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Creation and Chaos a Reconsideration of Hermann Gunkel’S Chaoskampf Hypothesis

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Creation and Chaos a Reconsideration of Hermann Gunkel’S Chaoskampf Hypothesis Offprint From: Creation and Chaos A Reconsideration of Hermann Gunkel’s Chaoskampf Hypothesis edited by JOANN SCURLOCK and RICHARD H. BEAL WINONA LAKE, INDIANA EISENBRAUNS 2013 © 2013 by Eisenbrauns Inc. All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America www.eisenbrauns.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Creation and chaos : a reconsideration of Hermann Gunkel’s chaoskampf hypothesis / edited by JoAnn Scurlock and Richard H. Beal. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-57506-279-2 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Mythology, Middle Eastern. 2. Creation—Mythology—Middle East. 3. Monsters—Middle East. 4. Religion and politics—Middle East—History—To 1500. 5. Gunkel, Hermann, 1862–1932. I. Scurlock, Jo Ann, 1953– II. Beal, Richard Henry, 1953– BL1060.C74 2013 202′.4—dc23 2013035853 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48–1984. ♾™ Contents Preface . vii Introduction . ix Abbreviations . xv Part 1 Creation and Chaos From Hesiod’s Abyss to Ovid’s rudis indigestaque moles: Chaos and Cosmos in the Babylonian “Epic of Creation” . 1 Karen Sonik On the Theogonies of Hesiod and the Hurrians: An Exploration of the Dual Natures of Teššub and Kumarbi . 26 Dennis R. M. Campbell Creation in the Bible and the Ancient Near East . 44 W. G. Lambert† Searching for Meaning in Genesis 1:2: Purposeful Creation out of Chaos without Kampf . 48 JoAnn Scurlock Part 2 Monster-Bashing Myths The Fifth Day of Creation in Ancient Syrian and Neo-Hittite Art . 63 Douglas Frayne Once upon a Time in Kiškiluša: The Dragon-Slayer Myth in Central Anatolia . 98 Amir Gilan The Northwest Semitic Conflict Myth and Egyptian Sources from the Middle and New Kingdoms . 112 Joanna Töyräänvuori Yamm as the Personification of Chaos? A Linguistic and Literary Argument for a Case of Mistaken Identity . 127 Brendon C. Benz v vi Contents Part 3 Gunkel and His Times Chaos and Creation: Hermann Gunkel between Establishing the “History of Religions School,” Acknowledging Assyriology, and Defending the Faith . 147 Steven Lundström Where Is Eden? An Analysis of Some of the Mesopotamian Motifs in Primeval J . 172 Peter Feinman Babel-Bible-Baal . 190 Aaron Tugendhaft Part 4 Power and Politics The Combat Myth as a Succession Story at Ugarit . 199 Wayne T. Pitard What Are the Nations Doing in the Chaoskampf? . 206 Robert D. Miller II Part 5 Kampf and Chaos The Combat Myth in Israelite Tradition Revisited . 217 Bernard F. Batto The Three “Daughters” of Baʿal and Transformations of Chaoskampf in the Early Chapters of Genesis . 237 Richard E. Averbeck Part 6 Chaos and (Re)Creation Chaoskampf Lost—Chaoskampf Regained: The Gunkel Hypothesis Revisited . 257 JoAnn Scurlock Making All Things New (Again): Zephaniah’s Eschatological Vision of a Return to Primeval Time . 269 David Melvin Indexes . 283 Index of Authors 283 Index of Scripture 290 Index of Subjects 294 Index of Ancient Texts and Objects 325 Index of Words 331 Oprint from: Scurlock and Beal eds., Creation and Chaos: A Reconsideration of Hermann Gunkel’s Chaoskampf Hypothesis © Copyright 2013 Eisenbrauns. All rights reserved. Once upon a Time in Kiškiluša The Dragon-Slayer Myth in Central Anatolia AMIR GILAN Tel Aviv University From Hittite Illuyanka to Harry Potter’s Hungarian Horntail, dragon- snakes are part of humanity itself. “An adequate account of the develop- ment of the dragon-legend,” writes G. Elliot Smith, 1 one of the pioneers of comparative dragonology, “would represent the history of the expression of mankind’s aspirations and fears during the past fifty centuries or more. For the dragon was evolved along with civilization itself.” Almost as popular as the dragon himself are stories about the dragon-slayer, the hero that overcomes the monster. 2 Many of the dragon-slayer stories follow a relatively constant narratological structure 3 but could be applied to convey different meanings. Most of the heroes must kill the dragon in order to prevent a catastrophe of some sort. Only a few of them get the monster at the first attempt. The hero often fails miserably at first and manages to slay the dragon only with helpers and the special weapons that they provide. Many of these monsters have in common a strong affinity to water—an ambivalent element in itself. 4 “The fundamental element in the dragon’s power,” adds G. Elliot Smith, 5 writing on the Egyptian mythological lore, “is the control of water. Both in its beneficent and destructive aspects, water was regarded as animated by the dragon.” Author’s note: This essay is a revised translation of my German article “Das Huhn, das Ei und die Schlange: Mythos und Ritual im Illuyanka-Text,” in Hethitische Literatur (ed. M. Hutter and S. Hutter-Braunsar; AOAT 391; Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2011) 99–114. 1. G. Elliot Smith, The Evolution of the Dragon (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1919) 76. 2. Joseph Fontenrose, Python: A Study of Delphic Myth and Its Origins (Berkeley: Uni- versity of California Press, 1959); Qiguang Zhao, A Study of Dragons, East and West (Asian Thought and Culture 11; New York: Peter Lang, 1992) 119–41; Calvert Watkins, How to Kill a Dragon (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). 3. Vladimir Propp, The Morphology of the Folktale (trans. Laurence Scott; Austin: Uni- versity of Texas Press, 1968); Neil Forsyth, The Old Enemy: Satan and the Combat Myth (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987). 4. Zhao, Study of Dragons, 113–14. 5. G. E. Smith, The Evolution of the Dragon, 103. 98 The Dragon-Slayer Myth in Central Anatolia 99 In the ancient Near East, the story can be traced to the third millennium B.C.E. 6 Tišpak of Ešnunna fought a dragon (labbu) of immense magnitude. 7 In the Syrian-Hittite world, we first encounter the mythological combat between the Storm god and the sea in the Old Babylonian period in a letter, published by Jean-Marie Durand, in which Addu of Aleppo reminds King Zimri-Lim of Mari that it was with the Addu’s weapons that Zimri-Lim had won back his father’s kingdom—weapons that he, Addu, had used to fight againsttêmtum. 8 The weapons of the Storm god are likewise mentioned in a very fragmentary mythological text written in Hittite, the Bišaiša-Text (CTH 350.3). In the fragment of the story that survives, the mountain Bišaiša attempts to persuade the goddess Ištar/Šaoška to spare his life—after he has raped the sleeping god- dess—by offering her a valuable piece of information: the whereabouts of the weapons of the Storm god, with which he overcame the sea. 9 Allusions to this story can also be found, in my opinion, in the so-called Puḫānu-Text. 10 The conflict between the Storm god and the sea is also featured in the Hurro-Hittite Kumarbi Cycle. Many of the opponents created by Kumarbi in order to regain the kingship over the gods are closely related to water. The Song of the Sea, found in Hittite and in Hurrian fragments documents the battle fought between Teššop and the Sea. The composition was sung, according to the colophons of the texts, during a festival in honor of Mount Ḫazzi (Zaphon, Kasion, the Keldağ by the Bay of İskenderun, the scene of many dragon-slayer stories). 11 6. Jean-Marie Durand, “Le mythologème du combat entre le dieu de l’orage et la mer en Mésopotamie,” MARI 7 (1993) 143; Nicholas Wyatt, “Arms and the King: The Earliest Allusions to the Chaoskampf Motif and Their Implications for the Interpretation of the Ugaritic and Biblical Traditions,” in There’s Such Divinity Doth Hedge a King: Selected Essays of Nicolas Wyatt on Royal Ideology in Ugaritic and Old Testament Literature (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2005) 152–53. 7. F. A. M. Wiggermann, “Tišpak, His Seal, and the Dragon mušḫuššu,” in To the Eu- phrates and Beyond: Archaeological Studies in Honour of Maurits N. van Loon (ed. Odette M. Haex, Hans H. Curvers, and Peter M. M. G. Akkermans; Rotterdam: Balkema, 1989) 117– 33; Wyatt, “Arms and the King,” 153–55. 8. Durand, “Le dieu de l’orage et la mer,” 41–61; Daniel Schwemer, Die Wettergott- gestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2001) 226–32. 9. KUB 33.108. Schwemer, ibid., 233; Volkert Haas, Die hethitische Literatur (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2006) 212–13. 10. Amir Gilan, “Der Puḫānu-Text: Theologischer Streit und politische Opposition in der althethitischen Literatur,” AoF 31 (2004) 277–79. 11. Franca Pecchioli Daddi and Anna Maria Polvani, La mitologia ittita (Testi del Vi- cino Oriente antico; Brescia: Paideia, 1990) 147; Daniel Schwemer, “The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies, Part 2,” JANER 8 (2008) 25; Jürgen Lorenz and Elisabeth Rieken, “Überlegungen zur Verwendung mythologischer Texte bei den Hethitern,” in Festschrift für Gernot Wilhelm anlässlich seines 65. Geburtstages am 100 Amir Gilan Another opponent of Teššop was Ḫedammu, a snake-like monster of huge proportions that Kumarbi bore with the daughter of the sea. 12 Ḫedammu was about to destroy the world but was stopped with the help of the goddess Ištar/ Šaoška. The goddess and her two handmaidens bathed on the beach, seduced the monster, and caused Ḫedammu to become so excited that he came out of the water, where he met his end. The story shows many parallels with the first Illuyanka story. 13 Ullikummi, a giant stone tower that was created by Kumarbi’s ejaculating his sperm on a rock in the middle of a lake, is likewise closely con- nected to water.
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