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Westminsterresearch WestminsterResearch http://www.westminster.ac.uk/research/westminsterresearch Political history of the Serbian media in transition (2000-2006) Srdjan Stojanovic School of Media, Arts and Design This is an electronic version of an MPhil dissertation awarded by the University of Westminster. © The Author, 2010. This is an exact reproduction of the paper copy held by the University of Westminster library. The WestminsterResearch online digital archive at the University of Westminster aims to make the research output of the University available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the authors and/or copyright owners. Users are permitted to download and/or print one copy for non-commercial private study or research. Further distribution and any use of material from within this archive for profit-making enterprises or for commercial gain is strictly forbidden. Whilst further distribution of specific materials from within this archive is forbidden, you may freely distribute the URL of WestminsterResearch: (http://westminsterresearch.wmin.ac.uk/). In case of abuse or copyright appearing without permission e- mail [email protected] Political History of the Serbian Media in Transition (2000 – 2006) UNREALISTIC PLEDGES - DEFICIENT RESULTS SRDJAN D. STOJANOVIC A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the University of Westminster for the degree of Master of Philosophy September 2010 ABSTRACT This study examines unique features of the media transformation in Serbia 2000-2006. How does reform of the media influence the process of transition from dictatorship to democracy? Do the media have any meaningful impact on tempo and character of change? My initial assumption (hypothesis) was that the media have significant influence and that their impact is considerable. Expectations that a new legal framework alone would automatically produce a democratic environment were wrong. This study demonstrates that the media cannot accelerate the transition process, nor bridge the gap in democratic culture, because the tempo and extent of the media reform is set by the political elite through political culture and institutions. Partially successful transformation of Radio Television Serbia into a public service broadcaster shows that mere introduction of regulatory models from mature democracies into a country without a democratic tradition does not guarantee desired results/outcomes. The role and impact of foreign actors in transformation of the Serbian media was different in comparison with Bosnia and Herzegovina, or Kosovo for example. In Serbia, as a sovereign country, the international actors were present in an advisory role, unlike in aforementioned UN protectorates, but were more actively involved than in other post-communist countries. Abundance of media outlets call for a new citizen - one who is more analytical and capable of putting together scattered pieces of information. Such a new citizen, fundamentally different from the old socialist subject, understands that even "gospel truths" are not absolute, and chooses own way how to engage in political life. There is no one grand theory of transition with prescribed steps and predicted outcomes that can accommodate different country experiences. Such a process is always local - reflecting political, cultural and ethnic features of the country in question. However, it seems certain that the changes in Serbia are irreversible. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis is dedicated to my wife Ksenija, who came into my life two years after I had embarked on this research project, and had to live with it for the next eight years. Not only that she provided me with love and understanding, but also acted as the art/production editor for this final version of the thesis. In the mean time – we have been blessed by the arrival of our little angel Eve-Ann Stojanovic. Welcome to the world of media! I wish to thank my supervisor, Professor Jean Seaton for her encouragement, guidance and support during almost ten years of research and thesis work. Her continued interest in my progress and generous support is deeply appreciated, especially during the most difficult times of her own life. My parents, Gordana and Dragoljub Stojanovic did not live to see me complete this work, but I know that they would be proud that I have finally completed the journey along the road that they had showed me so many years ago. There are two special persons, who inspired and encouraged my work, but sadly could not be present to add their criticism, political and journalistic edge to it. Mirjana Stojanovic, my “media and political aunt” left us in October 2006, while Eve-Ann Prentice, an outstanding human being and acclaimed journalist lost “One Woman’s War” with cancer in September 2007. During my 17 years long period of living and working between London and Belgrade, an exceptional friend, business partner, cricket player and world traveler, Norman Dugdale, was always there for me. Thanks to his understanding, moral and material support, I survived the 1990s away from conflicts, material and spiritual poverty, which my fellow countrymen had to endure. Additionally, he enabled me to use his London home as my own – which is conveniently situated only five minutes of walk from the University of Westminster in Harrow. During often confusing years of research, my friends Dr Ljiljana Grubovic and Dr James Lyon have given me many valuable guidelines and tips that only those who had done it before know. To receive advice from Ljiljana, I was forced to walk many times over the zebra crossing on the Abbey Road, made famous by the Beatles - because she lives next to the legendary EMI recording studio. That always enhanced my spirit. I had the most valuable and critical editorial input from two of my intellectual heroes. Grace McGarvie was my teacher of politics 32 years ago at Wayzata Senior High School, and she kindly accepted to edit one chapter of this work. Almost half of all the work was expertly edited by one of the last remaining knights of British journalism, Patrick Prentice of The Times. I wish to express my gratitude to all my Serbian and British friends who stood by me during seemingly endless research, opened their homes for me and passionately engaged in discussions of the world, British and Serbian politics and culture. Thank you Marina Djukic, Mirko Lazarevic, Andrew Hardie, Susie Ambrose, Natasa Milojevic, Christian and Izabela Frost, Branislav i Branislava Rasic, Milos Jovicic, Miro and Vesna Ivanovic, Svetlana Djurdjevic Lukic, Miroslav Antic and Biserka Zivkovic Final thank you goes to all the individuals who gave interviews for this research. TABLE OF CONTENT ABSTRACT ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS GLOSSARY OF ACRONYMS PART I HISTORY AND BACKGROUND INTRODUCTION A) WHY IS THE SERBIAN CASE SPECIFIC? 7 A.1 Historical Context A.2 Pledge to Overhaul the Media System A.3 Epilogue B) RESEARCH DESIGN B.1 Research Question and Hypothesis B.2 Scope and Limitations of the Research C) METHODOLOGY C.1 Qualitative Versus Quantitative Methods C.2 Case Study C.2.1 Participation in the Setting and Direct Observation C.3 Interviews C.4 Analysis of Documents and Materials C.5 Surveys/Polls D) THESIS STRUCTURE CHAPTER 1 LITERATURE REVIEW AND ANALYTICAL FRAME 1.0 LITERATURE REVIEW 47 1.1 Historical Dimension 1.2 Citizenship, Media and Democracy 1.3 Ever Changing Content of Citizenship 1.4 Serbian Authors and Literature on Media and Transition 1.5 Changed Face of Contemporary Politics 1.6 Comparative Perspective 1.7 Relevance of the Romanian Case 1.8 Summary Overview of the Literature 2.0 ANALYTICAL FRAME OF THE RESEARCH 2.1 Democracy, Transition and Political Culture 2.2 Institutional Approach Towards Serbian Transition 2.3 Definition of ‘Institution’ CHAPTER 2 THE FALL OF TV BASTILLE HISTORY OF RADIO TELEVISION SERBIA 1987-2000 2.0 INTRODUCTION 103 2.0.1 Orwellian Years (1990 - 1995) 2.0.2 Eggs, Pots and Pans (1996 - 1997) 2.0.3 TV Bastille Burning (1998-2000) 2.1 CONCLUSION CHAPTER 3 Case Study: NEW LEGAL FRAME AND TRANSFORMATION OF RTS 3.0 INTRODUCTION 141 3.01 Preparations for Legislative Reform 3.0.2 Why British Regulatory Model? 3.0.3 Public Service Broadcasting 3.1 IDEOLOGY AND THE NEW LEGISLATIONS 3.1.1 Public Information Act 3.1.2 Broadcasting Act 3.1.3 Telecommunications Act 3.2 FLAWED MAKEOVER OF RTS 3.2.1 The Broadcasting Council–Instrument of Obstruction 3.2.2 RTS as National Instead of Public Service Broadcaster 3.3 CONCLUSION PART II THE TIMES OF CONFUSION CHAPTER 4 MEDIA REFORMS BETWEEN DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL ACTORS 4.0 INTRODUCTION 180 4.0.1 Politicians and the Media 4.0.2 Partners for Change 4.1 INTERNATIONAL INVOLVEMENT - BLESSING OR CURSE 4.1.1 Support Versus Intervention 4.1.2 Obstruction of the Media Reform 4.2 CONCLUSION CHAPTER 5 Case study: THE MEDIA IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 2002 5.0 INTRODUCTION 212 5.0.1 Political Background 5.0.2 The Media Environment 5.0.3 Analysis of The Media Activities 5.1 CONCLUSION CHAPTER 6 40 DAYS THAT SHOOK SERBIA THE MEDIA AND ASSASSINATION OF ZORAN DJINDJIC 6.0 INTRODUCTION 232 6.0.1 The Sour Fruits of Not So Decisive Victory In 2000 6.1 THE STATE OF EMERGENCY AND THE MEDIA 6.1.1 Government Versus the Media 6.1.2 The Revenge of the Media 6.1.3 Life After the State of Emergency 6.2 CONCLUSION PART III CONCLUSION CHAPTER 7 THE MEDIA IN SERBIA - THE ROAD AHEAD 7.0 INTRODUCTION 262 7.0.1 Research Notes and Findings 7.0.2 Results and Shortcomings 7.0.3 Future of Media and Democracy in Serbia 7.1 CONTRIBUTION TO THEORY APPENDIXS BIBLIOGRAPHY 299 Appendix I Print
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