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Emigrant Nation 6 7 8 the Making of Italy Abroad 9 10 11 12 13 Co14 Mark I 21428_i-xii_001-320.r3ga.qxd 3/21/08 10:18 AM Page iii 1 2 3 4 5 Emigrant Nation 6 7 8 The Making of Italy Abroad 9 10 11 12 13 co14 Mark I. Choate 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS 27 Cambridge, Massachusetts 28 29 London, England 30 2008 31 32 33 34 35 36 S37 R38 *L39 1st Pass Pages 21428_i-xii_001-320.r3ga.qxd 3/21/08 10:18 AM Page iv 1 2 3 4 Copyright © 2008 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved 5 Printed in the United States of America 6 7 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data 8 Choate, Mark I., 1971– 9 Emigrant nation : the making of Italy abroad / Mark I. Choate. 10 p. cm. 11 Includes bibliographical references and index. 12 ISBN: 978-0-674-02784-8 (alk. paper) 1. Italy—Emigration and immigration—History. 2. Italians—Foreign 13 countries—Ethnic identity. I. Title. 14co 15 JV8131.C5 2008 305.85'1—dc22 2007045996 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37S 38R 39L* 1st Pass Pages 21428_i-xii_001-320.r3ga.qxd 3/21/08 10:18 AM Page vii 1 Contents 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Acknowledgments ix 10 11 Introduction: The Program of Emigrant Colonialism 1 12 13 1 From Africa to the Americas 21 co14 15 2 The Great Ethnographic Empire 57 16 17 3 Migration and Money 72 18 19 4 The Language of Dante 101 20 21 5 For Religion and for the Fatherland 129 22 23 6 Emigration and the New Nationalism 147 24 25 7 Earthquake, Pestilence, and World War 189 26 27 Conclusion: Toward a Global Nation 218 28 29 30 Appendix: Maps and Figures 235 31 32 Notes 243 33 34 Index 303 35 36 S37 Illustrations follow page 100 R38 *L39 2nd pass Pages 21428_i-xii_001-320.r3ga.qxd 3/21/08 10:18 AM Page 1 1 2 3 4 Introduction: 5 6 The Program of Emigrant Colonialism 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Between 1880 and 1915, thirteen million Italians emigrated to North co14 and South America, Europe, and the Mediterranean Basin, launching the 15 largest emigration from any country in recorded world history.1 Italy’s 16 experience stands out as an example of the globalizing processes of in- 17 ternational migration, as emigration created a capillary network tying 18 Italy in an intimate way to other societies across the world. It was a cir- 19 culation of individuals and families, but also of capital, traditions, and 20 ideas. Italian emigration changed Italy and the world, with a sustained 21 impact on economic developments, social customs, governmental insti- 22 tutions, and political theory: historical lessons still relevant for immi- 23 gration and emigration in the twenty-first century. 24 As a newly united nation, Italy struggled to adapt to its mass exodus. 25 Intellectuals and politicians debated emigration’s impact and implica- 26 tions: Was emigration temporary or permanent, good or bad? Was it a 27 “hemorrhage” of Italy’s best blood, or did it reflect the exuberance of the 28 Italian people expanding across the globe? Should Italy center itself as the 29 pole of Italians scattered worldwide, or should it conquer new territories 30 for emigrant settlement under Italian rule? Intense controversy produced 31 radically different proposals to solve Italy’s domestic and international 32 problems. By 1900, Liberal statesmen had developed a flexible set of pro- 33 grams to establish a network of culture, trade, and exchange with Italians 34 outside of Italy’s territory and legal reach. This idea of Italian expatriate 35 communities to the mother country (la madre patria) was opposed by 36 anti-Liberal Nationalists in Italy and anti-immigrant bigots worldwide, S37 yet Italy reaped tremendous benefits from its emigration during a crucial R38 period in its economic development. *L39 1 2nd pass Pages 21428_i-xii_001-320.r3ga.qxd 3/21/08 10:18 AM Page 2 2 Emigrant Nation 1 From Italy’s point of view, emigration presented a range of political and 2 economic challenges and opportunities. In the first major study of Italian 3 colonialism, published in 1874, Leone Carpi observed that the Italian 4 word colonìa meant not only overseas possessions, but also settlements of 5 emigrants in foreign countries.2 Carpi proposed, based on this defini- 6 tion, that emigration itself was a type of colonial expansion, though ten- 7 uous and unpredictable. And unlike colonists in Africa who profited 8 from exploiting indigenous laborers, emigrants themselves stood to be 9 exploited unless protected by active intervention from their native coun- 10 try. With enormous human resources at stake, Italy had much to lose or 11 gain by cultivating emigration. The state had first associated emigration 12 with criminals, draft dodgers, or irresponsible adventurers. It was a 13 problem for the national police. But as emigration rapidly grew, restrict- 14co ing population movements became impossible and even dangerous. The 15 state began to intervene actively in migration, with the aim of extending 16 international influence and reaping colonial benefits. The foreign min- 17 istry, responsible for Italy’s possessions in Africa, also developed a policy 18 for emigration settlements in Europe and the Americas. These official 19 policies and related private programs I have termed “emigrant colonial- 20 ism.” The Italian state mobilized resources and forged alliances, even 21 with the Catholic Church, bridging the bitter gulf between church and 22 state. Debates over emigration, and their consequences for domestic and 23 foreign policy, shaped Italy’s place in the world. Italians became pioneers 24 in establishing a “global nation,” beyond imperial control and territorial 25 jurisdiction, held together by ties of culture, communications, ethnicity, 26 and nationality.3 27 How could Italy reach emigrants who had voluntarily left their homes? 28 Italian activists and theorists emphasized the extralegal and nongovern- 29 mental aspects of Italian identity, or italianità: formative experiences in 30 schools and churches; taste and tradition in food, literature, and music; 31 ties to family in Italy; patriotic celebrations and festivals; and social clubs 32 and organizations. In the words of Bishop Geremia Bonomelli, “Language 33 and religion are the two principal means for keeping alive and solid the 34 ties between mother Italy and her daughter Italy, which grows and pros- 35 pers in the South American Continent.”4 This sentiment was confirmed 36 by the work of social scientists: Lamberto Loria established the field of 37S Italian ethnography at the height of emigration, between 1905 and 1913, 38R by studying the behavior of Italian emigrants abroad, especially their loy- 39L 2nd pass Pages 21428_i-xii_001-320.r3ga.qxd 3/21/08 10:18 AM Page 3 Introduction 3 alty to native traditions and cuisine (which required authentic Italian 1 food imports). Loria and his colleagues hypothesized an overarching na- 2 tional identity over the many inevitable contradictions among the ancient 3 peoples on the Italian peninsula, a cultural identity tried and tested 4 through the crucible of emigration. With a scientific approach, italianità 5 could be demonstrably replicated in a variety of environments and situa- 6 tions abroad. Emigrants’ Italian identity could be proven to resist the 7 pressures of assimilationist “melting pots” as if in a human laboratory. In 8 defining italianità abroad as a sentimental tradition, rather than legal cit- 9 izenship, Italians influenced their domestic identity as well. Italy is an 10 example of what I term an “emigrant nation,” an analytical category em- 11 bracing population at home and also abroad, beyond territorial borders. 12 “Making Italy Abroad” meant not just forming an expatriate community, 13 but changing Italy itself. Emigration’s impact was fundamental, shifting co14 the roots of society and culture in the mother country and also in Europe, 15 the Americas, and Africa, much like the mass migrations of the twenty- 16 first-century world. While many aspects of the Italian experience were 17 unique to an imperialist era, the theoretical questions that Italians faced 18 still bear comparison today. 19 Italy was itself a new creation, recently united as a country between 20 1859 and 1871 after more than a millennium of regional divisions. Italian 21 Liberals triumphed with the establishment of a constitutional monarchy 22 ruling the entire peninsula, but Republicans were bitterly disappointed. 23 The King of Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel II, now King of Italy, drew upon 24 a long pedigree from his family’s rule of Piedmont but lacked a clear vi- 25 sion for his new possessions. The Italian Parliament too remained uncer- 26 tain on how to face the future. One of the state’s first challenges was a 27 wildly expanding and fluctuating current of emigration. Though one of 28 the most densely populated countries in Europe, Italy lagged behind its 29 neighbors in economic productivity and development. Italian laborers 30 had long traveled for temporary work to neighboring regions within Italy 31 and to Austria-Hungary, Germany, Switzerland, and France. But under 32 the pressures of industrialization and changing markets, transoceanic 33 emigration became more attractive and more necessary. Italian workers 34 could double or triple their wages by working abroad.5 The northern re- 35 gions of Veneto, Lombardy, and Liguria maintained emigration to Eu- 36 rope, and launched a growing migration to South America. From 1898 S37 onward, however, the United States surpassed Brazil and Argentina as a R38 *L39 2nd Pass Pages 21428_i-xii_001-320.r3ga.qxd 3/21/08 10:18 AM Page 4 4 Emigrant Nation 1 destination for emigrants, and emigration to Brazil dropped off after 1901.
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