Queen Mary, University of London Understanding the Dynamics Of
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Queen Mary, University of London Understanding the Dynamics of Ethnonationalist Contention: Political Mobilization, Resistance and Violence in Nagorno-Karabakh and Northern Ireland Anastasia Voronkova A thesis submitted to the School of Politics and International Relations Queen Mary, University of London for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2011 1 Abstract This thesis analyzes the dynamics of ethnic conflict evolution, mobilization and radicalization with a focus on Nagorno-Karabakh (1987–1992) and Northern Ireland (early 1960s–1969). It concentrates upon the periods when intersocietal communication was gradually being reinterpreted and reshaped on an ethnic basis, which also became increasingly crucial to public discourse. I argue that many of the weaknesses of the existing interpretations of these conflicts arise from an absolutization of single theoretical and methodological approaches. This study utilizes a synthesis of the literatures on ethnic conflict, social movements, collective action and nationalism. The perspective offered in this research sees nationalist activity as embedded in cultural contexts, social networks and intersubjective relations of reciprocity. I stress that the understanding of these dimensions is crucial to account for temporal evolution within and variation across nationalist movements. Securing the success of a specific nationalist agenda requires operating in an interdependent field of rival strategies of legitimation. The study also highlights unintended consequences in the trajectory of conflict development. Many academic accounts approach this subject from the point of view of one of the respective communities without recognizing the value of alternative conceptualizations. This study systematically examines the interactions, perceptions and attitudes of the main parties to the conflicts in question avoiding one-sided and often static interpretations. The thesis builds on extensive documentary and press material, archival research and over 50 semi-structured interviews. New empirical evidence presented here casts doubt on strong versions of the ‘ethnic entrepreneurship’ literature by emphasizing the fact that the connection 2 between developments on the ground and elite conduct was not purely automatic, and drawing attention to the symbolic repertoires, self- perceptions, categorizations and ideas that feed into the collective representation of the nation. I suggest that the constraints facing elites within each ethnic bloc, as well as ‘external’ (state) leaders, are built into the process of ethnic contestation. Overall, the thesis makes a strong case for greater attention to the limits of elite flexibility in sustaining uniform group preferences, freely opting for the path of compromise and/or (constitutional) reform. 3 Contents Title page 1 Abstract 2 Contents 4 Acknowledgements 9 Abbreviations 11 Introduction 12 Case studies and research design 13 Data-gathering methods 31 Structure of the thesis 38 Chapter 1 Literature review 40 Unpacking mobilization 40 Theoretical approaches: main strands of research 41 Key issues in research on NK: an evaluation of competing explanations 4 68 Chapter 2 NK in a historical context 86 Introduction 86 Armenian identity 92 Azeri identity 96 NK during the Soviet era: a polarized socio-political context? 105 Demographic trends 109 Conclusion 119 Chapter 3 The dynamics of politicization in NK 121 Introduction 121 The differences in Armenian and Azeri contentious activity: The legacy of the Armenian Genocide, social networks and resonant ideas 125 Emerging opportunities in a restructured Union 136 Structural and institutional facilitating factors 147 5 Chapter 4 From ethnic conflict to violence in NK 150 Introduction 150 The Sumgait pogrom 161 Macro-level theories of ethnic riots 165 Micro-level theories 168 The role of the media 178 Central state-activist relations 183 Intra-elite competition 194 The politicization of the population 195 Conclusion 198 Chapter 5 The dialectics of ethnic relations in Northern Ireland in the early 1960s 200 Introduction 200 Socio-historical background 202 6 The contradictions of O’Neill’s ‘bridge-building’ policies 208 Conclusion 238 Chapter 6 Protest politics in Northern Ireland: between the peak of mobilization and the disintegration of the ‘activist web’ 240 Introduction 240 Polarization as boundary (re)constitution 241 The spatial dimension and the peak of mobilization 247 Challenges to the (Northern Ireland) state 257 Internal dynamics within the CRM 267 Chapter 7 NK and Northern Ireland: a comparative analysis 275 Setting the stage 275 Constitutional/legalistic strategies 280 State authorities, repression and discursive vs. structural opportunities 283 7 British and Soviet ‘conflict management’ 292 Generational conflict and intra-movement dynamics 305 Conclusion 312 Appendix 1 Chronologies 321 Appendix 2 List of interviewees 325 Bibliography 333 8 Acknowledgements My deepest thanks go to my supervisor, Dr. Brendan O’Duffy for introducing me to many of the theories and issues I am addressing in this work. I am particularly grateful to Brendan for his precious advice and guidance, critical insight, unfailing enthusiasm, constant encouragement, understanding and support before and at every stage of the gestation of this research. I would also like to thank Professor Montserrat Guibernau for her engaging teaching and support over the years. My thanks go to the School of Politics and International Relations for awarding me a studentship without which this research could never have been begun. The School’s financial support of my participation in various conferences both in the UK and abroad is much appreciated, as these experiences have helped to refine some of the ideas developed in the thesis. I am also grateful to the Central London Research Fund for its financial contribution to my fieldwork in Baku. I am very grateful to my many interviewees for their time, patience, diligence and willingness to share with me their recollections, thoughts and stories. Thanks are due to Larissa Alaverdyan, Vagarshak Arutunyan, Aida Asbekyan, Zori Balayan, Jasmin Gevondyan, Stepan Grigoryan, Alexander Manasyan, Arman Melikyan, David Petrosyan, Aram Sarkisyan, Manvel Sarkisyan, David Shakhnazaryan, Jasmin Telyan and Julieta Verdyan in Yerevan; Gegham Baghdasaryan, Vera Grigoryan, Ashot Gulyan, Rita Karapetyan, Masis Mailyan, Maxim Mirzoyan, Karen Oganjanyan, Sarasar Saryan and Galina Somova in Stepanakert; Ali Abasov, Zakhid Abasov, Arzu Abdulaeva, Zulfugar Agaev, Zardusht Alizadeh, Jivanshir Akhundov, Jabi Bakhramov, Akif Bayramov, Rizvan Bayramov, Vagif Guseinov, Ofeliya Hannum, Azad Isazade, Kerim Kerimly, Araz Kurbanov, Mahammad Maharramov, Rashid Mamedov, Rasim Musabaev, Eldar Namazov, Ramiz 9 Sevdimaliev and Arif Unusov in Baku; Afrand Dashdamirov, Victor Krivopuskov, Lev Perepelkin and Ruben Zargaryan in Moscow; Eddie Toman in London; the late Kevin Boyle, Ivan Cooper, Brian Feeney, Denis Haughey, Fred Heatley, Ann Hope, Eamonn McCann, Paddy Joe McClean, Vincent McCormack, David McKittrick and Edwina Stewart in various locations across Northern Ireland. Special thanks go to Aram Sarkisyan and Jasmin Gevondyan in Yerevan and Mammed Baghirov in Baku for their help with setting up the interviews. Jasmin Telyan and Julieta Verdyan in Yerevan and Paddy Joe McClean in Beragh kindly shared with me their parts of their personal archives containing material that has enriched the empirical grounding of this thesis. Maxim Mirzoyan in Stepanakert deserves a special mention for his warm hospitality during my stay there and for showing me many remote corners of Nagorno-Karabakh I would not otherwise have had the opportunity to see. Finally, I am grateful to my family for moral and financial support. 10 Abbreviations ANM Armenian National Movement CCCP Central Committee of the Communist Party CP Communist Party CRM Civil Rights Movement CSJ Campaign for Social Justice DCAC Derry Citizens’ Action Committee IRA Irish Republican Army KGB Kommitet Gosudarstvennoy Bezopasnosti (Committee for State Security) NICRA Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association NILP Northern Ireland Labour Party NK Nagorno-Karabakh NKAO Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast’ (Region) NKR Nagorno-Karabakh Republic PD People’s Democracy PRO Public Records Office (Kew) PRONI Public Records Office, Northern Ireland RUC Royal Ulster Constabulary SDLP Social Democratic and Labour Party SSR Soviet Socialist Republic UK United Kingdom 11 Introduction The broad aim of this thesis is to analyze the causes and dynamics of ethnic conflict, mobilization and radicalization in deeply divided societies with a particular focus on the dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh in the South Caucasus (hereafter NK) (1987–1992) and Northern Ireland (early 1960s–1969). Integrating some of the key insights from the literatures on ethnic conflict, social movements, nationalism and collective action into a mixed theoretical approach I attempt: • to explore the ways in which nationalist strategies are enabled or constrained by the shared cultural perceptions and collective definitions of the groups involved, rather than (as is often assumed in the literature) solely by political institutions and/or structures; • to look at the issue of agency in nationalist movements – to what extent does their activity necessarily imply mass participation and what tactics is used by elite networks to secure support from co-nationals? • to assess how the interrelated processes of state-activist interaction, the shifting dynamics