to be corrected. 99 The present line numbering follows the edition of the text in †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore (forthcoming). gula’s healing plants 161

5.2.3 Afflictions Located in the Belly ‘Burning fever’ (ḫimiṭ ṣēti, ṣēta ḫamiṭ) was also an indication for which the buʾšānu plant was employed.100 As for ṣaṣuntu, precious information comes again from the Lists of Simple Drugs and from a medical prescription. Similarly to the treatment of the sāmānu disease the plant was mixed with oil and then applied to the affected area. According to one entry in a manuscript of the Lists of Simple Drugs a combined cure was recommended which consisted not only in applying enriched oil but also in taking a potion with ṣaṣuntu. As is evident from one of the references, ‘burning fever’ was understood as a symptom of severe digestive problems.

BAM I 1 i: 49 // BAM V 422 iii’: 2 The entry on ṣaṣuntu can be found in two manuscripts of the Lists of Simple Drugs. u₂ ṣa-ṣu-um-tu₂ u₂ tab u₄.da ina kaš sag nag ina i₃.giš eš.meš Drug: ṣaṣumtu—drug for burning fever—to let drink it with best-quality beer, to anoint repeatedly with fine oil. u₂ ṣa-ṣu-tu u₂ ša₂-mi min (= tab u₄.da) Drug: ṣaṣuntu—drug: medicinal plant for ditto (= burning fever). BAM II 146 obv. 15’, 18’ Again, we can observe that the same information about the use and indication of medicinal plants has entered both the Lists of Simple Drugs and medical prescriptions which points to the close relation of these two medical text genres. diš na ṣ[e-ta ḫa]-mi-iṭ u₂ṣa-ṣ[u]-tam sud₂ ana ša₃ i₃.giš šub šeš₂-su-ma ti If a man is burning of fever: crush ṣaṣuntu, add it to fine oil, anoint him with (the ointment), then he shall recover. The prescription is included in a collection of nineteen prescriptions treating fever as one of the symptoms of severe digestive disorders. Still preserved on the obverse of the tablet BAM II 146 are three recipes for ḫimiṭ ṣēti (obv. 8’–13’), one explicitly for ḫimiṭ ṣēti of the belly (obv. 14’), and six for ṣēta ḫamiṭ (obv. 15’–24’). On the reverse follow detailed descriptions

100 See Chapter 5.1.1.3. 162 chapter five of other accompanying symptoms such as hairs standing on end, vertigo, cough and diarrhoea.101 In addition, the text includes a prescription for ‘wind’ in the belly.102

5.2.4 Ašû Disease As a plant of Gula, ṣaṣuntu was also employed for the ašû disease, which is one of the afflictions that are attributed to the healing goddess.103 So far no medical prescriptions have been preserved but precious information is included in two manuscripts of the Lists of Simple Drugs providing the same information. BAM I 1 ii: 3 and BAM V 426 ii’: 34’ u₂ ṣa-ṣu-um-tu u₂ a-ši-i š[u.bi.aš.am₃] Drug: ṣaṣumtu—drug for the ašû disease—ditto. u₂ ṣa-ṣu-un-tu u₂ a-š[i-i . . .] Drug: ṣaṣuntu—drug for the ašû disease— . . .

5.2.5 Wild Animals The use of ṣaṣuntu to scare off wild animals is striking. There are several plants, as reported by A. Al-Rawi and H.L. Chakravarty that were used traditionally in Iraq as insect repellent such as Achillea santolina (yarrow) or Chrysanthemum cinerariaefolium (Pyrethrum), but none of the plants in their study is reported to have been used against wild animals.104

KADP 1 v: 15, 16, 17 and BAM IV 379 iv: 20–21 [u₂ ṣa-ṣu-um-t]u₂ u₂ nig₂.ki.a ina e₂ na nu gal₂ za-ku ana [a šub] e₂ na su-lu-ḫu

101 Rev. 3–11 with the symptoms sig₂ sag.du-šu₂ gub.gub-az “the hair of his head per sistently stands on end,” igi.meš-[šu₂ nigin.meš-du] (restored with the help of BAM II 145 obv. 2) “he has persistently vertigo,” [su-a-la]m tuku.tuku-ši (restored with the help of BAM II 145 obv. 6), “he suffers persistently from suālu expectoration,” ri-d[u-ut ir-r]i gig (restored with the help of BAM II 145 obv. 10) “he is sick with ‘sequence of intestines’.” 102 Rev. 30 [diš na] im iš-biṭ-su-ma “[if a man:] ‘wind’ has stricken him.” 103 See Chapter 3.4.2 and the discussion in Chapter 2.3 on the relationship between the demon Samana and ašû. 104 See their Medicinal Plants of Iraq, Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation, State Board for Agricultural and Water Resources Research, National Herbarium of Iraq, Baghdad 1964. For Achillea santolina see p. 8, for Chrysanthemum cinerariaefolium Vis. see p. 25. gula’s healing plants 163

[Drug: ṣaṣumt]u—drug to prevent herds of wild animals appearing in a man’s house—to squeeze, [to add to water], to sprinkle the man’s house. [u₂.nim.nim] u₂ṣa-ṣu-un-ti mu.ni nam-maš-ti ina e₂ lu₂ nu tuku-u. meš ina a.meš šub-di e₂ sud [Drug for sāmānu disease]: ṣaṣuntu is its name—drug to prevent herds of wild animals entering a man’s house—to add to water, to sprinkle the man’s house. Again, two explanations are possible, one referring to the smell of the plant, which was so unpleasant that it repelled the animals and another one, related to the ideational level. The use of Gula’s plant ṣaṣuntu could have been motivated by the association with her dog; accordingly, the plant would turn into an actual animal which as guard dog or sheep dog would keep (wild) animals away.105

105 See also the discussion in Chapter 6.1.

chapter six

The Cultural Setting of Ancient Babylonian Medicine

6.1. The Healing Goddess in the Medical Literature: A Recapitulation

Ancient Mesopotamian culture had its proper system of beliefs to explain what caused illness, how it could be cured and who should be involved in the process of treatment. In the present study I have presented one of the underlying cultural beliefs, namely the one which was related to the healing goddess. Gula (or Ninisina) was associated with a number of afflictions; also parts of the human body were attributed to her. She was believed to be responsible for skin sores (simx, simmu) which she treated with one of her surgical instruments.1 The scalpel was so characteristic that it turned—together with her animal, the dog—into one of the distinctive attributes with which the goddess could be easily distinguished in iconography.2 I have reflected on the connotation of Sumerian sa as general term for the ‘cord-like system’ of the body and on lexical affinities between terms for skin diseases and afflictions of the musculoskeletal system.3 It is possible, but difficult to confirm, that these affinities are the raison d’être for the association of diseases of the musculoskeletal system with the healing goddess. The religious conceptualization of the goddess as midwife gave rise to the correspondence between her and the belly as place of the unborn baby.4 I have suggested that especially afflictions of the gastrointestinal tract, namely those caused by the dysfunction of the biliary system, were associated with the goddess.5 Beliefs are the foundation for healing practices. My initial question was whether the medical literature proper would echo the conception of the healing goddess as she is described in religious texts. For carrying out this research I have divided the body of medical writing into three parts: diagnostic and prognostic texts which were compiled into the handbook

1 See Chapter 2.2.2. 2 See Chapter 2.2.1. 3 See Chapter 2.2.3. 4 See Chapter 2.2.4. 5 See Chapter 4.5. 166 chapter six

Sakikkû, incantations embedded in medical prescriptions or referring to a medical context, and medical prescriptions recommending healing plants that allude to the healing goddess. These three parts correspond to the two principal category groups of first millennium cuneiform medical literature: following the distinction of A.L. Oppenheim, the handbook Sakikkû would belong to the ‘scientific’ school since it formed part of the lore the āšipu, as the scholar, exorcist and conjurer, had to master.6 Indeed, the handbook is the result of a large-scale development rooted in observed facts as well as abstraction to associate symptoms with supernatural agents under whose authority the diseases were believed to fall or to give an estimate of the chances of survival.7 The other group is formed by texts that relate to the actual practice of medicine that consisted in both the administration of medicaments and the recitation of incantations. In this regard, the study has set out to examine in which way the belief in or the idea of Gula was manifest in medical ‘theory’8 and healing practices.

The esoteric plant name referring to the healing goddess, ‘Ninigizibara’s dog’, a byname of the buʾšānu plant, was the starting point for this study and provided the basis for connecting Gula with a healing plant. As I have discussed in Chapter Five, two plants were associated with the tutelary deity of medicine: buʾšānu, aka ‘dog’s tongue’, lišān kalbi, and ṣaṣuntu.9 The name buʾšānu itself is homonymous with the buʾšānu disease; the term is derived from the root ba⁠ʾāšu, ‘to smell badly, to stink’. The motivation for the name is not only based on the physical perception of smell but can also be sought in the phenomenon of homonymy with a disease: the plant is named after the buʾšānu disease because it was considered the principal medicinal plant to treat the disease. The term lišān kalbi is an alternative name for buʾšānu; in fact, it was understood as its secret or coded name in the uru.an.na encyclopaedia on medicinal plants.10 I have discussed that the motivation for the name lišān kalbi is in all likelihood twofold: it might refer to a characteristic formation or consistence of the leaves and it could also refer to the smell.11 Taking into account the byname ‘Gula’s dog’ of the buʾšānu plant, the name lišān kalbi ‘dog’s tongue’ acquires a religious character because it alludes to the animal of

6 Ancient Mesopotamia. Portrait of a Dead Civilization, Chicago 1974, p. 296. 7 See Chapter 3, introductory part. 8 See for the use of the term ‘theory’ below, Chapter 6.2, pp. 194–195. 9 See Chapters 5.1 and 5.2. 10 See Chapter 5.1.2. 11 See Chapter 5.1.3. the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 167 the healing goddess. The plant buʾšānu had still two more names, gidir. sipa (ḫaṭṭi rēʾî), ‘shepherd’s crook’, and azallû; both names are devoid of any religious connotations. The indication that the plant ṣaṣuntu belonged to the realm of Gula was provided by an entry in the second chapter of uru.an.na, which offered the byname ‘Gula’s plant’.12 Would it not be for the bynames, ‘Gula’s/Ninigizibara’s dog’ and ‘Gula’s plant’, we would be unable to attribute buʾšānu aka lišān kalbi (‘dog’s tongue’) and ṣaṣuntu to the healing goddess. The corpus of medical prescriptions, the Lists of Simple Drugs and the handbook uru.an.na provide a variety of therapeutic indications for the buʾšānu plant. It was used to treat the syndrome of fever (kum₂, ummu), blurred vision and blood in the eyes, for buʾšānu disease, gaḫḫu cough, pains in the belly, diseases affecting the liver, amurriqānu jaundice, fever (ṣēta ḫamiṭ), giving birth, and ašû disease.13 Last, the plant was considered a panacea that was good for any disease; this characterization is in accord with the epithets of the healing goddess as great physician, capable to cure any disease. The name lišān kalbi appears in the treatment of the syndrome of fever (kum₂, ummu), throbbing temple, blurred vision and tears, of suālu and gaḫḫu cough, ‘wind’ in the intestines, amurriqānu jaundice, labour pains, problems of potency, ašû disease, stones obstructing the urinary tract, sāmānu disease, and bites of dogs and serpents.14 There is no entire agreement of indications between the therapeutic indications of buʾšānu and lišān kalbi, which might be due to issues of transmission and tradition. The corpus of medical prescriptions and the Lists of Sim- ple Drugs are not completely preserved which would account for missing therapeutic indications. On the other hand, the use of different names of the same plant could be interpreted as reflecting the different medical condition to be treated. For example, dog bites were cured with lišān kalbi.15 To the best of my knowledge, no prescriptions or other references are preserved that would mention the name buʾšānu in the context of dog bites. A possible reason for the preference of the name lišān kalbi over buʾšānu could be the well-known magical similia principle: because of the belief in the magical power of names ‘dog’s tongue’ was better suited for treating dog bites. Similarly, the sāmāna skin disease, which is associated with the demon Samana whom Babylonians visualized as a vicious

12 See Chapter 5.2. 13 See Chapter 5.1.1. 14 See Chapter 5.1.2. 15 See Chapter 5.1.2.10. 168 chapter six hound, was cured with ‘dog’s tongue’.16 It seems as if Ancient Babylonian practitioners believed that in these cases the plant buʾšānu would be more efficacious when using its byname ‘dog’s tongue’ (lišān kalbi). The thera peutic indications given for the plant names gidir.sipa (ḫaṭṭi rēʾî) and azallû, namely problems of potency, fit well into the general picture of the different uses of the plant.17 Gidir.sipa (ḫatti rēʾî) was in addition used to treat maškadu, a disease of the musculoskeletal system.18 The spectrum of uses of the ṣaṣuntu plant is more restricted: it was prescribed in case of fever (ḫimiṭ ṣēti and ṣēta ḫamiṭ), ašû disease, sāmānu disease, and bibirru disease, and was believed to repel wild animals.19 Again, it is possible to understand why the plant was recommended for the sāmānu disease and used to scare away animals if we take into consideration the ideational level to which its byname alludes: as ‘Gula’s plant’ ṣaṣuntu might play upon the image of Gula’s dog barking at or chasing away possible predators.20 A similar explanation can be given for the recommendation of the buʾšānu plant for the buʾšānu disease when considering its name ‘Gula’s dog’. We know from healing spells that the suffering the buʾšānu disease caused was associated with the attacks of lions and wolves.21 The recommendation of the buʾšānu plant could be interpreted symbolically as ‘Gula’s dog’ warding off the attack of wild animals. Accord- ing to this interpretation the plant of the healing goddess turns into a watchdog or guard dog. Although speculative, this duality may provide the ultimate raîson d’etre for the association of Gula with a dog: the idea of protection. This explanation would fit well into the picture we gain, even if partial, from the position and use of dogs in Ancient Mesopotamian society:22 be it as guard dog to protect the high military from the attack of enemies,23 or as apotropaic being whose effigy was buried in thresholds and corners of temples and palaces to ward off the attack of supernatural evil powers.24

16 See Chapter 5.1.2.8. 17 See Chapter 5.1.2.3. 18 See BAM I 1 i: 37; restored with the help of duplicates for which see †F. Köcher & B. Böck, The Assyrian-Babylonian Drug Lore. 19 See Chapter 5.2. 20 See Chapter 5.2.5. 21 See Chapter 4.5. 22 See for an overview W. Heimpel, “Hund,” pp. 494–496. 23 See the discussion of Ch. Tsouparopoulou, “The ‘K-9 Corps’ of the Third Dynasty of Ur: The Dog Handlers at Drehem and the Army,” ZA 102 (2012) pp. 10–11. 24 See Ch. E. Watanabe, Animal Symbolism in Mesopotamia, Wien 2002 (= WOO 1), p. 120. the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 169

Due to the information provided by the uru.an.na handbook and the Lists of Simple Drugs on the alternative names of the plants buʾšānu and ṣaṣuntu, I have been able to correlate diseases and symptoms in medical prescriptions with the healing goddess. Since my aim was to determine the prevalence of the concept of Gula in medical literature I analysed the references to the goddess in the handbook of diagnostics and prognostics, Sakikkû, which was the product of the ‘scientific school’ of medicine. In Chapter Three I have discussed symptoms and syndromes that were attributed to the ‘hand’ of Gula. Because of the shift of Gula’s divine consort, Ninurta, towards the realm of healing, I have included the ‘hand’ of Ninurta in the study.25 Gula’s ‘hand’ in adult man was associated with fever (kum₂, ummu), unusual discharge of blood from mouth, nose and ear, pains in the belly so that the patient cries ‘Ouch!’, pains in the flanks, the ašû diseases and a number of skin afflictions, namely sāmānu, šadânu, ṣītu, and ṣarrišu.26 A noticeable number of symptoms of infant diseases were also attributed to Gula’s ‘hand’ among which constipation, diarrhoea, buʾšānu disease and the yellow discolouration of the infant’s body stand out. As a matter of fact, the references in the infant chapter of Sakikkû to Gula are so predominant that the goddess becomes the main protagonist of infants’ diseases.27 Ninurta’s ‘hand’ was connected with fever (kum₂, ummu), blood coming from the nose, jaundice caused by the Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon, fever (ṣētu), obstruction of the urinary tract, and the skin disease šadânu. In addition, the god was associated with the liver.28 The rationale of some of the attributions of afflictions to both deities could be traced back to ideas that are evident in Sumerian religious and literary compositions, like pains in the belly, jaundice as dysfunction of the bile, afflictions of the skin (especially sāmānu and šadânu), and infants’ diseases.29 To the best of my knowledge, no reference is made to the ‘hand’ of Gula in medical prescriptions. There is, however, one attestation in a ritual, which was to be performed in order to ward off the attacks of the female demon Lamaštu. According to the ritual instructions a figurine of the so-called ‘robber’ had to be made; this ‘robber’ was released either by the ‘hand’ of Gula, the ‘hand’ of Lamaštu, the ‘hand’ of the adversary or

25 See Chapter 3.6. 26 See Chapters 3.1–3.4. 27 See Chapter 3.5. 28 See Chapter 3.6.7. 29 See for pains in the belly Chapter 2.2.3, for jaundice Chapter 4.5, for sāmānu Chap ter 2.3, and for šadânu Chapter 3.4.5. 170 chapter six the ‘hand’ of curse. The ‘robber’ is said to be the one “who time and again carries off the offspring of NN, daughter of NN, (and) feeds it, who year after year makes cry the midwife and moan the wet nurse.”30 Perhaps more revealing is the correlation between the symptoms and diseases attributed to Gula’s and Ninurta’s ‘hand’ and those that were treated with the healing plants of Gula. The buʾšānu plant was prescribed for the buʾšānu disease, pains in the belly, liver diseases, jaundice, fever (ṣēta ḫamiṭ), and the ašû disease.31 Under the name of lišān kalbi the plant was used to treat ‘wind’ in the intestines, which led to constipation and severe pains in the belly, and to cure jaundice, ašû disease, stones obstructing the urinary tract, and the skin affliction sāmānu.32 The ṣaṣuntu plant was thought to be efficacious for fever (ḫimiṭ ṣēti and ṣēta ḫamiṭ), ašû disease and sāmānu disease.33 Only for few symptoms and diseases, namely blood coming from mouth, nose and ear, pains in the flanks, and for the skin afflictions šadânu, ṣītu and ṣarrišu, corresponding prescriptions referring to Gula’s plants are missing. The majority of cases that were attributed to the ‘hand’ of Gula and Ninurta were treated with the healing goddess’ plants. The question that inevitably begs to be asked is whether the healing plants were used out of religious motivations or because of their medicinal properties. Before answering this question I would like to raise some general considerations. The knowledge of the use of healing plants goes back to the dawn of mankind. One of the earliest evidence for the close relationship of man and plants in the Near East comes from Middle Pal- aeolithic Shanidar IV, a cave located in the valley of the Great Zab in the Bradsot Mountain of the Zagros.34 The Neanderthal ‘flower burial’ found in the cave, dating back to 60,000 BC, provided striking pollen clusters which have been identified with medicinal plants. It has been postulated that the plants were not left at random, indicating that Neanderthal people were aware of at least some of their specific medicinal properties.35

30 The text is SpTU III 84; see for the ritual rev. 79–97. 31 See Chapter 5.1.1. 32 See Chapter 5.1.2. 33 See Chapter 5.2. 34 See R.S. Solecki, “Shanidar Cave: A Paleolithic Site in Northern Iraq,” Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution 1954, pp. 389–425. 35 See for a discussion of the medicinal properties of the plants taking into account the epistemological problem whether the plants had been chosen intentionally or incidentally J. Lietava, “Medicinal Plants in a Middle Paleolithic Grave Shanidar IV?,” Journal for Eth nopharmacology 35 (1992) pp. 263–266 with further bibliographic references. the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 171

Initially, knowledge about the usefulness of plants, acquired by trial and error, travelled by word-of-mouth from one generation to the next. In this way, a large body of traditional knowledge was created, tied to the local flora. The number and size of cuneiform pharmaceutical handbooks in Ancient Mesopotamia provides the best evidence for the importance of plants in the treatment of human ailments. The experience with plants was sandwiched with magical and religious observances. However, concerning the motivation for the recommendation of buʾšānu aka lišān kalbi and ṣaṣuntu, I would suggest that they were believed to be efficacious because of their medicinal properties, and that the religious concept modelled on the healing goddess was grafted upon them—probably to ensure and enhance their efficacy. This interpretation is supported by the fact that the designations ‘Gula’s plant’ and ‘Gula’s dog’ for ṣaṣuntu and buʾšānu respectively are not used alone but appear always in apposition to the principal name. This evidence suggests that the connection with the religious sphere was a secondary development. Before dealing with the reflection of the beliefs about the healing goddess in medical incantations I would like to add an observation on the expression ‘hand of the deity NN’ in the handbook of prognostics and diagnostics, Sakikkû. Several interpretations have been put forward as to its meaning. J.V. Kinnier Wilson suggested that the ‘hands’ expressed “the idea of both ‘disease’ and ‘punishment’.”36 K. van der Toorn presumed that the expression was meant “to localize the source of the signs rather than to give a definite answer concerning the nature and cause of the disease.”37 H. Avalos argued that the ‘hand of god’ constructions might describe “illness in particular that was somehow of special interest to the god.”38 J.A. Scurlock and B.R. Andersen interpret the ‘hands’ as causal agents of diseases.39 Studying three particular designations for diseases, N.P. Heeßel concludes “that it is likely that the expressions ‘hand of the god, the goddess and the ghost’ sometimes denote a disease and sometimes the divine sender of the disease.”40 As for the function of this construction, R.D. Biggs, H. Avalos, and N.P. Heeßel proposed that the name of the divine power behind the disease enabled the practitioner to address appropriate

36 See his “Medicine in the Land and Times of the Old Testament,” in: T. Ishida (ed.), Studies in the Period of David and Solomon, Winona Lake 1982, p. 349. 37 See his Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia, p. 199 note 304. 38 Illness and Health Care in the Ancient Near East, p. 134. 39 Diagnoses in Assyrian and Babylonian Medicine, passim (see e.g. p. 430). 40 “The Hands of the Gods,” in: I.L. Finkel & M.J. Geller (eds.), Disease in Babylonia (= CM 36), Leiden – Boston 2007, p. 125. 172 chapter six prayers to the god in question.41 With regard to Gula’s and Ninurta’s ‘hand’ another interpretation is possible: in these cases the expression was possibly meant not only to identify the deity under whose authority diseases or symptoms fell, but also to associate the ‘hand’ with the appropriate healing plants for curing. Since there seems to be no similar correlations between deities and healing plants, I am reluctant to extrapolate from the evidence discussed for Gula’s ‘hand’ that the Sakikkû handbook served to name both the supernatural controller of diseases and their proper healing cure. Yet, I believe the analogy between diseases under Gula’s authority and her avatar plants is significant for our understanding of the formation of Sakikkû and its structural elements in that also cultural beliefs of the healing goddess were incorporated into the handbook.

I have traced back the concept of the healing goddess as it emerges in Sumerian religious texts, in the handbook Sakikkû and, focusing on the healing plants, in medical prescriptions. Some of the associations of diseases with Gula are resumed in medical incantations as well. I have suggested that the reason for Gula’s appearance as active physician, who prepares the medication for ṣinnaḫ tīri diarrhoea in the incantation en₂ batqat nāru, ‘The river has burst (its banks)’,42 goes back to the association of the functioning of the biliary system with her.43 The idea to connect her with diarrhoea is also present in one of the incantations from Ugarit that is not directly addressing her.44 This link between the healing goddess and afflictions of the digestive system, namely the intestines, is best expressed by her epithet ‘the one who is able to heal bound intestines’.45 Likewise the incantations which mention her in context with simmu skin sores46 clearly echo her image as goddess ‘who knows well what causes skin sores’47 and who is equipped with scalpel and swab for their treatment. References to her in medical incantations recited in case of

41 See R.D. Biggs, “Medizin. A. Mesopotamien,” in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 7 7/8, Berlin – New York 1990, p. 624b; H. Avalos, Illness and Health Care in the Ancient Near East, pp. 135–136; and N.P. Heeßel, ibidem, p. 127. 42 See Chapter 4.2.2. 43 See Chapter 4.5. 44 See Chapter 2.2.3. 45 See for the incantation Chapter 4.2.2. 46 See Chapter 4.3. 47 As stated in the votive inscription A Dog for Nintinuga l. 6 for which see A. Fadhil, Sumerian Letters: Two Collections from the Old Babylonian Schools, pp. 144–148, l. 6, 8. the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 173

disorders of the urinary tract48 correspond with one of the uses of the lišān kalbi plant and one of the entries in the Sakikkû handbook according to which urinary tract obstruction was attributed to the ‘hand’ of her divine consort, Ninurta.49 The healing goddess appears furthermore in context of the maškadu disease, an affliction of the musculoskeletal system that belonged to her domain.50 Note here that the plant buʾšānu, under the name gidir.sipa (ḫaṭṭi rēʾî), ‘shepherd’s crook’, was prescribed to treat precisely maškadu and inflamed feet.51 The corpus of incantations against the Samana demon52 is in line with the attribution of the sāmānu disease to the ‘hand’ of Gula as well as with the use of lišān kalbi and ṣaṣuntu to treat it.53 Since the demon is also related to the ašû disease a further correspondence can be established, namely with buʾšānu, lišān kalbi and ṣaṣuntu.54 The idea of the demon as a threat to young moth- ers and their babies agrees, in turn, with the image of the healing goddess as midwife and mother.55 In some incantations Gula appears with puppies or (dog) bites are mentioned, which reflects her connection with the animal.56 This corresponds well with the uses of lišān kalbi to treat dog bites, ṣaṣuntu to repel wild animals, or buʾšānu to heal from the buʾšānu disease when compared to the attack of lions and wolves.57 On the other hand, puppies were given to the child-snatching female demon Lamaštu who would breastfeed them with her poisonous milk.58 Taking into account the characterization of the healing goddess as mother and midwife, we could interpret the scene as a way to save little babies from her attack. Accordingly, the dogs would again serve as protection. That the association between healing goddess and dogs did not remain on the ideational level is clearly shown by the fact that dog skeletons were found

48 See Chapters 4.1.3 and 4.1.4. 49 See for the use of lišān kalbi Chapter 5.1.2.2, for Ninurta’s ‘hand’ Chapter 3.6. 50 See Chapter 3.6.2. 51 See BAM I 1 i: 37 with duplicates. I have not discussed the attestation since the plant name is not associated with the healing goddess. 52 See Chapter 2.3. 53 See for Gula’s hand and sāmānu Chapter 3.4.1, for the therapeutic indication of lišān kalbi see Chapter 5.1.2.8, and for that of ṣaṣuntu see Chapter 5.2.1. 54 See Chapters 5.1.1.6, 5.1.2.4 and 5.2.4. 55 See Chapters 2.2.4 and 2.3. 56 See Chapters 4.1.6 and 4.1.7. 57 See for lišān kalbi Chapter 5.1.2.10, for ṣaṣuntu Chapter 5.2.3, and for buʾšānu Chap ters 4.5 and 5.1.1.2. 58 See Chapter 2.3. 174 chapter six H ymns ncantations, I ncantations, pains in the belly diarrhoea inurta’s ‘hand’ N inurta’s fever ( kum₂) fever blood from nose liver jaundice ( aḫḫāzu ) ( ṣētu ) fever ula’s ‘hand’ G ula’s O uch!” cries fever ( kum₂) fever mouth, from blood nose and ear disease buʾšānu belly is seized, “ constipation, diarrhoea yellow yellow discoloration ṣaṣuntu fever ( ḫimiṭ ṣēti fever ḫamiṭ ) and ṣēta azallû ḫaṭṭi rēʾî ḫaṭṭi jaundice ) ( amurriqānu lišān kalbi fever ( kum₂), fever throbbing blurred temple, vision, tears suālu cough ḫaḫḫu cough ‘wind’ jaundice ) ( amurriqānu buʾšānu fever ( kum₂) , fever vision, blurred blood in the eyes disease buʾšānu cough gaḫḫu pains in the belly liver disease liver and . . . jaundice ) ( amurriqānu fever ḫamiṭ ) ( ṣēta the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 175 H ymns ncantations, I ncantations, mother, midwife mother, dog bites dog G ula’s ofdisorders the tract renal Samana demon simmu skin wounds maškadu physician great inurta’s ‘hand’ N inurta’s urinary tract urinary tract obstruction šadânu ula’s ‘hand’ G ula’s ašû disease sāmānu disease šadânu ṣītu abscess skin sore ṣarrišu pain in the flanks ṣaṣuntu ašû disease animals repel disease sāmānu bibirru disease azallû impotence ḫaṭṭi rēʾî ḫaṭṭi pregnancy pregnancy maškadu lišān kalbi pregnancy pregnancy labour pains impotence ašû disease animal bites: dog, serpent stones (urinary tract obstruction) sāmānu disease buʾšānu pregnancy pregnancy ašû disease for any good disease ( cont. ) 176 chapter six in her temple;59 the written evidence, on the other hand, attests to the fattening of dogs and the existence of kennels in her temples.60

I have tried to summarise the results of the study in the above table. In columns one to five, I give a short description of the therapeutic uses of the buʾšānu, also known under the names lišān kalbi, gidir.sipa (ḫaṭṭi rēʾî) and azallû, and ṣaṣuntu. The next two columns include the information on diseases, symptoms and inner organs that are attributed to the ‘hand’ of Gula and to the ‘hand’ of Ninurta. In the last column I have added in keywords features of the healing goddess and themes that I consider salient and which come from Sumerian literary texts and medical incantations. The dark shading of a few fields indicates diseases and symptoms that cannot be brought in line with the religious concept of the healing goddess.

6.2. Religion, Magic, Medicine

Medicine in Ancient Mesopotamia is closely interrelated with religion and magic. Religion and magic are beyond doubt two of the most debated cultural phenomena since E.B. Tylor’s Primitive Culture.61 E.B. Tylor and later J.G. Frazer,62 both representatives of the intellectualist school of religion studies and influenced by the evolutionary model of Darwin, considered magic as an earlier, primitive stage, which would later turn into religion as a more highly developed level of human thought. Genera- tions of theorists would follow this dichotomy once it was established, though altering the defining features of both entities. Since it is not my aim to review this immense literature I just refer in general terms to the

59 See J. Boessneck, “Die Hundeskelette von Išān Bahrīyāt (Isin) aus der Zeit um 1000 v. Chr.,” pp. 97–109. 60 See D. Charpin & J.-M. Durand on dog feeding, “Remarques sur l’élevage intensif dans l’Iraq ancien,” in: M.T. Barrelet (ed.), L’archéologie de l’Iraq du début de l’époque néolithique à 333 avant notre ère, Paris 1980, pp. 143–145; and on the dog kennel of king Enlilbani of Isin dedicated to the healing goddess (e₂ ur.gi₇.ra) see B. Groneberg, “Tiere als Symbole von Göttern in den frühen geschichtlichen Epochen Mesopotamiens: Von der altsumerischen Zeit bis zum Ende der altbabylonischen Zeit,” p. 298, with further bibliography. 61 Researches into the Development of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Art, and Custom, London 1871. 62 The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion, Part One, vol. 1, London 1911. the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 177 studies of a G. van der Leeuw (whom J.J.A. van Dijk followed),63 É. Durk heim and his nephew M. Mauss, M. Weber, W.J. Goode or C. Lévi-Strauss (who inspired the contributions of J. Bottéro64).65 Post-modernist scholars would avoid and dismiss the distinction since the term magic was seen against the background of ethnocentricity, viz. projecting onto other cultures a Western notion which had served to distinguish the Victorian middle-class from their colonial subjects.66 However, it was felt that the pejorative connotation of magic resulting from this ethnocentric misuse might not be a useless category in the study of culture after all.67

63 See his “Sumerische Religion,” in: J.P. Asmussen & J. Laessøe (eds.), Handbuch der Religionsgeschichte, vol. 1, Göttingen 1971, pp. 431–496. 64 See e.g. “Magie. A. In Mesopotamien,” in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriolo gie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 7 3/4, Berlin – New York 1988, pp. 200–234; or his La plus vieille religion, Paris 1998. 65 For a short and precise account of some of these theorists and others in religious studies see I. Pyysiäinen, Magic, Miracles, and Religion, Walnut Creek 2004, pp. 90–96; I am following the overview of I. Czachesz, “Explaining Magic: Earliest Christianity as a Test Case,” in: L.H. Martin & J. Sørensen (eds.), Past Minds: Studies in Cognitive Historio graphy, London 2011, pp. 142–146. 66 See e.g. the discussion of post-modernist thought of J.Z. Smith, “Trading Places,” in: M. Meyer & P. Mirecki (eds.), Ancient Magic and Ritual Power, Leiden 1995, pp. 13–27; and J. Braarvig, “Magic: Reconsidering the Grand Dichotomy,” in: D.R. Jordan, H. Montgomery & E. Thomassen (eds.), The World of Ancient Magic: Papers from the First International Samson Eitrem Seminar at the Norwegian Institute at Athens, 4–8 May 1997, Bergen 1999, pp. 21–27. J.G. Frazer referred in the preface of the second edition of his Golden Bough that he had adopted the contrast between magic and religion from Sir A. Lyall, a colonial admin istrator in India who contrasted native Indian witchcraft with the ‘religion of civilization’, and from F. Jevons who believed that magic would characterize a ‘less civilized race’ and religion accordingly a ‘more civilized’ race; see J. N. Bremmer, “Magic and Religion?,” in his monograph Greek Religion and Culture, the Bible, and the Ancient Near East, Leiden 2008, pp. 350–351. In her contribution “Mesopotamian Medicine and Religion: Current Debates, New Per spectives,” Religion Compass 2 (2008), E. Robson expresses her doubts on the usefulness of the term magic or magical in the study of ancient medicine because it does not form part of the ‘mindset and lifestyle’ of ‘us moderns’. She proposes to describe the phenomenon in terms of ‘cleanliness or pollution’ since they “are as much a part of modern, West ern society as they were of Mesopotamian culture” (p. 476). I do not see that the use of such seemingly shared concepts can be the basis for a platform for discussion. The idea of understanding ancient concepts and beliefs in terms of ‘familiarisation and de- familiarisation’ (p. 476) equally entails the risk of ethnocentricity. 67 See e.g. E. Thomassen, “Is Magic a Subclass of Ritual?,” in: D.R. Jordan, H. Montgom ery & E. Thomassen (eds.), The World of Ancient Magic: Papers from the First International Samson Eitrem Seminar at the Norwegian Institute at Athens, 4–8 May 1997, Bergen 1999, pp. 55–66; J.N. Bremmer, ibidem, pp. 347–352; and W. van Binsbergen & F.A.M. Wigger mann, “Magic in History. A Theoretical Perspective, and Its Application to Ancient Meso potamia,” in: T. Abusch & K. van der Toorn (eds.), Mesopotamian Magic. Textual, Historical, and Interpretative Perspectives, Groningen 1999 (= AMD 1), pp. 5–6. 178 chapter six

In order to better understand the Ancient Babylonian healing system I dissect the multicombination of views. Consequently, I have used the terms magical, religious, and natural as analytical tools to describe this fusion of approaches in the cuneiform medical literature. I have applied the term magic or magical to refer to the motivational attitudes towards and “the illusory manipulation of the visible or invisible realities.”68 This model of control “retains the notion of coercion and mechanisms habitu- ally associated with magic.”69 I have employed the term religion or religious when we can discern a theistic model or underlying beliefs in the medical literature, for instance when the healing goddess interferes in the process of healing. Yet, I insist, a purely etic approach entails the risk of losing sight of the Ancient Babylonians’ viewpoint. They did not oppose or even distinguished between magic and religion or magical/ religious and natural; rather magic appeared to be a subsystem of religion as W. Farber pointed out.70 As such magic was embedded in religion, which “covers a much broader spectrum of human behaviours, institu- tions, history and conceptual structure than magic does.”71 Many healing therapies rely on the Ancient Babylonian practitioner’s broad knowledge of medicinal plants and their efficacy.72 This experience and its practical

68 As pinpointed by I. Czachesz, “Explaining Magic: Earliest Christianity as a Test Case,” p. 147. 69 W. van Binsbergen and F.A.M. Wiggermann, “Magic in History. A Theoretical Per spective, and Its Application to Ancient Mesopotamia,” p. 4. 70 See Schlaf, Kindchen, Schlaf ! Mesopotamische Baby-Beschwörungen und -Rituale, pp. 1–3; and his contribution “Witchcraft, Magic, and Divination in Ancient Mesopota mia,” in: J.M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol. III, New York 1995, pp. 1895–1896. 71 J. Sørensen, A Cognitive Theory of Magic, Lanham 2007 p. 186. 72 Sometimes Ancient Babylonian practitioners would explicitly state that a medica tion is successful, tested, or proven of old, using the term latku; see the discussion of M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 17. He refers as one example to the medical recommendation BM 41293+ rev. iv’: 1, which gives the ingredients for an eye salve. He restores the first signs as ‘If Hammurapi’s mother’; however, what should be read is [diš ki]min ge₆ ḫa-[a]m-mu-ra-pi, ‘[if di]tto, the dark of—Ḫammurabi’. The scribe apparently made a mistake when copying from the Vorlage confusing two different lines of text, one referring to the ‘dark of (the eye)’ and one mentioning the name Ḫammurabi. The eye salve was famous because it was believed to have healed successfully already Ḫammurabi’s eyes. See the various parallels of the prescription referring to the king (and not to his mother), e.g. BM 54641+ rev. 3 (te-qi₂-ti ša₂ ḫa-am-r[a-b]i la-ti-ik-ti ‘proven salve for Ḫammurabi’), BAM II 159 iv: 22’ (te-qit igi.ii.meš ša₂ Iḫa-am-mu-ra-bi lat-ku ‘eye salve for Ḫammurabi, proven), or BAM IV 382 rev. 11 (te-qit₂ ša₂ ḫa-am-mu-ra-bi, ‘salve for Ḫammurabi’). For the ingredients of the salve see J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschrift lichen Quellen. Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Medizin, p. 277. the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 179

implementation including the picking, preparing and administering of herbs I have subsumed under ‘natural concepts’. It is clear that the use of the terms religious, magical, and natural depend heavily on our degree of comprehending the complexity of medical cuneiform literature. What might appear as natural at first sight may turn out on second thoughts as belonging to the supernatural realm. In his study Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice M. J. Geller quotes an incantation, which is addressed to both the sun god Šamaš and the healing goddess Gula.73 He places emphasis on this text because of “the alternative of supernatural and natural causes of disease which makes the incantation interesting from the point of view of ancient science.”74 The exorcist in this text calls upon “sickness, diʾu disease, the Lamaštu demon, the Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon (who causes jaundice), bibiḫtu disease, and a worm” to leave the body of the patient.75 Many of these disease terms refer to both illness and the demon, which was believed to cause the affliction. This ambiguity is obscured in M.J. Geller’s translation: “disease, malaria, lamaštu-demon(-disease), jaundice, chill, or parasites.” Malaria is a modern identification with some of the symptoms of the diʾu disease and as such not entirely congruent with the Akkadian term. Furthermore, diʾu is homonymous with the name of the demon, which provoked it. What M.J. Geller renders ‘jaundice’ is actually written in the incantation Aḫḫāzu, the name of a demon, literally ‘the catcher’, which was believed to cause jaundice;76 and ‘chill’ is also the name of the demon responsible for this malady. Only ‘disease’, Akkadian murṣu, is not connected with a spirit or demon but is usually commanded to depart in incantations together with demons.77 Similarly to the term murṣu, I would suggest that also the worm (urbatu) acquires a supernatural dimension. It is not chased out of the natural orifices, as we would expect like in the known cases of parasite infestation,78 but is orally addressed. The worm turns into a being with

73 P. 33; for a treatment of the incantation see also Chapter 4.2.4 ‘Šamaš, supreme judge’. 74 Ibidem, p. 33. 75 The incantation AO 17656 has been published by N. Nougayrol, “Textes et docu ments figurés,” pp. 31, 41–42. I have translated ll. 5–6, which are repeated in ll. 10–11. 76 See my discussion for the distinction between amurriqānu jaundice and jaundice caused by the Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon in Chapter 4.5. 77 See for a quick overview the attestations given in CAD M/II p. 224 (bilingual section). 78 See e.g. the recommendation of an enema in BAM II 159 ii: 43–45 to make pos sibly tapeworms and other parasite infestations pass out of the intestines. “If urbatu worm, qūqānu worm or pelû worm have seized a man’s belly: crush 14 grains of the plant 180 chapter six ears, able to receive the exorcist’s order, in the same way as the diseases become living creatures who are capable of listening. A further indication that the worm was possibly seen as a supernatural being comes from the instruction for reciting the spell, namely over its effigy.79 It emerges then that the division between natural and supernatural or magical in this case is not sustainable since all entities have features of intelligent life. The Ancient Babylonian healing system is a fusion of views, which we would characterise as religious and magical beliefs and natural concepts. This interplay of ideas is present in many medical practices. An illustrative example is the conception Ancient Babylonians had of biliary diseases and digestive disorders. As I discussed, the healing goddess governed the bile, which was thought to regulate the body fluids of the intestines. Thus, in order to force the healing process incantations that make reference to the tutelary deity of medicine were recited. On the other hand, the treatment itself consisted in the prescription of medicinal plants, also associated with the healing goddess, which served as emetics or laxatives. I have suggested that the rationale of the recommendation of medicaments with purging effect responds to the Ancient Babylonian idea of the physiological function of the bile.80 Another example is the cure of dog bites which is mentioned in one of the incantations addressing Gula.81 A mass of clay had to be smeared on the wound and later removed to form a dog. It was believed that the wound would have healed (or dried out) as soon as the dog figurine was dried in the sunlight. The process of drying was possibly slow since the figurine was to be placed on a north wall getting sun only in the mornings and afternoons but not during the heat of the day. The obvious characteristic of the healing cure is the magical mechanism similia similibus curantur, transferring the dog bite to the clay dog. In addition, clay could have been used because of its pharmaceutical properties (astringent and cleaning) which were well known to heal in antiquity. Also maceration, one of the three common preparation methods of medicaments, encompasses aspects of empiricism, magic and religion. Soaking ingredients from plant material and leaving them, as is recommended in medical prescriptions, overnight in a liquid is one of the ways to extract

‘it-opposed-1000’, mix it with pressed fine oil, introduce it into his anus, then he shall recover.” 79 See text is discussed in Chapter 4.2.4. 80 See the discussion in Chapter 4.5. 81 See the discussion in Chapter 4.1.7. the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 181 medicinally active substances.82 The circumstances of steeping are often further detailed in that the liquid was to be exposed to the Goat star, which corresponds to the constellation Lyra. Behind this practice is the idea that the star would irradiate the liquid to enhance its properties.83 Not only plants could be macerated but also metals, stones and minerals were believed to leave their active substances in water when exposed to the stars overnight, as the preparation of purified water shows.84 The religious sphere in the extraction of plants used for healing purpose becomes evident if we take into account that the Goat star was the celestial mani- festation of the healing goddess. There is no indication that Ancient Babylonians would have perceived the different motivations of healing practices as contrasting. The duality of medicinal plants like the ones attributed to the healing goddess or the conception of disease as illness and demon was seen as complementing each other or belonging together. It seems, however, as if Ancient Babylonian practitioners would have responded to the double nature of disease—illness and demon—in using different incantations. I have discussed in Chapter 4.5 that metaphors in medical incantations help to explain the course of illness. But images have still another effect: as ‘strategies for dealing with situations’ they are meant to ‘take their subjects and move them’.85 They transform illness into a verifiable phenomenon known and experienced by the patient in daily life. This movement is accomplished by images from daily life that turn intangible and inchoate situations into something concrete, easy to grasp and understand.86 Thus it becomes evident why this type of medical incantation has to be close to the worldview of common people: the explanatory capacity of the images depends on their proximity to the daily life experiences of Ancient Baby- lonians. Only if metaphors show their practicality they are accessible to the patient and effective for subsequent therapeutic action. By employing rather physical and technical terms to describe afflictions such as constipation and diarrhoea with beer fermentation or irrigations systems they are depersonalized and become ‘it’. The subjective experience of pain is

82 See my contribution “On Medical Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia,” pp. 112–114. 83 See the discussion of E. Reiner, Astral Magic in Babylonia, pp. 52–53. 84 See for the ingredients of egubbû water used for purification in Namburbi rituals S.M. Maul, Zukunftsbewältigung, Mainz am Rhein 1995 (= BAFO 18), pp. 41–44. 85 J.W. Fernandez, Persuasions and Performances: The Play of Tropes in Culture, Indiana 1986, p. 8 and p. 12. 86 Ibidem, p. 8. 182 chapter six turned into an objective and mechanistic image that creates a distance between patient and illness. The ultimate effect of metaphor is that of reifying or depersonalizing illness by turning it into an object, which can be physically removed. Disease, as we have seen, is not only conceptualized as an illness but also as a demon. Sometimes Ancient Babylonians would distinguish between illness and the demonic power behind it, using two different names; maškadu, an affliction of the musculoskeletal system, was also known as Šuʾu, which was the name of the demon that provoked it.87 Another example is amurriqānu jaundice, which referred to the illness,88 while Aḫḫāzu jaundice was attributed to a demon. It is important to stress that the disease as illness and as demon was treated according to medical prescriptions in the same way,89 which indicates that the choice of treatment did not depend on the religious, magical or natural perception of disease.90 Another type of incantation, namely exorcistic spells, addresses the personified aspect of disease. It appears that these incantations use a different language since they employ other metaphors than healing incantations. Most common for exorcistic spells is the metaphor disease is an enemy, which is a subcategory of treating illness is fighting a war, to use the same metaphor terminology employed nowadays.91 The recurrent image of demons is their ambushing victims; they attack and seize in order to kill. Terms such as šulputu ‘to defeat, to overthrow’,92 maḫāṣu ‘to strike’,93 kamû . . . leqû . . . šagāšu ‘to capture—to take away by force—to murder’,94 dâku ‘to kill’,95 or expressions such as eṭēra gamāla ul iddû ‘they

87 This is stated in the incantation Muššuʾu VIII/l ll. 167–168 ‘Incantation: Šuʾu is his name, maškadu is his true name; no, maškadu is his true name, Šuʾu is his name’; see for the edition B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, pp. 296 and 307. 88 Note that Ancient Babylonians understood this symptom as an illness. 89 See the references in Chapter 4.5. 90 The same conclusion was reached by H. Scheyhing in his study of some skin afflic tions, “Babylonisch-assyrische Krankheitstheorie. Korrelationen zwischen medizinischen Diagnosen und therapeutischen Konzepten”, WO 41 (2011) pp. 79–117. 91 Note that it is irrelevant for the study of metaphor whether the words ‘enemy’ or ‘war’ are actually mentioned in the incantations; what is of importance is whether there are lexemes, which serve to describe a scenario that belongs to the domains of enemy or war. 92 All examples are taken from the udug.ḫul compendium. See the eclectic text edi tion of M.J. Geller, Evil Demons. Canonical Utukkū Lemnūtu Incantations, Helsinki 2007 (= SAACT V), p. 103 l. 63. 93 See ibidem, p. 126 l. 186, 187, 188. 94 See ibidem, pp. 130–131, ll. 83–85. 95 See ibidem, p. 138 l. 73, 76. the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 183 do not know how to save and spare (lives)’96 or nīšī šiknāt napišti bâʾu ‘to sweep destructively over people and living beings’97 show clearly that the situation of battle is described; all the lexemes are likewise attested in the context of genuine war and combat. Thus it is no surprise that some of the demons are even named ‘spy’ or ‘watcher demon’, ‘catcher-demon’, ‘murderer’ or ‘murderess’.98 The metaphor of war is not the only one used for the attacks of demons but it is the most frequent. This ‘war theory’ or ‘war conceptualisation’ might have eventually led to ‘war-like thinking’ in the developing of the counteractions the exorcist undertook to save the diseased man.99 Indeed all the actions he performs are meant to guard his patient’s life and safety: he encircles the bed with a magic circle of flour, he protects the window, door and threshold of his bedroom, and he secures the house entrance and the courtyard, and finally the gate that leads to the property.100 He does so in order to prevent the enemy from entering the house. The image is clearly that of a fortress whose windows, doors, bars and locks are secured against invaders. Interestingly, when the exorcist goes to the sick man’s house he does not go alone. Four gods accompany him: Šamaš walks in front of him, Sin behind him, Nergal is to his right, and Ninurta to his left.101 What seems to emerge here is the image of ‘bodyguards’ who protect the exorcist in the battle. The exorcist

96 See ibidem, p. 126 l. 174. 97 See ibidem, p. 127 l. 10. 98 For the male and female spy demons ḫayyāṭu and ḫayyīṭu see the brief discussion of M. Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia, p. 42; for the Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon see CAD A/I pp. 185– 186 s.v. aḫḫāzu meaning 2.; for the murder demon šaggāšu see B. Böck, Das keilschriftli che Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, p. 163 l. 77, p. 192 l. 35; the female murder demon šaggāštu appears in CT 51 142 l. 6. Interestingly, in modern languages the metaphor disease is war is used especially for viral and bacterial diseases, which account for the aspect of invisibility of the afflictions; see B. Nerlich, “The Role of Metaphor Scenarios in Disease Management Discourses: Foot and Mouth Disease and Avian Influenza,” in: S. Handl & H.-J. Schmid (eds.), Windows to the Mind. Metaphor, Metonymy and Conceptual Blending, Berlin – New York 2011, p. 118 with further references. 99 Indeed, this is what G.W. van Rijn-van Tongeren states in context of the exploration of cancer and tumour treatment: “ ‘war theory’ leads to ‘war-like thinking’ in the develop ing of therapeutic ideas,” Metaphors in Medical Texts, p. 85. 100 See for an interpretation of these protective measures, B. Böck, “‘When You Perform the Ritual of ‘Rubbing’: On Medicine and Magic in Ancient Mesopotamia,” JNES 62 (2003) pp. 1–16. 101 See the incantation udug.ḫul III/d ll. 103–110, for which see the eclectic text edi tion of M.J. Geller, Evil Demons. Canonical Utukkū Lemnūtu Incantations, p. 105 (translit eration), p. 200 (translation). 184 chapter six himself is said to be clad in red garments.102 It is well known from other ceremonies that he wore red clothing.103 One reason for using this colour is that the āšipu/mašmaššu appears in the compendium as messenger of Marduk/Asaluḫi who would likewise be dressed in red.104 However, the company of Nergal and Ninurta suggests another scenario: the exorcist wore the colour soldiers would use in battle.105 The imagery disease is an enemy, treating disease is fighting a war is supported by the presence of Nergal and Ninurta, the two gods associated with warfare in Mesopotamian mythological-religious belief.106 Interestingly, as ‘lord of the weapon’, Ninurta is frequently invoked in the exorcistic incantation compendium ḫul.ba.zi.zi ‘Begone evil!’ to support the exorcist.107 Con- spicuously, the moment when the exorcist enters the house is described in the udug.ḫul compendium in detail: he first pushes the door of the house open, then he calls at the gate, and crossing the threshold he finally enters the house;108 consequently, the loci of door, gate, and threshold are

102 See the texts collected by E. Unger, “Farben. 5. Rot,” in: E. Ebeling (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie 3/1, Berlin 1957, p. 25. 103 This is corroborated by one of the letters of the chief exorcist Marduk-šakin-šumi who writes ‘the exorcist dresses in a red garment (tug₂, ṣubātu) and puts on a red cloak (tug₂.dul₃, naḫlaptu)’, see S. Parpola, Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars (= SAA X), Helsinki 1993, p. 189, no. 238 l. obv. 14–15. The exorcist has to perform a ritual to eradicate the evil Alû demon and an.ta.šub.ba epilepsy for which see M. Stol, Epilepsy in Babylonia, p. 41. 104 The exorcistic text Marduk’s Address to the Demons states ‘I am Asaluḫi who is dressed with dread, full of fearfulness’, for which see W.G. Lambert, “An Address of Mar duk to the Demons,” AfO 17 (1956) pp. 313 and 316, B. l. 5. This expression is explained in a commentary that he wore possibly a red naḫlaptu garment; see E. Frahm, Babylonian and Assyrian Text Commentaries. Origins of Interpretation, p. 82. 105 This is how the prophet Nahum describes the fearsome appearance of the Assyrian army “the shield of his mighty men is made red, the valiant men are in scarlet, ” Nahum 2: 3. Indeed, one of the reliefs from the wall decoration in Sargon’s II palace at Dur-Šarruken (AO 19877, kept in the Louvre), shows an Assyrian soldier in arms, dressed in a short tunic. There are still some traces of paint preserved: a red coloration of the garment. We know from Neo-Assyrian letters that red or purple wool was used to manufacture some items of the uniform of soldiers. Namely ABL 413 for which see the remarks of J.N. Postgate, “Assyrian Uniforms,” in: W. van Soldt (ed.), Veenhof Anniversary Volume. Studies Presented to Klaas R. Veenhof on the Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, Leiden 2001, p. 379. 106 For Nergal and Ninurta sharing many of the martial attributes, see J. S. Cooper, An- gim dím-ma: The Return of Ninurta and to Nippur (= AnOr 52), Rome 1978, pp. 10–11; see for Ninurta as god of warfare, A. Annus, The God Ninurta in the Mythology and Royal Ideology of Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 5. 107 See for the so-called Gattung IV incantations of E. Ebeling, “Sammlungen von Bes chwörungsformeln,” ArOr 21 (1953) pp. 403–423. Ninurta appears more often than any other invoked deity. The edition of ḫul.ba.zi.zi is expected from I.L. Finkel. 108 This is described in the incantation udug.ḫul III/d ll. 104–107 for which see the eclectic text edition of M.J. Geller, Evil Demons. Canonical Utukkū Lemnūtu Incantations, pp. 105 and 200. the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 185 in the course of the ritual to be fortified with incantations or, in the case of other ceremonies, with apotropaic figurines to impede the evil powers’ entrance.109 We have thus a clear congruence between understanding disease caused by demons in terms of war and the rituals to be performed to fight them back by protecting the sick man’s house. This idea of protection finds its correlation in medical-magical prescriptions, which recommend the wearing of protective charms and amulets.110 As already mentioned, incantations do not always portray the exorcist as going to war against demons. He could also choose other tactics to save a person possessed by malevolent spirits. In the so-called Compendium, a collection of twenty-one Sumerian and Akkadian incantations,111 the following scenery can be reconstructed: the exorcist scares off a host of demons that have seized a man with the help of a mythical copper drum. He then places blood, entrails, ribs and meat of a piglet and a ram over the body of the afflicted person. I would like to interpret the image as that of animals of prey, which are roused by noise. The purpose would be to distract their attention from their prey. The raw meat would then serve to attract them so that they would let go their victim.112 The complete scene the incantations refer to is more complex, but for the present purpose it is sufficient to mention the initial incident. In the two examples I discussed demons are conceptualized as living powerful beings. The incantations do not serve to depersonalize or reify disease, as was the case with medical spells; rather, we see the exorcist opposing supernatural beings in order to defeat, destroy and chase them away. He does not objectify or natu- ralize the supernatural power to be able to remove them physically—he faces them as equal. The power to oppose evil spirits was attributed to the exorcist (āšipu/mašmaššu) through divine authorization or legitimiza- tion. This is best seen in those exorcistic incantations that refer to him as the messenger of the gods, as the man of the god Ea, or as an image of

109 See for the statues that were placed in the outer gate and those in the house, F.A.M. Wiggermann, Mesopotamian Protective Spirits. The Ritual Texts, pp. 58–87. 110 See for the significance of amulets, B. Böck, “‘When You Perform the Ritual of ‘Rub bing’: On Medicine and Magic in Ancient Mesopotamia,” pp. 12–14. 111 See for the text edition, W. Schramm, Ein Compendium sumerisch-akkadischer Beschwörungen (= Göttinger Beiträge zum Alten Orient 2), Göttingen 2008. 112 See W. Schramm, ibidem, Göttingen 2008. I have roughly summarized incantation 1 (pp. 26–29) which is about the demonic attack and mentions the cowhide, incantation 2 (pp. 30–33), which refers to the copper drum, and incantations 3 and 4 (pp. 34–43), which deal with the piglet and the ram. 186 chapter six

Marduk.113 Another form to indicate and transfer the power to the exorcist is the recitation of the so-called ‘Marduk-Ea-dialogue’ in which Ea/ Enki bestows his powers to his son, Marduk/Asaluḫi; the exorcist would then in the ritual take over the role of Ea’s/Enki’s son.114 In addition to the authorization of sharing the divine essence through identical bonds when assuming the role of Marduk/Asaluḫi, the exorcist’s connection with the divine realm is based on iconic bonds, too, namely when he dresses up in a special, red garment.115 The two types of incantations are usually attributed to the two healing professions: the asû ‘physician’ would use medical spells and the āšipu/ mašmaššu ‘exorcist’ would recite exorcistic ones. While there is no doubt that exorcistic incantations could only be recited by a person who received divine authorization, like the exorcist, I would question the exclusive assignment of medical spells to the asû ‘physician’ and suggest another nuanced interpretation. The argumentation for this seemingly clear-cut divide is based on formal criteria of language and style used in the different incantations, which concern the degree of correctness in Sumer- ian grammar, and the use of a high literary style in both Akkadian and Sumerian texts. Although there are differences between the Sumerian in texts that are dated, roughly speaking, to the second millennium BC and the Sumerian used in first millennium BC exorcistic incantations, the latter are still intelligible and to a high degree grammatically correct. The ‘good’ Sumerian of the incantations, attributed to the āšipu/mašmaššu ‘exorcist’, is usually contrasted with the Sumerian in medical spells, which is often rather ungrammatical, misspelled or corrupt.116 Because of their ‘bad’ Sumerian medical spells are ascribed to the asû ‘physician’; consequently, completely unintelligible or mumbo-jumbo spells are said to be his work as well.117 Also healing spells which use popular motives of daily life and whose style and themes of healing are characterized as ‘crude,

113 I am referring to the so-called ‘Legitimationstyp’ in A. Falkenstein’s typology, for which see his Haupttypen der sumerischen Beschwörung literarisch untersucht, Leipzig 1931 (= LSS NF 1), pp. 20–35. See for a recent discussion of the identification of the ‘exorcist’, P. Mander, “The Mesopotamian Exorcist and His Ego,” Quaderni di Vicino Oriente 5 (2010) pp. 177–196. 114 See for the typology, A. Falkenstein, ibidem, pp. 44–76. 115 See for the legitimation of religious personal the discussion in P. Boyer, The Natu ralness of Religious Ideas. A Cognitive Theory of Religion, Berkeley – Los Angeles – London 1994, pp. 155–184. 116 W. van Binsbergen and F.A.M. Wiggermann, “Magic in History. A Theoretical Per spective, and Its Application to Ancient Mesopotamia,” p. 30. 117 M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 162. the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 187 non-consensual’118 or ‘doggerel’119 are thought to belong to the asû’s lore. The contrast in style and grammar is explained with the different Sitz im Leben of both incantation groups. Texts that formed the ‘lore of the exorcist’, termed in Akkadian āšipūtu, would have their setting at the royal court and the temple and were consequently to be kept in the library of king, temple, or the ‘exorcist’ himself. In contrast to the learned ‘exorcist’, the imperfections and low style of spells belonging to the asûtu, the ‘lore of the asû ‘physician’, are explained with the ‘physician’s’ low status suggesting that his medical practices would not reflect those of a specialist but generally those of the lay and rural population.120 We can best assess the shakiness of this assumption in having a closer look at the mumbo-jumbo spells. We can observe that an important group of incantations in medical texts is written in an unintelligible abracadabra language.121 The use of foreign or strange-sounding words is a common phenomenon in magic and not restricted to the cuneiform material, nor to antiquity.122 In Greek they were called Ephesia grammata;123 the

118 W. van Binsbergen and F.A.M. Wiggermann, “Magic in History. A Theoretical Per spective, and Its Application to Ancient Mesopotamia,” p. 30. 119 M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine, p. 16. 120 W. van Binsbergen and F.A.M. Wiggermann, “Magic in History. A Theoretical Per spective, and Its Application to Ancient Mesopotamia,” pp. 29–30. This is not the place to enter the long debate of asû and āšipu. As for the asû’s ranking in Ancient Mesopota mian society, I believe is it suffice to mention the correspondence of the Egyptian and Hittite courts concerning the exchange of asû ‘physicians’. To have at one’s disposal good and successful physicians was actually a sign of prestige and knowledge, see for the study E. Edel, Ägyptische Ärzte und ägyptische Medizin am hethitischen Königshof. Neue Funde von Keilschriftbriefen Ramses’ II aus Boğazköy (= Rheinisch-Westfälische Akademie der Wis senschaften: Vorträge. Geisteswissenschaften 205), Opladen 1976. 121 See W. Farber, Schlaf, Kindchen, Schlaf ! Mesopotamische Baby-Beschwörungen und -Rituale, pp. 144–145. See also the short summary D.O. Edzard and A. Kammenhuber offer of texts written in non-identified languages, “Hurriter”, in: D.O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 5, Berlin – New York 1976–1980, pp. 509–510. See for the variety of mumbo-jumbo incantations B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, p. 15. 122 For the Greek magical papyri see the contribution of W.M. Brashear, “The Greek Magical Papyri,” in: W. Haase (ed.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, Teil II Principat, vol. 18: Religion, 5. Teilband, Berlin – New York 1995, pp. 3429–3438; for Greek and Latin texts s. R. Gordon, “Imagining Greek and Roman Magic,” in: B. Ankerloo & S. Clark (eds.), The Athlone History of Witchcraft and Magic in Europe, London 1999, Vol. 2 with the contribution of V. Flint, R. Gordon, G. Luck & D. Ogden, Ancient Greece and Rome, pp. 239–243. As for modern languages see the contribution of S.J. Tambiah who discusses Sinhalese mantras, which offer a mixture of several languages (Sanskrit, Pali, and Classical Sinhalese), “The Magical Power of Words,” Man 3 (1968) pp. 177–178. 123 The etymology of ephesia seems to be obscure, see. F. Kuhnert, in: A. Pauly & G. Wissowa (eds.), Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft V.2, Stuttgart 1905, Sp. 2771–2772 s.v. Efesia grammata. One of the interpretations of the term was given 188 chapter six effect of reciting this kind of healing spell is due to the repetitive rhythm and prosody as well as to the assonant and dissonant sound.124 A similar impact can be ascribed to repeating three or seven times complete spells or just single words.125 The Neo-Platonist philosopher Iamblichus of Apamea in Syria who lived between the third and fourth centuries AD offered an intriguing explanation of these voces magicae in Greek and Latin incantations. In his work On the Mysteries he writes that these words are not meaningless but “to the gods they are all significant, not according to an effable mode, nor in such a way that is significant and indicative to the imaginations of human beings.”126 He then goes on to ask “But why, of meaningful names, do we prefer barbarian [i.e. Egyptian and Ara- maic] to our own?,” which he answers “for this, again, there is a mystical reason.”127 They are words that please the gods, he explains, and though they “may indeed be called ‘inexplicable’ and ‘barbarous’,” they are “in fact wholly suitable for sacred rituals.”128 Iamblichus’ idea is tantalizing, particularly in view of the many incomprehensible words that have entered medical incantations.129 Mesopotamia was the home of a whole range of

by A. Deissmann who understands Ephesia as a derivate of the Akkadian verb epēšu ‘to do’ with the specific meaning ‘to practice witchcraft’ (see CAD E 191 s.v. epēšu mng. 7); see his “Ephesia Grammata”, in: Abhandlungen zur semitischen Religionskunde und Sprachwissen schaft Wolf Wilhelm Grafen von Baudissin zum 26. Sept. 1917 überreicht (= Beiheft zur ZATW 33), Giessen 1918, pp. 121–124 (non vidi, quoted by C.C. McCown, “The Ephesia Grammata in Popular Belief,” TAPA 54 [1923], p. 130 with note 15). See for a summary of Ephesus as centre of magical practices, S. Shauf, Theology as History, History as Theology (= BZNW 133), Berlin 2005, pp. 133–134. 124 See for these well-known effects e.g. G. Senft, “Weyeis Wettermagie. Eine ethnolin guistische Untersuchung von fünf magischen Formeln eines Wettermagiers auf den Tro briand Inseln,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 110 (1985) p. 73. 125 For the repetition of the same words in incantations see E. Weidner, “Geheim schrift,” in: E. Ebeling (ed.), Reallexikon der Assyriologie 3/3, Berlin 1964, p. 186 sub 2. Other examples have been discussed by M.V. Tonietti, “Un incantesimo sumerico contro la Lamaštu,” OrNS 48 (1979) pp. 311–312; W. Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography, Winona Lake 1998, pp. 214–215; I.L. Finkel, “Magic and Medicine at Meskene”, N.A.B.U. 1999/30; and A. Cavigneaux & F.N.H. Al-Rawi in their study “Charmes de Sippar et de Nip pur,” in: H. Gasche, M. Tanret, C. Janssen & A. Degraeve (eds.), Cinquante-deux reflexions sur le Proche-Orient ancien offertes en hommages à Léon De Meyer, Leuven 1994 (= MHEO II), pp. 76–82. 126 Following the translation of E.C. Clarke, J.M. Dillon & J.P. Hershbell, Iamblichus. On the Mysteries, Atlanta 2003, chapter 7.4, p. 297. For the original translation of the pas sages quoted here see E. des Places, Les mystères d’Égypte. Jamblique, Paris 1966, chapters 7.4–7.5, pp. 192–194. 127 E.C. Clarke, J.M. Dillon & J.P. Hershbell, ibidem, chapter 7.4, p. 297. 128 Ibidem, chapter 7.4, p. 297 and chapter 7.5 p. 303. 129 No study about this text genre exists; see for some incomprehensible medical heal ing spells and their medical context B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 189 languages; on the basis of lexical texts W.G. Lambert refers to thirteen different tongues or language areas.130 While out of this list Babylonian and Aramaic are well known, Kassite is less and others are still not known such as Lullubite or Meluḫḫite. However, some foreign tongues left their imprint: among the corpus of Old Babylonian incantations there is a small group of texts that was written in Elamite and Subarean-Ḫurrian.131 Many of these seem to have been directed against scorpion stings and serpent bites.132 While some words might have been understood during some periods, e.g. Ḫurrian in the Northern parts of Mesopotamia, as a whole they must have sounded foreign to a Babylonian ear. In addition to the use of strange tongues, medical incantations could include expressions or full sentences in an artificial mixed language composed of Akkadian and Sumerian elements.133 An illustrative example is the hardly intelligible spell i.ba.aḫ i.ba.aḫ ki.ri.biš ki.ri.biš that is attested in a variety of medical prescriptions.134 While the first term so far escapes explanation, the word ki.ri.biš can be analysed as a phonological spelling of Sumerian kiri₃ ‘nose’ and Akkadian bīšu ‘stinking’, meaning ‘ill-smelling nose’.135 The expression designates the disease buʾšānu, which is usually spelled, when written as a Sumerian logogram, with the signs kir4.ḫab. Often comprehensible healing spells include some gibberish words or repetitions of Sumerian terms without grammatical syntax. Note the following example from healing spells embedded in medical texts for diseased eyes: igi bar

Muššu’u, pp. 47–49 (incantation Muššuʾu IV/j), pp. 54–56 (incantations Muššuʾu VIII/d, e, f, g), and pp. 61–62 (incantation Muššuʾu VIII/q). 130 See “A Vocabulary of an Unknown Language,” MARI 5 (1987) pp. 411–412. 131 See J.J.A. van Dijk, “Fremdsprachige Beschwörungstexte in der südmesopotamischen literarischen Überlieferung,” in: H.-J. Nissen & J. Renger (eds.), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn (= BBVO 1), Berlin 1982, pp. 97–110; and see his remarks in the introduction of YOS 11, pp. 3–4, as well as to his text edition VAS 17, pp. 8–9. For a revision and addi tions see the contribution of D. Prechel & Th. Richter, “Abrakadabra oder Althurritisch. Betrachtungen zu einigen altbabylonischen Beschwörungen,” in: Th. Richter, D. Prechel & J. Klinger (eds.), Kulturgeschichten. Altorientalische Studien für Volkert Haas zum 65. Geburt stag, Saarbrücken 2001, pp. 333–371. 132 See D. Prechel & Th. Richter, ibidem, p. 337. 133 See for an example of an incantation composed of Sumerian and Akkadian elements Muššuʾu III/b (see B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, p. 124); for a mixture of mumbo-jumbo and Akkadian see e.g. Muššuʾu IV/j (see loc. cit. pp. 167–168); for unintelligible spells see Muššuʾu VIII/e, f, g (see loc. cit. pp. 286–288). 134 See B. Böck, ibidem, pp. 285–286. 135 The clue for this interpretations comes from a bilingual hemerological text pub lished by A. Cavigneaux & F. Al-Rawi, “New Sumerian Literary Texts from Tell Hadad (ancient Meturan): A First Survey,” Iraq 55 (1993) pp. 100 and 103. 190 chapter six igi bar.bar igi bar.ra bar.bar igi ḫuš igi ḫuš.ḫuš igi bar.ra. Variants of this common standard opening phrase are: igi bar igi bar.bar igi bar.ra bar.bar igi suḫ₃ igi suḫ₃.suḫ₃ igi bar.ra and igi bar igi bar.bar igi bar.ra bar.bar igi ḫul igi ḫul.ḫul igi bar.ra.136 While the single words can be translated, igi ‘eye’, bar ‘to open, to see’, ḫuš ‘furious’, suḫ₃ ‘to confuse’, ḫul ‘evil’, the overall meaning of the phrase remains obscure. Sometimes healing spells include exotic words such as irišmara irišmara in the incantation against a cosmic red worm, which was to be recited in the context of head and eye diseases.137 Other incantations are completely unintelligible like the following one:138 en₂ ni.ip.pa.aḫ min ki.ri ni.ip.pa.aḫ ki.ri ni.ip.pa.pa.aḫ min an.ti.ma.at.tal an.ti.[ma.at.tal ?] an.ti.ma.ma.at.tal an.ti.ma.ma.al.ḫi : ši.ti.ma.a[l.ḫi] ti.ma.dir ti.ma.al.ḫi : ul.tal.ḫi min tu6.en₂ In the study of magic, language plays an important and decisive role.139 Generally, language in ritual is devoid of communication; prayers or incantations do not contain dialogues between the ritual performer and its participant(s) but are spoken by the ritualist addressing the sacred realm. The recited words serve thus primarily, as the historian of religion J. Sørensen has put forward in his study A Cognitive Theory of Magic, to construct and demarcate a ritual space and, secondly, as a social marker.140 The creation of the space is one of the constituent features of ritual enact- ment of which language forms just one part; others are the use of particular objects which have assumed a specific relevance, the location where

136 The expressions were included in various incantations in the texts BAM VI 510, 513, and 514. The lines quoted here have been previously analysed by N. Veldhuis as one of the examples of ‘magic poetics of gibberish’, see his “The Poetry of Magic,” in: T. Abusch & K. van der Toorn (eds.), Mesopotamian Magic. Textual, Historical, and Interpretative Per spectives, Groningen 1999 (= AMD 1), pp. 46–48; see also his notes in “Comments on IGI- ḪUL,” NABU 1992/43. 137 See for a short study of the incantation I.L. Finkel, “A Study in Scarlet: Incantations against Samana,” p. 81 note 10. 138 See the publication, B. Böck, Das keilschriftliche Handbuch “Einreibung” Muššu’u, pp. 286, 305 ll. 106–110 (Muššuʾu VIII/e). 139 See e.g. the classic study of the medical historian P. Laín Entralgo, The Therapy of the Word in Classical Antiquity, Baltimore 1970; or the anthropological study of S.J. Tam biah, Culture, Thought, and Social Action, Cambridge 1985, pp. 77–84, who elaborates the theory of speech acts which goes back to J.L. Austin’s work How To Do Things With Words, Cambridge 1975, modified partially by J.R. Searle, “A Taxonomy of Illocutionary Acts,” in: K. Gunderson (ed.), Language, Mind, and Knowledge, Minneapolis 1975, pp. 344–369. 140 Lanham 2007, p. 87. the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 191 the ritual is to be performed, or the ritual performer himself. J. Sørensen elaborates on the issue of the ‘linguistic anomalies’, which also mark abracadabra spells off from everyday language, turning them into one of the active forces of magical efficacy. They have lost their “semantic reference for the participants (or this is ‘hidden’ or ‘forgotten’). Instead, they are believed to be a compelling force alone by their material or performative aspect.”141 Hence the iconical and indexical aspect of language is emphasized. This feature accounts for the disconnected style of language in healing incantations; although they use a poetic language employing parallelisms, repetitions, wordplays, word pairs and metaphors as well as similes, which turn many of them into literary gems,142 they are to be differentiated from belles-lettres because of their setting.143 The use of unintelligible nonsense or gibberish words moreover enhances the status of the ritual performer since he is the only one who is supposed to understand the spells—apart from the powers he is addressing. It is this “knowledge of special words and languages (that) enables the magician to communi- cate with elements belonging to this (the sacred) space and enable these elements to be active in the ritual space.”144 With regard to the Ancient Babylonian incantations, I would suggest to shift the focus from the feature of style and grammar to their effect. If we interpret the foreign and exotic sounding medical incantations as one of the means to construct ritual space, the explanation of mumbo-jumbo with the asû’s low status or missing education becomes superfluous. Furthermore, themes and style of medical incantations appear rather as a sign of specialisation and not of incompetence. There is yet another reason why one can, and must, question the sole attribution of abracadabra spells and, one should add, other medical incantations, to the asû physician: as indicated by the rubrics that often follow both comprehensible as well as unintelligible healing spells, they were grouped together forming units which were called after the diseased body part. Incantations for eye diseases were designated as ka.inim.ma igi.gig.ga.kam₂ ‘wording (to be recited) for eye diseases’;

141 Ibidem, p. 89. 142 Which is the reason for their incorporation in anthologies of Ancient Mesopotamian literature; see e.g. B.R. Foster, Before the Muses, Bethesda 20053 (with many medical incan tations translated for the first time). 143 This characterization suggests that the judgment of the literary style of medical incantations as ‘crude’ or ‘doggerel’ is out of place. Pace F.A.M. Wiggermann, “Magic in History. A Theoretical Perspective, and Its Application to Ancient Mesopotamia,” p. 30; and M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice, p. 162. 144 J. Sørensen, A Cognitive Theory of Magic, p. 89. 192 chapter six other examples are the rubrics ka.inim.ma zu₂.gig.ga.kam₂ ‘wording (to be recited) for head diseases’ or ka.inim.ma ša₃.gig.ga.kam₂ ‘wording (to be recited) for belly diseases’.145 Precisely this type of expression, namely igi.gig.ga.ke₄ ‘belonging to eye diseases’, zu₂.gig.ga.ke₄ ‘belonging to tooth diseases’, ša₃.gig.ga.ke₄ ‘belonging to belly diseases’, or mur. gig.ga.ke₄ ‘belonging to lung diseases’ were listed in a catalogue text that gives the titles of numerous treatises, rituals and cultic ceremonies the āšipu/mašmaššu ‘exorcist’ was supposed to master. That these entries in the catalogue of the ‘lore of the exorcist’ refer indeed to healing spells is corroborated by the expression tu₆.tu₆ gig du₃.a.bi, ‘incantations for any disease’, in one of the following lines which includes the term for incantation, namely Sumerian tu₆.146 We can therefore conclude that both asû ‘physician’ and āšipu/mašmaššu ‘exorcist’ recited intelligible healing and mumbo-jumbo spells.147 I would suggest that the two types of incantations, medical and exorcistic, rather reflect the dual perception of disease than the ‘know-how’ of the expert who would recite them. One of the characteristic features of Ancient Babylonian medicine is its holistic approach to disease, which could be circumscribed as encompassing healing and curing.148 In a broad sense healing addresses the wellbeing of a patient in religious, and consequently, social and psychological terms, while curing refers to the actual treatment and removal of an illness. Medical incantations, as I have discussed, accompany the curing. The incantations that were meant to assure and restore wellbeing form part of major rituals and religious ceremonies. Since only legitimized per- sonnel could enter in contact with the divine realm, it might not come as a surprise that it was the ‘exorcist’ who performed these rituals.149 Most illustrative is one ritual, which S.M. Maul tellingly characterized as “Der

145 For the expression ka.inim.ma igi.gig.ga.kam₂ see e.g. BAM VI 514 iii: 19’; for ka.inim.ma zu₂.gig.ga.kam₂ see e.g. AMT 28,1 iv: 31’ (= iv: 11 in R. Campbell Thompson’s copy); for ka.inim.ma ša₃.gig.ga.kam₂ see e.g. BAM V 508 ii: 11’. 146 See for the respective expressions in the ‘guidelines for an exorcist’ the edition of M.J. Geller, “Incipits and Rubrics,” in: A.R. George & I.L. Finkel (eds.), Wisdom, Gods and Literature: Studies in Honour of W.G. Lambert, Winona Lake 2000, p. 246 ll. 16–17. 147 For a discussion that both practitioners used the same medical and pharmacological texts see my Shaping Texts and Texts Genres: “On the Drug Lore of Babylonian Practitio ners of Medicine.” 148 See the definition given by Th. Barfield, The Dictionary of Anthropology, Oxford 1997, p. 316. 149 The titles of the respective ritual ceremonies are listed in the so-called Guidelines of āšipūtu, a catalogue text. See for the edition M.J. Geller, “Incipits and Rubrics,” pp. 242– 254; for the Uruk manuscript see E. von Weiher, SpTU V 231, pp. 20–21. See for a study of the exorcist’s ceremonies on the basis of the epistolary evidence C. Jean, La magie the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 193

Kneipenbesuch als Heilverfahren;”150 stopping for a beer in a tavern was one of the rites with which the ‘exorcist’ assured the reintegration of his patient into society. However, having a beer did not only entail chatting in a relaxed atmosphere with other people; under the ‘exorcist’s’ supervision the patient had still to perform a last ritual action in the inn in order to achieve complete healing and purity.151 The idea of disease as caused by sin, breaking taboos or offending gods certainly was one of the distinctive traits of the Ancient Mesopotamian worldview.152 An often-cited example of interpreting disease as the result of cultic negligence comes from an astrological report about thunder in the month of Abu which the scholar Issār-šumu-ēreš wrote to the Assyrian king, Esarhaddon: “The king, my lord, need not worry about this illness. This is a seasonal disease; all people who were sick are well now. Further, the king my lord who is one who reveres the gods and prays day and night to the gods—can really anything happen to the king my lord and his offspring?”153 As K. van der Toorn explains “this report reveals in two phrases both the custom of interpreting disease as a sanction, and the complications of that interpretation.”154 There are a number of ritual ceremonies that are precisely meant to coun- teract the reasons for this sanction.155 Breaking a taboo or uttering curses were actions that resulted in punishment through disease, which could be avoided by the performance of the Šurpu ‘Burning’ ritual or reciting Lipšur ‘Be solved!’ litanies.156 The Šurpu ritual consists in mainly two activities: the peeling, unravelling, striping and plucking off of objects such as onions, dates, ropes, wool, and tufts of animal hair which then had to be néo-assyrienne en contexte. Recherches sur le metier d’exorciste et le concept d’āšipūtu, Hel sinki 2006 (= SAAS XVII), pp. 83–106. 150 Published in: D. Charpin & F. Joannès (eds.), La circulation des biens, des personnes et des idées dans le Proche-Orient ancien. Actes de la XXXVIIIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale (Paris, 8–10 juillet 1991), Paris 1992, pp. 389–396. 151 This rite forms often part of rather complex apotropaic rituals that averted the evil prophesied through ominous signs, the so-called namburbi rituals for which see S.M. Maul, Zukunftsbewältigung, especially pp. 101–106. 152 See K. van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia, pp. 67–72. 153 Quoting the translation of H. Hunger, Astrological Reports to Assyrian Kings, Hel sinki 1992 (= SAA VIII), p. 4 no. 1 obv. 6-rev. 2. 154 Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia, p. 67. 155 Occasionally, the incantations are classified as ‘therapeutic magic’. Since these incantations are not used as medical spells nor are attested in medical context, the clas sification is misleading and should be avoided; pace E. Robson, “Mesopotamian Medicine and Religion: Current Debates, New Perspectives,” p. 458, and M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylo nian Medicine. Theory and Practice, pp. 27–28. 156 See for the text edition E. Reiner, Šurpu. A Collection of Sumerian and Akkadian Incantations; and “Lipšur Litanies,” JNES 15 (1956) pp. 129–146. 194 chapter six burnt. The burning presents the symbolic disentangling from sin and con- sequent destruction by fire.157 The other act concentrated on the patient’s mouth, which had to be wiped clean—an action that clearly refers to the locus which issued curses.158 Taking into account the verb used to designate the ‘breaking’ of taboo, namely ‘to eat’ (gu₇, akālu), we understand the underlying cognitive process of this ritual action. A common theme of the Šurpu incantations is that the person was entirely unaware of his or her transgression;159 in view of this situation the complementary ritual ilī ul īdi ‘My god, I did not know’ could be performed.160 The prayers that were to be recited during the ilī ul īdi ceremony are called in Sumerian dingir.ša₃.dib.ba ‘to appease the heart of the (angry) god’, which again demonstrates the close interdependence between umbrage of the gods and sanction through disease.161 Ancient Babylonians healed and cured body and soul with prayers, exorcism and the administration of medicinal substances, which they knew to influence certain functions of the body. They did not use laws of nature to explain disease as dysfunction of the body or as deviation from its normal, health state. Their ideas were based on religious concep- tions or experience to control pain and cure symptoms. No theories are necessary to explain, for example, that fever is reduced with the help of cold compresses or that cooling bandages ease pain and reduce swellings. Ancient Babylonian medicine is based on this kind of empiricism and as such it must be strictly defined as unscientific healing. In this regard, it cannot be considered a science.162 Ancient Babylonians explained disease

157 Note that the Šurpu ritual did not serve to give instructions to prepare therapeu tic materials as suggested by E. Robson, “Mesopotamian Medicine and Religion: Current Debates, New Perspectives,” p. 458. 158 See for the symbolic undoing Šurpu tablet V–VI, incantations in ll. 1–171; as for cleansing see the incantations in Šurpu tablet VII and IX. 159 See e.g. Šurpu II l. 32: “he does not know which is (his) crime against god, he does not know which is (his) sin against the goddess.” 160 According to the instructions on how to perform the ritual, namely the ritual tablet KAR 90, the exorcist first performed ilī ul īdi and afterwards Šurpu: rev. l. 20 egir-šu₂ ne₂- I d pe-ši ša₂ šur-pa te-pu-uš a-na ṣa-bat du3-ši ki-ṣ[ir- a-šur], “after this you perform the ritual of Šurpu; excerpted for performance, Kiṣir-Aššur.” 161 See for the texts W.G. Lambert, “DINGIR.ŠA₃.DIB.BA Incantations,” JNES 33 (1974) pp. 267–287. 162 Pace M.J. Geller, Ancient Babylonian Medicine. Theory and Practice. M.J. Geller sug gests to measure the ‘scientificness’ of Ancient Mesopotamian medicine with a ‘scientific quotient’ which consists in the “rule of thumb that the more ‘mathematical’ a Babylonian discipline tends to be, the more ‘scientific’ in our modern sense” (p. 18). With ‘mathemati cal’ he refers to the appearance of numbers in medical texts. If a medical prescription would include numbers for the amount or the weight of medicinal ingredients, or if a the cultural setting of ancient babylonian medicine 195 in metaphysical, not theoretical terms; they established analogies and correspondences between plants and diseases or diseases and deities and other supernatural powers. Not surprisingly, some of the discernable metaphysicial analogies were connected with the tutelary deity of medicine, Gula.

medication had to be administered repeatedly, the text would merit a high ‘scientific quo tient’ (p. 24); magic, in contrast scores rather low because it is not measured (p. 32). How ever, he considers incantations scientific, representing applied science because they and “their associated rituals were designed for very practical purposes of influencing human health and fortunes” (p. 32). I find it difficult to follow this reasoning because, as the textual evidence demonstrates, one and the same medical prescription can be transmitted with or without specifying amounts and weights. See e.g. the famous eye salve for Ḫammurapi: five of the manuscripts give the weights for the ingredients, while two are just listing the ingredients (see for some of the references J.C. Fincke, Augenleiden nach keilschriftlichen Quellen. Untersuchungen zur altorientalischen Medizin, p. 277 with notes 2104–2106).

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Index of Names and Subjects animal bites association of skin diseases with dog 155 musculoskeletal disorders 29–30 serpent 156 association of wind with skin Asaluḫi 24, 28, 29 afflictions 37–38 āšipu (exorcist) see magic natural and supernatural 179–180 āšipūtu (magic art) see magic; metaphors disorders asû (physician) see medicine ašû disease 59 asûtu (healing craft) see medicine; birth asphyxia 68 metaphors buʾšānu disease 63–64, 66–67 jaundice 68, 74 Baba 13–14 of intestinal tract 100–106, 115 spelling of name 9n11, 13n36 sāmānu disease 55–59 skin sores (simmu) 23, 109–112 colour šadânu skin disease 60–62 red 184 ṣarrišu skin disease 60 yellow-green 124–125 ṣinnaḫ tīri disease 62 concept of body ṣītu skin affliction 60 belly as dark place 33 See also demons; medical treatment bile regulating body fluids 127, 180 dog body functions 127 and Samana demon 41, 99–100 skin as net 29–30 as recipient of disease 38, 43 system of cord-like strings 26–27 in rituals against Lamaštu 41 tripartite concept 27 licking wounds 38, 44 water and intestinal troubles 126–128 on ideational level 153, 155, 163, 168 protective function 168 Damu 21, 27, 98, 100n29 skeletons 44 demons Aḫḫāzu catcher-demon 74, 124–126, exorcist see āšipu 139, 169, 179, 182 Asakku 35 Gula and disorders of musculoskeletal and belly 33 system 29, 35 and cats 39–40 and skin sores / skin afflictions 29, and dogs 38–44 35, 36 and fertility 30, 32, 44 and storm 36, 37 and Lamaštu 43–44 Lamaštu 40 and Namtar and Asakku 34–38 and babies 41 and musculoskeletal system of body and dogs 43–44 27–28 and Gula 43–44 and intestinal tract 24 poisoning mother milk 43 and wound treatment 16n54, 18–19, Namtar demon 34–35 20, 22–24 Samana demon 98–100 as midwife 30–34 and babies 41, 100, 115 in god lists, in temple lists 7–8 and sāmānu disease 98–99, 167–168 medical literature and 169–176 poisoning food 42 See also dog; Gula; magic treatment healing craft see asûtu disease healing plants and cultic negligence 193–194 for scaring off animals 162–163 212 index of names and subjects

knowledge of 130, 170–171 emetic 134–135 (buʾšānu plant); 142 sources for 129–130 (lišān kalbi plant) medicinal plant roots 158n84 eye salve 151 (lišān kalbi plant) protection of plant roots 146, 158 of Ḫammurabi 178n72, 195n162 plant terms ingestion 156 (lišān kalbi plant) azallû 141, 147, 167 potion 135, 136, 137, 138, 139 buʾšānu plant 157–158 (buʾšānu plant); 143, 144, 146, 147, Cynoglossum officinale 157 148, 149, 150, 152, 153 (lišān kalbi ḫaṭṭi rēʾî plant (‘shepherd’s crook’) plant) 141, 147–148, 157–158, 167 take in of (excessive) liquids 128, lišān kalbi plant (‘dog’s tongue’) 145, 146 (lišān kalbi plant) 157–158 of disorders ṣaṣuntu plant 158–159 animal bites 154–156 identification of 159 ašû disease 139–140, 148, 162 See also medical treatment bibir(r)u disease 160 buʾšānu disease 134–136 Ilī ul īdi 194 erectile dysfunction 147–148 incantations fever, blurred vision, blood in eyes abracadabra 187–191 133–134 attributed to asû 186–187, 191–192 fever, throbbing temple, blurred attributed to āšipu 186–187, 191–192 vision, shedding tears 151 historiola 120 ḫaḫḫu cough 144–145 medical and exorcistic 192 jaundice 139, 148–151 performative aspect of 191 liver 138 recital 77–78 located in belly 136–138, 152, Šamaš and darkness 33–34 161–162 See also magic; metaphors pregnant women 139, 153–154 productive cough (suālu) 142–145 Kūbu 63n81 renal system (stones) 145–147 sāmānu disease 152–153, 159–160 letter prayers between practical and fictitious or not 18n60 magical 180–181 function 18n60 wound treatment 16n54 See also concept of body; healing plants magic medicine āšipu (exorcist) 185–186, 192 and magic 176, 179, 180–182 āšipūtu (magic art) 28, 187 and religion 176, 179, 180–182, 192–194 cognitive theory of 190–191 as science 194, 194n162 definitions of 176–178 asû (physician) 17, 19, 186, 191, 192 See also incantations asûtu (healing craft) 17, 28, 187 magical treatment medical literature 3, 165–166 sāmānu disease 153, 155–156 theoretical or empirical 194–195 Marduk 94–95, 184, 186 handbook of prognosis and diagnosis, mašmaššu (exorcist) see āšipu (exorcist) Sakikkû 166 medical treatment See also concept of body; healing plants; administration medical treatment anointment 140 (buʾšānu plant); metaphors 148 (lišān kalbi plant); 160, 161 medical metaphors 117–118 (ṣaṣuntu plant) theory of conceptual 115–117 application of clay 93–94, 180 use and function in āšipūtu (magic bandage 134, 137 (buʾšānu plant); art) 185–186 155 (lišān kalbi plant) conceptual metaphors embrocation 141 (ḫaṭṭi rēʾî plant) disease is an enemy 182–184 index of names and subjects 213

treating illness is fighting a Niĝara 31, 32 war 182–184 Ninigizibara 131 donor field Ninisina 12–13 animals of prey 185 Ninkarak 11–12 target Nintinuga 10–11 demon 182–183 Ninurta 14, 69, 126, 183–184 use and function in asûtu (healing and Asakku demon 35–36 craft) 181–182 and šadânu disease 60–62 conceptual metaphors associated with liver, jaundice and belly is a container 120–122 plague 69, 73, 74 body is a landscape 120–122 donor fields physician see asû landscape 122, 124, 125 pig 43 wild animal pregnancy 31–32 lion 63–64, 168, 173 wolf 63–64, 168, 173 Sakikkû, Handbook of prognosis and heron 124, 125 diagnosis serpent 122, 124 contents of 45–48 domestic animal contents of chapter XL 62–63 goat 122–125 etymology of 26–27, 51 sea 119 ‘Hands of gods’ 47, 171–172 pond 119 structure of chapter XXXIII 51–54 river 119 See also medicine targets surgery belly 119, 120–122 cautery 19, 19n66 bile 123–128 instruments 20 foetus 119 preparative procedures 20–21 intestines 119–120, 126 See also Gula womb 119 Šammu šikinšu structure 57 Šurpu 193–194 Index of Words Discussed

Sumerian ama.šu.ḫal.bi 15 sa 26–30 bulug.kiĝ₂.gur₄ 18 sa.gig 27 ĝiri₂.zal 18 simx 22 ḫaš.gal 100–101 simx.simx 23n81, n83 ir/ri/ru 35n137 su 30 ki.bil₂ 123, 124 ša₃ 25–26 libiš 25–26 šu.zi.an.na 15 mir 37 tug₂ gal 20n73; 21n74 muš ki.bil₂.la₂ 122–123 ze₂ 122, 126, 127 ni₉.ĝar.ra 32n123

Akkadian alāku 49, 58, 73 naglabu 19, 20 buʾšānu 133, 157, 166 quppû 20 bubuʾtu 37–38 rabbû 17n56, n58 ḫimṭētu 123 simmu 22 ina igi-ka 58 ṣarrišu 60 karzillu 18, 19, 21 ṣinnaḫ tīri 62 kīs libbi 26, 105 šadânu 60–62 malû 49 šerʾānu 26–30 masdaru 18, 19, 20, 21 šibiṭ šāri 38 miqit irrī 103–104 šiknu 55–57 Incantation Incipits ana dgula likrubū 87 libbi šamaš ina šadî 33n131 ana dgula liktarrabūki 90–91 [libbū?] ittanapḫarū 105 ātamar panīki 86–87, 146, 147 libbu libbu ekil libbu 33n130 da.zu kalam.ma dnin.i₃.si.na 80–81 libbu namzītu 121n85 batqat nāru 101–102 martu martu martu 123 bir.ri.a bir.ri.a 82 nim.nim šu ḫuš 100 enūma danum irḫû 110 dnin.i₃.si.in ama kalam.ma.ke₄ 27, 78n8 enzu arqat aruq ṣeḫerša 123 ni.ip.pa.aḫ min 190 dgula asâti tenīšēti 96–97 sa.ma.na ka piriĝ.ĝa₂ 99 dgula bēltu rabâtu 89 simmu maʾdu šumīšunu ul īde 24n86, dgula nin an.ta.gal an.ur₂.ta nam.ta.e₃ 110n42 83–84 ša₃.gig.ga gipisan.gin₇ keš₂.da 120–121 dšamaš dayyānu ṣīru 107 i.ba.aḫ i.ba.aḫ 189 šammu ša libbi ina šadî aṣi 33n131 igi bar igi bar.bar 190 šuʾu šumšu maškadu kinūssu 182n87 ina egalmaḫ ašbat dgula 92–93 ze₂.am₃ u₂.šim.gin₇ 122, 123 Texts Cited

Cuneiform

A Dog for Nintinuga 1 ii: 7–8 140 6 27, 35, 172 1 ii: 19 160 6, 8 22–23 1 ii: 35 144 7 26 1 ii: 45 144 1 ii: 56–59 150 ABB 6 135 1 ii: 60–61 150 rev. 4’–8’, 16’–18’ 18n60 1 iii: 20 ix 1 iii: 20–21 131 ABL 3 iv: 23 49n17 341, 11–13 58 66 rev. 18’ 62n77 413 184n105 92 ii’: 22, iii’: 9 138 92 iii’: 11 125n102 Abnu šikinšu 112 i: 17’–19’ 147 84 57 113 3’–5’ 145n44

Adapa BAM II 15’–16’ 37n150 124 iii: 60–iv: 9 80–82 124 iv: 23–26 114n54 AMT 127 obv. 1–8 80–82 19,7 obv. 4 132 128 iv: 18’–23’ 114n54 28,1 iv: 31’ 192n145 145 obv. 2, 6, 10 162n101 45,1 14’ 62n77 146 obv. 10’–11’ 137 49,1 iv: 11’ 142 146 obv. 15’, 18’ 161 80,1 i: 1–3 142 146 rev. 3–11 162n101 80,1 i: 8 143 146 rev. 30 162n102 88,2 obv. 7 159n96 158 iv: 14–17 152 93,3 obv. 11’ 114n55 159 ii: 20, 25–48 109 159 ii: 43–45 179n78 AO 7765 159 iv: 22’ 178n72 rev. 8’–14’ 33n131 186 obv. 11 126n106

AO 11276 BAM III obv. 2–5 99 228 obv. 7 159n96 obv. 11 41n176 241 ii: 11’ 139 248 iv: 13, 21 153 AO 17656 obv. 1–rev. 9 107–109 BAM IV obv. 5–6, 10–11 179 321 obv. 28, 30 79n8 322 obv. 18, 19, 78–79n8 Ash 1911.235 // Ni 9672 20–25, 26–27, obv. 18–20 127n112 rev. 71, 72, 73, 74–75 BAM I 322 rev. 54 78n4 1 i: 37 173n51 379 ii: 13’ 157n82 1 i: 49 161 379 iv: 18 136 1 ii: 3 162 379 iv: 20–21 162 texts cited 217

381 iii: 25–26 154 578 ii: 45–46 124n100 382 rev. 11 178n72 578 ii: 45–49 123 396 ii: 13’–15’ 145 578 iii: 4, 6 123n94 396 iii: 7–9 145–146 578 iii: 4–5 152n63 401 rev. 27–29 108 578 iii: 4–iv:46 125n106 578 iii: 7, 23 149 BAM V 578 iii: 7 125n106, 139n25 422 iii’: 2 161 578 iii: 8 125n106 426 ii: 17’, 24’ 148 578 iii: 10 125n106 426 ii’: 34’ 162 578 iii: 15 125n106 430 iii: 46’–47’ 89–90 578 iii: 21 149, 157n83 431 iii: 47–53 89–90 578 iii: 22 125n106 461 iii: 14’ 49n17 578 iv: 16 139n25 480 i: 1–3; ii: 2–3 151 578 iv: 17 139, 149 480 ii: 12, 15 134 578 iv: 17, 19 149–150 494 i: 35’ 59 578 iv: 28, 30, 31 123n94, 125n106 503 ii: 33’, 36’ 78n3 578 iv: 29 125n106 508 ii: 11’ 192n145 578 iv: 36 125n106 578 iv: 43 125n102 BAM VI 579 iv: 33–42 25n92, 33n128, 510 iii: 5 114n55 152n63 510 iv: 37–38 19n64 580 ii: 3’, 4’ 112n46 514 iii: 19’ 192n145 580 ii: 6’ 112n47 514 iv: 42 19n64 580 ii: 9’–12’ 112n48 534 i: 3’–12’ 107–109 580 ii: 16’–17’ 112n49 543 i: 53’ 62n76 580 ii: 17’ 21n77 543 ii: 24, 38 134 580 vi’: 8’ 37n151, 38n152 543 ii: 46’, 47’ 135 543 iii: 53’–54’ 135 BAM VII 548 i: 1–3 142 1 ii: 1’ 145n45 548 i: 8 143 2 ii: 22’–28’ 145n44 574 i: 26–44 152n63 3 ii: 12’–14’ 146 574 i: 48 143 3 ii: 21’–34’ 145n44 574 ii: 2, 4 137 4 i: 1’–12’ 145n44 574 ii: 15–27 152n63 4 i: 17’–19’ see BAM I 112 574 ii: 21–28 105–106 9, text I i: 14’–16’ 89–90 574 ii: 22 121n86 9, text I i: 19’–40’ 83–85 574 iii: 23–31 33n131 9b ii: 3’–9’ 86–88 574 iii: 34–39 33n131 16 i: 17’–18’ 146 574 iii: 54 121n85 574 iv: 24 33n130, 121n86 BAM VII pl. 9–10 see KAR 73 574 iv: 25 121n87 575 ii: 17–65 152n63 BBSt 575 iii: 25–26 152 6 ii: 39 32n122 575 iii: 25–36 152n63 575 iv: 59 46n3 BM 28944 576 ii’: 2’–12’ 33n131 obv. 1–rev. 15 92–94 578 i: 1, 27, 28, 123n94 38, 47, 70 BM 34071 578 ii: 20 123n94 obv. 3 49 578 ii: 20–22 123n95 578 ii: 29–38 123 BM 38583 578 ii: 39–44 123 obv. 3’, 7’ 152–153 578 ii: 40 124n99 rev. 4 148 218 texts cited

BM 41293+ GCCI II rev. iv’: 1 178n72 406 50n21 406 rev. 17 54n39 BM 42399 obv. 1–rev. 17 95–98 Göttertypentext col. i: 12’ 21n79 BM 42454+ obv. 1–rev. 17 95–98 Gula Hymn of Bullussa–rabi 82 20 BM 54641+ rev. 3 178n72 HS 1555+1587 obv. 9 100n29 BM 66560 obv. 10 101n31 rev. 7’ 134 rev. 8’ 135 Iddin–Dagan D 8–9 18 BM 98584+98589+K.5461a 38 127 iii: 4–33 101–104 K.191+ see BAM VI 574 Codex Ḫammurabi §215 19, 21, 23, 35, 53 K.232+ obv. 34 82 Compendium 185 K.2432+S.1899 CT IV obv. 7 82 8a 1–34 120–121 obv. 15–20 80–82

CT XIV K.2960+ see BAM VII 9b pl. 41 see Rm. 362 6’ 160 K.3484 see BAM VI 534 CT XVII pl. 10 51–52 29n111 K.3526 pl. 10 45–46 37n145, 38 rev. 8’ 37n151

CT XXIII K.4164+ see BAM V 430 pl. 2 see K.2432+ 80–82 K.4782 CT 51 i: 8’ 49n17 142 6 183n98 197 ii: 5’ 138 K.4957+ i: 19’–40’ 83–85 CTMMA II 30 obv. 1–rev. 6 95–98 K.6057+7928+7954+82–3–23,47+82–5– 22,539+83–1–18,506 CTN IV i: 1 24 113 ii: 21 49n17 ii: 6 59 116 rev. 7, 8 112n46 ii: 22–23 19n66 116 rev. 11 112n47 ii: 29–41 110–111 116 rev. 14–16 112n48 ii: 31–33 24 116 rev. 20–21 112n49 ii: 33 110n42 196 iii: 9’ 157n82 iii: 1’–10’ 113 iii: 7’–9’ 28 Enki and Ninmaḫ 89 26n97 K.9684+ see BAM V 431 texts cited 219

KADP Lugale see Ninurta’s exploits 1 i: 18 157n83 1 v: 15 160 Maqlû 1 v: 15, 16, 17 162–163 VIII 39, 41–42 28n109 2 v: 40–42 141, 147–148 4 obv. 16 156 MSL IX 4 rev. 36–37 141, 154 List of Diseases, 26 33 obv. 6–7 57n57 p. 92 col. i: 1 33 obv. 7, 9, 11 133n10 33 rev. 8’ 57 MSL X 34b rev. 5’ 133n10 ḪAR.ra = ḫubullu 142n32 XVII 105–109 KAR 44 obv. 16–17 192n146 MSL XIII 58 obv. 24 91 Proto–Izi II 373 30n115 73 obv. 15–32 86–88 73 rev. 1’–28’ 83–85 MSL XV 109+ 131n8 Diri IV 9 140n28 90 rev. 20 194n160 MSL XVII KAV Erimḫuš I 268–270 28n106, 29 46 obv. 19 82 Antagal E i: 17’ 38n153 Antagal E iv: 6’–7’ 29 KUB IV 48 ii: 1–2 147 Muššuʾu IV/a 7 100n29 Lamentation over the Destruction of Ur IV/a 29 26n100 260 37 IV/c 57 95 IV/c 58–63 95–98 LB 1000 IV/j 189n129, 189n133 obv. 3 17n56 V/a 4 27 obv. 4 100n29 VI 65 29 VIII/c 97 26n100 Letter Prayer of Inanakam to Nintinuga VIII/e 106–110 190 9 27 VIII/l 167–168 182n87 20–22 35 Ninisina A see also SRT 6 and 7 Letter Prayer of Nannamansum to Ninisina 17–21 16 5–6 22 32–35 25, 122 6 17n57 37–40 16 8 35 48 34n135 74–79 30–31 Letter Prayer of Sin-iddinam to Ninisina 7 32n123 Ninurta’s Exploits 26 23n83 106–108 126 268–269 36 Letter Prayer of Sin-iddinam to Utu 276 36 28 34n135 498 61 674 42n178 LKA 20 8–17 39–40 OECT V 8 see Iddin-Dagan D

Lugalbanda and the Anzu Bird Rm. 362 67 127 obv. 6’ 160 220 texts cited

RMA XXXIII: 103a 55 18 rev. 5–6 58 XXXIII: 103b 59 XXXIII: 104 60 RS 17.155 // RS. 15152 XXXIII: 105a 60 obv. 16 24n89, 111 XXXIII: 105b 60 XXXIII: 106a 62 RS 20.06 XXXIII: 106b 73–74 obv. 13 114 XXXIII: 107a 74 XXXIII:107b 74 RS 25.456B XL: 5 64 obv. 22 – rev. 1 25n93 XL: 38 42, 100 XL: 61 64 RS.25.420+ XL: 76–87 65 i: 5’ 43n183 XL: 88–99 66 XL: 100–101 67 SAA III XL: 114 67 32 68–79 35n136 XL: 118 67

SAA VIII SpTU I 1 obv. 6–rev. 1 193 41 obv. 5 64n87 43 obv. 12 124n98 SAA X 43 rev. 25 62n79 283 obv. 14–15 184n103 44 obv. 1 62n78 44 obv. 16 134 SAA XVI 44 obv. 20–23 134–135 26 11–13 58 44 rev. 55 120n81 44 rev. 55–57 64 SAACT V 44 rev. 65–66 64 10 183n97 63 182n92 SpTU III 73, 76 182n95 84 rev. 79–80 43n186 83–85 182n94 84 rev. 79–97 170n30 174 183n96 186, 187, 188 182n93 SpTU IV 129 vi: 11–27 120n80 Sakikkû VI: 19 49 SpTU V VII: 68’ 69–70 248 rev. 12’–17’ 32n121 VII: 73’ 69–70 IX: 69–70 70–71 SRT 6 see also Ninisina A XII iv: 16 50 i: 9 20n73 XIII i: 55’ 51 i: 10–11 18n62 XVII: 75 71 i: 17–21 16 XVIII: 15–16 71–72 i: 32–35 25, 122 XXI: 6–7 72 i: 37 – ii: 2 16 XXIII: 19 125n102 ii: 10 34n135 XXXIII: 6 58 iii: 1–6 30 XXXIII: 23 55 iv: 24 37 XXXIII: 24 58 XXXIII: 25 58 SRT 7 see also Ninisina A XXXIII: 29 61 11–17a 30 XXXIII: 31 73–74 72 37 XXXIII: 65, 66 62n75 texts cited 221

STT I UET VI/2 92 i: 1–4 155n72 392 2 37n146 92 i: 3 155 92 i: 11 156 UM 29–15–367 92 ii: 14 144, 150 49–50 31n118 94 obv. 19’ 156 uru.an.na STT II II 42 160 230 rev. 9–12 79n8 II 42a 158–159 252 obv. 1–13 33n131 II 108–120 132–133 II 109–110 132 STVC II 286 160 61 obv. 5 21n74 III 1 140 III 9 141 Šurpu II: 32 194n159 VAS 17 VII: 5–6 125 9 obv. 2 121n86 9 obv. 4 121n87 TCL 33 25–26 31n118 16 60 obv. 5–6 22–23 16 60 obv. 6 17 VAT 8772+15549* 16 60 obv. 8 35 iii: 60–iv: 9 80–82

TCS III VAT 9024 see KAR 73 TH no. 39 500–501 33n129 VAT 11224*+11705* U 30655 obv. 1–8 80–82 obv. 1– rev. 14 90–92 YOS XI udug.ḫul 11 1–9 33n131 III/d 103–110 183n101 12 1–15 33n131 III/d 104–107 184n108 14 rev. 5 19n65

Classical

Dioscorides, Pliny, Naturalis De materia 94 historia XXV 81 157 medica V 93, 103

Biblical

Nahum 2: 3 184n105