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Home , Alfred Hugenberg, Anton Drexler, Bamberg Conference, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, Der Angriff, Deutsches Jungvolk

A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE RISE OF

(WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE, 1913-1933)

TANSIF UR REHMAN

Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of Ph.D.

Area Study Centre for University of Karachi

(2018)

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APPROVAL CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that the present work entitled, “A Sociological Study of the Rise of

Adolf Hitler (with special reference, 1913-1933)” has been carried out by Mr. Tansif ur

Rehman under my supervision, and is hereby approved for submission to the Faculty of

Social Sciences, University of Karachi, in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Ph.D. (European Studies).

The work has been found to comply with the prescribed benchmarks.

Prof. Dr. Fateh Muhammad Burfat Supervisor and Vice Chancellor, University of Sindh, Pakistan

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DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this thesis is the result of my independent investigation, except where I have indicated my indebtedness to other sources. It has not been accepted in substance or in part for any degree, and is not being submitted concurrently in candidature for any other degree.

Tansif ur Rehman Ph.D. Research Scholar Area Study Centre for Europe, University of Karachi.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

History is difficult to write and is never written alone. None of this would have been possible without the guidance and encouragement of my supervisor and mentor, Prof. Dr.

Fateh Muhammad Burfat. This thesis represents the culmination of years of work, and writing it has been challenging yet a satisfying experience.

I also owe a debt of gratitude to the people who supported me in this endeavor.

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DEDICATION

I dedicate this work to all those intellectuals and researchers, who are participating and sharing their knowledge to make this world

prosperous regardless of the race, region, and .

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ABSTRACT

The events surrounding Nazi have for long captured the attention of both the academic world and the general public. Many contradictory views have been raised about the rise of Adolf Hitler in Germany, as some have portrayed him as an all-powerful man, mesmerizing the German masses with his mystical powers; while other view him as a mere captive of impersonal social and historical forces that led him to success.

The respective research focuses on critically analyzing the rise of Adolf Hitler in

Germany in a sociological perspective. The objective of the study is to critically analyze the political, economic, religious, and social factors which facilitated the rise of Adolf Hitler in Germany.

The respective sociological study is qualitative in its very nature, and the research type is exploratory. As this study employs historical and analytical approach, therefore, primary as well as secondary academic sources have been used, i.e., books, diaries, encyclopedias, essays, memoirs, pamphlets, speeches, journals, newspapers, and websites.

Some scholars view that, the charisma of Hitler was based not necessarily on a specific trait of personality, but it was largely dependent on people’s perceptions of him and his responses. Hitler was believed to be the epitome of the German ‘yolk’, as he was the embodiment of the aspirations, desires, and the dire needs of the German nation.

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The charisma of Hitler was based not necessarily on a specific trait of personality, but it was largely dependent more on sociological factors, particularly people’s perceptions of Hitler and how he responded to such perceptions under the dramatic , political, sociocultural, as well as economic changes taking place from 1913 to 1933 in

Germany.

He was viewed by the public as the selfless exponent of national interest, a fervent protector of Germany’s ‘just’ rights, and above all as the nation’s strength rebuilder. He was regarded as a statesman of unmatched genius by his exponents, and was also seen as a phenomenal military leader, who was distinguished by his bravery as a former front line soldier.

Thus, it was perceived that he truly knew and understood the ordinary German. His emotional delivery of an impromptu speech captivated the masses. The Germans were always eager to hear their young, forceful, and mesmerizing leader. The sociological construct of the German society from 1913 to 1933 along with various social factors paved the way for him to rise to his zenith, i.e., first as a strong leader for the Germans, and later as the Chancellor in 1933.

Keywords: Adolf Hitler, Rise, Sociological study, Qualitative.

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ABBREVIATIONS

DAP Deutsche Arbeiterpartei

DNSAP Deutsche Nationalsozialistische Arbeiterpartei

DRK Deutsches Rotes Kreuz

ISAs Ideological State Apparatuses

KGRNS Kampfgemeinschaft Revolutionarer Nationalsozialisten

NNSAP Norges Nasjonalsocialistiske Arbeiderparti

NSBRP Natsional Sotsialisticheskata Bulgarska Rabotnicheska Partiya

NSDAP Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei

NSDAP/AO Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei Auslands-Organisation

NSLB Nationalsozialistische Lehrerbund

NSNAP Nationaal-Socialistische Nederlandsche Arbeiderspartij

PNF Partito Nazionafe Fascista

PNSR Partidul National-Socialist din

RdK Reichsbund der Kinderreichen

RSAs Repressive State Apparatus

RSFSR Russian Soviet Federative Socialist

SNSFF Svenska Nationalsocialistiska Frihetsforbundet

SSNP Syrian Social Nationalist Party

TENO

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Approval Certificate ii Declaration iii Acknowledgement iv Dedication v Abstract (English) vi Abstract (Urdu) viii Abbreviations x

Chapter 1: Introduction

1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Early years 1 1.2.1 Ancestry 1 1.2.2 Childhood and education 2 1.2.3 Early adulthood in and 5 1.3 World I 6 1.4 7 1.5 Social Theory 10 1.6 Significance of Social Theories in Research 10 1.7 Statement of Research Problem 12 1.7.1 Significance of the Study 12 1.7.2 Significance of the Period (1913 to 1933) 13 1.8 Research Objectives 13 1.9 Literature Review 14 1.9.1 Researches in English 14 1.9.2 Researches in German 26 1.10 Gaps in Previous Researches 31 1.11 Focus of the Study 32 1.12 Research Methodology 33

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Chapter 2: Sociological and Psychological Theories

2.1 Society and Culture 34 2.2 Culture 35 2.2.1 Defining Culture 37 2.2.2 Role of Culture 41 2.3 Culture Dimensions and Variability 42 2.3.1 Hall’s Theory of Cultural Dimensions 44 2.3.2 Trompenaars’ Theory of Cultural Dimensions 46 2.3.3 Hofstede’s Dimensions of Culture Variability 49 2.4 Individualistic and Collectivist cultures 50 2.5 Cultural Differences and Social Development Model 52 2.6 Culture and Identity styles 53 2.7 Identity: Nature and Theoretical Foundations 54 2.7.1 Erikson’s Identity Construct 54 2.7.2 Berzonsky’s Identity Styles Model 55 2.8 Sociological and Psychological Theories 57 2.8.1 Basic Need Theory 57 2.8.2 Causality Orientations Theory 57 2.8.3 Cognitive Evaluation Theory 59 2.8.4 Organismic Integration Theory 59 2.8.5 Self-Concept and Social Identity Theory 59 2.8.6 Self-Determination Theory 61 2.8.7 Social Cognitive Theory 62 2.8.8 Symbolic Interactionism 63 2.9 Deprivation 64 2.9.1 Kinds of Deprivation 64 2.9.2 Various Domains of Deprivation 66 2.9.3 Determinants of Deprivation 67 2.10 Social Change 68 2.10.1 Types of Social Change 68 2.11 Transcendentalism 69

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Chapter 3: , Ethnicity and

3.1 Ideology 71 3.1.1 Ideology in the Postmodern era 79 3.1.2 Ideological movement 80 3.2 Worldview 82 3.3 Ethnicity 83 3.3.1 Etymology and usage 84 3.3.2 Theoretical basis of Ethnicity 84 3.3.3 Definitional parameters of Ethnicity 86 3.3.4 Studies on Ethnicity 87 3.3.5 Primordialist, Instrumentalist, and Constructivist viewpoint 88 3.3.6 Ethnic group 90 3.3.7 Factors contributing to Ethnicity 91 3.4 Nationalism 92 3.4.1 Etymology 92 3.4.2 Definition 92 3.4.3 History of Nationalism 93 3.4.4 Western view of Nationalism 93 3.4.5 Communist view of Nationalism 97 3.4.6 Forms of Nationalism 98 3.5 Ethnicity and Nationalism 98 3.6 Ethnocentrism 101 3.7 Ethnicity and Politics 101

Chapter 4: Leadership in Germany: A Sociological Context

4.1 Leadership 103 4.1.1 Historical context of Leadership 103 4.1.2 Defining Leadership 104 4.1.3 Perspectives on Leadership 114

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4.1.4 Forms and features of Leadership 116 4.1.5 Functions of Leadership 117 4.1.6 Sources of Leader’s power 117 4.1.7 Chronological emergence of Leadership studies 119 4.2 Leadership as a universal phenomenon 120 4.3 Leadership in an international context 120 4.4 Differentiating Leadership style and Behavior 121 4.5 Leadership styles 122 4.5.1 Autocratic or Authoritarian leadership style 122 4.5.2 Democratic or Participative leadership style 124 4.5.3 Laissez-faire leadership style 125 4.6 Research on Autocratic and Democratic leadership styles 126 4.7 Autocratic vs. Democratic leadership 128 4.8 Political leadership 131 4.9 Charismatic leadership 133

Chapter 5: Hitler’s Struggle

5.1 Entry into politics 136 5.2 National Socialist Programme 139 5.3 141 5.4 143 5.5 Rebuilding the NSDAP 144 5.6 Hitler’s opposition in NSDAP 145 5.7 Nazi 146 5.7.1 Newspapers 146 5.7.1.1 Volkischer Beobachter 147 5.7.1.2 Der Sturmer 147 5.7.1.3 147 5.7.2 Propaganda Material by 147 5.7.2.1 Essays published in Der Angriff 147 5.7.2.2 Pamphlets 148

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5.7.2.3 Speeches 148 5.7.2.4 Goebbels on the practice of propaganda 149 5.7.3 Other propaganda material 149 5.7.4 Material intended for Nazi propagandists 151 5.8 Charismatic leadership of Adolf Hitler 151

Chapter 6: Influences on Hitler & NSDAP, and the Nazi Popularity

6.1 Philosophical influences on Hitler 163 6.1.1 Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) 163 6.1.2 (1762-1814) 164 6.1.3 Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831) 164 6.1.4 (1788-1860) 164 6.1.5 Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche (1844-1900) 165 6.2 The ‘Three’ Masters 165 6.2.1 Ludwig van Beethoven (1770-1827) 165 6.2.2 (1818-1883) 166 6.2.3 Anton Bruckner (1824-1896) 166 6.3 Wagner’s influence on Hitler and NSDAP 166 6.4 Volkisch and NSDAP 168 6.3 NSDAP’s membership in Germany 170 6.5.1 Student membership 170 6.5.2 Women membership 170 6.5.3 Youth Wings 171 6.6 NSDAP’s membership outside Germany 172 6.7 Affiliated organizations of NSDAP 173 6.7.1 Nationalsozialistische Lehrerbund (NSLB) 173 6.7.2 Deutsches Rotes Kreuz (DRK) 174 6.7.3 Kyffhauserbund 174 6.7.4 Technische Nothilfe (TENO) 174

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6.7.5 Reichsbund der Kinderreichen (RdK) 175 6.8 as an ideal type 175 6.9 The uniqueness of Nazism 178 6.10 Nazi influence outside Germany 180 6.10.1 Deutsche Nationalsozialistische Arbeiterpartei (DNSAP-) 181 6.10.2 Deutsche Nationalsozialistische Arbeiterpartei (DNSAP-) 182 6.10.3 Svenska Nationalsocialistiska Frihetsforbundet (SNSFF-) 182 6.10.4 Legiunea Arhanghelului Mihail (Romania) 183 6.10.5 Norges Nasjonalsocialistiske Arbeiderparti (NNSAP-) 184 6.10.6 Danmarks Nationalsocialistiske Arbejderparti (DNSAP-Denmark) 185 6.10.7 Nationaal-Socialistische Nederlandsche Arbeiderspartij (NSNAP- 185 Netherlands) 6.10.8 Movimiento Nacional Socialista de 186 6.10.9 Partidul National-Socialist din Romania (PNSR-Romania) 187 6.10.10 Magyar Nemzeti Szocialista Part () 188 6.10.11 Natsional Sotsialisticheskata Bulgarska Rabotnicheska Partiya 188 (NSBRP-Bulgaria) 6.10.12 Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP-) 189 6.10.13 Elliniko Ethniko Sosialistiko Komma () 190

Chapter 7: Hitler’s Emergence as a

7.1 The quest for a ‘Heroic’ leader in Germany 193 7.2 The growth of the ‘Hitler myth’ 197 7.3 How the German people saw Hitler 205 7.4 Hitler and the people 207 7.5 The representative individual with a personal witness 214 7.6 Hitler’s view of the masses 217 7.7 Bruning administration 223 7.8 Hitler’s rise to power (elections) 225 7.9 Appointment as chancellor 226 7.10 Hitler as chancellor 226

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Chapter 8: Conclusion

Conclusion 235

References (English) 267

References (German) 313

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Chapter 1 Introduction

1.1 Introduction

Adolf Hitler was an Austrian-born German politician and the leader of the

Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP or the National Socialist

German Workers’ Party). From 1933 to 1945, he served as the , and from 1934 till his death in 1945, was the Fuhrer (leader) as well as the Reichskanzler

(Reich chancellor).

He was a decorated veteran of , and in 1919 joined the Deutsche

Arbeiterpartei (DAP or the German Workers’ Party), which later became the National

Socialist German Workers’ Party. He became its leader in 1921, and in 1923 was imprisoned due to the political intervention in Munich, which is often recognized as the

‘Beer Hall Putsch, and during the imprisonment he wrote Mein Kampf (My Struggle).

His supporters began to rise due to his attack on the Treaty of Versailles after his release in 1924, as he promoted Pan-Germanism, , as well as anticommunism, with a blend of Nazi propaganda and charismatic oratory. Being a chancellor in 1933, Hitler introduced totalitarian ideas of hegemony to continental

Europe and changed the into the Third Reich.

1.2 Early years

1.2.1 Ancestry

The father of Hitler, Alois Hitler was not a legitimate child of Maria Anna

Schicklgruber, so Alois had his mother’s family name. Anna married Johann Georg

Hiedler in 1842. In 1847, she passed away and in the year 1856 Johann also died. So,

1 Alois started living with Johann Nepomuk Hiedler, who was the brother of

Johann George Hiedler (Maser, 1973, p. 4). However, in the presence of three witnesses, the priest changed the status of Alois as a legitimate child after 1876 in the baptismal record (ibid. p. 15).

In 1945 , a Nazi official awaiting his trial at shared regarding the very existence of some letters that revealed that, Alois’ mother actually served as a maid for a Jewish family in Graz, and their son Leopold Frankenberger who was just 19 years old was the father of Alois (Rosenbaum, 1999). Whereas, the records show that no such name was registered at that time in Graz (Hamann, 2010, p. 50).

Historians like Toland and Kershaw doubt the claim regarding Alois’ father as being a

Jew (Toland, 1992, pp. 246-247; Kershaw, 1999, pp. 8-9).

Alois assumed the surname ‘Hitler’ when he was 39 years old. It is also spelled as

‘Hiedler’, ‘Huettler’, and even ‘Huttler’. There are various claims regarding the origin of the name, some scholars say that it refers to the ‘one’ who lives in a hut (Hutte), some are of the view that it is derived from ‘Huten’, i.e., ‘to guard’ in , while some refer it as being a Slavic word, i.e., ‘Hidlar’ (Jetzinger, 1976, p. 32).

1.2.2 Childhood and education

Hitler was born to Alois Hitler and Klara Polzl on 20th April, 1889 at the Gasthof zum Pommer (an inn in Ranshofen), Braunau, Austro-Hungarian Empire. Hitler was on the fourth rank among six siblings. His three siblings, i.e., Gustavo, Ida, and Otto died in their early years and all were older than him (Shirer, 1960, p. 9). (Germany) was

2 the next destination of Hitler when he was three due to his family migration (Rosmus,

2004, p. 33).

This migration played an important role in terms of language that he acquired and used throughout his life, i.e., the lower Bavarian dialect, rather than the Austrian German

(Kubizek, 2006, p. 37; Keller, 2010, p. 15; Hamann, 2010, pp. 7-8). Hitler’s family relocated near Linz, i.e., Leonding in 1894. Alois retired to a small landholding at Hafeld

(near Lambach) in June 1895, where he tried beekeeping and farming. Hitler was sent to a school in Fischlham. Hitler’s passion developed towards the warfare because of a book which consisted of the pictures of Franco-Prussian War that belonged to his father

(Hitler, 1999, p. 6; Kubizek, 2006, p. 92).

Hitler showed reluctance to the strict school discipline, and this gave rise to conflicts between him and his father (Fromm, 1977, pp. 493-498). His father failed in establishing the farming business and they moved back to Lambach in 1897. This, in turn affected the life of eight-year-old Hitler in terms of learning, as he now started taking singing lessons so that he can sing in a church choir. Hitler also started thinking of becoming a priest (Shirer, 1960, pp. 10-11).

Moreover, 1898 also played a significant role in the life of Hitler. In this year, the family came to Leonding for their permanent residence. However, Hitler became introvert, antisocial, and a pessimist due to his younger brother Edmund’s death (because of measles) on 2nd February, 1900. He even started arguing with everyone around him

(Payne, 1990, p. 22).

Alois wanted his son to make a career in the customs bureau, since he excelled in this field (Kershaw, 2008, p. 9). From this point, the rivalry began between the father and

3 son, as both exhibited their views strongly, and thus it increased the rigidity between them (Fest, 1977, p. 32; Keller, 2010, pp. 33-34). The conflict between Alois and Hitler went further, because Hitler wanted to pursue his career as an artist by attending the classical high school, but he was forced to go to the Realschule in Linz (September,

1900) by Alois (Kershaw, 2008, p. 8). The reluctance of Hitler towards this decision was also reflected in Mein Kampf. Hitler revealed that, he purposely did not make progress in the technical field, so that his father would let him follow his very own dream (Hitler,

1999, p. 10).

When Hitler lived in Linz as a teenager, he held three library cards at one time, and it shows that he was a reader (Lipstadt, 2011, p. 272). At a very early age, he became interested in (Evans, 2003, p. 163-164). Hitler openly denied the rule of the Habsburg over an ethnically-variegated empire, as his loyalty was only to Germany

(Bendersky, 2000, p. 26; Ryschka, 2008, p. 35). Instead of the Austrian Imperial anthem,

Hitler along with his few friends devoted to Germany by singing the German anthem

‘Deutschland Uber Alles’, and even used the German greeting, i.e., ‘Heil’ (Hamann,

2010, p. 13). After the death of Alois on 3rd January, 1903 Hitler’s progress at school started to decline; in Autumn 1905, with the consent of his mother he left school

(Kershaw, 2008, p. 10).

September 1904 was a year of betterment for Hitler, as he was improving in terms of learning and behavior. He was now at the Realschule in Steyr and managed to pass the remaining papers, but he did not show any interest in further schooling or pursuing any specific career (Kershaw, 1999, p. 18-19).

4 1.2.3 Early adulthood in Vienna and Munich

Hitler started living in Vienna from 1905, leading a bohemian lifestyle and supported by his mother as well as the orphan’s benefit. He worked as a laborer, tried hand as a painter, and even sold watercolors. In 1907 and 1908, the Academy of Fine Arts,

Vienna rejected him, and the director suggested him to pursue his career as an architect

(Bullock, 1962, pp. 30-31). In his very own view, Hitler lacked academic credentials

(Hitler, 1999, p. 20).

Hitler’s mother passed away at the age of 47 on 21st December 1907, and he ran out of money. He lived in a homeless shelter in 1909, while in 1910, he had managed to settle on Meldemannstrasse into a house for poor working men (Bullock, 1999, pp. 30-33).

Vienna became a hotbed of and religious prejudice in 1910 (Shirer, 1960, p.

26). Karl Lueger (mayor) along many other feared of being overrun by Eastern immigrants.

For his political agenda, Lueger further exploited the situation. The Pan-Germanic antisemitism had a very strong following in the district where Hitler was living, i.e.,

Mariahilf (Hamann, 2010, pp. 243-246). The local newspaper Deutsches Volksblatt, propagated the idea to the local people and Hitler that the Christians are no more secured and they will be snowed under the Eastern (ibid. pp. 341-345).

In May 1913, Hitler got his share of his father’s property and moved to Munich

(Shirer, 1960, p. 27). According to some historians, it is believed that Hitler left Vienna in order to avoid recruitment in the Austrian Army (Weber, 2010, p. 13). Later, Hitler claimed that, because of the mixture of ‘races’ in the Austrian Army, he did not want to serve the

Habsburg Empire. Moreover, he was also declared unfit for the army on 5th February 1914 in Salzburg, so he came back to Munich (Shirer, 1960, p. 27).

5 1.3 World War I

Hitler was a resident of Munich during the outbreak of World War I. He offered his services as a volunteer in the Bavarian army as being an Austrian citizen (Kershaw,

1999, p. 90). He was posted at the Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment 16 (1st Company of the List Regiment). As a dispatch runner, he served on the Western Front in as well as Belgium, i.e., spending almost half his duration near the front lines (Kershaw,

2008, p. 53-54; Weber, 2010, pp. 12-13, 100). According to Shirer (1960, p. 30), and various historians, Hitler served in the following battles during World War I:

 First Battle of Ypres (October to November, 1914)

 Battle of the Somme (July to November, 1916)

 Battle of Arras (April to May, 1917)

 Battle of Passchendaele (July to November, 1917)

In 1914, Hitler received the (Second Class) for bravery. While, on 4th

August 1918, on the recommendations of Hugo Gutmann, Hitler received the Iron Cross

(First Class) (Kershaw, 2008, p. 59), which was an honor as it was usually not awarded to a Gefreiter (i.e., Hitler’s rank). Some historians claim that, as Hitler was posted at the regimental headquarters, so his interactions with senior officers might have aided him to receive the respective decoration (Bullock, 1962, p. 52). According to Kershaw (1999, p.

96), Hitler’s rewarded actions during World War I might have been courageous to an extent, but they were surely not highly exceptional. On 18th May 1918, Hitler was also awarded with the Black Wound Badge (Steiner, 1976, p. 392).

6 The battlefield did not affect the love for art in Hitler, as he painted and draw cartoons during his services at the headquarters. It was believed that, Hitler had an injury by a shell that had exploded in the dispatch runners’ dugout in the groin area or his left thigh during the Battle of Somme in October 1916 (Jamieson, 1970). He was taken to the town of Beelitz (Red Cross Hospital), and after spending two months he came back on 5th

March 1917 to his regiment. By a mustard gas attack on 15th October 1918, he was temporarily blinded and got treated in a hospital at Pasewalk (Kershaw, 2008, p. 57-60).

When he was at the hospital, Germany lost the war and as soon as Hitler received the news he was shocked, thus it led to a second bout of blindness, according to Hitler’s own account (Kershaw, 1999, p. 97, 102).

From that moment, Hitler became focused in terms of ideological believes

(Kershaw, 2008, pp. 61-62). For Hitler, war was the ground for gaining true experience, and his ideas were widely appreciated by his commanding officers (Keegan, 1987, pp.

238-240). In November 1918, he was in a shock by the sudden surrender of Germany and this event evoked his loyalty towards Germany once again (Bullock, 1962, p. 60).

Along with other German nationalists, Hitler believed that the German Army cannot be defeated by anyone and they have been stabbed in the back (i.e.,

Dolchstosslegende) by civilian leaders as well as the Marxists (Kershaw, 2008, pp. 61-

63).

1.4 Treaty of Versailles

After the First World War, the victorious European Allied powers used all their force to instigate the harshest punishment they could on the defeated group which

7 included Germany, Austria, Hungary, and Bulgaria. This was through the signing of the

Treaty of Versailles, a 440 articles long document on 28th June 1919, which reduced the power of Germany to almost a ‘zero’ and mortified it to its extreme end.

USA, France, and Britain, i.e., the ‘Big Three’ had different agendas. USA’s

President wanted a ‘fair’ as well as long-lasting peace. To achieve this, he had drafted a plan encompassing it, referred as the ‘Fourteen Points’. He wanted the establishment of the , and to ensure peace, he also wanted to reduce the armed forces of all the nations.

While, Georges Benjamin Clemenceau (French Prime Minister) wanted to impose ample restrictions on Germany, e.g. heavy reparations, limited army and navy, a ban on the air force, etc. The British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, though personally agreed with Wilson, but was much affected by the British public opinion, which was in favor of teaching Germany a hard lesson, and thus was forced to agree with

Clemenceau’s view regarding it.

The Allied Forces pressurized Germany to concede different territories to other countries, for example:

 Alsace-Lorraine to France

 Eupen and Malmedy to Belgium

 Hultschin district to Czechoslovakia

 Northern Schleswig to Denmark

 Posen, Upper Silesia, and West to

8 All of the German overseas colonies came under the mandate of the League of

Nations, and even Danzig (though having a large ethnic German population) was made a free city. This respective Treaty, demanded the ’s demilitarization, and even a special status for the Saarland under the French control was established (Boemeke &

Feldman, 1998).

As a consequence, Germany was forced to surrender its land by 13%, its people by 12%, iron resources by 48%, agricultural production by 15%, and coal by 10%. The

German Army was restricted to 100,000 men only. The Treaty also restricted the Navy vessels to be under 10,000 tons, and Germany was even forbidden to maintain an air force. Moreover, the worst of all, it was asked to forcefully accept to be guilty as charged with being responsible to initiate the World War I with the Article 231 of the Treaty, i.e., the ‘war guilt clause’ (Henig, 1995).

Critics, like Boemeke and Feldman (1998); and MacMillan (2002) are of the view that, the respective terms imposed on Germany were much milder than those which

Germany had imposed upon Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR) in the

Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (1918). They even argue that, if Germany had won the war against the Western Allies, then it would have imposed severe restrictions on the opponents.

By the Dawes Plan (1924) and (1929), reparations were progressively reduced, and even completely forgiven in 1932, but until then it was already too late.

Despite the inconsequent state, no restriction could hinder Germany’s comeback with its entire zeal out from the fumes of misfortune, and it acquired enough power to rise and remain in power again for a long time.

9 1.5 Social Theory

Generally, a theory is an assumption or thought. Social theory explains a notion in a brief manner and it comprises of some logical reasons that are collected over a period of time.

However, the definition of social theory varies according to context and methodologies. A social theory may not be necessarily based on everyone’s opinion, as it might be a statement irrespective of the fact that what people actually think about it. Thus, a social theory is a proposition, an opinion which helps researchers to explore the unexplored situation that exists and is available to be observed.

1.6 Significance of Social Theories in Research

Theory and research both are important notions. Theory provides the basic structure of propositions and research provides the technique and method to fit the theory in a particular context. It also helps to bring modifications regarding the existing theories

(Sarantakos, 2013).

Theories guide our observations of the world. A theory is never proven, though; the research can only provide support for a theory. However, research also can reveal weakness in theory and force researchers to modify the theory or develop a new and more comprehensive one (Cozby, 1997, p. 16).

In social science research, social theories are of great significance. Social facts without a theoretical direction are like a snuffed out candle that is unable to determine the path of its bearer. Social theories contribute in the development of sound scientific foundations for resolving issues in any social inquiry.

10 According to Merton (1967), social theory refers to a logically interrelated set of propositions from which scientific uniformities are derived. A theory incorporates a handful speculation from which scientific generalizations have themselves been a derivative.

Similarly, social theory makes way to ease the understanding of the observation in an organized manner (Scott & Marshall, 2005). Moreover, social theories are inherently based on facts, and it facilitates to trace the respective social patterns. It not only gives a clear idea of society, but it is diverse in nature, because every social theory does not necessarily meet the fundamentals of every society that exists. For this reason, it can be said that, there is no single social theory that is available to describe every social phenomenon.

This means, that social research also clarifies and reformulates social theories and there remains interconnection between the two. It is imperative that the researcher is well oriented simultaneously with theoretical and conceptual aspects of the respective research problem. The researcher does not have to use hit and trial techniques reaching nowhere. By following an approach of the ‘pertinence of theory’ the pursuit of research problem becomes systematic and fruitful. For social science research, social theory provides an interface for conceptual clarity of the subject matter, which a researcher is pursuing. This interface develops perception and ideas of the researcher, which provides him maneuverability within the arena of social research.

This is more relevant where research the question is far more complex. For example, to explain the phenomena of an individual’s rise to power, the researcher may have to explore socioeconomic conditions, psychological tendencies, motivational

11 aspects, operative social pressures, trends in achieving goals, as well as structural constraints of the society prevalent at a specific time. Thus, it would need a set of social theories to completely encompass the complex issue while dealing with Adolf Hitler’s rise to power in Germany.

1.7 Statement of Research Problem

The respective research focuses on critically analyzing the rise of Adolf Hitler in

Germany in a sociological perspective. The topic has been selected because, many contradictory views have been raised about the rise of Adolf Hitler in Germany, as some have portrayed him as an all-powerful man, mesmerizing the German masses with his mystical powers. While, other view him as a mere captive of impersonal social and historical forces that led him to success. Through this study the researcher avail himself an opportunity to trace the origins of the rise of one of the most debated man in history,

Adolf Hitler.

1.7.1 Significance of Study

Leadership as a universal characteristic of human interaction has remained one of the most widely observed, but least understood the phenomenon. The leader can surely make use of this ‘vagueness’ as he can mold and transform the masses by engaging various tactics. As being one of the most critical factors for any country’s survival is the need of a true leadership aimed in direction to lead and strengthened. It is obvious that no nation in the world can survive the harsh external environment without being united from the inside and there comes the true need of a

12 leader with a vision. Social bonding is the key element to success for any nation and

‘true’ leader binds the people.

The researcher aspires that this study will surely add up to the overall contextual body of knowledge regarding the respective aspects. Thus, an intricate social phenomenon encompassing the emergence of a leader requires much attention to be studied as well as its dynamics to be further explored.

1.7.2 Significance of the Period (1913 to 1933)

The charisma of Hitler was based not necessarily on a specific trait of personality, but it was largely dependent more on sociological factors, particularly people’s perceptions of Hitler and how he responded to such perceptions under the dramatic sociocultural and economic changes taking place from 1913 to 1933 in Germany. The prevailing social structure of Germany from 1913 to 1933 along with various social factors paved the way for Hitler to rise as a strong leader for the Germans.

1.8 Research Objectives

1. To critically analyze the political factors which facilitated the rise of Adolf

Hitler in Germany.

2. To critically analyze the economic factors which facilitated the rise of

Adolf Hitler in Germany.

3. To critically analyze the religious factors which facilitated the rise of

Adolf Hitler in Germany.

4. To critically analyze the social factors which facilitated the rise of Adolf

Hitler in Germany.

13 1.9 Literature Review

According to the national research repository of Pakistan, i.e., the Higher

Education Commission, Pakistan, not a single research on any aspect encompassing

Adolf Hitler has been conducted so far. Therefore, in this regard, 70 researches from foreign literature in English, and 23 researches from foreign literature in German were used for the respective literature review.

1.9.1 Researches in English

Adams (1973) in his research, “The Vision of Germany's Rebirth in the Novels of

Gustav Frenssen, Georg Von Ompteda and Jakob Wasserman” has stressed on the aspect of national unity that helped in minimizing social discord in the German society during the inter-war period with reference to the role of writers like, Gustav Frenssen, Georg

Von Ompteda, and Jakob Wasserman.

Anderson (1991) in “Mormons and Germany, 1914-1933: A History of the

Church of Christ of Latter-Day Saints in Germany and its Relationship with the

German Governments from World War I to the Rise of Hitler” has elaborated the relationship between Mormons in Germany from WW1 till 1933 when Adolf Hitler became the German chancellor.

Army (2010) has highlighted the role of music in propaganda during the rise of

Hitler in Germany in the respective work “Background Music: National Socialist

Propaganda and the Reinforcement of German ”.

14 Baumgarten (2007) is of the view that, actors involved in political discourse are usually more concerned with the emotional appeal of their message than they are with its factual content. When such political discourse becomes the locus of translation, it may equally be crafted rhetorically, being used as a tool to persuade. The author’s work is entitled, “Translation as an Ideological interface: English Translations of Hitler's Mein

Kampf”.

Bernard (1974) has focused on the role of US diplomats and Hitler’s rise, especially Frederic Mosley Sackett, as he was the Ambassador to Germany during 1930 and 1933 in “American Diplomats and Hitler's Rise to Power: 1930-1933:

The Mission of Ambassador Sackett”.

Birgersson (2003) has compared George Walker Bush and Adolf Hitler on the basis of rhetorical strategies in “Language of Power and Power of Language: Rhetorical

Strategies Used by Bush and Hitler”. Carlson (1989) has explored Hitler’s military decisions with reference to his ideology in “The Impact of Hitler's Ideology on His

Military Decisions”.

Carter-Sinclair’s (2012) thesis “Viennese Culture and Politics, 1861 to 1938:

Everyday Expressions of 'German' Identity” is a work about identity and belonging in

Vienna between 1861 and 1938. It engages one of the great debates in Austrian history, concerning the nature, aims, depth and extent of radical German nationalist feeling that existed in the city in the period down to 1938.

In particular, it addresses the level of support that existed among radical groups on the right in favor of the joining of Austria and Germany as one country. This was

15 known in German as , which translates as union, and many, often small, political parties put it at the top of their priorities. This aim of joining all Germans together was also known as the pan-German policy, as it was theoretically based on bringing together all Germans in one country, regardless of the state in which they then lived.

Casmir (1962) has also elaborated the personality dynamics of Adolf Hitler in

“Hitler: A Study in Persuasion”. Colin (1997) in “Der Meister and der Fuhrer: A

Critical Reappraisal of the Thought of Richard Wagner and Adolf Hitler” is of the view that the political and social views of Hitler were highly influenced by Richard Wagner.

While, Cornish (2011) in “Runes, Wittgenstein, Poetsch and Von List: The

Origins of the Picture Theory in German Nationalism” supports Wittgenstein claims that there is an unbridgeable gap between what can be expressed in language and what can only be expressed in non-verbal ways with reference to the concept of pan-

Germanism.

Crawford (1936) has listed a few of the economic factors along with the impact of the Treaty of Versailles that resulted in Hitler’s rise in Germany in “Factors in Post-War

Germany Contributing to Hitler's Rise to Power”. While, Cullen (1942) has contrasted

Arthur Neville Chamberlain’s (Prime Minister of the during 1937 to

1940) policies to that of Hitler in “Chamberlain and Hitler: Failure of Appeasement”.

Duignan (1953) has focused on Britain’s reaction to Hitler after assuming the chancellorship. The author in his work “Britain's Reaction to the Rise of Hitler, 1933-

1936” believes that it was too late for Britain to stop Hitler in his adventurism. Gallin

16 (1961) has pointed out various religious factors in the German Resistance to Hitler in

“The Ethical and Religious Factors in the German Resistance to Hitler”.

Gehl (1963) in “Austria, Germany, and the Anschluss, 1931-1938” has enunciated how Hitler gained support for his rise in Austria, the country in which he was born and how Anschluss movement gained its very momentum. Golde (1997) has highlighted the American portrayal of Adolf Hitler in the press during 1922 and 1933 in

“The Rise of Hitler and the American Press, 1922-1933”.

Hager (1948) in “German Sociology under Hitler: A Study in Methodology Based on German Social Scientific Periodicals, 1933-1941” has argued on the development of

Sociology in Germany after Hitler assumed the chancellorship. Harkavy’s (1997) work

“The Decline of the Political Parties in the Weimar Republic” elaborates why specifically the political parties of Germany abdicated their power to Adolf Hitler.

According to Hemsath (1963), antisemitism is the key element which contributed to Hitler’s rise in Germany, as it is highlighted by the author’s work “Anti-Semitism: Its

Role in Hitler's Rise to Power and in the Third Reich”.

Hughes’ (2016) work “The Symbolic, Socio-Economic and Exchange Value of

Imperial German and National Socialist Medals and Badges, 1701 to the Present” examines the manufacture, use, exchange (including gift exchange), collecting and commodification of German medals and badges from the early 18th century, with particular attention being given to the symbols that were deployed by the National

Socialist German workers’ party (NSDAP) between 1919 and 1945. After Hitler was

17 appointed chancellor in 1933, millions of medals and badges were produced in an effort to create a racially based “people’s community”.

Hulbert (1975) in his work “Hitler's Idea of "Legal Revolution" and the Triumph of Nazism: A Study of Politics and Moral Anarchy” is of the view that the triumph of

Nazism was actually a moral anarchy to many.

Hulsey (2005) has worked on icons and nationalism with regards to the United

States, but at times has compared it to the elements present in the Third Reich. His work is entitled “The Iconography of Nationalism: Icons, Popular Culture, and American

Nationalism”.

According to the work of Hutchinson (1977) “The Nazi Ideology of Alfred

Rosenberg: A Study of His Thought, 1917-1946” Rosenberg’s (a German theorist and an influential ideologue of the ) outlook was an integral part of national .

His ideology was seen by the hard core of the Nazi movement, including Hitler himself, as the hard core of Nazism. Nevertheless, Hitler did not get his ideology from Rosenberg.

Kerr (1969) has examined Hitler-Jugend’s (Hitler’s youth) education in “An

Examination into the Education of under the Nazi Regime”. Kestenberg,

(1942) has compared Adolf Hitler’s ideology to Frederick II of Prussia in “The

Governing Ideology of Frederick II of Prussia and Hitler”.

Klein (1997) has worked on the portrayal of Hitler’s rise in the American press in

“The American Press and the Rise of Hitler, 1923-1933”. Koontz (1995) master’s thesis

“The Cultural Politics of , 1925-1940” examines the career of

18 Baldur von Schirach, who headed the National Socialist Students' Union from 1928 to

1931 and the Hitler-Jugend (Hitler Youth) from 1931 until 1940.

Koontz (2003) thesis, “The Public Polemics of Baldur Von Schirach: A Study of

National Socialist Rhetoric and , 1922-1945” highlights National Socialist

Rhetoric and Aesthetics, and also Hitler’s relation with Schirach.

Krashos (1991) work is entitled “Building the Blitzkrieg: An Examination of Adolf

Hitler's Economic, Domestic and Foreign Policy Efforts to Achieve Rapid Rearmament as a Precondition for His Expansionist Aims”. In this work, Hitler's economic, domestic as well foreign policy is discussed.

In “The True Spirit of the German People: German-Americans and National

Socialism, 1919–1955” Kupsky (2010) has regarded nationalism as the true spirit of the

Germans after WW1. Levengood (2016) has compared Adolf Hitler and Mohandas

Karamchand Gandhi’s rhetoric in “The Rhetoric of Power: A Quantitative, Comparative

Study on the Rhetoric of Adolf Hitler and Mahatma Gandhi”.

Lewin (1949) has compared Hitler-Jugend (Hitler Youth) and Boy Scouts of

America in “A Comparative Study of the Principles and Practices of the Hitler Youth and of the Boy Scouts of America”. Lewis (1960) has worked on Hitler’s rhetoric in “An

Analysis of Some Persuasive Methods of Adolf Hitler’s Rhetoric”.

While, in “Growing up in the Third Reich: Representations of Childhood under

Nazism in Post-1990 German Culture”, Lloyd (2013) thesis examines post-1990 representations of growing up in the Third Reich within German culture.

19 Macgregor (2016) in “The Symphony in 1933” states that 1933, the year in which

Hitler took power and the reached its peak, was politically and economically fraught, concentrating social questions that intersect with symphonic issues about power, self-hood, space, and mass audiences. It is also a neglected year within symphonic surveys. The thesis combines archival work and hermeneutic perspectives to foreground those social and political discourses historically associated with the genre.

Magee’s (1991) work “The British Government, the Last Weimar Governments and the Rise of Hitler, 1929-1933” is an attempt to understand the link between the

British Government as well as the last Weimar Government with regards to Hitler’s rise in Germany.

In Manning’s (2009) view, Hitler is generally perceived as one of the most evil men to ever have lived and it is important to understand how Adolf Hitler achieved what he thought to be a success at such a great level. These ideas are expressed in the respective work “The Rise of in Germany: Adolf Hitler's Rise to Power”.

Mcconal (1982) in ‘How Hitler Controlled the Press” argues about the strategies employed by Adolf Hitler with regards to the absolute control of the press in Germany.

Mcgaha (2002) has regarded Adolf Hitler as an evil in his work “Setting the Demon Free:

Karl Haushofer, , the Society and Hitler in Munich, 1918-1920”.

Mcguire (1975) in “Mythic Rhetoric: A Case Study of Adolf Hitler's 'Mein

Kempf'” has elaborated Hitler’s rhetoric in his work ‘Mein Kampf’. Mcnally’s (2009) study “Tracing Hitler, the Rise of Nazism and the : Observations from the

20 Cape Times, 1933-1945” intends to look at the Cape Times’ coverage and editorial response to the Nazi regime from its rise to power in early 1933 to its demise in 1945.

In “Early Twentieth Century Youth Movements, Nature and Community in Britain and Germany” Mertens (2000) has highlighted the role of youth movements in Britain and Germany, especially Hitler-Jugend (Hitler’s Youth). Miller (2016) in “The Duality of the Hitler Youth: Ideological and Premilitary Education” has researched on the ideological indoctrination of youth during Hitler’s rise in Germany.

Miller (1974) has focused on the splinter parties of the left-wing in the Weimar

Republic in his work “Left-Wing Splinter Parties in the Weimar Republic”. Niven (1956) in “Facing the Nazi Past: United Germany and the Legacy of the Third Reich” has highlighted the psychological aspects of national socialism, especially from 1933 onwards. In “The National Socialist Fuhrerprinzip and its Background in German

Thought”. Nova (1943) believes that Fuhrerprinzip has its deep roots in German history.

Overy’s (2001) asserts that Gramsci theory encompassing the rise of Hitler differs from those of other Marxists inside and outside the Comintern for two reasons: firstly, his assimilation of concepts of non-Marxist origin such as Weber’s concept of the charismatic leader and Sorel's concept of the historical bloc; secondly, his rethinking from its Hegelian origins of itself, which enables him to conceptualize aspects of the German crisis neglected by other Marxists, notably the historic crisis of the traditional intellectuals, the counter revolutionary effects of civil society, and the role of the bureaucratic caste.

21 In Gramsci's interpretation, Hitler comes to power in the context of a crisis of hegemony marked by the breakdown of the 'ruling ideas'. The traditional intellectuals,

Prussian nobles, were unable to provide leadership in politics or culture. Despite the catastrophic nature of the economic crisis after 1929, it does not develop into a revolutionary situation because of the resistance presented by the superstructures of civil society (private armies, newspaper concentrations, and other elements), a complex network of 'trenches' which make up the ideological front of the dominant class.

The crisis is solved by the transformation of traditional into through the sudden appearance of a "man of destiny". The charisma of Hitler depends on reinventing tradition, a process most visible in the 'symbiotic' dependence of parties and ideologies of the German right. These ideas are reflected in his work “Gramsci and the

German Crisis, 1929-34: A Historical interpretation of the Prison Notebooks”.

Petrov (1993) in “The Use of Music as Propaganda in the Consolidation of the totalitarian States under Hitler and Stalin” studies the way music has been used for the purpose of Nazi propaganda by Hitler in Germany, and for communist propaganda by

Stalin in the . He also examines the effect of the policies of Hitler and Stalin towards the arts had on individual musicians and composers.

Power (1960) has critically analyzed Hitler’s book ‘Mein Kampf’ in his work

“Revolution, Power, and the Liberal Democratic State: An Analysis of Hitler's Mein

Kampf”. While, Reynolds (2007) has analyzed Hitler's rhetoric during his rise in “The influential Words of a Dictator: An Analysis of Hitler's Rhetoric During His Rise to

Power”.

22 According to Robertson (2016), between 1933 and 1945, under the leadership of

Adolf Hitler, the National Socialist Party was able to establish a totalitarian government in Germany and its occupied territories. He has worked on children’s literature as an ideological tool in Germany during Hitler’s rise in his research “Children of the Volk:

Children's Literature as an Ideological Tool in National Socialist Germany”.

Rupprecht’s (1982) work has been carried on Hitler-Jugend (Hitler Youth) in

Germany during 1933-1945 in “Ideology and Socialization in the Pre-War Hitler Youth”.

Safranski (1998) propounds that Martin Heidegger (elected rector of the University of

Freiburg) made a pact with the devil of his time, Adolf Hitler. His work is entitled

“Martin Heidegger: Between Good and Evil”.

In Saunder’s (1940) view, the story of the rise and fall of the German woman abounds with interest to those who understand her battle for emancipation from traditional bondage. In the earliest days, her life was one of semi-slavery and subjugation to domestic duties. The world war added new and heavy responsibilities; the organization of the Weimar Republic brought new-found freedom. But, Hitler's regime meant a return to subjugation. Saunder’s study “The Status of the German Woman from 1871 to 1938” is a brief resume of her journey.

Sawyer’s (1936) “Hitler's Rise to Power” encompasses Hitler’s rise in Germany with respect to the Treaty of Versailles and Great Depression. While, Schmeller (1975) has highlighted Hitler’s understanding of the significance of history in “Hitler's View of

History”.

23 Schoenbaum (1966) asserts that the Third Reich was in fact, a sort of social revolution. He has elaborated class and status system in Germany after Hitler assumed chancellorship, i.e. 1933 and before his attack on Poland in 1939 in “Hitler's Social

Revolution: Class and Status in , 1933-1939”.

Shockley (2001) in “A Match Made in Heaven or Hell: Historians Debate the

Influence of Richard Wagner on Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich” has inquired into the influence of Richard Wagner on Hitler.

In “Hitler and the Strasser Challenge, 1925-1926” Smith (1960) has focused on the struggle between Hitler and Otto & for the leadership of

Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter-Partei (NSDAP).

In this exploratory study “Hitler was a Silly: Learning History in Historical

Multiplayer First Person Shooter Communities”, Spelt (2016) has tried to explain what and how gamers learn about the Second World War in World War II multiplayer fps gaming communities.

Stachura’s (1971) research is on ‘Hitler Youth’ during 1930-1933 in “The

Development and Organisation of the Hitler Youth, 1930-1933”. In “ and the Press: Ideological Justification Used by Hitler, Peron, and Castro to Control News

Media”.

Steinberg (1949) has discussed press control strategies used by Hitler, Juan

Domingo Peron (the former President of ) and Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz

(former Prime Minister of Cuba).

24 In “Nietzsche, Hitler’s Rhetoric, and the Appeal of the National Socialist

Movement”, Steinhoff (1973) claims that Nietzsche had an influence on Hitler’s rhetoric.

Stoakes (1983) “The Evolution of Nazi Ideas on foreign Policy, 1919-28, with Particular

Reference to Adolf Hitler” is a work of Hitler’s foreign policy during his rise in

Germany.

According to Taylor (1964) “Hitler and the Churches, 1933-1939”, seeking to win the nation’s youth, Hitler found himself in conflict with orthodox faith, but he knew that, if the party was permanently to dominate Germany, would have to be eliminated.

According to Viereck (1941), metapolitical activity is related to but excludes direct political activity (party politics, electoral events, political campaigning, etc.). It aims to influence politics and politicians as an end result, but not by working through politics. These ideas are expressed in his discourse “Metapolitics from the Romantics to

Hitler”.

Waddington (2004) “Confronting the '': Ideology, Diplomacy and

Propaganda in Hitler's Crusade Against International Bolshevism, 1919-1943” is based on Hitler's struggle against the .

Wailes-Fairbairn (1990) has compared Hitler and Napoleon Bonaparte with respect to the German perception of greatness in “Alexander the Great: A Case Study in

German Attitudes to Greatness Between Napoleon and Hitler”.

25 White’s (1994) dissertation “Glorification of the Mother: From Bachofen to Hitler” is a study of Johann Jakob Bachofen's matriarchal theory of social origins, its revival in

1920s Germany, and the Nazi regime’s glorification of motherhood.

1.9.2 Researches in German

Berglund’s (1972) work mainly focuses aspects dealing with the German opposition to Adolf Hitler in the press under the title, “Deutsche Opposition gegen Hitler in Presse und Roman des Exils: Eine Darstellung und ein Vergleich mit der Historischen

Wirklichkeit” [German Opposition to Hitler in the Press and Novel of Exile: A

Representation and Comparison with Historical Reality].

Damm (2013) in “Die Rezeption des Italienischen Faschismus in der Weimarer

Republik” [The Reception of in the Weimar Republic] has carried out research on the Weimar Republic’s era (1919-1933) with reference to the reception of

Mussolini’s doctrine of Fascism.

Dube (2004) research is concentrated on the religious speeches of Hitler after assuming the German chancellorship. The respective work is entitled, “Religiose Sprache in Reden Adolf Hitlers: Analysiert an Hand Ausgewahlter Reden aus den Jahren 1933-

1945” [Religious Speech in Speeches by Adolf Hitler: Analyzed on the Basis of Selected

Speeches from the Years 1933-1945].

In “Die Sprache als Propagandainstrument in der Publizistik des Dritten Reiches,

Untersucht an Hitlers "Mein Kampf" und den Kriegsjahrgangen des "Volkischen

Beobachter" [The Language as a Propaganda Instrument in Journalism of the Third

Reich, Examined in Hitler's "Mein Kampf" and the War Years of the "Volkischer

26 Beobachter"], Frind (1964) has highlighted the role of language in propaganda with reference to Volkischer Beobachter (Volkisch Observer). It was the NSDAP’s weekly newspaper from 1920, and from 8th February, 1923 it was published daily. It formed part of the official public face of the Nazi Party for around twenty-five consecutive years.

At the center of Gessner’s (2010) work is the investigation of the charismatic relationship between Hitler and the Germans. The encompassing questions were examined by means of a content analysis of the diaries of two supporters and two opponents of Hitler. The diaries provide a glimpse of how the diarist view Hitler’s leadership. These ideas are expressed in Gessner’s (2010) work, “Hitler und die

Deutschen - Eine Charismatische Beziehung? : Eine Inhaltsanalyse der Tagebucher von

Hitlers Anhangern und Gegnern” [Hitler and the Germans - A Charismatic Relationship?

: A Content Analysis of the Diaries of Hitler's Supporters and Opponents].

Grebner’s (2004) has examined the initial years of Adolf Hitler’s life in the First

World War till 1920 in “Der Gefreite Adolf Hitler 1914-1920: Die Darstellung

Bayerischer Beziehungsnetzwerke” [The Private Adolf Hitler 1914-1920: The

Representation of Bavarian Relationship Networks].

The political foundations in Hitler's writings, speeches, as well as discussions are analyzed with regard to his conception of state and law. These notions are propounded in

Heisig’s (1965) work, “Die Politischen Grundlagen in Hitlers Schriften, Reden und

Gesprachen im Hinblick auf seine Auffassung von Staat und Recht” [The Political

Foundations in Hitler's Writings, Speeches and Discussions with Regard to His

Conception of State and Law].

27 In Horn’s (1970) view, the leadership ideology of Hitler had a direct link with the

NSDAP’s organization. These ideas are well represented in “Fuhrerideologie und

Parteiorganisation in der NSDAP (1919-1933)” [Leadership Ideology and Party

Organization in the NSDAP (1919-1933)].

Judge (2010) pursued research on the journalistic career of Joseph Goebbels (who later served as the Reich Minister of Propaganda) in “Joseph Goebbels, der Journalist:

Darstellung Seines Publizistischen Werdegangs 1923 bis 1933” [Joseph Goebbels, the

Journalist: Presentation of His Journalistic Career 1923 to 1933].

Nitz (2010) has compared Hitler with Mussolini in “Fuhrer und : Politische

Machtinszenierungen im Nationalsozialistischen Deutschland und im Faschistischen

Italien” [Fuhrer and Duce: Political Power Stagings in National Socialist Germany and

Fascist ].

The core of Ocken’s (1946) research is to shed light on the rise of the NSDAP in the state of Thuringia and the political developments and processes that ultimately turned

Thuringia into a ‘model district’. The work is entitled, “Hitlers "Braune Hochburg": Der

Aufstieg der NSDAP im Land (1920-1933)” [Hitler's "Brown Stronghold": The Rise of the NSDAP in the Country (1920-1933)] .

Pfeifer’s (1966) work encompasses the portrayal of Hitler in conservative newspapers from 1929 till 1933 in “Das Hitlerbild im Spiegel Einiger Konservativer

Zeitungen in den Jahren 1929-1933” [The Hitler Picture in the Mirror of Some

Conservative Newspapers in the Years 1929-1933].

28 According to Raichle (2013), can occur in various media including, acronyms, banners, flags, mottoes, pictures, etc. The researcher has explored these aspects with regard to Adolf Hitler in “Hitler als Symbolpolitiker” [Hitler as Symbol

Politician].

Ronge (2009) claims that, an art-scientific investigation of the Fuhrer and functionary iconography in the Third Reich did not exist till date. The respective work, i.e., “Das Bild des Herrschers in Malerei und Grafik des Nationalsozialismus: Eine

Untersuchung zur Ikonografie von Fuhrer- und Funktionarsbildern im Dritten Reich

[The Image of the Ruler in Painting and Graphics of National Socialism: A Study on the

Iconography of Leaders and Officials in the Third Reich] deals in detail with the cult of images.

Schirrmacher (2007) has explored the facets of Hitler’s religious ideology and his perception of God under the tittle, “Hitlers Kriegsreligion: Die Verankerung der

Weltanschauung Hitlers in Seiner Religiosen Begrifflichket und Seinem Gottesbild”

[Hitler's Military Religion: Anchoring Hitler's Ideology in His Religious Terminology and His Image of God].

The National Socialist foreign policy during 1919-1923 in the Weimar Republic is examined in “Die Anfange der Nationalsozialistischen Aussenpolitik, 1919-1923” [The

Beginnings of National Socialist Foreign Policy, 1919-1923] by Schubert (1960).

In “, vom Hitlerjungen zum Reichsjugendfuhrer der NSDAP: Eine

Nationalsozialistische Karriere” [Artur Axmann, from the Hitler Youth to the Reich

Youth Leader of the NSDAP: A National Socialist Career], Scissors (1994) has probed

29 into the career of Artur Axmann (the Reich youth leader of the NSDAP) and his relation with Hitler.

Sommersberg (2005) has investigated Hitler’s myth with reference to the West

German Observer Euskirchen in “Der Hitler-Mythos im Westdeutschen Beobachter:

Euskirchen im Dritten Reich” [The Hitler Myth in the West German Observer:

Euskirchen in the Third Reich].

Sowerby’s (1988) thesis “Das Drama der Weimarer Republik und der Aufstieg des National Sozialismus: Der Feind Steht Rechts” [The drama of the Weimar Republic and the Rise of National Socialism: The Enemy is Right] examines plays written in the period from 1923 to 1933, whose subject matter is the rise of right wing radical forces and ultimately the rise of Hitler.

According to Sowerby (1988), the rise of Hitler is largely seen as the culmination of an active counter-revolutionary movement starting the day the Republic was created.

The driving force behind counter-revolution and National Socialism is seen as economic interests, specifically of former privileged social groups and industry. Those plays which acknowledge a mass following of National Socialism see it again as motivated by economic considerations. On the whole, both Hitler as Fuhrer and National Socialism as a mass movement were underestimated. The inability of the Weimar Republic to create a just economic climate and democratically orientated institutions, specifically in the judiciary and the army, are seen as factors contributing to the rise of Hitler.

30 Stoverock’s (2013) work, “Musik in der Hitlerjugend: Organisation,

Entwicklung, Kontexte” [Music in the Hitler Youth: Organization, Development,

Contexts] focuses the impact of the use of music in Hitler-Jugend (Hitler Youth).

Thoss (1976) in “Der Ludendorff-Kreis 1919-1923: Munchen als Zentrum der

Mitteleuropaischen Gegenrevolution Zwischen Revolution und Hitler-Putsch” [The

Ludendorff Circle 1919-1923: Munich as the Center of the Central European

Counterrevolution between Revolution and Hitler Coup] has researched the causes of the failure of the Beer Hall Putsch of 1923 and the significance of Munich’s counterrevolution narrative.

Hitler’s self-image between 1919 and 1924 and the development of the NSDAP is focused in Tyrell’s (1975) work, “Vom Schlagzeuger zum Fuhrer: Die Transformation von Hitlers Selbstverstandnis Zwischen 1919 und 1924 und die Entwicklung der NSDAP”

[From Drummer to Leader: The Transformation of Hitler's Self-Image between 1919 and

1924 and the Development of NSDAP].

The opposition faced by Adolf Hitler from Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands

(Communist Party of Germany) which was a major political party in Germany between

1918 and 1933 is elaborated in great detail by Wood (2014) in “Kommunisten Gegen

Hitler und Stalin: Die Linke Opposition der KPD in der Weimarer Republik: Eine

Gesamtdarstellung” [Communists Against Hitler and Stalin: The Left-Wing Opposition of the KPD in the Weimar Republic: An Overall Presentation].

1.10 Gaps in Previous Researches

31 Past researches have mainly focused on , Hitler’s political administration, his military decisions, conspiracies, propaganda as well as strategies, art in Hitler’s regime, Hitler’s rhetoric, his socialization, influences on Hitler, portrayal of

Hitler in movies, international relations of Germany during and after the inter-war period,

Hitler’s self-image as well as the image in the local and foreign press; Hitler’s role, rivalry, and support in NSDAP, his leadership traits, religious and economic views, etc.

Most of the past researches have even depicted Hitler as a psychopath, evil, and an imbecile.

1.11 Focus of the Study

Out of the limited researches conducted on the rise of Adolf Hitler have focused only on a single or few aspects that facilitated his eventual rise in Germany. No research has fully addressed his rise in a comprehensive manner, i.e., by taking into consideration all possible as well as relevant factors. Therefore, the focus of the respective study is carefully derived after analyzing these gaps.

1.12 Research Methodology

The respective sociological study is qualitative in its very nature, and the research type is exploratory. As this study employs historical and analytical approach, therefore, primary as well as secondary academic sources have been used, i.e., books, diaries, encyclopedias, essays, memoirs, pamphlets, speeches, journals, newspapers, and websites.

32

Chapter 2 Sociological and

Psychological Theories

33 2.1 Society and Culture

A society can be defined as a group of individuals who share a common sociocultural and socioeconomic background. It is often characterized by some social networks, as these form an integral part, and are defined as the patterns of relationships between individuals.

The human infant is gradually molded into a social being and learns the respective social ways. Without this process of molding, the society could not continue itself, nor could culture exist, nor could the individual become a person. This process of molding is called ‘socialization’.

Society also plays a vital role in an individual’s life. Society has numerous roles to play some of these prominent spheres are enlisted:

1. Social responsibility

2. Economical responsibility

3. Political responsibility

4. Religious responsibility

5. Educational responsibility

Numerous factors contribute in the process of development; social context or culture is one such important factor, which plays a significant role in this process.

Therefore, society and culture by which we are surrounded have a great impact on our personality development. There are different cultures in the world and these cultures possess their very own set of norms, values, as well as belief systems, and they also have a vital impact in the identity formation process.

34 2.2 Culture

The notion ‘culture’ refers to the customs, ideas, as well as beliefs which people accept and share in any society. Though, it is a very simple definition of such a complex phenomenon; but, it helps to understand it on a very initial level. Few of its considerable aspects may include:

1. In every society, there exists a very close connection between the people and

culture.

2. There is a mean (i.e., a medium) through which individuals share their culture.

3. Customs, beliefs, and ideas, which are not accepted and shared cannot be

regarded as their culture (of those people or society).

4. Culture works like ‘glue’ because it binds individuals together.

A missing aspect of this definition is the ‘action’ of the respective individuals that materialize their accepted and shared customs, beliefs, as well as ideas. Porter, Samovar, and Stefani (1998), claim to cover culture in a much broader way. In their view, culture is the deposit of different things; like, actions, artifacts, attitudes, beliefs, experience, knowledge, meanings, relationships, religion, roles, social , and values, acquired by individuals in their lives (as cited in Lund, 2006, p. 26).

This definition of culture covers almost all pertinent aspects encompassing the social life. Therefore, culture in its very sense is shared by the members of a particular community, i.e., people differ from one another in terms of their very own culture (ibid.).

Culture is not only an abstract phenomenon (i.e., connected with values, beliefs,

35 meanings, experience, knowledge, etc.), but also a concrete aspect (i.e., connected with roles, attitudes, artifacts, actions, etc.).

Street (1993) has also dealt with the respective notion in an almost similar manner. While, other regard culture as being static, Street views ‘culture’ from a new perspective, i.e., culture as being a verb. He does not regard culture as possessing some specific characteristics, but is of the view that it should never be regarded as a noun (i.e., dance, language, etc.). In his view, culture is functional, i.e., a specific dance, whether it is historical or mythical or, and might represent any specific tale.

Kramsch (1997) argues that, culture to an extent is opposite to human nature and the evolution process. He states that, the notion ‘nature’ refers to what is born and has grown organically; culture on the other hand refers to what has been groomed. Thus, the notion of culture evokes the nature vs. nurture debate. It has been indicated by this definition that, culture is not a natural phenomenon, as its very roots are in social paradigm, i.e., it is a constructed aspect. The phenomenon regarding the acquisition as well as the dissemination of culture is much more complex. Culture is shared through the process of socialization, and it is groomed through various social institutions via formal and informal mediums. That is why, Kramsch (1997, p. 4) claims that, “I could have been you and you could have been me, given different circumstances.”

Lakoff and Johnson (1980) compare culture with a mental model of people in a particular community through which they live, understand, and see the respective world around them. While, the ways of acting and seeing the world are different in Zubair’s

(2007) view, because sociocultural groups have different sociocultural practices as well as discourses. Therefore, the way these practices and discourses are looked and defined may

36 vary. Gee (1999) refers to these distinctive sociocultural practices as ‘mental model’ or

‘cultural models’; which works like a framework in a community, because individuals identify as well as differentiate themselves from the others according to their own view.

The concepts of ‘cultural’ or ‘mental’ models can also be compared to Hofstede’s

(1991) interpretation of culture, as being ‘the software of the human mind’:

“…the shared and accepted rules that tells us how to behave and act within a particular group. Culture becomes a perceptual lens through which we see and make sense of the outside world.” (as quoted in Lund, 2006, pp. 26-27)

2.2.1 Defining Culture

Culture is generally defined as a set of beliefs, habits as well as diversified traditions. It is shared by a group of individuals, and is often learned by new members joining that group (Kroeber and Kluckhohn, 1952). Contemporary cultural theorists have adopted the Kroeber and Kluckhohn theme to elaborate the national culture as being the individual’s way of life. Romani (2004, p. 142), is much closer to Margaret Mead, who defines culture as the “…shared patterns of human behavior.” (Mead, 1963, p. 17).

Behind her idea regarding the ‘shared’ patterns of behavior lies the assumption that, culture is explicit, and thus it can be comprehended via observation.

Schneider and Barsoux (2003, p. 21) believe that, empirical behavior may not always reflect the true essence of human conduct; and thus for its complete understanding only observing an individual’s behavior is inadequate. For them, one of the most significant aspects is the notion ‘behavior’, since very same behavior might have distinct meanings and vice versa.

37 With this stance, they agree with Trompenaars (1994, p. 31) who argues that, culture is beyond a visible behavior, and is a mutual structure of explanations, dictates exactly what we focus on, precisely how we behave and also exactly what we care about.

Thus, contrary to Mead (1963), Trompenaars (1994) stresses on an implicit perspective

(values) of culture like Clifford Geertz (1973, p. 21), an anthropologist who views culture as being a system of collective meaning.

This implicit perspective of culture is partly shared by a Dutch psychologist,

Geert Hofstede. Hofstede (2003, p. 5) views culture as being the mutual programming of the human mind and it differentiates the individuals of a single group from the other. It also classifies the individuals of another culture, via the value system.

Hofstede (2003) adopts a more ‘holistic’ (implicit as well as explicit) perspective of culture like Kroeber and Parsons (1958, p. 583), who illustrate culture in the form of a transmitted as well as a produced content, and designs of values, concepts, together with other meaningful (i.e., symbolic) mechanisms as components in the framing of behavior; and pertinent artifacts constructed with the aid of such behavior.

Anyhow, Harry C. Triandis (1993) states that, a culture is actually any group’s technique for existence, in addition to it comprises the effective endeavor to conform to the exterior environment in a particular society. Quite close to Triandis, but with a slightly different perspective, Hamza H. Alavi, a Pakistani anthropologist, views culture as a synthesis of the existing social facts as well as group choices (Alavi, 1972, p. 34).

The above paragraph has highlighted the prominent role of individuals, while depicting that individuals are not mere recipients of culture; however, they are available to be transformed in the event that more efficient strategies to complications are crucial

38 as discussed by Trompenaars (1994, p. 28); so, an individual can be a contributor to the existing culture. Alavi (1973), Trompenaars (1994), and Hofstede’s (2003) perspective is similar as they view human personality as being the result of an interplay between human nature and the existing culture (Hofstede, 2003, p. 5). Hofstede has developed a model to depict the relationship between human personality and culture. He declares an individual’s personality as being a combination of partially inherited and learned traits.

Hofstede further explains that, every individual learns culture (collective phenomenon) through his unique inherited traits and by developing a unique personality (which one does not share with any other person) he contributes to culture (ibid. p. 6).

Considering these arguments, culture can be taken as ‘a dynamic and fluid concept’ as depicted by Yang (2003, p. 2). In consistency with this perspective ‘culture’, in the realm of this research, is considered as a complex system of values, norms, and behavior resultant of various material, social, and psychological factors which are learnt and changed by the individual/group of individuals due to its (culture) dialectical nature.

It will be very helpful if the meanings of the word ‘’ are clearly understood at this juncture of discussion; because, generally the term dialectic is interchangeably used and confused with ‘dualism’. Papa, Singhal, and W.H. Papa (2006, p. 43) have differentiated dialectic from dualism, and clarifies:

“Dualisms are binary opposites, whereas dialectic perspective focuses on the simultaneous existence of each force and the tensions that exist between opposing forces.”

It means that dualism is a narrow phenomenon, whereas dialecticism is more

‘holistic’ and flexible in nature. Anyhow, in the context of this research, by dialectical nature of culture means that culture is a flexible phenomenon which not only influences

39 its followers’ personalities, but is also influenced by them. In line with this argument, culture is ever changing and cultural change is a normal phenomenon. However, the phenomenon of cultural change is different in different societies, because in every culture various social phenomena like, associations, influence, ingenuity, etc. are experienced in numerous ways (Trompenaars 1994, p. 3).

The culture not only yields significant ‘shared meanings’ but, also creates different solutions to the widespread problems of humanity; which in reality differentiate any specific culture from the remainder (ibid. p. 28). In intercultural interaction, the differences among various national cultures can be encountered at values and norms

(implicit); and behavior (explicit) levels (Romani, 2004, p. 149). Values are viewpoints regarding what are desirable, norms exhibit what is actually regarded as being acceptable in a particular society; however, behavior is any specific type of an individual’s action.

Contemporary theories regarding culture rest on the very premises of ‘implicit differences’ among the national culture (ibid. p. 149). One particular model utilized by various scholars to examine the implicit culture by variations is the ‘onion model of culture’. Hofstede and Trompenaars have elaborated this model from a different perspective. To highlight the role of hidden culture, Hofstede (2003, p. 9) has claimed that, values are the core of culture; while, in Trompenaars (1994, p. 23) view, it is the middle layer of culture. In his view, the norms are mutually acceptable standards, while values are shared ‘ideals’, i.e., it defines the right and wrong in any society.

Therefore, values and norms are closely interrelated, and the relative cultural stability exists when, “norms of a specific group reflect the values of that respective group” (ibid. p. 23). By inferring on the ‘shared assumptions’ as being the core of culture,

40 Trompenaars has persuasively defined the intrigue of why different societies select different parameters and definitions regarding the good and bad. He states that, the basic differences in values between cultures are because of the different ‘assumptions’ with regards to the existence (ibid. p. 24).

Different societies have different logics of existence due to their unique natural setting. It can rightly be concluded that values and ‘shared assumptions’ create lines of fractions between the various cultures.

2.2.2 Role of Culture

Culture has definitely an enormous influence on every facet of human life, i.e., from preferences, values, beliefs, actions, and even worldviews. Various scholars have elaborated culture in their own ways. The world is indeed a combination of various cultures, and each plays its role in identity formation of an individual. Different cultures have a different understanding and interpretation of the notion ‘identity’.

Cultural variations, i.e., the difference in beliefs, customs, norms, value system, etc. have a direct effect on personality development. Culture is not static, as it is a dynamic phenomenon, because it constantly changes with the individual’s need and the passage of time. Culture is used to define the context of an individual’s behavior. The respective variety that exists in the world’s cultures makes it hard to draw the lines between two cultures of any specific region (Gillani, 1994).

Culture facilitates human life and equips an individual for coping with any problems. Individuals learn these ways through the spectacles of a particular culture that is prevalent in society. Despite the fact, that there are numerous resemblances among

41 individuals from various cultures, and there also exist differences within the same group that lives in a society. Therefore, it can be said that, culture is actually a psychosocial construct and is directly linked to sharing phenomena like, attitudes, beliefs, relationships, and values.

In its simplest sense, culture is the compound of everlasting human behavior, notions, viewpoints as well as societal customs shared by an extensive group of individuals, and it is transmitted from one generation to the subsequent (Wade & Tavris,

1998). Researchers like, Cole (1990); Shweder (1990); Lonner and Malpass (1994); agree that, culture is a package of collective guidelines that control the behavior of individuals of any community.

They also claimed that, it is a collection of values, beliefs, as well as viewpoints shared by the majority of the members of any particular community. They are also of the view that, cultures include a set of rules, passed from one generation to the other.

2.3 Culture Dimensions and Variability

Culture in its very sense is definitely a complex concept, and for operational understanding it can be split up into its various dimensions (Yang, 2003, p. 6), which are referred to as the components, and simply cannot be further subdivided (Bollen, 1989, p.

180).

Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961) have suggested six cultural orientations on the basis of which culture can be differentiated:

1. Activity

2. Human nature

42 3. Relation to the external environment

4. Relationships among individuals

5. Space

6. Time

Other anthropologists like, Edward Twitchell Hall and Mildred Reed Hall (1990) identify time, space, meanings, and information flow as basic cultural dimensions. While,

Harris and Moran (2000) have pointed out these enlisted characteristics that serve as the basics of any culture:

1. Appearance and Dress

2. Attitudes and Beliefs

3. Food

4. Language and Communication

5. Mental process and Learning

6. Norms and Values

7. Relationships

8. Sense of self and Space

9. Time and Time consciousness

10. Work practices and Habits

A few of these features, for instance, the association with nature as well as with the individuals or even time is likewise highlighted by Schein (1985), Hofstede (1991),

Trompenaars (1994), and Adler (2002). Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961); and Schein

(1985) have emphasized on the significance of human nature. Hall (1990); and Adler

(2002) have examined space; while, Hall (1990) describes language as being a significant

43 feature of the culture. Actually, different theorists have stressed upon the different aspects of culture.

Hofstede (1980) has studied cultures within the restrictions of their national boundaries, while in contrast; cultural territories might not always correspond with that of a state. As a reaction to criticism, Hofstede (2008) acknowledged that nations are not the ideal models of examining cultures. Anyhow, he pointed out that researchers do not have any other choice as boundaries of different cultures cannot easily be determined

(Hofstede, 2008, p. 1).

2.3.1 Hall’s Theory of Cultural Dimensions

An American anthropologist, Edward T. Hall (1959) asserts culture as being communication (Hall and Hall, 1990, p. 3). He has investigated three foundational structures of human communication:

1. Language

2. Space

3. Time

In their view, language serves as a communication tool. On this particular assumption, they differentiate cultures on the foundation of the method of communication, i.e., from ‘high-context’ to ‘low-context’. Where the ‘high context’ culture is dependent upon the non-verbal behavior as well as external environment

(Mead, 1998, p. 29). While, in ‘low-context’ cultures, communication is explicit and clear (Schneider & Barsoux, 2003, p. 44).

44 ‘Space’ is one of the significant dimensions of culture as identified by Edward T.

Hall (1966, p. 10). He identifies that, it possesses a ‘boundary’ and elaborates that, each and every living thing has a respective boundary (i.e., its epidermis or skin) which keeps it separate from the outside world, i.e., outside surroundings, and even this observable boundary is encompassed by a chain of invisible boundaries that are considerably more challenging to determine, but are possible. These other boundaries start with the person's private area (i.e., personal space) and terminate with his territorial space.

The above mention paragraph identifies two types of spaces:

1. Territorial space

2. Personal space

Territorial is physical space. Hall states that, space displays power and potential; for instance, the specific location of workplaces of the leaders. As, even in contemporary

Western societies, the ideal workplaces could possibly be those in the corner area, encircled with walls, and even those situated on the topmost floors. While, personal space is yet another type of territorial space, and Hall (ibid. p. 11) explains it as being an unseen air bubble that encompasses every person and which broadens as well as shrinks according to a wide variety of aspects:

1. The association to individuals in close proximity.

2. The person’s psychological state.

3. Social background, as well as the task being carried out.

Time is the third basic constituent of culture in Hall’s view. He argues that, two systems regarding time has evolved out of history:

45 1. Time as communication

2. Time as system

Two types of time system which are directly pertinent according to Hall and Hall

(1990, p. 13) are:

1. Monochronic time (performing a single task at a time)

2. Polychronic time (multiple tasks at a time)

On this premise, he has divided the world cultures into two types:

1. Monochronic cultures

2. Polychronic cultures

Monochronic cultures emphasize on performing one task at any given time; agendas take on a preference above anything else, setting preferences is essential, individuals dislike to be disrupted, and also prominence is set on punctuality to the optimum level. On the contrary, polychronic cultures stress on doing multiple tasks simultaneously and human interactions are prioritized on holding schedules. Hall and

Hall have also further differentiated monochronic and polychronic cultures on the basis of relationship with individuals, past and future orientation, and information processing

(ibid. pp. 16-18).

2.3.2 Trompenaars’ Theory of Cultural Dimensions

Like Hofstede (2003), Trompenaars (1994) has also compared cultures on the basis of their constituents. In his view, every culture has to face several universal problems. He has classified it into three broad categories:

46 1. Passage of time

2. Relation to the environment

3. Social interaction

These above-cited problems disclose the seven dimensions of culture:

1. Achievement vs. Ascription

2. vs. Communitarianism

3. Internal direction vs. Outer direction

4. Neutral vs. Emotional

5. Sequential time vs. Synchronic time

6. Specific vs. Diffuse

7. Universalism vs. Particularism

(Trompenaars, 1994, pp. 25-28).

On the seven dimensions presented by Trompenaars (1994), Romani (2004, p.

151) has pointed out that these dimensions are an adaptation of the works of Parsons and

Shils (1951); Hall (1959); and Rotter (1966).

Hence, it can be inferred that Trompenaars has learnt the lessons from others and then replicated these ideas to solve the respective problems. For instance, the dimension of

‘Neutral’ versus ‘Emotional’ is basically centered on the expression or feelings in a particular situation. Trompenaars (1994) ‘Individualism’ as compared with ‘Communitarianism’ is identical to Hofstede’s dimension of ‘Individualism and ’. The last but not the least, cultural dimension presented by Trompenaars is ‘Internal direction’ versus ‘Outer

47 direction’. This dimension is created on the differences found in the attitude to the environment. In some cultures, the center of power is within individuals; whereas, the others believe on vice versa (ibid. p. 10). As, cultures differ in their approaches to cope up with the existing environments.

Generally, cultural components presented by Hofstede (Social psychologist) and

Trompenaars (Cross cultural consultant) seem similar, though the approach is completely different. Romani (2004) strongly comments that,

“Trompenaars and Hofstede hold different conceptions of what the essence of culture is; as Hofstede [2003] highlights on the values as core of culture; whereas,

Trompenaars focuses on the meanings in the core of culture.” (Romani, 2004, p. 155)

Joseph Shaules (2007) supports Romani (2004), and states that Hofstede (2003) insists on culture residing within an individual; whereas, Trompenaars (1994), Hampden-

Turner (2007) put more emphasis on the very aspect of cultural values including logics as underlying means of social interaction (Shaules, 2007, p. 127).

The analysis of the above content reflects that Shaules (2007) believes in the value of embedded logic (deep cultures) as systematic tools to comprehend the culture and behaviors. In this way, Shaules (2007) stands close to Trompenaars (1994);

Trompenaars and Turner (1997); and supports their respective perspective.

However, the approach to study cultural differences through its constituents (deep culture) is criticized for its less holistic, and quantitative methodology, which overlooks various essential aspects of culture and cause the ‘fundamental attribution error’ (Nisbett,

2003, p. 123).

48 2.3.3 Hofstede’s Dimensions of Culture Variability

Geert Hofstede (1991) describes culture as being a mutual programming of the psyche, which differentiates the participants of a group from the other. It is usually a mutual phenomenon; however, it could be attached to distinct collectives. The term ‘culture’ is used for nations by politicians, for tribes by anthropologists, and for organizations by sociologists.

Hofstede is also well renowned for his focus on the six respective dimensions of cultural variability, generally known as the Hofstede’s Dimensions, which includes:

1. Power distance (regarding the various strategies to the fundamental issues of

disparity).

2. Uncertainty avoidance (regarding the degree of anxiety in a society in the

midst of an unspecified upcoming).

3. Individualism vs. Collectivism (regarding the incorporation of human beings

into primary groupings).

4. vs. Femininity (regarding the splitting of the psychological roles

between males and females).

5. Long term vs. Short term orientation (regarding the decision concerning

concentration for people’s endeavors).

6. Indulgence vs. Restraint (regarding the society’s role in either gratifying basic

human needs or suppressing them, via incorporating strict social norms).

According to Triandis, Brislin, and Hui, 1988; Hofstede, 1991, to study the social phenomenon across cultures, the dimension of ‘individualism’ vs. ‘collectivism’ is the most commonly used aspect.

49 2.4 Individualistic and Collectivist cultures

In an Individualistic culture, relationships between the individuals are loose; i.e., individuals are only supposed to take care of their immediate family members.

Collectivism is associated with cultures in which individuals from birth onwards are infused into solid, coherent groupings, which all the way through people’s longevity consistently guard these people in return for an unquestioning allegiance.

In Hofstede’s (1980) viewpoint, Individualist cultures give emphasis to:

1. Personal cognizance

2. Self-sufficiency

3. Psychological liberty

4. Personal initiative

5. Right to the seclusion

6. Enjoyment seeking

7. Financial stability

8. Necessity for particular companionship (as well as universalism).

While, Collectivist cultures however, emphasize on the following:

1. Sharing tasks and responsibilities.

2. Dependence on secure as well as irrevocable association.

3. Group decision, and consequently ‘particularism’.

50 Triandis (1995) is of the view that, Collectivist cultures emphasize the strict use of social norms. Social scripts as well as rules are very important, because people function more as a group, and the unit that is significant is the group, i.e., not the individual.

In Markus and Kitayama (1991) view, the ‘self’ is a self-contained, i.e., an independent entity. Self-identity is built on different aspects like, personal attitudes, values, beliefs, as well as preferences (Triandis, 1989). In Collectivist perspective, an individual’ role and position in the respective society define their self-identities (Triandis,

McCusker, & Hui, 1990; Trafimow & Davis, 1993).

According to Ho and Chiu (1994), Individualism is like a constellation of beliefs.

Triandis (1995) states that, there can be different forms of Individualism as well as

Collectivism in different societies.

In Individualist viewpoint, the of own is the focal objective. While, in the

Collectivist perspective, it is the welfare of the cluster, i.e., the respective group one belongs to. Triandis (1989) has identified the principles that differentiate Collectivist culture from individualistic culture:

1. Access to resources.

2. Allotment of responsibilities and social relations.

3. Humanitarian dimensions as well as political rights.

4. Power distribution.

51 2.5 Cultural Differences and Social Development Model

The study of culture and its components have grabbed the attention of various social science scholars, because for any existing society, cultural differences are known as being the premises for prosperity and growth (Parson, 1964, pp. 339-357; Roberts and

Hite, 2000, pp. 9-10). The role of cultural constituents as being the determinants regarding culture has enticed the consideration of numerous scholars as well as professionals in the vast field of ‘social change’.

In the era of 1930 and 1940, anthropologists for instance, Franz Boas (1928),

Ruth Benedict (1934), and Margaret Mead (1963), along with linguists like Edward Sapir

(1958), and Benjamin Lee Whorf (as cited in Carrol, 1956) claimed that traditions, social structures, spiritual procedures, as well as values observed worldwide are not merely distinct phases on a route towards ‘development’, but additionally are self-sustainable logical designs and systems (Shaules, 2007, p. 116). These particular intellectuals defined culture in the form of an effective binding force of collective suppositions, beliefs, and values, which is fairly stable.

Values are accrued earlier in the life span, from family members, school, as well as encompassing the neighborhood. While, practices are learned afterwards, i.e., when an individual begins working (Hofstede, 2003, p. 187). Hofstede further points out that, occupational values are learned in educational/training institutions and, “the time is in between childhood and adulthood.” (ibid. p. 182)

In this regard, a psychologist, Spencer A. Rathus, is of the view that, individuals can not only learn their environment, but they are also capable of altering and constructing

52 their respective environment (Rathus, 1990, p. 410). This perspective is further elaborated by an eminent intellectual, Albert Bandura (1977), with regards to the ‘social learning model’ of human behavior. He declares that, every individual and his surroundings work as interdependent units; and mutually interact to shape behavior

(Bandura, 1977, p. 9).

2.6 Culture and Identity styles

Human progression is holistic that takes place within numerous instances, which is usually bidirectional (Berger, 2001). Culture is among the utmost persuasive determinants of identification, since precisely how human beings behave is linked to their distinctive psychological and development with the political, environmental, sociological, as well as historic aspects in which they dwell. Thus, identities are formed by means of interpersonal communication with other individuals (Rockquemore & Laszloffy, 2003).

The social is relatively less stringent, and so individuals in an

Individualistic culture tend to be regarded as a lot more outspoken or even strenuous in a gathering, attempting to ascertain an identity diverse from the rest. Throughout the life, identity works as a significant dimension of personality, while culture has also an important role in the development of identity, psychological welfare of an individual, and self-determination throughout the life course (Triandis, 1995; 2001). Holland (2004) has also examined the way in which learning and culture helps in the formation of identity among individuals.

53 2.7 Identity: Nature and Theoretical Foundations

The notion ‘identity’ has turned out to be ‘core’ to a lot of people’s lives; particularly, as they quite simply cover the distance from childhood to adulthood. An adolescent spends several years wondering about himself, the purpose of life, values and goals, and to what extent he is different from the other individuals. From a variety of perspectives, i.e., developmental historical, and socio-cultural, scholars have attempted to understand the process of self-definition (Weigert & Teitge, 1986).

One of the primary psychologists to deal with the essential query of ‘self- definition’ is (1965). He stated that, an individual’s sense of ‘self’ results from the parental introjections in the course of the genesis of the ‘superego’, i.e., at the very end of the ‘Oedipal Conflict’ (Schwartz, 2001).

2.7.1 Erikson’s Identity Construct

It was the very first psychodynamic content of its type to shift identity formation beyond the early years of an individual’s life identifications and parental introjections.

Erikson (1950) in his work, Childhood and Society claimed that, the existence of self- selected identity constituents differentiate a human being from the rest. He was one amongst the various classic theorists, who ascertain a custom of identity theory. He differentiated identity from self. That is generally referred to as that part of the individual that experiences and understands realism (as cited in Harter, 1998); and self-concept, which is often identified as being one’s consciousness of the internal organization of exterior specific roles of conduct (as cited in Hormuth, 1990).

54 Erikson’s notion of the term ‘identity’ is multidimensional, as well as substantial in its very own extent and coverage. He has discussed moral, cognitive, and social, along with the cultural facets of identity. In fact, the likelihood is Erikson’s mission was to set up a sort of developmental, social approach comprising almost all levels of ‘self’, from the most intrapsychic ego disputes to the individual’s indulgence in a historical and cultural perspective.

2.7.2 Berzonsky’s Identity Styles Model

Berzonsky’s identity styles indicated the means by which humans approach the process of decision making, particularly regarding those choices which have considerable influence on their individual identities as well as life. Berzonsky (1990) claimed that personal identity is developed via interpersonal communication. Individuals are seen as self-theorists, who generate functioning models of their exterior world.

Berzonsky (1989) developed what he referred to as a genuine process model of

‘personal identity development’. To analyze the persistence together with individual variances in identity formation, he postulated three unique identity styles. According to him, an ‘identity style’ symbolizes a problem solving technique or a pertinent coping mechanism.

1. Informational style

An information style is referred to the one in which individuals actively assemble a feeling of identity by discovering, and in addition, analyzing self-related information before decision making and the formation of commitments. These people exhibit increased levels of cognitive intricacy, problem-focused coping, decisional vigilance, the

55 need for cognition, independence, as well as cognitive perseverance. As outlined by

Berzonsky (1990), these people are critical when it comes to their self-concept, ready to accept new and innovative facts, and thus prepared to rehearse facets of their very own identity when confronted with dissonant information regarding themselves.

2. Normative Style

They maintain stringently structured identity commitments, which they attempt to protect and sustain defensively (Berzonsky, 1990). These people are very committed, and hold a distinct presentiment toward a certain objective (Berzonsky & Kuk, 2000;

Berzonsky, 2003). These individuals exhibit higher levels of conscientiousness

(Dollinger, 1995; Duriez, Soenens, Beyers, 2004). People with this style maintain a perspective of the world that lay emphasis on the very aspect of environmental determinism (Berzonsky, 1993; Caputi & Oades, 2001; Krettenauer, 2005). Their basic objective is to safeguard as well as to preserve the pre-existing self-views. Their main apprehension is shielding and conserving their current identity framework. In a nutshell, these are hypothesized to possess a firm belief as well as value systems

(Soenens, Duriez, & Goossens, 2005).

3. Diffuse-avoidant style

These individuals try to stay away from personalized disputes and identity- relevant issues. They consistently gratify their behaviors and perceptions to existing social requirements as well as implications, without first making long lasting alterations in their identity framework. As outlined by Berzonsky (1990), these people are adversely interlinked with logical thinking, as well as positively interlinked with instinctive reasoning.

56 2.8 Sociological and Psychological Theories

2.8.1 Basic Need Theory

Deci and Ryan (2000) have formulated this theory to clarify the connection between objectives and motivation to well-being, to some extent via explaining the connections of value structures, and also regulatory patterns to psychological health, i.e., across culture, gender, circumstances, and time.

2.8.2 Causality Orientations Theory

The theory of Causality orientations (Deci & Ryan, 1985) was developed to explain personal variances in an individual’s inclination to familiarize in the direction of the social environment in techniques that aid their very own independence, regulate their behavioral tendencies. In accordance with the Causality orientations theory, individuals can vary in the manner they control their behavior, simply because they are believed to vary with regards to their comprehension of the dynamics of the causation of their behavioral tendencies, which is their observed locus of causality (deCharms, 1968).

These types of variances are often characterized in relation to three standard causal motivational orientations (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Vallerand, 1997); and so humans are presumed to possess each one of these orientations, to a certain extent (Deci & Ryan, 2002).

1. Autonomy orientation

It is actually the attributes of human beings whose conduct are on the basis of a feeling of esteem as well as consciousness of their own individual benchmarks and objectives. They discern their behavior to be self-initiated, self-controlled, as well as

57 freely chosen. These people enthusiastically look for opportunities and chances that match with their individual values as well as pursuits. This perspective is seen to be linked to aspects that exhibit psychological prosperity and self-governance, for instance, higher self-awareness, character integration, higher levels of ego progression, higher self- esteem, effective objective accomplishment, and lower levels of self-derogation

(deCharms, 1968; Deci & Ryan, 1985; Sheldon & Kasser, 1995; Hodgins & Knee, 2002;

Soenens et al., 2005). This type of orientation includes controlling the behavior on the very basis of pursuits as well as self-endorsed beliefs.

2. Controlled orientation

Those humans that have this sort of orientation discern their behavior for being impacted by exterior aspects. They are inclined to adhere to elements and situations for instance; deadlines, risks, and internalized anticipation regarding how precisely they ought to behave. This is actually linked to an issue regarding exterior components of control, expressions of adverse impact, lower levels of agreeableness, and also community self-consciousness (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Sheldon & Kasser, 1995; Deponte,

2003).

3. Impersonal orientation

People that have this sort of orientation style apprehend their measures to be impacted by aspects over which they possess restricted conscious restrain. With regards to Rotter’s theory, these individuals are simply believed to have an exterior locus of control. They are also inclined to reckon that they are lacking the very capability or the sources to adjust their actions. By means of a procedure of acquired vulnerability, they formulate a persistent feeling of incompetence which makes these individuals susceptible

58 to failing encounters and feelings of , self-derogation, low-esteem, social anxiousness, disgrace, dread and aggression (Seligman, 1975; Deci & Ryan, 1985).

Impersonal orientation’s personality involve, lower conscientiousness, neuroticism, as well as lower extraversion.

2.8.3 Cognitive Evaluation Theory

It is the very first theory of its kind to explain the influences of social instances on an individual’s innate motivation (Deci, 1975; Deci & Ryan, 1980). It explains the components, such as controlling, self-sufficiency, and support. In addition, it links these kinds of components to the distinct motivations. This theory is apprehensive predominantly with the impact of precise social context on experience, human behavior, and motivation.

2.8.4 Organismic Integration Theory

Organismic Integration Theory is basically concerned with the differentiation of extrinsic motivation in accord with internalization, and on the influence of social contexts on the internalization of extrinsic motivation. These different regulatory styles for extrinsically motivated behaviors are developmental outcomes, and researchers have used these styles as individual differences to predict well-being and performance (Deci &

Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Connell, 1989).

2.8.5 Self-Concept and Social Identity Theory

Self-concept is the entireness of our values, priorities, viewpoints as well as behavior, structured in an organized way, towards our exclusive existence. It is actually the way we visualize our very selves, and also how we ought to imagine, act, and execute

59 our numerous functional life tasks. The initial breakthrough in the self-concept premise is that of Rene Descartes, who offered that a person’s very existence relies with regards to how he identifies himself.

Based on a theory referred to as the social identity theory, self-concept comprises of two crucial aspects:

1. Personal identity

2. Social identity

Our personal identity consists of personality attributes as well as other features which make each individual distinctive. Social identity consists of the associations we are categorized in, such as our local community, spiritual beliefs, the educational institution, along with other groupings.

Bracken (1992) states that there exist six particular domains regarding self- concept:

1. Social - the capability to communicate with other people.

2. Competence - capability to fulfill the needs.

3. Affect - consciousness of psychological aspects.

4. Physical - feelings and thoughts regarding appearance, well-being, physical

fitness, and overall physical appearance.

5. Academic - accomplishment or perhaps failure in educational institute.

6. Family - precisely how positively an individual function within the family.

Carl Rogers (1959), a renowned psychologist stated that, there are three distinct

areas of self-concept:

60

1. Self-image

2. Self-esteem

3. Ideal self

Various other psychologists and sociologists have presented their views regarding the self-concept. In a nutshell, it comprises of the following aspects:

 Evaluative components (e.g. self-esteem, self-confidence, self-efficacy), which

refer how the individual assesses or evaluates himself.

 Identities, which refer to who the individual believes he is, and the respective

behavioral correspondence with roles.

 A sense of authenticity, which refers to questions of being genuine or true to oneself.

2.8.6 Self-Determination Theory

This theory concentrates on the very extent to which human individual’s behavioral patterns are volitional or self-determined. Active growth is complemented by a tendency towards knowledge and personality creation, the organization, and comparative unity of the respective phenomena. This integration also provides the basic parameters regarding the coherent sense about one’s self. The contemporary social- cognitive approaches have portrayed personality as a collection of self-schemas, which are activated by different cues. Thus, human personality is viewed as a foundation for all schemata related to various identities and goals (Markus & Nurius, 1986; Higgins, 1987;

Bandura, 1989; Mischel & Shoda, 1995).

In a particular situation, an individual’s motivation, experience, and behavior are

61 the functions of the social context of the individual’s inner resources (Deci & Ryan,

2002). The respective descriptions encompassing the SDT are organized around three psychological needs:

1. Autonomy 2. Competence 3. Relatedness These above cited psychological needs present the fundamental aim of dissecting facets of the existing environment as either supporting or non-supporting with regards to the integrated human functioning.

There exist some essential prerequisites for the overall development and growth along with the well-being of humans. Thus, fundamental needs are universal, i.e., they signify necessary specifications instead of attained aspirations. So, these needs are expected to be evident in all developmental periods and cultures (Deci & Ryan, 2002).

2.8.7 Social Cognitive Theory

This theory has its usage in , sociology, education, and communication studies worldwide. Cognitive psychologists focus on the person’s mental processes and how they perceive the environment and resolve problems. Conger and Peterson (l984) have reported that most people in society never progress beyond the conventional moral reasoning level (as cited in Corr, 2012, p. 402).

According to Pajares (2003), this theory has the following variables which are interlinked with one another:

1. Personal or intrinsic factors.

2. Environmental or extrinsic factors.

62 3. Behavioral factors.

2.8.8 Symbolic Interactionism

George Herbert Mead (founder of symbolic interactionism), viewed interaction in the form of forming, as well as reforming the structures and patterns that bring along human society to a functional life. However, recently there is an inclination to dispute that human society lacks the purposive certainty apart from individual interaction. This subsequent perspective has been criticized for overlooking the central role of culture as well as the social structure in providing design, the path, and also signifying the social interaction.

In ‘self-fulfilling prophecy’, the prophecy holds the concept of the role, the event or the social institution under development. Subsequently, by means of an astonishing procedure utilizing words and phrases, expressions, apparel, apparatus, and architectural aspects, varieties of social reality are developed by several groups of individuals. This perspective of realism development variances with concepts which identify an individual’s behavior in genetics or simply psychological processes. Moreover, it calls into query the notion that forms of social reality really exist autonomously of the individuals who assemble them respectively.

Basic Assumptions of Symbolic Interactionism:

Symbolic interaction is an aspect which is dependent upon three crucial premises. All these premises have their own assumptions. The layout that follows are the templates and the premises as parameters by Herbert Blumer, considered one of the leading thinkers in the area of symbolic interaction:

63

1. Individuals behave on the basis of explanations they have for them.

2. Meaning is formed by means of interaction between individuals.

3. Meanings are customized by means of an interpretive procedure.

2.9 Deprivation

According to the American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fifth

Edition (2011), it is expressed as: “The condition of being deprived of what one once had or ought to have”

While in Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary (2013), the term deprivation has the following definition: “The lack or denial of something considered to be a necessity”

Some scholars are of the view that, deprivation is the state of being deprived of something. It can be referred to as, a situation in which an individual does not possess material things or conditions that are usually considered necessary to spend a satisfactory life. On the other hand, some argue that deprivation is a situation in which people lack basic facilities needed for a comfortable life. To an extent, the following analysis of this complex phenomenon will further clarify the notion ‘deprivation’.

2.9.1 Kinds of Deprivation

In the Western literature, various kinds of deprivation have been discussed, which are concerned with the very dimensions of the notion ‘deprivation’.

64 I. Material Deprivation

It implies the degree of a group or an individual to possess or utilize the services as well as resources, natural environment, goods, amenities, as well as living space.

Townsend (1979) has formulated the material deprivation via engaging four respective indicators, such as;

1. (an indicator of insufficient financial resources as well as various

insecurities)

2. Crowdedness (an indicator of stressful lifestyle situations)

3. Possessing (an indicator of prosperity)

4. Possessing a vehicle (an indicator of earnings)

II. Social Deprivation

It signifies the position of an individual or a specified group by means of the pleasure of kinship, work, privileges as well as their obligations. This respective index is furthermore focused on the integration of an individual with the society or among his very own social group. The indicators employed in social deprivation are:

1. Unemployment

2. Unemployed youth

3. Single parents

4. Elderly people

5. Long time decrease/patients

65 6. Dependency on an individual

III. Multiple Deprivation

This is actually a very broad deprivation index and numerous domains are included in it. It does not merely look at the concept of deprivation by means of low income, but it additionally perceives several aspects or constituents which may reflect the common deprivation status of an individual with the circumstances of his particular society. The indicators of multiple deprivation are:

1. Access to services

2. Accommodation

3. Earnings

4. Education and Training

5. Employment

6. Health facilities

These all indicators are used and merged to generate one single index (Townsend,

Phillimore, & Beattie, 1988, pp. 30-34).

2.9.2 Various Domains of Deprivation

The diversified regions, country, as well as the respective divisions are ranked by some measures of deprivation. The indicators used in it are enlisted:

1. Deprivation in housing quality.

2. Deprivation in residential services.

66 3. Economic deprivation.

4. Education deprivation.

5. Health deprivation.

2.9.3 Determinants of Deprivation

To have a better understanding regarding the determinants of deprivation people’s assets can be categorized into the following categories:

1. Financial

2. Human

3. Physical

4. Natural

5. Social

There are numerous as well as overlapping determinants of deprivation. Some of the major determinants which reflect the status of being deprived are:

1. Education

2. Employment

3. Empowerment

4. Income

5. Health

6. Insecurity

67 2.10 Social Change

As indicated above, the notion of systematic frustration causes social change. It stems from value expectations or the ideological fervor. Expectations always refer to the future and when there is disappointment, it leads to disturbance. The idea of systematic conflict may best be traced to the process of transition.

Here, social change is conceptualized as transforming the social order from one form, or stage of development, to another. Since these forms may differ radically in ideology, i.e., social structure, economic achievement, culture or other respects, and since one form is receding and the other is only slowly gaining around, a large area of struggle between the new and the old is ‘likely’ to exist.

Further, the notions of development, stages, and transition are familiar themes, along with the very idea that social change is associated with the transitional process. In different periods of history, the process of transition has been conceptualized in different ways. Consequently, value expectations are the conditions and goods of functional life to which individuals presume they are certainly eligible, and negation of this brings social change.

2.10.1 Types of Social Change

As stated by David F. Aberle (1966), a cultural anthropologist, the four types of social change are:

1. Alternative (operates at the individual level and modifies minor behavioral

aspects).

68 2. Redemptive (operates at the individual level and modifies major behavioral

aspects).

3. Reformative (seeks to enact a specific change on a broad scale).

4. Revolutionary (seeks for a dramatic change on a large scale).

These particular types are ascertained to what extent they have an impact on the process of change, as well as whether or not they affect individuals or the masses in a particular society.

2.11 Transcendentalism

Transcendentalism is the procedure by which ideologies supply their proponents with a feeling of personal involvement in a movement aimed at improvement of existing conditions. For the individual believer, ideological commitment provides a pleasing feeling of political and moral uplift or even enhancement from the fallible as well as upsetting facets of existing socio-political circumstances (Abcarian, 1970, p. 68).

69

Chapter 3 Ideology, Ethnicity and Nationalism

70 3.1 Ideology

An ideology is an infused system of guidelines and observations, whose intent is to provide society and its members with a doctrinal foundation for faith, assessment as well as action in everyday life. Hence, we speak of economic, cultural, and political ideology. By a political ideology, it is specifically meant, a coherent body of doctrines, beliefs, and symbols containing diagnostic and prescriptive statements which undertake, interpret, conceal, defend or alter the political order by creating and uniting action oriented movements or organizations (Minar, 1961, pp. 317-321).

Rationalization is the characteristic of ideology, as it offers an elaborate set of justifications for desired courses of action (Abcarian & Masannat, 1970, p. 67). The significant point about ideological rationalization is the compulsion to offer ideas that function as abstract, general public rationales with regards to political priorities; such explanations seem to invest such preferences with legitimacy and objectivity.

Furthermore, normative certitude indicates the ethical presentiment toward purity as well as validity, which is related to the fundamental norms of ideology. Thus, an ideology may confer on a believer a sense of determination to guidelines, whose validity is not offered to challenge. The sense of normative certitude conveyed by ideologies might be explained conversely, as being political fundamentalism in the same way that certain aspects are held to contain fundamentals which provide answers of absolute validity in the life of the individual. The feeling a normative certitude has, possess a very important purpose of alleviating some of the political tensions and frustrations that build up in the lives of many people (Hoffer, 1951).

71 Ideology is a constructive element in a society for creating leadership. It stems from the individual’s perception and behavior, who in a rationalized manner believe in a certain way with regards to leading their lives in accordance with some specified principles. Thus, community-building and nation-building are the outcome of some sort of ideological foundation. It also correlates with the notion ‘value expectation’, which is not only based upon economic, social, and ethnic norms, but also upon various other elements.

For achieving success, ideology is the guiding force, and leadership is the instrument. The prerequisites of success are the techniques employed by the leaders which mobilize the masses. The success of an individual depends upon leadership; whereas, the leadership stems from the ideology. Particularly, the ideologically oriented leaders leave an impact upon their followers in a community which is still in its developmental process, especially due to socio-political consciousness, economic poverty, and support of the general body of the masses. The Germans were thus in need of such leader, who could guide them in securing self-preservation. This guidance came from the personality of that charismatic individual who led the depressed community through the path of continuous struggle.

The term ‘ideology’ is often found in various dictionaries and even in the content by eminent scholars. But, it possesses no exact definition or meaning. As, it is approached by different research contexts. These different perspectives sometimes even make its meanings elusive.

72 Even before the advent of the term ‘ideology’, Francis Bacon characterized it as:

“…people would never obtain true picture of the world unless certain false idea, or ‘idols’ were discarded or at least regarded as false.” (as quoted in Price, 1993, p. 64)

In the past, the notion of ideology referred to a science (logos) of ideas (Cranston,

2003). The main objective was to establish the origin of ideas, putting aside metaphysical, religious, as well as political prejudices (Larrain, 1979). The concept had its origin in the works of Antoine Louis Destutt de Tracy (1754 -1836) published not long after the . He referred to ideology as the ‘science of ideas’, i.e., the study of the process of the formation of ideas. He stated that, ideas are the result of our interaction with the physical environment, and thus he viewed the empirical method as the only source of knowledge, giving ideologies a purely materialistic foundation.

According to De Tracy, the knowledge gain by this new science must be used for the improvement of society (Baradat, 1997, p. 6).

De Tracy’s understanding of the nature of ideologies was however, rejected by

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Ideology became a significant concept in Marxism.

However, even Marx was not consistent in his statements regarding the notion ‘ideology’.

Marx and Friedrich Engels in The German Ideology (1846) are of the view that, ideology is the representation of conceptions, ideas, consciousness, and all those aspects which;

“...men say, imagine and conceive [related to] politics, laws, morality, religion, metaphysics, etc.” (as quoted in Felluga, 2002)

In their view, the dominant class has control over the mode of production, and it disseminates its very own ideology through the different social institutions like education,

73 church, the media, court, etc. Therefore, ideology has a much broader spectrum and there are political, religious, educational, and cultural ideologies (Phillipson, 1992).

Marx and Engels have presented a different interpretation of the notion

‘ideology’. They argued that ideology is nothing but a fabrication used by the dominant group in society to justify their status as the ruling class of society. It will always just reflect the vested interests and pursuits of the ruling class, and therefore its interpretation of society cannot be, and should not be trusted for it is based on an incorrect understanding of the true nature of politics (Baradat, 1997, p. 7).

Ideology in Marxism is not strictly false, nor it is a synonym for false consciousness, rather it characterizes ideology as ‘distorted ideas’ about the social world

(Edgar & Sedgwick, 2004). Hence, ideology in Marxism is a distorted form of beliefs, ideas, and knowledge that takes an individual far from truth and reality.

Karl Mannheim (1960) has criticized the Marxist perspective regarding ideology as ‘ruling ideas’. He is of the view that, ideology does not have a strong link with the class as well as domination. Though, he acknowledges the link that Marxism establishes between idealism and , he believes that different social classes, for instance, the dominant and the dominated, in a particular society understand and represent the world in different ways. Therefore, these different ways of understanding the world should not be regarded as different ideologies of different social classes, but equally valid modes of thinking, criteria for ‘truth’ and Weltanschauung (worldview or world outlook)

(Perdue, 1986, pp. 388-393).

In his view, there exists no single reality against which almost all ideologies can certainly be evaluated. Each and every ideology possess its very own specifications of

74 reality as well as precision, based on the social scenarios within which it has been developed (Edgar & Sedgwick, 2004, p. 191).

The French Structuralist, Louis Althusser (1971) has focused more on social life’s other aspects instead of ideas (as cited in Larrain, 1979). He states:

“Ideology need not be about what people think, but rather about how they act - lived relations.” (as quoted in Edgar & Sedgwick 2004, p. 191)

According to him, ideology is not a ‘false consciousness’ rather it is something that has a material existence:

“An ideology always exists in the apparatus, and its practice, or practices. This existence is material.” (as quoted in Hawkes, 1996)

Apparatuses are social institutions. Althusser (1971) identifies two types of apparatuses:

1. Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs): That functions discursively such as

media, church, and school.

2. Repressive State Apparatus (RSAs): That functions coercively such as the

army, courts, and police.

The ideological practices which seem to be ‘normal’ and ‘common sense’ are in fact, the constructs of these social apparatuses. Individuals who are regarded as ‘objects’ in his theory do not openly challenge these established practices, and thus act as already devised by the existing apparatuses.

Roger Eatwell (1993, p. 7) in his attempt to comprehensively define ideology, states that, an ideology must possess a certain minimum set of attributes; in particular, an

75 ideology has an overt or implicit set of normative and empirical views about:

1. The socio-political dynamics of the existing society.

2. Individual’s nature.

3. The process of historical aspects.

Based on these attributes he continues to define ideologies as follow:

“A political ideology is a comparatively cohesive group of scientific as well as normative values and contemplation, concentrating on the sociopolitical settings, complications of individuals’ nature, and the process of history. Political ideologies are fundamentally the output of mutual considerations. These are ‘ideal types’, not to be perplexed with particular movements, political parties or regimes which often bears their respective names.” (ibid. 1993, pp. 9-10)

This definition forms the very basis of understanding about ideology used in this study. On the other hand, the interpretation of ‘ideology’ as supplied by Roger

Griffin (1993, pp. 15-19), will also be highly beneficial, especially in the discussion of

Nazism as an ideology. Since a detailed analysis of ideology in its generic form is not the focus of this study, the points raised will be dealt with in a very cursory fashion. Griffin identifies the following ten essential elements to an ideology:

1. Ideology embraces any specific exposition of the individual’s thought, either

symbolic, behavioral or verbal, whenever taken into consideration with regards to

its very own role in either legitimating or challenging any economic, social,

political, and cultural order.

76 2. Ideology can certainly presume a , innovative, or even revolutionary

facet, in accordance with whether it works like:

i. A conventional, traditional, hegemonic force.

ii. An idealistic, transforming, but systemic force. iii. A utopian, revolutionary, extra-systemic force.

In all three cases it should be remembered that alongside an ideology’s positive ideals, it will always reject those with which it conflicts. Therefore, all ideologies will have an anti-dimension.

3. The utopia of such an ideology cannot be totally discovered in practice. There will

always exist a disparity between the ‘ideal’ postulated by the ideology, and the

‘reality’ it first of all opposes, and that which it wants to embed as the basis of a

new regime.

4. Ideologies are experienced as being realities; they are only being viewed as

ideologies when noticed with a feeling of critical seclusion from the outside. For

the individual positioned ‘within’ such type of ideology, it forms a prominent

aspect of their worldview which is often associated with a rationale, inspiration,

and self-explaining facts. Consequently, ideologies include both the spoken as

well as unspoken speculations that guarantee that almost all behavior and

activities ‘make sense’ to their very carrier on a subjective basis.

5. An ideology is intrinsically illogical, it has its very own potential to influence

motion and present a feeling of certainty to the point that it is actually planted in

77 pre-verbal, subliminal mind along with other affective drives (as cited in Rossi-

Landi, 1990).

6. There are numerous stages of dedication to a specific ideology, which range from

substantial severity participation of leadership, activists and ideologues of a

movement, to the much more submissive or even convenient proponents at the

edge without having strong or enduring participation in the respective movement.

7. Dedication to an ideology is mostly dependent upon self-interest. Humans have a

tendency towards a specific ideology on the basis of primarily sub-conscious

‘elective affinity’ regarding it, both material and psychologically (as cited in

Weber, 1958, pp. 284-285).

8. Ideologies are not uniform at an encountered level. As each and every human

conceptualize and rationalize the ideology in a unique way, and emphasize

different aspects of this whole body of ideas which they perceive as having a

personal elective affinity with them.

9. Ideologies are not situated in humans; therefore, it can under no circumstances be

completely conceptualized and contextualized by any single ideologue. They are

present in their entireness merely at a combined ‘transpersonal’ level.

10. Ideologies are generally specified ideals, typically with regards to a basic core of

values as well as the sentiments of a historical past. Hence, ideology’s influence

on past history cannot be clarified with regards to ideas only, but only as an

essential aspect of the particular historical framework in which they exist.

78 When applying this typology of ideology to Nazism, it becomes clear that it anticipates the existence of heterogeneity between the different examples thereof, and even within the same movement, as well as allowing for a considerable amount of diversification and complexity as far as its sociological base and the motivation of its supporters are concerned. It will be indicated that it correlates directly with the factual situation that prevailed in Germany.

Ideology is a concept that proves elusive to attempts at defining it comprehensively (Griffin, 1993, p. 15; Vincent, 1995, pp. 1-16; Baradat, 1997, p. 6;

Sargent, 1999, pp. 3-4). We are dealing here with an ideal type that can easily be inflated or deflated to such an extent that it can become anything from an all-embracing worldview to a very specific and a particular program of political action.

3.1.1 Ideology in the Postmodern era

According to Hawke (1996), the Postmodern era began in the early twentieth century, when the Western society started shifting away from industrial production to consumption and exchange-based economies. The economic change or development also occurs in the technological media of representation, such as radio, television, cinema, etc.

Lyotard (1970) regards Postmodernism as an end of ‘grand narratives’ (e.g.

Marxism) and the beginning of ‘little narratives’ in the wake of “technologies which have transformed our notion of what constitutes knowledge.” (as quoted in Edgar & Sedgwick,

2004, p. 296)

Hence, it proposes an epistemological view of knowledge which raises questions about reliability, objectivity and the justification of knowledge connected with earlier

79 theories or the recent ones. Foucault (1960), unlike Althusser who was a materialist and focused on ideological knowledge, focused on knowledge produced in each phase of history followed any law of a ‘certain code of knowledge’ (as cited in Hawkes, 1996, p.

160).

His work does not regard history as consisting of parts, but rather as a series of events connected with one another --- truth can be found out only if the discourses are seen in their historical context. Similarly, as Postmodernism enjoys the autonomy of representation, Foucault’s approach does not have any room for ideology as false consciousness. For him, it is no longer possible to use terms such as ‘true’, ‘false’, or even ‘consciousness’ for the objectivity of discourses that produce or represent them is already in doubt (ibid. p. 161).

3.1.2 Ideological movement

The success or failure of an ideological movement is determined partly by the extent to which public receptivity is shaped through a program of political socialization

(Greenstein, 1968, pp. 551-555). The social structure of any society contains institutions

(schools, newspapers, family, etc.), that play a critical role in the very formation of popular political attitudes. Such institutions socialize particular viewpoints when individuals are taught to accept some as authoritative and to reject others as deviant.

Therefore, it is essential that the basic doctrines of an ideology find their way directly or indirectly into the accepted value systems of these social institutions.

The degree of acceptance of an ideology is closely linked to the intensity of personal belief. For those individual already committed, it is important to sustain and

80 reinforce ideological orthodoxy; for those outside the movement, who are indifferent to its message, it is imperative to generate political emotions that might lead to eventual affiliation or support. Hence, political movements frequently engage in personification, whereby one or more leaders are presented to the public as personalized symbols of ideological integrity.

If the presented person commands a high degree of public prestige and respect, their own status tends to lend authority and credibility to the political ideas presented, hopefully inducing others to adopt them. Some movements therefore call upon the services of leaders who are perceived by certain segments of the public as possessing charisma, knowledge, and wisdom (Gerth & Mills, 1958). An ideology may begin as a cult in which a charismatic leader attracts a number of disciples who devote themselves to the political institutionalization of his special ideas.

When articulated by a charismatic leader, sometimes those ideas take on an ideological tone. As such leaders tend to surface only among people suffering from severe structural and psychological binds. However, they as well as the ideology they preach, frequently command the allegiance and faith of something less than the whole nation (Tullis, 1973, p. 220). Thus, in every political system, there is a leader who links his power roles to ideology. One goal served by that linkage is that of legitimizing power, that is, to make it possible to exercise power in a public atmosphere of legitimate authority.

An ideology may be a sincere belief or a political tool, but it usually appears to be the combination of both. Since politics and society cannot be separated in today’s world, ideological leaders use it in the respective sense, i.e., to free men from the sufferings caused

81 by the existing social order. And, therefore, in this sense, the study of ideological behavior of man becomes an important aspect of analyzing a political movement. If we look into the analytical study of nations from its historical perspective, we may conclude that the role of ideology in nation-building is not an end in itself, but the means to the end.

3.2 Worldview

‘Worldview’ refers to a set of common ideas or beliefs prevailing in the society or, at least, the ones shared by people within each social class.

However, the way Althusser (1969) and Tollefson (1991) use the term ‘ideology’ is not much different from the term ‘worldview’. Weltanschauung is basically a combination of two German words: ‘welt’ and ‘anschauung’ which mean ‘world’ and

‘view’ respectively. They have been derived from the German verb ‘schouwen’ (to see or look at). Thus, an easy definition of ‘worldview’ can be, it is the way we view the world.

In Anthropology, the term ‘worldview’ is used for the study of how (primitive) people understand reality. Blommaert (2005, p. 170) says that, “The way it is used in

Anthropology refers to the deep levels of culture, the kind of implicit, deeply normalized, patterns and principles according to which culture became a cohesive whole.” Moreover, the terms like ‘basic assumptions’, ‘ethos’, ‘cognitive view’, ‘worldview perspective’,

‘world outlook’ are used as synonyms (Rahman, 2002, p. 62).

Foster (1967), an Anthropologist, states it to be a ‘cognitive orientation’. This is somewhat similar to the Saussurean notion of ‘reality’ and ‘linguistic representation’ --- different languages represent reality in different ways. Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee

Whorf contributed to this idea by proposing a theory that culturally based ways of

82 speaking exist, a concept that is the base of Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis (Singh, 1999, p. 24).

This hypothesis proposes that, language controls thought, and thus language shapes one’s worldview.

Although the latter works proved the extreme interpretation of Sapir-Whorf hypothesis wrong, they retain the link between language and worldview. In these works, language is not the only influencing factor rather, both of them, i.e., language and worldview are equally important in shaping each other --- a dialectic relation between them exists.

Rahman (2002, pp. 61-62) relates the concept of worldview to Manheim’s particular notion of ideology, and while ideology refers to religious and political ideas, as well as beliefs, the term ‘worldview’ refers to all kinds of ideas and beliefs as a whole.

He further says that, it is much difficult to use this concept for ‘people in complex and literate societies’; where their beliefs and ideas are always in a state of flux, due to the ever-increasing influences of media, education, etc. Therefore, as it is difficult to find any fixed and single worldview in any society. It is useful to use the term ‘worldviews’ to refer to ideas and beliefs of sub-sets of people such as traders, peasants, students, etc. within each socioeconomic class.

3.3 Ethnicity

Ethnicity is a socio-political phenomenon and refers to the behaviors of the particular group of people having common ancestry, culture, traditions, language, etc. for mutual political objectives. It is a sense of belonging to a specific group which differentiates that group from others. The end of the twentieth century witnessed the

83 resurgence of ethnicity in the world. Ethnicity is a phenomenon which should not be viewed negatively, as it also has its positive notions.

3.3.1 Etymology and usage

The term ‘ethnic’ comes from the antiquated Greek term ‘ethnikos’, which means a stranger or a foreigner (Greenfeld, 1992, p. 4). It had been utilized in this notion in the

English language from the middle of the 14th century, when it steadily commenced to denote to ‘racial’ attributes.

Ethnicity is apparently a recent term, and gained its very own presence in the

Oxford Dictionary in 1972 (Eriksen, 2002). However, the general opinion is the fact that it emerged in the social sciences only in the mid-20th century. Lloyd Warmer employed the respective notion in 1941, while David Riesman used it in the year 1953.

In the USA, the term ‘ethnic’ came to be utilized around the second World War in the form of a polite expression with reference to Irish, Italians, and Jews, etc. along with other individuals contemplating inferior to the predominant group of mostly British lineage.

3.3.2 Theoretical basis of Ethnicity

Walker Conner (1978, p. 2) describes that ethnicity entails an expression of common religious beliefs, ancestry, language, as well as culture, and that these characteristics bring about an adequately intimate ‘psychological bond’ of collective ethnic identity to form a respective nation.

Gemes G. Kellas (1991, p. 5) claims that, ethnicity is the disposition of staying ethnic, or being attached to any specific ethnic grouping.

84 Bell in Glazer and Moynihan (1975, p. 142) elaborates ethnicity as, “I intend to relate ethnicity to major macro-social trends in the world today.”

Thierry Devos (2014) has discussed the psychological facets of ethnicity. As outlined by him, the encounters of the predecessors also provide the base for ethnic identities.

In addition, Amin (1988) contemplates the concept of ‘asbya’ (the feeling of solidarity) propounded by Ibn Khuldun, based on common ancestry, interests and life experiences. Groups with strong ‘asbya’ dominate other groups through religious propaganda, political power, and common economic interests.

Paul Brass (1991) describes ethnicity as being a steady procedure of self- consciousness to fortify the ethnic group in order to express their respective requirements.

Srivastava (1995, p. 35) has quoted Brass’ viewpoint that ethnicity includes:

1. Subject self-consciousness.

2. A declaration to status as well as identification, either in the form of a superior

group or even in the form of an equal group.

3. Intent or objective cultural indicators for instance, relations, lineage, religious

beliefs, language, traditions, race, etc.

He has additionally quoted the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic

Groups, which predetermined four existing attributes regarding ethnicity:

1. A firm belief in their very own identity.

85 2. A firm belief in their mutual or common lineage.

3. A firm belief in their social and cultural uniqueness.

4. The reality that strangers recognize as well as accumulate their very own

participants in these respective terms.

(ibid. p. 38)

As outlined by Alondra Nelson (2008), ethnicity indicates certain widespread circumstances, for instance, common traditions. Moreover, it receives energy from social as well as political mobilization. It offers a substantial influence upon the characteristics and direction of political transition in human society. It is dependent upon the unity of the ethnic grouping along with the traditional predecessors, which enhance the function of the specific ethnic group in state politics.

3.3.3 Definitional parameters of Ethnicity

Brass (1991, pp. 18-19) describes ethnic groups within these three definitional parameters:

1. In terms of aims’ characteristics, some distinctive religious, linguistic, or cultural

attributes that differentiate one specific group from the others.

2. In terms of sentiments which develops innate self-consciousness in a specific

group.

3. In terms of human behavior, i.e., how ethnic groupings respond or do not respond

along with other groupings.

86 3.3.4 Studies on Ethnicity

Many writers have written about the phenomenon of ethnicity and its different aspects. In Kasfir’s (1979) view, ethnicity has an impact on the political behavior of individuals. The choice of ethnic identity also depends upon the particular political circumstances which keep on varying with the passage of time.

While, in Brass (1991) view, it is formed politically, and is not an ascriptive trait.

The various factors which may give eventual rise to ethnicity are flexible, and at any stage it can be transformed into nationalism. Ethnicity is often used by a particular group to claim on the society’s prevalent power structure. He further claims that, the nations are formed by the creation of the sentiments of self-consciousness in an ethnic group to be distinct from others in a heterogeneous society.

Brass has also explained the very nature of nationalism as being a political phenomenon, which needs a competent leader to attain the respective political objectives.

In fact, relations between a state and a nation are a zero-sum game in which one loses and the other wins.

Gurr (1994) has also discussed various factors regarding ethnicity. For him, the most significant element regarding ethnic identities is culture. With the passage of time, the ethnic group’s cultural norms also keep on varying.

Kellas (1998) has differentiated between an ethnic group and nation. He asserts, while ethnic groups comprise of ascriptive attributes and primordial ties, the emergence of nations depends upon the geopolitical scenario. He further elaborates that,

87 ethnocentrism is an individual’s attachment to a specific ethnic group, while the notion nationalism emphasizes the nation’s political agenda.

Kellas has also quoted Deutsch’s theory of nationalism and has provided an explanation for Benedict Anderson’s Theory regarding the ‘imagined’ political community; that is why some individuals perceive themselves as a part of a particular nation. This theory highlights the implications of nationalism sponsored by the respective state.

3.3.5 Primordialist, Instrumentalist, and Constructivist viewpoint

1. Primordialist School

The Primordialist, for instance, Geertz identified it as, the culturally provided presumed race, blood ties, location, language, customs as well as religious beliefs as being the core of the ethnic content. Therefore, ethnic attachments are among numerous aspects that seem ‘natural’ for the respective individuals, i.e., via means of being rooted in the personality’s non-rational foundations (Geertz, 1967, pp. 167-188).

2. Instrumentalist School

Instrumentalists emphasis is on competition and communication. Their focus is on the circumstantial and situational dynamics of ethnic solidarity. They contemplate ethnicity in the form of a tool in the quest of mutual benefits (Amin, 1991, p. 27).

3. Social Constructivist School

Its advocates are convinced that ethnic identity is the composition of ascriptive attributes (place of birth, clan, etc.) as well as social aspects (religious beliefs, personal values, political pursuits, etc.). Ethnic identities are not only found to be organic, but they

88 are also socially constructed. The dynamics of ethnic groupings depends on the social circumstances. Social constructivists are considerably less interested in the aims and objectives of ethnic groups.

In spite of all of these contentions regarding explanations and sources of ethnicity, a variety of attributes are in general identified. It is relatively probable that every aspect might not be found in each and every situation, but most will probably be present in any group, for example:

1. Consciousness

2. Cuisine

3. Customs and traditions

4. Individuality

5. Language

6.

7. Political affiliations

8. Religious beliefs

9. Residential patterns

10. The same geographic origin

(Borgatha, 2000, p. 575)

89 3.3.6 Ethnic group

F. J. Foltz explains the four characteristics that differentiate various ethnic groupings:

1. Biological characteristics

2. Cultural characteristics

3. Linguistic characteristics

4. Structural characteristics

Cultural as well as the linguistic characteristics are far more significant than the biological characteristics, wherein the ethnic groups share an exclusive value system along with the language. Whereas, structural characteristics indicates the ethnic group may progress an identity by generating a specific form of ‘joint relations’ varying from the means other people manage their interpersonal roles (Foltz, 1974).

Max Weber has described that, every group is an ethnic group, whenever its very own participants possess a regular innate mindset in their general lineage, and there are specific physiological resemblances or they possess a prevailing faith of traditions.

Regardless of whether or not any blood relationship is there (Weber, 1986, p. 389). As outlined by him, ethnicity is a perceived aspect rather than being a real relationship.

Andrew Greeley (1971, p. 187) has defined ethnic group as:

“A collectivity based on presumed common origin, which shapes to the same extent the attitude and behavior of who share that origin and with which certain people may freely choose to identify at certain times of their times.”

R.A. Shoehorn (1978, p. 15) states:

90 “An ethnic group is a collectivity existing within a larger society, having real or fictional common ancestry, memories of a shared historical past and cultural focus on one or more symbolic elements, defined as the epitome of their peoplehood.”

They are united to put forward their claims on state authorities. Ethnic groups can be divided into two categories:

1. Diaspora communities

2. Homeland societies

When the ethnic population is dispersed from their homeland to foreign countries, they are known as ‘diaspora communities’. These respective migrations may be either voluntary or forced. While, Homeland societies are those ethnic groups who have been the occupant of a particular piece of land for a long time and they consider that they are entitled to rule that territory. The states can use the respective diaspora communities to intervene in the home country, and similarly the home country may seek the support of the diaspora groups (Giddens, 1993).

3.3.7 Factors contributing to Ethnicity

A variety of aspects can be recognized as the reasons behind increasing ethnicity:

1. Historical aspects

2. Social aspects

3. Political aspects

4. Economic differences

5. Demographic aspects

91 6. Issues of innovation along with the contest for limited resources.

7. Exterior aspects

3.4 Nationalism

Nationalism has been a widely discussed aspect, and therefore various notions and interpretations have been linked with its subject matter. Some scholars regard it as being a contemporary phenomenon, while others view it as being an ancient one.

3.4.1 Etymology

Nationalism is derived from the Latin word ‘natio’ meaning birth or race. In the primitive ages, it was used to ascribe the nation (a group of people having a sense of belongingness and common heritage) living in a particular area, regardless of their ethnic composition.

3.4.2 Definition

According to the Encyclopedia of Nationalism (2001, p. 120):

“Nationalism is an ideology promoting nationhood, a strong sense of collective identity and solidarity among a wide population (also called nation) on the basis of their common language, culture, heritage, religion or in a state.”

Nationalism is in fact, a state of mind, or in its simplest sense, an act of consciousness, which can occur due to different reasons. Though, there is a plethora of meanings of this concept, and manifestations of nationalism and ethnicity are widespread as well as complex. But, there is also a very large and contradictory literature of different political scientists, sociologist, philosophers, and historians in this field.

92 Despite all this disagreement, they all are agreed on one point that, either

Primordial, Instrumental, and Constructive --- the concept of nationalism provides a base to unify people as well as it has the disintegration ability to distinguish them from others.

3.4.3 History of Nationalism

First, beginning with the French Revolution in 1789, which in fact, first gave rise to the concept of ‘nationalism’; and has been an extremely potent force in human history since then till the Second World War R. R. Palmer (1971) has elaborated it as: “The of kings were over; the wars of peoples have begun.”

As a result of the emergence of the modern international system since the Treaty of (1648), the main conflicts of the western world were among kings, princes, as well as constitutional and absolute monarchies, attempting to expand their mercantilist economic strength along with their territories.

3.4.4 Western view of Nationalism

Hans Kohn, a famous historian and the most prolific writer on ‘nationalism’ defines the phenomenon as a, “State of mind, permeating the large majority of a people, and claiming to pennate all its members; it recognizes the ‘nation-state’ as the ideal form of political organization, and nationality as the source of all creative energy and of economic well-being.” (Kohn, 1948, p. 16)

Carlton Hayes considers ‘nationalism’ as an artificial construct as compared to patriotism which, in his view, is a natural sentiment. Defining nationalism, he says:

“The cultural bases of nationality are common historical traditions and a common language. When these by some process of education, become the objects of popular

93 emotional patriotism, the result is nationalism.” (Hayes, 1960, p. 6).

Both, Kohn and Hayes agree that ‘nationalism’ is primarily an ideology which has an appeal on account of its simplicity and naturalness. Another Western writer, A. J.

Toynbee considers ‘nationalism’ a negative force which has appeared as a result of the rise of new social forces in the domains of and industrialism, if looked into the background of a parochial state. He says:

“The impact of democracy in the form of nationalism, coupled in many some newfangled ideologies, had made the warfare more bitter, and impetus given by industrialism and technology had provided the combatants with increasingly destructive weapons.” (Toynbee, 1947, pp. 312-313)

E.H. Carr identifies three periods in the modern evolution of nationalism and its impact on the changing character of international relations:

1. The first period: In his view, consists of the pre-French revolution era. This is

the period when the nations tended to be identified with their sovereigns.

2. The second period: In Carr’s opinion, it extends from the French revolution to

l9l4. ‘Nation’ in this period was identified with the ‘middle classes’.

3. The third period: It extends from 1914 to 1945; it is characterized by the

catastrophic growth of nationalism, as well as the devastating scenario of

internationalism. Carr attributes the growth of nationalism to three causes:

i. An increase in the number of nations.

ii. The rise of new social strata to effective national membership.

94 iii. The replacement of a single world economy by multiple national economies.

(as cited in Amin, 1991, pp. 17-18)

The famous Anthropologist Kevin Avruch (1992, pp. 614-626) says:

“Traditions and nation are recent and modern because they are continually caught up in processes of social and cultural constructions. They are invented and re-invented, produced and re-produced according to complex, interactive, and temporarily shifting contingencies of material conditions and historical practice.”

The western modernist Writer, K. W. Deutsch argues that, modernization and nationalism go hand in hand. The concept of social mobilization is central to his understanding of nationalism. Social mobilization is the process through which primary groupings of obsolete economic, psychological, as well as social commitments are deflated or maybe shattered; and individuals end up being readily available for completely new patterns of socialization. Nationalism, then fulfils an emotional need of the individual, though; he allows that another ‘ideology’ may as well serve the same function (Deutsch, 1969, p. 25).

Ernest Gellner (1983) defines ‘nationalism’ as primarily:

“A political principle which holds that the political and the national unit should be congruent. National sentiment is the feeling of the anger aroused by the violation of the principle, or the feeling of satisfaction aroused by its fulfillment.”

A.D. Smith is of the view that, of all the collective identities, e.g. race, class, religion, gender, etc., which humans are sharing in today’s world, ‘national identity’ is probably the most essential as well as inclusive aspect (Smith, 1991, p.143). He assumes

95 that, nationalism is a transitional phenomenon, which will come to an end when modernization is completed.

He defines nationalism in the form of an ideological movement for the accomplishment as well as preservation of self-government as well as liberty on the part of a respective group; a few of whose subscribers conceptualize it to form a genuine or prospective nation. He further claims that, essentially, nationalism fuses three ideals:

1. Mutual self-reliance of individuals.

2. The exposition of national character combined with distinctiveness.

3. Vertical splitting of the world into exclusive nations, i.e., each and every nation

adding its very own unique genius to the prevalent fund of humanity (Smith,

1983).

He also distinguishes ‘nationalism’ from Nazism, Fascism, racism, and . Nazism and Fascism are different because, it has different objectives and different social base, therefore, a ‘unique’ phenomenon of inter-war years. Imperialism, racism and populism are derogation, even a contradiction of the main tenets of nationalism

(ibid. p. 260).

In his definition, Elie Kedourie (1960, p. 90) says, nationalism is a doctrine devised in the European countries at the very outset of the . He argues that, humanity is naturally clubbed into nations, which are best known by certain criteria which is often ascertained. The only legitimate form of government is the national self- government in his views.

96 3.4.5 Communist view of Nationalism

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels viewed nationalism as the ideology of the capitalist class, part of the superstructure, but a historically necessary pre-requisite for the capitalist order’s establishment. It served the functional objective to integrate diversified localities under the nation at a specific historical stage. In their view, the co-relation of state and nation had its origins in the 15th century during the transition from feudalism to (Amin, 1991, p. 42). Nationalism was considered of an instrumental value in furthering the objective, creating a post national socialist community.

In (1909) view, nationalism was merely a cloak which, translated into foreign policy, covered imperialistic desires and rivalries. While, Lenin believed that nationalism was the universal character of the early stage of capitalism and will disappear with the maturing of capitalism.

Stalin has defined the concept of ‘nation’ in the following words:

“A historically constituted stable community of people, formed on the basis of a common language, territory, economic life, and psychological make-up manifested in a common culture.” (Amin, 1991, p. 50)

Tom Nairn, a writer in the dialectal Marxist tradition, believes that the concept of

‘nationalism’ corresponds to Marxism’s great historical failure. Nationalism is a vital as well as relatively core aspect of the contemporary capitalist progression of world history, i.e., time-bound like other systems of speculation. Marxism did not possess the power to foresee this development or the eventual, overall shape which capitalist history would assume. In explaining the persistence of ‘nationalism’, Nairn believes the cost could be

97 great; the cost would be ‘Marxism’ itself (ibid. p. 57).

3.4.6 Forms of Nationalism

There are various forms of nationalism, but ‘ethnic nationalism’ and ‘liberal nationalism’ received the attention of Western scholars. While, some scholars also view it as being linked with human development and progress.

3.5 Ethnicity and Nationalism

There is a close link between ethnicity and nationalism, as these aspects have been of great significance in state politics. Sometimes, these two terms have been used interchangeably, and therefore a closer inspection is required to understand their degree of association.

It got its very strength from the notion of Lockean , as John Lock envisaged that, it is the legitimate right of the people to have a representative government which is sovereign. The phenomenon of nationalism had been passed through different arenas. In the early modern period (i.e., 17th and 18th century), European powers, including , France, and Portugal etc. strengthened colonial nationalism all over the world. European nations promoted their cultures, language, and traditions in their colonies. They endeavored to disseminate the European culture to less developed regions.

Afterwards, during the nineteenth century, nationalist feelings emerged among the

European colonies due to cultural and racial differences. There were sharp discrepancies between the culture of the dominant, and the dominated, which exhilarated nationalist movements (anti colonialism and anti-imperialism) in Asia, Africa, Australia, and

America.

98 In this perspective the phenomenon of an imagined political community gained significance. Sometimes all the factors cumulatively generate the sub-nationalism and promote centrifugal forces (Mitra, 1998).

Nationalism implied the amalgamation of the state and sovereignty. Nationalist sentiments grow out of common language, culture, common religion, traditions, and customs on a particular piece of land. Some thinkers like Anderson, believe that the nation is an imagined political community (Iftikhar, 1997); while, nationalism grows out of national consciousness, which also consolidates the nation itself. Nationalism and ethnicity are also perceived as synonym concepts.

However, they are two distinct concepts, though very close to each other.

Ethnicity is the driving force behind nationalism. Although the basic factors of nationalism and ethnicity (common culture, religion, language, common interests) are indiscernible, but the nationalism accentuates on sovereignty.

Nationalism and ethnicity both revolve around the state. Nationalism has various dimensions, i.e., ‘state nationalism’ particularly encapsulates the political sphere. It is generated through formal and adequate ideological axioms from start to finish. While,

‘ethnic nationalism’ is non-programmatic and belongs to the sociological sphere.

Moreover, John Breuilly encompasses the political aspect of nationalism that nationalists politicize the people by inculcating the specific objectives. Nationalist leaders also magnify their role in their quest for power (as cited in Hutchinson & Smith, 1996).

In fact, nationalism is both an ideology as well as a form of behavior. It is also a politicized aspect of ethnicity. The basic difference between nationalism and ethnicity is

99 that, nationalism is an umbrella term, while ethnicity may be a component of nationalism.

Sometimes nations precede nation-states like Germans existed as a nation due to cultural commonalities long before they established Italy and Germany in 1860s and 1870s. It is called as, ‘unification nationalism’.

In addition to it, nationalism is a positive force, as it is based on the notion of popular sovereignty, so it promotes democracy. While, on the other hand, it also has a black side when it creates feelings of separateness and even prejudice. Negative nationalism leads to and external aggression.

Eriksen (2002) has also differentiated ethnicity from nationalism. In his view, nationalism refers to the demand of a nation for complete political rights and separation from the greater union. While, ethnicity is restricted to the demands for religious or linguistic rights.

He further discusses the conflict between the communitarian school of thought and the liberalists regarding the ethnic affiliation of individuals. Communitarians highlight the significance of the social community of the individual through which a person identifies himself with the broader international community. But, the liberalists magnify the role of an individual to strengthen global integration. They condemn the communitarian approach, because they perceive that communitarians encourage parochialism and confine the individuals to their ethnic boundaries.

In Joireman (2007) view, ethnicity refers to the demand for maximum share in the power structure; while, nationalism is the sense of belongingness to a particular group in order to seek their political rights to such an extent even to secede from the union of the state. In fact, nationalism is the politicization of ethnicity.

100 3.6 Ethnocentrism

It is another related concept of ethnicity. It denotes the tendency to evaluate other societies and ethnic groups by the standards of one’s own cultural traits. Ethnocentrism promotes the phenomenon of group closure, which maintains the boundaries of ethnic groups, while separating them from others.

In this competition, the winner becomes the dominant group, while the loser becomes the minority or subordinate ethnic group. In this regard, the power potential

(size, the quality of leadership, motivation to pursue their objectives, organizational structure) of an ethnic group is also very significant (Healey, 1995).

3.7 Ethnicity and Politics

The nature of the state, whether democratic or authoritarian, the regional bases of political leadership and ‘majoritarian’ rule are significant regarding the emergence of ethnic problems. A society divided into distinct cultural groups, a policy that is supported by one ethnic group may arouse opposition in another.

On the other hand, democratic regimes through accommodative policies can mitigate the intensity of ethno-nationalism. Accommodative policies by the state to integrate all the ethnic groups, while retaining their regional autonomy de-escalate ethnic tensions. In fact, the stability of the political system depends upon the appropriate strategies by the state to respond the demands of the respective groups.

101

Chapter 4 Leadership in Germany: A Sociological Context

102 4.1 Leadership

According to McShane and Glinow (2004), leadership has been one of the prominent areas of research since Greek times, and in the contemporary era, it has been evolved into an object of extensive study by various scholars from diversified fields.

Tsourvakas, Zotos, and Dekoulou (2007) are of the view that for the success of every organization, control as well as the guidance of a leader is very significant.

While, Bateman and Snell (2002) argue that, it is essential for effective leadership to be permeated in the whole organization, i.e., by not residing entirely on the top level.

Moorhead and Griffin (1995) claim that, individuals and group behavior is very much influenced by leadership styles. Omolayo (2007) asserts that, autocratic leadership is the most effective style of leadership in terms of a productive point of view, and the democratic leadership style works well when morale is needed to be maintained or enhanced.

4.1.1 Historical context of Leadership

In the twilight of history, the study of leadership seems to have its very own origins. A discourse regarding a ruler by the name of Sargon I of ancient Sumeria as a matter of fact is the earliest documented evidence we now have of human history

(Roberts, 1987, p. 73). This respective discourse on leadership persisted all the way through the classic era. Almost all historical figures like , Caesar, and Plutarch considered leadership as a concern demanding extensive study as well as understanding.

The Greek view of leadership, as elucidated in Homer’s work indicates a difference in types of leadership. This disparity is exemplified in various characters as

103 depicted in his work Iliad, where Agamemnon represents and decision;

Nestor, wisdom and guidance; Odysseus, astute and sly; and Achilles, action and valor

(Bass, 1981, p. 5).

Greeks adored all of these respective qualities in their leaders. Ancient

Chinese content likewise comprised a whole lot of referrals to leadership as well as guidelines on efficacious leadership. The ancient Egyptians also possess their very own exclusive perception regarding leadership. They in particular appreciated the attributes of authority, power and just approach in their ruler, i.e., the Pharaoh (Frankfort et al., 1949).

The interest in leadership revived after the Dark Ages during the , where a work like, The Prince by Machiavelli stood apart as being a valuable contribution to the analysis and study of leaders as well as their behavior.

4.1.2 Defining Leadership

Words like chief, head of state, princeps, proconsul, military commander, king as well as emperor exist in every society to differentiate the ruler from the remainder.

According to the Oxford English Dictionary (1933) the term ‘leader’ emerged as early as the 13th century in the English language. However, the notion ‘leadership’ only made its very own appearance in the early part of the 19th century in content with regards to the

British Parliament. Ever since, numerous researchers have tried to investigate the base of this matter and its impact on human society.

The approach to comprehend leadership has taken social researchers along many definitional paths, with the consequence that numerous explanations have been enhanced for the notion, ‘leadership’. While approaching ‘leadership’ they encounter a concept that seems

104 to possess an obvious refinement to it; however, defies every single attempt to encapsulate the completeness thereof; thus, making it conceived that we are coping with an ‘ideal type’.

By no means any single definition has the ability to embed the optimal array of comprehending with regards to the concept of leadership. But, still there are certain adequate resemblances between the numerous definitions which have been proposed, to enable an uneven design of categorization regarding the respective notion (Bass, 1981, pp. 7-14).

a) Leadership as a focus of the group processes

A few of the earliest explanations of leadership fall into this classification. These types of explanations spotted the leader as being a focus of activity, group change, and progression. Cooley (1902, p. 8) believed that the leaders are actually the nucleus of an inclination. Almost all social movements if carefully analyzed, will likely be indicating of being comprised of propensities bearing such type of nuclei.

According to Mumford (1909, p. 23) leadership is surely the pre-eminence of a single or sometimes a couple of people in a specified group, thus involve in a procedure of control regarding a social phenomenon. While, Blackmar (1911, p. 627) viewed leadership as the centralization of efforts along with the struggle in a single individual as being a manifestation of the power of all the remainder.

Krech and Crutchfield (1948, p. 36) claimed that because of his unique positioning in the group, the leader functions as a significant representative for the perseverance of group goals, doctrine, structure, as well as actions.

The focus is on the leader and his role in the group. The thought pattern behind the above-mentioned definitions helped in focusing attention on the respective

105 significance of group structure as well as its processes involve while studying leadership.

The drawback is the fact that a handful of explanations apparently place the leader in an exceptionally fortunate and somewhat powerless placement in the impetus of the respective group to which he is associated.

b) Leadership as personality and its effects

During the first half of this century, the concept ‘personality’ was used by a number of leadership theorists to explain why some individuals appear to be better suited for leadership than others. Some equated leadership directly with strength of personality.

A.O. Bowden (1926, p. 150) stated, that the quality of personality assigned to any human is certainly not anticipated by the level of persuasion he can put forth upon other individuals.

L.L. Bernard (1926, pp. 84-85) commented that, any individual who is comparatively more efficient than the average people and possess a psychosocial stimulus to other individuals can be referred to as a leader.

Bogardus (1934, p. 56) described the notion of leadership as, the involvement of a personality in action under certain group circumstances. It is usually a social process that involves numerous individuals in psychological contact, wherein one individual presumes domination over the other members of the respective group. According to these theorists, leadership is usually seen as a one-way process. No consideration is made for a reciprocal and interactive nature of the leadership situation.

Personalized attributes of a probable leader figure out his respect in the sight of the prospective devotees. Certain characteristics like, confidence often goes along with

106 being embraced and also achieving authority; however, confidence by itself alone is unable to explain the phenomenon of leadership. Persona certainly supports the development of a ‘heroic’ figure and this heroic figure can in times of extreme crisis be endowed with ‘charisma’ by his followers if his leadership is aimed at addressing certain of their critical needs. The ’s personality can in such circumstances make possible as well as enormous leadership feats.

c) Leadership as the art of inducing compliance

Munson (1921, p. 53) explained leadership as, the potential to cope up with individuals in order to attain the most respective aspect with the minimum friction along with the optimal cooperation. While, B.V. Moore (1927, p. 127) expressed that, leadership is the capability to exert the will of the leader on those who are directed by him and to stimulate their admiration, obedience, and fidelity to an optimum level.

In a similar manner, Bundel (1930, p. 344) observed leadership as being the skill of triggering other people to perform exactly what a leader desires them to do. Bennis

(1959, p. 261) described leadership as, the procedure through which a leader induces his dependents to respond accordingly to his desires. Leadership is, thus reduced to the skill in obtaining compliance from people.

The theorists that stick to this comprehension of leadership also have a tendency to consider the very phenomenon of leadership as being a uni-directional exertion of persuasion as a device for molding associated individuals to the leader’s will. Very little space is left behind for the acknowledgment of the rights, impulses as well as the needs of the group participants, and also for the existing norms and traditions pertaining to the group.

107 The perceptions of such theorists were turned down by a number of other theorists who wanted to get rid of any specific definitional corroboration for legitimizing an authoritarian impression of leadership. However, irrespective of such emotions it simply cannot be declined that a lot of the leadership we observe as well as have observed is authoritarian, directive, and even coercive to a certain extent. Its very own consequences can be viewed in public conformity that does usually not coincide with the exclusive endorsement.

d) Leadership as the exercise of influence

By means of the inception of the notion ‘influence’ to the study of leadership a determined move was ingested in the direction of generality and abstraction in the contemplating regarding leadership and its very aspects. Tead (1935, p. 11) described leadership as, the process of affecting individuals to cooperate in the direction of a certain objective which they find attractive. Heimann (1951, p. 41) recommended that, direct leadership is an interactive procedure wherein a person, generally by means of the medium of speech, affects the behavior of other people in the direction of a specific set end.

Hollander and Julian (1969, p. 390) claimed that, in its broadest sense leadership indicates the visibility of a specific influential connection between a couple of individuals. Bass (1960, p. 58) said that, an individual’s effort to modify the behavior of other individuals is referred as ‘attempted’ leadership. When the others change in reality, this formation of modification in other individuals is referred as ‘successful’ leadership.

In a case where the individuals are fortified or compensated for transforming their behavior, this evoked accomplishment is ‘efficacious’ leadership.

108 It is important to note that the ‘influence’ concept allows for differences in the extent to which individuals’ behavior affects a certain group. Thus, it implies a reciprocal relation between a leader and his followers; as necessarily not being a relation characterized solely by domination or direct control.

e) Leadership as act or behavior

A new approach to leadership emerged when it was defined in terms of an act or specific behavior. Shartle (1956, p. 11) viewed a leadership act as the one that leads others to behave as well as react in a specific direction. Hemphill (1949, p. 225) claimed that, leadership is the appropriate behavior of a person, while directing the pertinent group activities.

Fiedler (1967, pp. 28-29) advanced the following definition, as for him, leadership involves the specific acts whereby a leader gets involved with regards to directing and coordinating the work of his group participants. It might include acts like, structuring the work relations that exist within the group, complimenting or even criticizing group participants, as well as demonstrating awareness for their well-being and emotions. All of these theorists believed that the behavioral aspects related to leading provided the core for the understanding of leadership.

f) Leadership as a form of persuasion

Early theorists did not actually wish to incorporate any kind of indicative to coercion in their explanations of leadership; however, they were unable to refuse the very fact that the leader performed a vital role as a deciding element in the relationship between him and his followers. Therefore, the usage of the notion ‘persuasion’ appeared

109 to satisfy both of their necessities. Schenk (1928, p. 115) claimed that, leadership is the art of managing men by influence as well as encouragement, instead of using direct or even implied threat of coercion of any level.

Koontz and O’Donnell (1955, p. 38) viewed leadership as being the skill and process of persuasion, so that individuals can cooperate towards achieving the specified objective that is mutual to all of the group members. As in the previous categories, persuasion does address a certain facet of leadership, but cannot be said to embody leadership as a whole. Currently, persuasion is seen by some as one form of leadership

(Bass & Barrett, 1981, p. 13).

g) Leadership as a power relation

Janda (1960, p. 351), explained leadership as a specific sort of power relationship portrayed by a group member’s conception that the subsequent group’s individual holds the right to recommend behavior patterns for the former with regards to his action as being an affiliate of a certain cluster.

Gerth and Mills (1953, p. 21) opined that, leadership is surely a relationship between a leader and led, individuals who are led behave in a different way as compared to the elsewhere would. It is a power relation, where certain times leadership may be identified by both, or unidentified to either or even both.

These types of theorists consequently considered power as a form of influence relation, and agreed that certain leaders, a lot more than other individuals, are inclined to modify any specific leadership prospect into a blatant power relationship. A couple of theorists attempted to ignore the significance of power relations for moral motives;

110 however, when confronted with the world as it stands, but not as they simply prefer it to be, they had to accept the relevance of power relations in comprehending the phenomenon of leadership.

h) Leadership as an instrument of goal achievement

There are numerous theorists which have integrated the concept of objective attainment in their definitions of leadership. They aim in the direction of essential role and significance leadership possess for achievement of group objectives along with the gratification of the necessities within the group.

Bellows (1959, p. 44) explained leadership as being the technique of concocting a scenario to ensure that numerous individuals of a group, as well as the leader, can attain shared goals with optimum accuracy, minimal timeframe, and work. Thus, they enhance the notion that, leadership can be assessed with respect to its very own influence on group efficiency.

i) Leadership as an emerging effect of interaction

Various theorists view leadership not as a reason for group conversation, or perhaps an attempt at control of a group process, but instead as a result. Pigors (1935, p.

9) said that, leadership is a strategy of a shared stimulus which, by the effective interaction of distinctive dissimilarities, regulates human energy in the quest of a very common cause, i.e., central to all of the group members.

As stated by Anderson (1940, p. 24), a real leader in the intellectual sense is certainly the one who is able to render the most of distinctive variations, who is able to draw out a good number of dissimilarities in the group, and consequently expose to the

111 group a logical foundation for explaining prevalent intentions. These particular theorists were really important simply because they called concentration to the point that rising leadership expands due to the conversation process itself.

It may be highlighted that, genuine leadership merely exists when recognized and conferred by fellow members of the respective group. It can also be pointed out that a particular person becomes apparent as being a leader as a consequence of conversations within the group that stimulate anticipation that this individual instead of somebody else can work for the group a lot more usefully in achieving its very own goals.

j) Leadership as a differentiated role

In accordance with the ‘role theory’, each and every constituent of society uses up a ‘status’ in the society along with in numerous organizations as well as institutions. In each and every status the individual is anticipated to play a more or less precise function, based on this, leadership could be perceived as a feature of role differentiation.

According to Jennings (1944, p. 432), leadership seems as a manner of conversation concerning behavior by and towards the person ‘lifted’ to a leader role by the rest.

Gordon (1955, p. 37) stated that, leadership may be conceptualized as an interaction between an individual and the group participants. Each and every stakeholder within this conversation can be told to perform a role, and these roles ought to be differentiated from each other in some way. The basis for this differentiation is usually influence, that is, the leader influences and the others respond.

Newcomb, Turner, and Converse (1965, pp. 211-212) expressed that, the participants of a group bring about distinct additions to a certain goal accomplishment. If

112 any members’ contributions are specifically essential, they might be considered as leader like; and in the same way, if any specific member is accredited by other individuals as being a reliable source of such efforts, this individual is referred as leader like.

k) Leadership as the initiation of structure

There are numerous commentators who considered leadership as not being the residual occupancy of a position or a specific role set, but as a process of originating as well as sustaining a specific role structure. Gouldner (1950, p. 47) presented the perspective that there is a major difference in effect between a stimulus of a disciple and from a leader. The variation can be found in the possibility that the stimulus will certainly constitute a certain group behavior. In its very aspect, a leader’s stimulation incorporates a greater likelihood of structuring a group’s behavior as a consequence of a group endowed mindset that individuals possess an authentic basis of stimuli of some form.

For Stogdill (1959, p. 58), leadership is the initiation and sustenance of a framework in expectancy as well as conversation. These respective theorists tried to explain leadership with regards to aspects providing escalation to the separation and sustenance of role structures in specified groups. Because of this, explanations apparently possess increased theoretic utility compared to those that are much more tangible as well as expressive.

An advancement of consideration is apparent in the aforesaid content. The initial ones were inclined to recognize leadership as a focus of group movement and group process. The subsequent sort of description regarded it as the skill of triggering conformity, while the existing explanations are inclined to observe leadership with regards to power differentials, role differentiation, and finally the initiation of structure.

113 However, a closer view of the dates will make it apparent that the different trends of thought were developing at the same time.

Leaders are agents of modification, whose behavior influence others a lot more than other people’s behavior influence them (Gurnee, 1936; LaPiere & Farnsworth,

1936). Leadership transpires whenever the leader adjusts the inspiration, behavior and capability of other individuals in the group.

In essence, there are only two ways of modifying a subordinate’s behavior (apart from using drugs or physical force). The leader must either change the subordinate’s information, understanding and ability to cope with the task at hand, or the motivation of the subordinate to deal with the task must be altered. When the leader has more relevant knowledge than the followers, task-focused direction provides for the necessary transfer of information.

4.1.3 Perspectives on Leadership

Leadership as a phenomenon has been widely argued upon and defined by various researchers. Lunenburg and Ornstein (2004) argued that, different researchers have studied the concept of effective leadership and have defined it accordingly, so the present definitions encompassing it are purely estimated on the ground on which they are interpreted. In Dunnette and Hough (1992) view, no single definition of effective leadership has been ever successful in gaining wider acceptance.

An agreed upon definition of leadership by House, Javidan, Hanges, and Dorfman

(2002), is an individual’s ability to influence and motivate others, thus enabling them to effectively contribute to the success of their respective group or organization.

114 According to Kreitner and Kinicki (2004), among different definitions of leadership, social influence serves as a mutual thread. Sweeney and McFarlin (2002) opined that, leading is one of the major building blocks of a leader’s success, while

Bateman and Snell (2002) are of the view that leadership as any other human aspect can be learned and also taught. Leadership is the skills possessed by the majority, but are utilized by the minority (Bennis & Nanus, 1985).

While Isaac, Zerbe, and Pitt (2001); Pearce and Conger (2003) expressed their views that, leadership can be learned by anyone and taught to everyone, as in their sense of the subject matter everyone inherits the ability to become a leader, so it no longer remains the property of the elitist.

Casimir (2001) has elaborated leadership style in his view as:

“A pattern of emphasis, indexed by the frequency or intensity of specific leadership behaviors or attitudes which a leader places on the different leadership functions.”

Potential leaders share their insight with their subordinates and they take momentous initiatives for personal sustainability, and above all to cater rational stimulation (Leithwood & Riehl, 2003). McKee (1991) claimed that, leaders who assert an ideal leadership style positively affect their subordinates’ participation, self-respect, and self-esteem to an optimum level.

The subject matter of leadership can also be studied in its five diversified perspectives (Kanungo, 1998; Yukl, 2002), as they assist us while understanding the complexity involved in the respective content (McShane & Glinow, 2004).

115 1. Competency perspective

2. Behavioral perspective

3. Contingency perspective

4. Transformational perspective

5. Implicit leadership perspective

Leadership is truly a mixture of power and influence, and therefore its analysis is direly needed to be investigated with the allied concepts of authority and legitimacy

(Fleisch & Christie, 2004). In Fernandez (2000); and Barker (2001) view, the effective and committed leaders motivate their learners in all possible dimensions, thus retaining a professional environment and attitude. Sweeney and McFarlin (2002) claimed that, leadership effectiveness can be assessed by subordinates’ commitment to their leader and group cohesiveness.

4.1.4 Forms and features of Leadership

According to Moorhead and Griffin (1995); Khanka (2007), the two general forms of leadership are:

1. Formal

2. Informal

When a person is officially appointed to lead a group, and exerts the legitimate power, i.e., authority to direct and guide others, it is referred as a ‘Formal’ form of leadership. While, it may be referred as an ‘Informal’ form of leadership when it unofficially accords a person with the power as well as influence to direct and guide the behavior of the respective subordinates.

116 Sahni (2004) viewed leadership as a personal quality, and also the willingness of people to follow a person as their leader, i.e., it exists only with the followers and is impossible without such adherents. Leadership is an art which involves the readiness to accept the responsibility in all situations that may occur. Under different circumstances, leadership styles may change and the leader must stimulate the followers to willingly strive towards achieving any desired goal.

At all times, leaders should demonstrate the ability to sway the attitude, behavior, and belief of their subordinates. Khanka (2007) also believes that, the very success of any leader largely depends on his acceptance by his followers.

4.1.5 Functions of Leadership

The functions of a leader are diversified, as the respective leader formulates plans and strategies to achieve the desired goal, and to accomplish these tasks he gives orders and instructions. The leader maintains discipline and healthy communication to facilitate the whole process. He also has to take important decisions, often consults with his subordinates, and responds to their needs appropriately. A true leader is conscientious to inspire all of his followers in every possible way.

4.1.6 Sources of Leader’s power

Scholars agree that leadership is basically the appropriate usage of power. In a general sense, power is the capacity to affect people’s behavior (Bartol, Tein, Matthews,

& Martin, 2003). The two common types of power are enlisted:

1. Position power

2. Personal power

117 Mostly, power comes from an individual’s position in the organization. The other sources of power are based on the personal characteristics that a leader inherits, therefore a leader’s power exists in the form of position power as well as personal power (Daft, 2005).

Different sources of power are also discussed by American sociologists, John

French and Bertram Raven (1959) in the article, The Bases of Power:

1. Coercive power: Power that result from the legitimate authority to either punish

or recommend punishment.

2. Referent power: Power that stems from the respect and admiration by the

adherents.

3. Legitimate power: Power that is a result of a formal position in an organization.

4. Expert power: Power resulting from specialized skill or knowledge.

5. Reward power: Power that results from the legitimate authority to bestow

rewards.

The basis of power has also been further subdivided into two more general categories, i.e.,

1. Hard power

2. Soft power

Coercive and legitimate power falls under the category of hard power in which strict rules are obeyed. While, referent and reward power falls under the category of soft power in which others are left free to decide whether to accept the advice or not (Raven, Schwarzwald, &

Koslowsky, 1998). These two types of power also serve as the distinction between autocratic and democratic styles of leadership (White & Lippit, 1960).

118 4.1.7 Chronological emergence of Leadership studies

With the progression of time, researchers from diversified fields have attempted to study leadership with distinctive angles. On the premise of a broad investigation of initiative writing, few of the prominent studies are mentioned below:

Name of Study Primary writers/ Researchers / Year

1. IOWA Studies Lewin, Lippitt, & White (1939) 2. Charismatic Leadership Max Weber (1947); (1970-1980) 3. Leadership Factors Stogdill (1948) 4. Ohio State Studies Halpin & Winer (1957) 5. Theory X & Y McGregor (1957) 6. Performance Maintenance Misumi, Nakano, & Ueno (1958) 7. Michigan Studies Likert (1961) 8. Functional Leadership Theory McGrath (1962); Hackman & Walton (1986) 9. Four-Factor Theory Bowers & Seashore (1966) 10. Contingency Theories Fiedler (1967); (1960-70) 11. Leadership Grid Styles Black & Mouton (1968) 12. Situational Leadership Hersey & Blanchard (1969) 13. Path-Goal Theory Evans (1970) 14. Substitutes for Leadership Kerr & Jermier (1970) 15. Decision Making Model Vroom & Yetton (1973) 16. Leader-Member Exchange Theory Dansereau, Graen, & Haga (1975) 17. Servant Leadership Greenleaf (1977) 18. Transformational leadership Burns (1978); Bass & Avolio (1994) 19. Theory Z Ouchi (1981) 20. Distributed Leadership Gronn (2003) 21. Authentic Leadership Theory Avolio & Luthans (2008)

119 4.2 Leadership as a universal phenomenon

Leadership is undoubtedly not an aspect of the ‘old world’ that eventually extended to the rest of the world, but it has been a widespread human interaction trait.

Mentioning several anthropological studies regarding indigenous groups in Australia,

Congo, Fiji, New Guinea, etc. Smith and Krueger (1933) came to the conclusion that, leadership is present globally among people irrespective of their culture, whether they are secluded Indian countryman, Eurasian steppe nomads, or the Polynesian fishermen.

Parenthood makes the instant examples of leadership to be continued into a more extensive society. Regardless of this long history of enthusiasm for the subject and the universal occurrence, Burns (1978) still presumes that leadership is a standout among the most broadly watched yet slightest comprehended phenomena on the face of the earth.

4.3 Leadership in an international context

Throughout the world, it is a conceded certainty that lacks in dedicated leadership prevails. Thus, distinctive nations have diverse leadership styles on the premise of their social affiliations. Each organization likes to advance the fulfillment and viability of its subordinates, as societal values, belief system, convictions of a particular locale and nation assume a critical part in it. The effectiveness and viability of leadership style rely upon the working circumstance in which leader coordinates with their leadership style and their devotees (Hersey, Blanchard, & Johnson, 2001).

Leaders carry out a pivotal role in the decision-making process to impact and concur individuals about what and how it should be done viably towards the achievement of the shared objectives (Yukl, 2002). Because of conflicting situational variables, it is

120 hard to sum up the discoveries of participative leadership studies which impact the achievement of the respective style, as this style is expected to be looked at from a social perspective (De Nobile & McCormick, 2005).

4.4 Differentiating Leadership style and Behavior

After the end of World War II, researchers and scholars shifted their attention from leadership traits to leadership behavior and soon they were able to find distinctive patterns, as some of the leaders were task driven, i.e., focusing on the technical challenges of achieving their goals. Whereas, others were inclined towards the human dimensions of the task being carried out by their subordinates, while also concentrating on significant aspects like communication and motivation.

Eventually, these were the findings that led to the emergence of the very notion of leadership style, and it proved to be the very characteristic way in which a leader makes the decision, uses his power and interacts with his followers. Leadership style gained global acceptance as it proved to be a significant element in leadership studies

(Smith & Piele, 2006).

The findings of Fiedler’s Contingency Theory (1967) have been cited by

Kunwar (2001), regarding the notions of leadership styles as well as behavior.

Previously, leadership style provided us motivation and determined our orientation generally while exercising leadership. However, leadership behavior on the other hand, can be referred to a particular act which one could either perform or not if one has skills and knowledge.

121 4.5 Leadership styles

The leadership style of a pioneer is the mix of practices as errand and relationship based (Bruno & Lay, 2008, pp. 224-239.). Great leadership is about activity, not position and one should never befuddle the two. In the event that somebody needs to turn into an effective leader, then he must weigh on activities as opposed to talking and should continuously act like a leader. Individuals are keen on the leader’s activities rather abilities.

The notions and theories about leadership have direct ramifications for what the style a leader utilizes as a part of overseeing his subordinates (Kunwar, 2001). The term

‘style’ is practically similar to the way where the leader impacts subordinates (Lunenburg

& Ornstein, 1996). There are many ways in which a leader impacts his subordinates, and these are called as leadership styles.

As indicated by Kunwar (2001), two expansive leadership styles are:

1. Autocratic or Authoritarian style.

2. Democratic or Participative style.

While, according to Khanka (2007), there are three fundamental styles of leadership:

1. Autocratic or Authoritarian style.

2. Democratic or Participative style.

3. Laissez-faire or Free rein style

122 4.5.1 Autocratic or Authoritarian leadership style

There exist a few synonymous terms utilized for the autocratic leadership style, while the principle terms are Directive (Somech & Wenderow, 2006; McCrimmon, 2007) and Authoritarian. Autocratic style includes any leader to decide, wield incomparable force, commit errands for individuals, and keep up an expert hireling relationship with the subordinates (Omolayo, 2007).

There are certain varieties in autocratic or authoritarian style of leadership. There exist overt as well as covert authoritarians. A common feature that is present in all of the authoritarians is that, they generally need to stay in the inside stage and adoration to wield control over their subordinates, as they prefer to keep control in their grasp. Their vision is managed by their own experience along with their respective reflections.

They don’t put stock in deceptive nature for their own additions, yet they are nearsighted and view themselves as best in goals, thought, and work. A few times they get to be doubtful because of restricted customized vision. They make their adherent subordinate as far as thoughts, capacities, and advancement is concerned. Egotistical authoritarians keep up a separation from devotees to shroud their expert shortcoming and wield control by uprightness of their office. They are dependably in checking and investigation mode to discover blames and shortcomings in their rivals and make strain and division among them where possible.

Overt (conspicuous) authoritarians are better known as controlling power and exhibiting it through clarifications, notices, and releases. They take after tenets and regulations as per their book and like to express their preferences and aversions transparently. In their lexicons, humanism remains a missing word. However, they are

123 surely superior to covert authoritarians in many aspects, as they introduce themselves transparently and exhibit themselves as they truly are.

Covert (inconspicuous) authoritarians are riskier and menace, as they posture cordial understanding and concerned and empower discussion and counsel, yet control it to their own particular leverage. They stir up to a certain degree and exhibit an open entryway arrangement, yet their thoughts and initiatives are inflexible and profoundly customized. They are phenomenal controllers and exceed expectations in the craft of correspondence (Kunwar, 2001).

These types of leaders constrained their adherents to comply with their requests absolutely. The autocratic (imperious) leadership style is adept for those supporters who are incompetent and inexperienced. The leader needs to be dynamic, overwhelming and very skilled in settling on a right choice, as subordinates’ performance has a tendency to decrease over a period (Khanka, 2007).

4.5.2 Democratic or Participative leadership style

According to Somech and Wenderow (2006), it is called Participative leadership style; while, Sousa (2003); McCrimmon (2007) refer it as the Consultative leadership style. Consultative methodology is preferred in democratic leadership style, and it leans toward urging individuals to take part in decision making, and keeps up a master-master association with the adherents as well as the subordinates (Omolayo, 2007).

There are varieties in this style as well, as some democratic leaders have confidence in negotiation and consultation, yet like to keep an official choice independent from anyone else. They give an open gathering to discourse, listen quietly, and roll out

124 improvements in their assessments where fundamental.

Some democratic leaders also trust in participatory methodology and sharing; they also see themselves as true leaders, and thus are prepared to give others a chance to lead in specific ranges. Like constructivist initiative methodology, they permit others to go about as being leaders. They take after an open entryway arrangement in the genuine sense. They have confidence in participatory decision making and shared vision.

They are interested in recommendations, change, and advancements. They don’t stress on review and weighing, but in mentoring and facilitation (Kunwar, 2001). These leaders decide after consultation. The social and personality needs of subordinates get to be fulfilled in the participative choice making, as they give their subordinates the chance to expand their potential abilities, confidence, and morale.

Subordinates’ participation in decision making helps as it is suitable for the circumstance where subordinates are capable and experienced. In all circumstances, democratic leadership style is considered the best style, but the decision making in it is a bit time consuming process. The predominant subordinates may control the choice to support themselves; whereas, in some cases, the decisions may result into a distorted one

(Khanka, 2007).

4.5.3 Laissez-faire leadership style

Laissez-faire leadership style is the inverse of autocratic style. In this style, the leader feels free and subordinates avail the joy to choose. This style can be applied when the leader has the absolute capacity to assign the decision making power to his subordinates, and subordinates are skillful and proficient. Aims and objectives are very

125 much conveyed to representatives, but this style has its limitations on the grounds that it makes disorder and chaos in the decision making process (Khanka, 2007).

Nonetheless, it will not be right to expect that leaders are entirely separated in high contrast, as they generally lie in hazy areas. While, Situational leadership is by and large the standard in the greater part of the circumstances. An individual as a leader can be democratic, authoritarian, participatory and even manipulative in diverse circumstances.

4.6 Research on Autocratic and Democratic leadership styles

Leaders are an integral part of any organization, and have an enduring impact while carrying out their respective tasks. The majority of them are gullible about initiatory practices and their effect on their subordinates’ commitment level (Elpers &

Westhuis, 2008).

At the point when leaders manage their subordinates and adherents, they engage in diversified behavioral patterns. Autocratic leadership style is associated with maintaining a master-servant relation with the group members. While, Democratic style uses a consultative approach, i.e., it maintains a master-master relation with the group members, whereas the laissez-faire leadership style permits complete freedom to its adherents.

According to Mullins (1999); Vecchio (2002); Omolayo (2004), it is evident that in every domain, a single best leadership style is hard to choose. Blended styles of leadership are more fruitful by and large when contrasted with the single authority style

(Keedy, 1993). While examining different leadership styles, Bass (1981) inferred that autocratic cluster incorporates coercive styles, authoritarian, and directive styles, though the democratic cluster includes participative, consultative, and democratic styles. Likert

126 (1967) argues that a predominant style in all circumstances is the participative style.

The direct fruitful execution and viability is together credited to the team as well as the entire process of leadership (Zaccaro & Klimoski, 2002; Zaccaro, Ardison, &

Orvis, 2004; Morgeson, 2005). Individuals demonstrated noteworthy satisfaction, respect and also expressed themselves freely while working under a participative leader (Kahai et al., 1997). A leader is responsible to make a feasible environment in which individuals are motivated, and inspired (Bass, 1997).

As per Smith (1998), if the representatives and leader’s relationship is good, then the undertaking will be profoundly organized and subordinates will indicate high viability.

The democratic leaders involve people in a dialogue, and thus this whole process inspires them. Schwartz (1987) revealed through his study that, individuals under democratic leaders showed annoyance when they were placed under autocratic leaders. As they rarely took part in the decision making process (Hayers, 2000). The execution of an autocratic leader surely dominates over a democratic leader (Mahmood, 1995; Iqbal, 2005).

The profitability, fulfillment, association, and commitment of adherents are credited to ‘just’ democratic leadership style (Hackman & Johnson, 1996). In the long run, the participative leadership style surely dominates over the directive style of leadership (Bryk, Easton, Kerbow, Rollow, & Sebring, 1993; Hargreaves, 1994). Under the democratic style of leadership, subordinates indicated more noteworthy fulfillment

(Bass, 1981). The pivotal hitch to a democratic style of leadership is the extensive and lengthy procedure. However, the leadership productivity is expanded by participatory supervision in all aspects (Denhardt & Denhardt, 2003).

127 The control and cooperation are the key attributes of both the respective styles.

Support is referred by many as the core of the democratic style; while, a directive control is one of the fundamental attributes of an autocratic style of leadership (Luthar, 1996).

The Participative leadership style or Democratic leadership style is a joint process of decision making (Koopman & Wierdsma, 1998). Directive or Autocratic leadership provides just only the leader’s vision and perspective (Fiedler, 1995; Sagie et al., 2002).

Bass (1981) inferred that, leadership practices range from absolutely autocratic to absolutely democratic. When the leader is more competent than his followers, then the directive style of leadership is suitable. In the event if the followers are more skilled, then the participative style of authority is definitely a top choice (Murphy & Fiedler, 1992;

Peterson, 1997; Somech & Wenderow, 2006). The determination of autocratic and democratic leadership styles is incited by the truth that these leadership styles impact the subordinate’s fulfillment and their performance.

4.7 Autocratic vs. Democratic leadership

While taking cognizance of the developments in the definitional framework of leadership, the main aim of this chapter is not to provide a new definition of leadership, but rather to look at the leadership style of Adolf Hitler. For this to be done on a sound academic footing, it will be necessary to clarify the basic conception of leadership, in its broadest sense, that can then serve as a point of departure for an interpretation of his leadership style. Therefore, and in reference to all the above mentioned definitional categories, leadership, in a general political sense, will be defined very broadly as an interaction between members of a group.

128 Powerful leaders might be able to use this to arouse motivation. But, in a situation where followers possess as much or even more information than the leader, and/or where power is more widely shared motivation of followers is more likely to depend on involving them in decisions about handling the task and their concerns about it themselves (Bass, 1981, p. 292). The resultant two basic clusters of leadership styles are usually termed:

1. Autocratic leadership

2. Democratic leadership

A specific duality between Autocratic or Authoritarian leadership and Democratic leadership has been apparent throughout the history of ideas, and more specifically in ideas relating to human interaction. How should humankind be led? How should mankind be guided towards the ultimate ‘good’? The duality is reflected in two basic streams of thought, which is based on two opposing views of human nature.

On the one hand, there is the view as proposed by scholars like in

Leviathan (1651) that, basic human nature is inherently corrupted to such an extent that it is in need of the controlling and directing influence of authority, that will then serve as an agency of upliftment. While, scholars like John Locke in his work, Two Treatises of

Government (1689), argued that man is inherently good and that it must be given freedom in which to learn, to grow and to overcome. These two premises have resulted in what we can call two different styles or approaches to the fundamental driving forces behind leadership, namely on the one side leader or the task-focused leadership, and on the other side follower-focused leadership.

129 The primitive task-focused leader (for example, the exploitative authoritarian) will make all the decisions for the group, and is solely concerned with completing the task at hand, and not in the least for the needs of his subordinates. A more sophisticated task-focused leader always reserves the final decision for himself, and is still more concerned with getting the task done than satisfying some need among their subordinates.

On the other hand, a follower-focused leader encourages contributions from his subordinates to the decision making process, and will pay attention to their needs.

The authoritarian leader will dictate what is to be done, and is usually unconcerned for the followers needs for autonomy and development. The democratic leader will share the decision making with subordinates, and is concerned about their needs to contribute to deciding what is to be done. The authoritarian leader will be personal in praise and will remain aloof from the rest of the group. The democratic leader will be more factual and rational, and de-emphasize social distance from the other members (ibid. pp. 292-293).

According to MacIver (1947) and Bass (1960), the autocratic leader can depend either on his power to coerce or on the ability to persuade. They further make a distinction between what they call an ‘able autocratic leader’ and a ‘powerful autocratic leader’.

A powerful leader will successfully coerce others to follow him, because the power of the leader’s position or the power of the leader as a person makes others expect that he will provide rewards for compliance and will punish for non-compliance. The able leader will indirectly try to influence the behavior of others, while the powerful leader will directly reinforce the behavior of his subordinates.

130 A distinction can be made between democratic and authoritarian leadership based on the following four aspects (Bass, 1981, p. 293):

1. Whether decision making was or was not shared by the leader.

2. Whether or not the followers were of primary concern to the leader.

3. Whether social distance was maintained.

4. Whether punishment and coercion were used.

It is important to remember that combinations of the above mentioned are possible. We might find a benevolent autocrat that is dictatorial, yet is concerned about the needs of his subordinates.

4.8 Political leadership

The concept of ‘Political leadership’ or ‘Political elite’ is as old as the history of civilization. Traditionally, a political elite involves the concept of minority and majority

(Welsh, 1979, p. 6). It constitutes a minority of the population; but, exercises a majority of political power. The minority is organized for the very reason that it is a minority

(Mosca, 1939, p. 50).

However, an authoritative leader is one whose actions in organizing, mobilizing, and allocating resources are accepted by persons for whom these actions are relevant. His decisions are carried out as faithfully as possible, not merely because the decision maker is powerful, but because it is viewed as appropriate and legitimate that he has been involved in making these decisions.

131 Further, the authority itself is not an attribute of a leader; rather, it is the characteristic of the relationship that exists between the leaders and followers. If the followers attach legitimacy to the acts of a leader, we may speak of the relationship between leaders and followers as encompassing the very concept of authority. Thus, the concept of leadership emphasizes the study of behavior and the study of the processes by which the leaders define their relationships with their environment, and through which they seek to perform the functions that have been allocated to them or they have appropriated. A focus on leadership is therefore a focus on the links between members of groups or organizations, some of whom lead and others of whom follow.

The study of leadership generally involves the study of leader-follower relationships. It is true to say, general without an army is not a leader, regardless of the eminence of his own position. Thus, it becomes essential to put a major focus in the leadership study with reference to the relationship between the styles and techniques used by leaders and the responses engendered in followers.

All political communities undertake various forms of political, social, and economic activity. These activities require organizations, which involve the mobilization of human resources. Such activity is the basis of leadership; therefore, if there is a human organization for the purpose of goal achievement, there are leaders. At the same time, the identity of leaders in any given political community may vary from time to time, and with the nature of tasks being emphasized in that community at that time. In short,

“Leadership is a relationship which consists of systematically influencing others so that they behave according to the leaders’ desire” (Wiatr, 1973, p. 139).

132 Political leadership can have either moral or legal basis. It rests on the moral bases when leaders commune authority among their followers in the absence of any legal sanctions. This would be the case for the leaders of political groups that stand in opposition to those in power. The bases for political leadership are legal when leaders have at their disposal legal sanctioned, recognized as legitimate by a sufficiently large majority of the members of the group or institution (ibid. p. 138).

Leadership also emerges with tradition, such as the traditional elite which comprises those who rise to leadership out of the customary, hereditary, or older cultural patterns. This power is based upon tradition, family, land, and religion. Therefore, the traditional elite includes, religious leaders, nobles, and landowners.

4.9 Charismatic leadership

Heroes in history, have also emerged out of ‘charisma’, a term employed by Max

Weber is applicable to a specific caliber of character by way of which he is actually set aside from individuals, and thus treated as graced with miraculous, superhuman, or outstanding power or attributes. Max Weber has designated many qualities of a charismatic person. According to him, “It is recognition on the part of those subject to authority which is decisive for the validity of charisma.” (as quoted in Henderson &

Parson, 1964, pp. 358-359)

Weber also believes that the charismatic person comes in demand at the time of trouble. Such leader is usually a radical who challenges the existing practice by digging the ‘root’ of the matter. The general masses relinquish themselves to such a person because of their belief in authority manifested by him. Generally, it happens at the time

133 of any crisis or emergency. Therefore, the charismatic person is also, “The product of crisis and enthusiasm.” (as quoted in Bendix, 1960, pp. 302-303)

A charismatic person stands outside in “the aims of this world, outside of routine occupations, as well as outside the routine obligations of family life.” (Gerth & Mills,

1958, p. 248). Because, in that way he can manifest the mission he is carrying with him

(Henderson & Parson, 1964, p. 362).

Sidney Hook (1943, pp. 151-154) divides the criterion of a charismatic person, whom he calls ‘hero’, into two major parts:

1. Eventful man

2. Event making man

An ‘eventful man’ is made out of an incident, while ‘event making man’ is the one whose actions are the outcomes of tremendous features of aptitude, will as well as personage instead of incidents or else positioning, and thus he becomes an event making man.

A charismatic person can also be regarded as a superior individual. Talking about the superior individual, Eric Hoffer (1951, p. 29) remarks, “The superior individual, whether in politics, literature, science, commerce or industry, plays a large role in shaping a nation.”

Another characteristic of a charismatic person is the possession of power. He influences the behavior of others in accordance with his own intentions (Coser &

Rosenberg, 1989, p. 134). Thus, leadership has many qualities from within and without.

It emerges for many reasons; social, political, psychological or ideological and particularly, because of individual charisma.

134

Chapter 5 Hitler’s Struggle

135 5.1 Entry into politics

Hitler came back to Munich after World War I (Bullock, 1999, p. 61). As he had no conventional schooling or future plans, he intended to stay in the Army as long as possible (Kershaw, 1999, p. 109). He was appointed Verbindungsmann (intelligence agent) of an Aufklarungskommando (Reconnaissance Commando) of the in

July, 1919. His major task was to infiltrate the German Workers’ Party and to persuade various other soldiers.

At the time of surveillance of the Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (German Workers’

Party), Hitler was very much influenced by the charm of (DAP founder) and his nationalist, anti-Marxist, and anti-capitalist ideology (Kershaw, 2008, p. 82).

Drexler preferred a resilient as well as a proactive government having the capability to unite all society members. He was very much impressed with the oratory skills of Hitler, and encouraged him to become a member of the DAP. Thus, Hitler became the party’s

55th member on 12th September, 1919 (Stackelberg, 2007, p. 9).

Hitler met , (one of the DAP’s early founders as well as a member of the occult ), who started guiding Hitler and became his mentor. Eckart also introduced him to a variety of individuals (Kershaw, 2008, pp. 94-95, 100). The DAP modified its name to the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (National Socialist

German Workers Party-NSDAP) to enhance its allure. Hitler designed the party’s banner of a in a white-colored circle on a red-colored base (ibid. pp. 87-88).

In March 1920, Hitler was released from the armed forces and started functioning full-time for the NSDAP. He discoursed to an audience of over 6000 in Munich in

136 February, 1921. Two truckloads of party proponents drove around the city swinging swastika flags, along with throwing leaflets to promote the respective session. Hitler immediately earned fame for his riotous, diatribe addresses against his political opponents, Marxists, and the Treaty of Versailles (ibid. pp. 89-92).

Hitler and Eckart were on a fundraising visit to in June 1921, when a mutiny broke out within the NSDAP. Some of the executive committee members viewed

Hitler to be exceedingly domineering, and planned to integrate with their opponent party,

Deutschsozialistische Partei (German Socialist Party). On his return to Munich on 11th

July 1921, Hitler offered his resignation to the executive committee. The respective committee members comprehended that his resignation implied the end of the party.

Hitler declared that he wanted to rejoin on the very condition that he would replace

Drexler, who was at that time, the party chairman, and insisted that Munich would remain as the party headquarters. The executive committee consented to it, and Hitler rejoined the party as member 3,680 (ibid. pp. 100-103).

In spite of everything, he confronted a little resistance within the NSDAP, as

Hermann Esser along with his proponents printed out 3,000 copies of a pamphlet targeting Hitler as being the party’s traitor (ibid. pp. 102-103). Hitler articulated to numerous people and defended himself, this technique turned out to be effective and at a general membership meeting, he was successful in becoming a party chairman, with absolute authority (ibid. pp. 83, 103).

He became proficient at utilizing populist templates focused on his target audience, which included the usage of scapegoats who were held responsible for the financial hardships of his audience (Goebbels, 1936; Frauenfeld, 1937; Bullock, 1999 p.

137 376). Historians have pointed out the mesmerizing impact of his rhetoric on massive gatherings, Kressel has stated:

“Overwhelmingly ... Germans speak with the mystification of Hitler’s hypnotic appeal. The word shows up again and again; Hitler is said to have mesmerized the nation, captured them in a trance from which they could not break loose.” (Kressel, 2002, p. 121)

Hugh Redwald Trevor-Roper (a historian) stated:

“The fascination of those eyes, which had bewitched so many seemingly sober men.” (Roper, 1987, p. 116)

He employed his personalized attraction as well as a comprehension of the psychology of the masses to his convenience at the time of making a speech (Bullock,

1999, p. 377; Kershaw, 2008, pp. 105-106). A former member of Hitler Youth, Alfons

Heck explains the response to a speech by Hitler:

“We erupted into a frenzy of nationalistic pride that bordered on hysteria. For minutes on end, we shouted at the top of our lungs, with tears streaming down our faces:

Sieg Heil, Sieg Heil, Sieg Heil! From that moment on, I belonged to Adolf Hitler body and soul.” (Heck, 2001, p. 23)

Hitler’s early devotees were, Rudolf Hess, Hermann Goring (a former Air Force pilot), as well as Ernst Rohm (an Army captain). The latter turned out to be the Nazis’ organization’s head, the (Stormtroopers or SA), which guarded the respective group meetings, and also assaulted political rivals.

138 5.2 National Socialist Program

The National Socialist Program is also referred as ‘twenty-five-point Plan’ or

‘twenty-five-point Program’, and was the NSDAP’s party program. The name of the party was changed from DAP to NSDAP on 24th February, 1920 in the Munich Festival of the Hofbrauhaus, when Hitler announced this program in front of around 2,000 people

(Heiden, 1935, p. 17).

The ‘twenty-five-point Program’ of the NSDAP stated:

1. All Germans should be unified on the very basis of self-reliance in ‘greater’

Germany.

2. Equality for the Germans should not be compromised, along with the abrogation

of the Treaty of Versailles and Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye.

3. Land as well as a colonial territory for the sustenance of the Germans should be

ensured.

4. An individual who has a German blood has the right to be a German citizen, and

a Jew cannot be a German citizen.

5. An individual who does not possess citizenship must live under the authority

of legislation for foreigners, i.e., as a guest.

6. Only German citizens have the right to hold the posts in each and every public office.

7. Proper livelihood should be provided to the citizens, and if there’s a failure in it,

then the foreigners (non-citizens) should be expelled from the Reich, i.e., to

balance the resource and population ratio.

139 8. All individuals of non-German descent, who have immigrated after 1st August

1914, should instantaneously be compelled to depart from the Reich.

9. All respective citizens must have equal obligations as well as rights.

10. Every citizen must work physically and spiritually for the respective development.

11. Breakage of debt slavery along with unearned income abolition.

12. Total confiscation of all war profits to be ensured.

13. of all industries.

14. Splitting of gains of all the heavy industrial sectors.

15. Expansion of old age welfare on a broader scale.

16. A healthy middle class should be created, with immediate communalization of

the big warehouses.

17. Land reforms should be made, and taxes on land should be abolished.

18. National criminals, profiteers, and usurers to be punished with death.

19. Substitution of the Roman law with the German common law.

20. A National education program should be reconstructed and quality education at

the expense of the State to be ensured.

21. National health to be elevated by means of protecting the health of the mother

and child, along with the focus on physical fitness, and outlawing child labor.

22. The formation of a National Army, and the abolition of mercenary troops.

140 23. All German language newspaper’s writers as well as employees should be

German. While, non-German newspapers should be required to have the State’s

permission and should also be forbidden by the law to have any financial

involvement in the German publications.

24. Freedom of religion for all to be ensured, unless it goes against the Germanic

race morality.

25. A strong central government should be formed in the Reich, as it is needed to

execute all of these aspects.

5.3 Beer Hall Putsch

Hitler employed the assistance of , who served as a General during World War I for an attempted coup, generally referred to as the ‘Beer Hall Putsch’

(Hitler Putsch or the Munich Putsch). Italian Fascism as a model was utilized by the Nazi

Party with regards to their policies as well as their physical appearance. Hitler really wanted to replicate the 1922 ‘March on ’ of , by setting up his very own coup in , to be accompanied by challenging the Berlin government.

Gustav Ritter von Kahr, Staatskommissar (state commissioner), who was

Bavaria’s ruler, was sought as a strong support by Hitler and Ludendorff. But,

Kahr, together with Reichswehr General Otto von Lossow and Police Chief Colonel Hans

Ritter von Seisser, were in favor of a nationalist without Adolf Hitler

(Kershaw, 2008, p. 126).

Hitler planned to grab hold of a crucial occasion for prosperous widespread assistance as well as agitation. He, along with the SA initiated a public meeting of around

141 3,000 people on 8th November, 1923. Kahr organized it in a big beer hall in Munich, the

Burgerbraukeller. Hitler disrupted Kahr’s speech and stated that the national revolution had started, and proclaimed the creation of a new government with General Erich

Ludendorff (ibid. pp. 125-128).

When Hitler returned from the backroom, he had a handgun. He demanded and was successful in acquiring the assistance of Lossow, Seisser, and Kahr. At the beginning, Hitler’s forces were successful in occupying the local police headquarters as well as Reichswehr. But, Kahr along with his companions instantly withdrew their assistance, and neither the state police nor the Army joined Hitler in his adventurism

(ibid. p. 129).

The following day, to overthrow the respective authorities, Hitler along with his supporters marched from the Burgerbraukeller (Beer Hall) to the Bavarian War Ministry.

Yet, somehow police were successful to disperse them (ibid. pp. 130-131). Four police officials, along with sixteen NSDAP members were killed in the unsuccessful coup

(Shirer, 1960, pp. 73-74).

Hitler fled to ’s residence. When arrested on 11th November,

1923 for high treason, he was unhappy, but relaxed (Kershaw, 2008, p. 131). In February

1924, his trial started before the Sondergerichte (special court), known as the

Volksgerichte (People’s Courts of Bavaria in Munich). This court comprised of two judges along with three lay judges, and presided by Georg Neithardt. Hitler, Rudolf Hess,

Erich Ludendorff, Ernst Rohm, Colonel Hermann Kriebel, Friedrich Weber, Emil

Maurice, , etc. were identified as the conspirators behind the coup. During this time, became the NSDAP leader.

142 Adolf Hitler was sent to for five years’ imprisonment on 1st

April, 1924 (Fulda, 2009, pp. 68-69). But, the Bavarian Supreme Court granted him a pardon, and released him on 20th December, 1924 against the objections of the state’s prosecutor (Kershaw, 1999, p. 239). Hitler remained in prison for 264 days, i.e., around 9 months (Bullock, 1962, p. 121).

5.4 Mein Kampf

Hitler, Rudolf Hess (Hitler’s deputy), and various conspirators were sentenced five- year imprisonment. As a consequence of empathy for Hitler’s attempt to ‘save’ the nation.

Hess and Hitler were kept in Landsberg Prison, in a compound with an exceptionally minimal surveillance. Throughout his stay, he was authorized unlimited guests, as well as contextual material. He notably referred this period behind the bars as his ‘higher education at state expenditure’. In prison, he was frequently visited by Alfred Rosenberg (Party’s chairman in Hitler’s absence).

In July, 1924 Hitler started composing Mein Kampf. Most of the first volume of it was dictated to Rudolf Hess and it was initially named, Four and a Half Years of

Struggle against Lies, Stupidity, and Cowardice (ibid. p. 121). It was dedicated to

Dietrich Eckart, a member of the Thule Society, as an autobiography and Hitler’s doctrine. Madison Grant’s work, The Passing of the Great Race was referred to as ‘My

Bible’ by Adolf Hitler and had much influence on Mein Kampf (Spiro, 2008). Hitler’s work outlined his programs for the transformation of Germany into a ‘great’ nation, based upon the very pillars of the German race. Mein Kampf was published in two volumes, i.e., 1925 and 1926 respectively. Over 228,000 copies were sold between 1925

143 and 1932. Whereas, in 1933, when Adolf Hitler joined office, a million copies were sold

(Shirer, 1960, pp. 80-81).

5.5 Rebuilding the NSDAP

In the course of Hitler’s discharge from imprisonment, politics in Germany had turned out to be considerably less combative, in addition to the improvement of the economy. This confined his prospects for political agitation. In Bavaria, the NSDAP along with its very own associated organizations were restricted on account of the unsuccessful Beer Hall Putsch. On 4th January 1925, Hitler consented to honor the prestige of the State, and agreed to obtain political power by means of the democratic procedure during a meeting with the Bavarian Prime Minister, Heinrich Held.

The respective meeting paved the opportunity for the ban on the NSDAP to be either lifted or to be lightened. Even though, Hitler was prohibited from speaking in public (Kershaw, 2008, pp. 158-166), a proscription that continued to be in position until

1927 (Shirer, 1960, p. 129). To proceed his political aspirations regardless of prohibition,

Hitler nominated Joseph Goebbels, Gregor Strasser, along with to organize as well as expand the NSDAP in the northern region of Germany. Gregor Strasser was an outstanding organizer, and directed a substantially self-reliant political program, putting an emphasis on the socialist component of the party’s program (Kershaw, 2008, pp. 166-

167).

By declaring the Fuhrerprinzip (Fuhrer or Leader principle) Hitler autocratically ruled the NSDAP. Positions in the party were not filled by elections, but by means of the

144 appointment of individuals of higher ranking, who agree to be in complete compliance with to the will of their Fuhrer (ibid. pp. 170-172).

On 24th , the US stock market crashed, thus the USA called for all of its foreign loans immediately, which had a dire impact on Weimar Germany. Over 6 million people were unemployed, and numerous banks collapsed. Hitler, along with the

NSDAP was ready to use this event, and pledged the repudiation of the Treaty of

Versailles, and promised jobs, via strengthening the German economy (Shirer, 1960, pp.

136-137).

5.6 Hitler’s opposition in NSDAP

In 1925, Otto Strasser and Gregor Strasser joined the NSDAP, but were of the view that the original anti-capitalist nature of the NSDAP had been compromised by

Hitler. Along with Joseph Goebbels, they took the ‘socialist’ element in the party’s program very seriously. They supported strikes, nationalization of privately owned banks and industry, and closer ties with the Soviet Union.

Hitler perceived their ideology to be too radical, and thus opposed them. He was of the view that the ideology was too alien for the middle class Germans, and as NSDAP was also supported by some industrialists, so it became a critical issue for Hitler to discourage the respective faction. In the Conference of 1926, Joseph Goebbels joined Hitler side, and it proved to be a great success of Hitler.

The Strasser faction also referred as Strasserismus () derived its name from the Strasser brothers. It continued to work as a Left Nazi Party within the NSDAP.

After their expulsion from the NSDAP, the Kampfgemeinschaft Revolutionarer

145 Nationalsozialisten (KGRNS) (Combat League of Revolutionary National Socialists) or Schwarze Front (), was formed on 4th July, 1930 as a political group by Otto Strasser and Gregor Strasser, with its headquarters in Berlin.

The Schwarz Front comprised of the NSDAP’s former radical members, who intended to cause a split in the main party. It was in favor of a worker-based, as well as a radical form of National Socialism to achieve the national ‘rebirth’. Oto Strasser claimed that, his faction had more than ten thousand members, but were unable to effectively oppose the Nazi Party, and as a result, Otto along with his adherents went into exile in

Prague, where they published a fortnightly newspaper, Die Deutsche Revolution (The

German Revolution). It attacked Hitler, but advocated the notion of National Socialism.

While his brother, Gregor was later killed in Germany during ‘’

(30 June, 1934) after Hitler became the Chancellor (Wistrich, 1995, p. 248).

5.7 Nazi propaganda

The Nazi Party used various tools and techniques for the purpose of propaganda.

Different newspapers, essays, pamphlets, and speeches served as the mean with regards to the glorification of Hitler as well as the NSDAP. Joseph Goebbels, who later served as the Reich Minister of propaganda, also contributed to the whole process and ensured that the propaganda was in the right direction. Few works in the domain of the respective propaganda are mentioned below:

5.7.1 Newspapers

5.7.1.1 Volkischer Beobachter (Volkisch Observer)

It was the NSDAP’s weekly newspaper from 1920, and from 8th February, 1923 it

146 was published daily. It formed part of the official public face of the Nazi Party for around twenty-five consecutive years.

5.7.1.2 Der Sturmer (The Attacker)

Der Sturmer was a tabloid-format Nazi newspaper, which was a weekly published by , who was a prominent Nazi Party official from 1923 to 1945. It was also an important tool of Nazi propaganda.

5.7.1.3 Der Angriff (The Attack)

On 4th July 1927, Joseph Goebbels founded this weekly newspaper, then in

October 1929, it was published twice a week. Its motto was ‘For the oppressed against the exploiters’, and on 24th April 1945, its last edition was published.

5.7.2 Propaganda Material by Joseph Goebbels

5.7.2.1 Essays published in Der Angriff

1. We Demand: Joseph Goebbels clarifies precisely what the Nazis aspire (25

July, 1927).

2. Isidor: An essay by Goebbels against the Vice President of the Berlin

Police, Bernhard Weiss (15 August, 1927).

3. Hail Moscow: Goebbels request to Berliners with regards to joining the

Nazi Party (21 November, 1927).

4. The World Enemy: Goebbels against the mode of international finance (19

March, 1928).

147 5. Why Do We Want to Join the ?: Goebbels explanation about the

Nazis campaign for election (30 April, 1928).

6. And You Really Want to Vote for Me?: It’s an election squib by Goebbels

(7 May, 1928).

7. Der Fuhrer: Goebbels on Adolf Hitler’s 40th birthday (22 April, 1929).

8. Raise High the Flag!: Goebbels start constructing the very myth after the

death of Horst Ludwig Georg Erich Wessel (27 February, 1930).

9. One Hundred and Seven: Joseph Goebbels conception of the victory of the

Nazi Party in the election in September, 1930 (21 September, 1930).

10. We are Voting for Hitler: Goebbels’ appeal for the 1932 election (7 March,

1932).

11. Advice for a Dictator: Joseph Goebbels advises on how to be a dictator in

the real sense (1 September, 1932).

5.7.2.2 Pamphlets

1. The Nazi-Sozi: Goebbels’s earliest works regarding the proposed ‘Ten

Commandments’ for the National Socialists (1926).

2. Those Damn Nazis: First published in 1929, it’s a widely distributed

pamphlet encompassing the notion of being a nationalist.

5.7.2.3 Speeches

1. The Storm is Coming: It’s a speech by Joseph Goebbels on 9th July, 1932

(Berlin).

148 2. Make Way for Young Germany: It’s an election speech by Goebbels on 31st

July, 1932 (Munich).

5.7.2.4 Goebbels on the practice of propaganda

Besides the Nuremberg Rally of 1927, Goebbels delivered a series of lectures and speeches, like:

i. Knowledge and Propaganda: It is one of the prominent work of Joseph

Goebbels regarding propaganda in 1928, it is basically a lecture delivered by

him.

ii. Wille und Weg: The significant role of Nazi propaganda is portrayed in

Goebbels essay (1931).

iii. The Situation: The political scenario of August 1931 is analyzed by

Goebbels.

5.7.3 Other propaganda material

Mass Pamphlets

1. Hitler re-establishes the NSDAP: It’s about the NSDAP reestablishment

(1925).

2. The 1927 Nuremberg Rally: It’s a content of the Nazi booklet (1927).

3. Nazis in Harburg: It’s an article regarding the Nazi activities in Harburg

(1929).

4. Those Damn Nazis: In 1929, it was one of the massively dispersed pamphlets.

5. Human Export is Coming!: In , this pamphlet was aimed at

149 delivering the message that to the Germans to cover reparations, German are to

be exported.

6. Nazi factory propaganda in Ludwigshafen: It’s an appeal directed towards the

factory workers (1931).

7. A Hitler rally in Gera: It’s an article from the

(Illustrated Observer) (1931).

8. Cartoons from Die Brennessel: It was a humor magazine of the Nazi Party

(1931).

9. The Bolshevist Swindle: It focuses on the Communists Party of Germany

(KPD) in 1931.

10. Hitler to Bruning: It is Adolf Hitler’s response to Bruning, who was serving as

the chancellor in December, 1931.

11. Why Hindenburg?: It’s a February 1932 pamphlet.

12. Facts and Lies about Hitler: This pamphlet came in March, 1932.

13. Nazi Emergency Economic Proposals: This pamphlet came in May of 1932.

14. Bring Down the System!: It’s a Summer 1932 pamphlet.

15. Flamethrower: It’s a June 1932 propaganda flyer.

16. Rote Erde: It comprises of the articles from a Nazi newspaper of 27 October,

1932.

17. Communists!: It is an election flyer focused at the communists of Berlin

(1932).

150 18. Hitler Over Germany: It is a 1932 Adolf Hitler’s aerial speaking tour.

19. The Newspapers Lie!: This pamphlet concentrates on the Socialists (1932).

5.7.4 Material intended for Nazi propagandists

1. Propaganda: It is basically a guidebook for the Nazi propagandists (1927).

2. Modern Political Propaganda: It is a pamphlet for the propagandists of

Nazism (1930).

3. How I Treat a Local Group Leader: It discussed the issues in propaganda

system (1931).

4. How I Treat a Speaker: It discussed the issues that the speakers had with the

local group leaders (1931).

5. Rural Propaganda: It covers the propaganda in the countryside (1932).

6. An Analysis of Nazi Propaganda: After the Reichstag election of July 1932,

it was written.

7. Reaching the Marxists: It is an essay that discusses the obstacles while

reaching the Marxists (1932).

5.8 Charismatic leadership of Adolf Hitler

Hitler can arguably be seen as one of the most charismatic leaders ever to have held authority in a nation. In this regard, a reference can be made to a number of authors and scholars who have viewed as Hitler fitting this description. Willner (1984), Toland

(1976), Laver (1995) and Kershaw (1987, 1991); all view the charismatic nature of

Hitler’s leadership as fundamental to an understanding of his rise and eventual rule.

151 Therefore, any study of leadership in the Third Reich must also be grounded in a solid understanding of the phenomenon of charismatic leadership.

The notion of charismatic leadership as an identifiable political concept had its origin, once again, with Max Weber, the noted German social scientist of the early twentieth century. He introduced the charismatic conception in his classification of legitimate authority. Weber (1986, p. 232) states that the validity of legitimate claims of authority can be based on different grounds, namely:

1. Rational grounds: Based on the legal pattern of regulations along with the right

of people in positions of prestige under guidelines to give instructions.

2. Traditional grounds: Based upon the recognized perception in the sanctity of

tradition and the authenticity of the people implementing authority according to

the principles of such tradition.

3. Charismatic grounds: This is based on the devotion to the character of a specific

individual seen as exceptional, sanctimonious, heroic or exemplary, and to

specific patterns or order propagated by him. The charismatic leader as such is

obeyed because of a personal trust in him and his revealed mission, and because

of his heroism and exemplary qualities as far as the individual is concerned.

Charismatic authority is not based on a specific office or status, but is derived from the capacity of a particular person to arouse and maintain belief in himself as the source of legitimacy. The focus is therefore, on the personal character of the leader and more specifically on the way this is viewed by his or her supporters.

152 In the context of charismatic authority and charismatic leadership, the concept

‘charisma’ needs clarification. It is of great importance to stress that, it would be rather futile to go in search of a set of identical or similar qualities of personality, character, temperament or style common to those political leaders who have been seen as

‘superhuman’ by blindly devotional followers. A comparison between Hitler and Gandhi would result in more variations than similarities. The core of the matter is that charisma is explained with regards to people’s expectations as well as a response to a leader. It surely is not exactly what the leader is, but precisely what the individuals observe their leader to be, and that is certainly crucial in the very development of a charismatic appeal.

Charisma is therefore, not to be found directly in the personality of the leader, but in the perceptions of the people he leads. The followers follow their vision of the leader.

It is thus important to focus on the factors that call forth those perceptions from the followers that characterize the charismatic relationship. This association between the charismatic leader with its supporters is identified by Willner (1984, p. 9) as having the following attributes:

1. The leader is viewed by supporters as being in some way, superhuman.

2. The supporters invariably believe their leader’s claims.

3. The supporters precisely submit themselves to the leader’s instructions.

4. The supporters present the leader an unconditional psychological devotion.

This relationship based on the perceptions that the followers have of the leader stands at the centre of charismatic leadership. Personality cannot be totally separated

153 from charisma, for the personality of the leader might provide him with the ability to project those images of himself that gives rise to charismatic perceptions.

It must further be clarified that there is a distinction between charisma as the basis of leadership, and charisma as the dominant basis for authority in a specific society. The distinction between these two aspects is not always very clear, for they are both based on a belief in an individual. The major difference between charismatic political leadership and charismatic political authority is the degree of the radius of captivating assistance.

Charismatic leadership can be found within predominantly traditional authority systems or legal-rational authority systems; however, when a charismatic political leader is able to transform almost all of the members of the society to a charismatic brand of politics, his charisma becomes the basis for authority in that state. Therefore, the authority base of charisma depends on the distribution of charismatically orientated belief within that system. If a charismatically based authority relation thus exists between the leader and most, or at least the majority, of the members of the society, we can say that charisma is the dominant basis for authority in that society (ibid. pp. 15-17).

Now, that the concepts charismatic leadership and charismatic authority have been introduced and some of the common misconceptions surrounding them are addressed, it is necessary to identify specific indicators by which the existence of a charismatic relationship between a political leader and followers can be discerned.

Drawing from the definition of Willner noted above, three distinct categories of indicators may be identified:

1. The first consists of beliefs that associate the leader with spheres beyond the

human. It can either be beliefs equating the leader to the divine or the semi-divine,

154 or beliefs that the leader possesses superhuman, or exceptional

powers or capacities.

2. The second category refers to the unconditional acceptance of the authority of the

leader. This can be subdivided into two categories, namely the domain of belief

which consists of convictions of the truth of all the leader’s statements, and on the

other hand, the domain of action which refers to the unconditional obedience to

the leader’s directives.

3. The third category points to the all-encompassing emotional commitment of the

followers to the leader, and by implication also to his vision and to the order that

he establishes.

An aspect that flows implicitly from the above-mentioned commitment of the followers is the belief that the very existence and continuity of the social order lies with the leader; so, the value depends upon the continued presence and leadership of the leader.

Since perceptions stand at the core of charismatic leadership, it is important to clarify those perceptions that can result in a distinctly charismatic basis for authority.

Willner (1984, pp. 20-29) identifies certain indicators of charismatic perceptions that focus on this specific aspect. It is important to remember the impact of cultural variation when discussing certain of these qualities in a universal or near-universal manner.

Attributes that can be considered as exceptional in one culture may not be looked upon with great favor in another. Similarly, different cultures may have different measures for how far a certain quality has to surpass the norm for it to be viewed as

155 transcending normal human potential. With this in mind, we can now focus in greater detail on these indicators of charismatic perceptions.

1. The leader as a god or savior

One of the primary and clearest indicators of charismatic perceptions is when the followers equate the leader directly with the divine or the semi-divine. This can take one of the following three forms:

i. Directly comparing the leader with God or with a specific deity;

ii. Seeing the leader as a savior or a messiah; iii. Equating or linking the leader with the founders of a specific religion or other

sacred figures of a specific culture.

The validity of this indicator can be indicated from the following statements, the first concerning Franklin Delano Roosevelt:

“People are looking to you almost as they look to God.” (ibid. p. 20)

Concerning Mussolini, the following statement was overheard by Barzini

(1964, p. 153):

“He is like a god... Like a god? No, No! He is a god.”

The following statement concerning Adolf Hitler can be used as an example of seeing the leader as a savior or messiah:

156 “My belief is that our Leader, Adolf Hitler, was given by fate to the German nation as our savior, bringing light into darkness.” (as quoted in Adel, 1938, p. 244)

The final category can be amply illustrated by this statement made by a German concerning his first reaction on coming into contact with Adolf Hitler:

“His appeal to German manhood was like a call to arms, the gospel he preached the sacred truth. He seemed another Luther, I forgot everything but the man.” (as quoted in Willner, 1984, p. 21)

2. The leader as a seer or a magician

Accounts of followers of charismatic leaders abound with rather vague references as to the ‘emanation of power’ or the ‘magnetic force’ that they sense their leaders to possess. They are usually no more specific as to the exact nature of that which they are experiencing. What their statements do point is the very sense of revelation or awakening, and emotional stirring they felt at times of exposure to the leader. It appears as if the only way they can explain their intuitive sense that the leader is somehow exceptional, is by referring to the unusual feelings that the leader arouses in them.

Even if it might be difficult for the followers to exactly frame their perceptions of the leader, it is still possible to identify a number of attributes in the leaders that have traditionally and widely been viewed as superhuman, supernatural, or magical. If followers’ belief that their leader is in possession of one these attributes, it can serve as a valid indicator for the presence of charismatically orientated perceptions towards that specific leader. The attributes can be summarized as follows:

157 1. The ability to foretell the future or to prophesy. Therefore, the quality of

prescience.

2. Reading the minds and intentions of others.

3. The ability to heal or harm in an unorthodox way.

4. The ability to influence or controlling the elements.

5. A general sense of invulnerability portrayed by a form of ‘magical’ protection or

immunity from harm.

This view of leaders is not limited to states in which a belief in the supernatural and magical is still freely admitted. Such views or at least close approximations thereof are also to be found in more scientifically developed, and therefore ‘intellectually enlightened’ states. Here these tendencies are usually expressed in terms referring to a

‘sixth sense’, ‘extraordinary luck’, ‘singularly good fortune’, and the alike.

The following statement is made concerning Mussolini:

“Some people are saturated with the knowledge of mankind; they seem to have a perceptive ability in addition to their normal senses. It is an absolutely infallible and subtle prescience that formulates itself immediately a person is confronted, as though all the secrets emerged and steadily developed themselves on a highly sensitized plate. All those who are acquainted with Mussolini agree that he has this power.” (Finer, 1935, p. 288)

One would not readily expect a contemporary citizen to view their leaders in a supernatural or magical sense. It can probably be stated that they would not openly admit holding such views. When they do express such sentiment, it is usually framed in a very

158 oblique manner. Examples of this are the following statements made concerning

Roosevelt quoted by Willner (1984, p. 25):

“Most extraordinary of all was the fact that the President, by his mere presence, seemed to bring the rain … Roosevelt himself seemed to take on magical qualities as his trips through the parched country time and again brought rain.”

It is impossible for the most skeptical oppositionist not to conclude that Franklin was blessed with luck. His followers were inclined to rate his good fortune even higher. It seemed to many of them that a providential arranger was at work. Though these accounts are all open to easy rational critique, they all point to the potential power and influence of a charismatic leader ascribed with these almost magical qualities.

3. Unconditional acceptance

It was stated that the unconditional acceptance of the followers regarding the personal authority of the leader, is a prominent defining characteristic of the existence of a charismatic relationship. To find a valid indicator for this specific facet of such a relationship, it is necessary to look at more than a mere correlation between the followers’ beliefs and the leader’s statements or the fact that their behavior conforms with his directives. It should be shown that his statements act as a major source for the formulation of their beliefs, and his commands as a sufficient motive for their obedience.

For validation of this indicator, evidence must be found that point to followers believing what they believe because the leader said so.

A supreme example of such beliefs will be beliefs that are adhered to regardless of telling and authoritative factual information that disproves such views. The same

159 applies to actions taken in obedience to the leader’s commands. A strong indicator hereof will be actions performed by followers at the command of the leader despite their awareness of the hardships and sacrifices that such obedience will entail. A good example of such an attitude is provided by the statement of one of Gandhi’s followers in the

Transvaal during a campaign of resistance against a restrictive ordinance imposed by the

Transvaal government:

“Mr. Gandhi, he knows. If he says go to prison, we go.” (as quoted in Ashe, 1968, p. 116)

4. Emotional commitment

The emotional commitment that the followers display towards the leader is somewhat more difficult to identify categorically, as we are dealing with vague issues such as intensity of expression and affective attachment. Since charismatic attachment usually includes an aspect of the metaphysical or supernatural, the emotional commitment to the leader can give rise to the type of emotion usually associated with gods and saviors, such as reverence and adoration.

Examples of this are again best expressed by the followers themselves.

Concerning Hitler, the following statement was made by at the end of

World War II when defeat looked inevitable:

“Now at the end of his rule … although was opposing him and had to face up to the fact of defeat, I still revered him.” (Speer, 1970, p. 437)

This type of commitment is not usually stated so directly; it is more often inferred, as one can see in the following statement concerning Roosevelt:

“I voice millions when I say we wish you could be our leader always.” (as quoted

160 in Willner, 1984, p. 28)

Pledges of lifetime commitment and absolute obedience are indicative of such high levels of emotional commitment. This is further illustrated in the following statement made concerning Mussolini:

“We want to do more and better to make Mussolini understands that we want to obey him to the death.” (as quoted in Finer, 1935, p. 301)

Finally, the actions of support can also be taken into account when trying to gauge the levels of emotional commitment the followers have towards the leader. These actions might include:

i. Frenzied attempts to see, to reach, or to touch the person of the leader.

ii. According him the gestures of worship, commonly offered to divinities. iii. Treating objects, he has touched or used as sacred relics.

Willner (1984, p. 29) illustrates this by once again referring to the example of Roosevelt:

“An example of an action that suggests veneration is that of a woman in Ohio who knelt down and reverently patted the dust where he [Roosevelt] had left a footprint.”

It should be noted that when assessing whether audience responses can be taken as indicative of charismatic content, it is important to distinguish between enthusiastic reactions to a leader’s statements on the one hand and reactions to the person of the leader on the other.

161

Chapter 6 Influences on Hitler & NSDAP, and the Nazi Popularity

162 6.1 Philosophical influences on Hitler

Hitler was very much interested in and claimed to have read Kant,

Fichte, Hegel, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, etc. His pursuit regarding it can be realized from his very own words in Mein Kampf (Vol. 1, Ch. 2):

“…there took shape within me a world picture and a philosophy which became the granite foundation of all my acts. In addition to what I then created, I have had to learn a little; and I have had to alter nothing.”

To rationalize his respective Weltanschauung (worldview) he used a variety of writings by his philosophical heroes. Ernst Hanfstaengl (Hitler’s friend) was of the view that, he took all the ingredients the German (tradition) offered him and mixed them through his private alchemy into a cocktail they wanted to drink.

6.1.1 Immanuel Kant (1724-1804)

There are some similarities in the philosophical foundations of Mein Kampf and

Kant’s notion of idealism.

“… The idealism, without which there is no true higher development of Man …

Idealism does not represent a superfluous expression of emotion, but that in truth it has been, is, and will be, the premise for what we designate as human culture, yes, that it alone created the concept of man” (Mein Kampf, Vol. 1, Ch. 2).

However, some critics are of the view that, as Hitler has studied Fichte (Kant’s immediate successor) and this reflection is merely an incident, but even they agree that Hitler was influenced by the necessity of ‘duty’ as it is presented in Kantian Categorical Imperative.

163 6.1.2 Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762-1814)

Hitler learned of German nationalism from Fichte’s book, Addresses to the

German Nation (1808). Timothy W. Ryback in Hitler’s Private Library: The books that shaped his life has drawn a parallel between Adolf Hitler and Fichte, with regards to the overthrowing of the political elite, and dreaming for the unity of the German people.

Fichte also influenced other Nazi members like Dietrich Eckart. As his concept of nationalism was regarded as being populist and opposed to traditional elites, his idea of

Volkskrieg (people’s war) was widely appreciated within the NSDAP (Ryback, 2008, p. 107).

6.1.3 Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831)

In his work, Lectures on the Philosophy of History (first published in 1892) Hegel has discussed four historic kingdoms of the world:

1. The Oriental Empire (the ).

2. The Greek Empire.

3. The .

4. The Germanic Empire.

In the ‘Germanic’ empire, Hegel was of the view that the State as well as individuals are harmonized, and the state has a supreme power over the masses. Hitler incorporated Hegel’s notion of harmony and power into his very own perspective.

6.1.4 Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860)

Hitler’s personal lawyer, Hans Frank stated that, Hitler used to carry the book by Schopenhauer, The World as Will and Representation (1818) with him

164 throughout the World War I. The primacy of the human ‘will’ is a key element in Hitler’s thought. Hitler said that he read it so many times on the front that he wore it out. This may or may not have been true, but he was reputed to have been able to quote long passages from Schopenhauer.

6.1.5 Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche (1844-1900)

Hitler claimed to have read some Nietzsche while he was in Landsberg Prison.

Some critics are even of the view that, Hitler was much closer to Nietzsche’s

Ubermensch (Superman) as compared to the work of Schopenhauer.

The philosophical concept of Ubermensch by Nietzsche in his 1883 book, Sprach

Zarathustra: Ein Buch fur Alle und Keinen (: A book for all and none) infers on Nietzsche’s goal to create conditions that require stronger men in terms of spiritual development. However, Hitler adopted his own version of this respective notion.

6.2 The ‘Three’ Masters

According to Adolf Hitler and Joseph Goebbels; Ludwig van Beethoven, Richard

Wagner, and Anton Bruckner were the three master composers that of ‘good’ German music.

6.2.1 Ludwig van Beethoven (1770-1827)

Beethoven was of the view that, “Strength is the morality of the man who stands out from the rest.” Hitler relates his very own self with Beethoven as featuring that respective heroic German philosophy. The German people were very much fond of

Beethoven’s work and his music was incomparable to any other composer.

165 6.2.2 Richard Wagner (1818-1883)

Wagner is regarded as the favorite musician by Hitler, and this is backed by the very fact that Wagner’s compositions were carried by Hitler in his knapsack during World

War I. Wagner’s music was often performed at rallies and functions of the Nazi Party. His work was uncompromisingly serious, as well as substantially Teutonic. Hitler was also inspired by Wagner’s political views.

6.2.3 Anton Bruckner (1824-1896)

Bruckner regarded himself as a Wagner’s follower. He had modest origins like

Hitler and under no circumstances forgot his peasant roots. Bruckner always had a real love for the great German ‘’. Bruckner epitomized the common German to Hitler.

The significance of Anton Bruckner’s work can be proved by the very fact that, in 1945, upon the news of Hitler’s demise, a movement from the Bruckner’s Seventh Symphony was played.

6.3 Wagner’s influence on Hitler and NSDAP

Hitler attended the Linz Opera Theater in 1904 and met August Kubizek

(nicknamed Gustl, a young Czech musician), and as they were both interested in Wagner’s music so they became close friends and roommates in Vienna, where both sought admission into the respective college. In the sixth district of Vienna, from 22nd February

1904 to early July 1908, Hitler shared a room in Stumpergasse 29/2 door 17 with Kubizek.

Hitler discontinued school in 1905, at the age of 16, and remained idle for the subsequent three years. He used to spend a big amount of his money on visiting the opera, where he ended up being a Wagner’s enthusiast.

166 In 1953, August Kubizek wrote the book, Adolf Hitler-Mein Jungenfreund (The

Young Hitler I Knew). Hitler’s formative years have been discussed in this book, and it also uncovers exactly how Wagner evolved into a model for Hitler’s aspirations.

Hitler saw in Wagner’s operas, a personification of his very own visualization of the German nation, and thus he became an enthusiast of his music. Hitler glorified

Wagner’s work in a 1922 speech as, “The heroic Teutonic nature ... Greatness lies in the heroic.” (as quoted in Spotts, 1994, p. 141)

In a NSDAP meeting on 3rd November, 1923 at Nuremberg, Hitler said:

“The reason we perceive the artist Richard Wagner as being great is because he represented heroic folklore, Germanness, in all his works. The Heroic is the Great. That is what our people long for.” (as quoted in Aufzeichnungen, 1980, p. 1034)

From 1923 onwards, Hitler frequently visited Bayreuth and attended the respective performances at the theatre (Spotts, 1994, p. 140). There prevails to be a debate with regards to the degree to which Wagner’s ideas likely have inspired Nazi thoughts. However, the Nazis employed those aspects of Wagner’s ideas that were effective as propaganda and disregarded or restrained the remainder (Potter, 2008, pp.

235-245).

Bayreuth offered an effective front for Nazi customs, and Wagner’s music was utilized at numerous Nazi occasions (Grey, 2002, pp. 93-94). But, the Nazi hierarchy in its entirety failed to share Hitler’s passion for Wagner’s operas and also dislike showing up at these particular extensive epics at Hitler’s demand (Carr, 2007, p. 184).

167 Hitler has claimed in Mein Kampf first volume (chapter 1, paragraph 52), that his very own Weltanschauung (worldview) was derived from Wagner.

“At the age of twelve, I saw ... the first opera of my life, Lohengrin. In one instant

I was addicted. My youthful enthusiasm for the Bayreuth Master knew no bounds.”

In chapter 8, paragraph 22 of Mein Kampf, he said:

“Beside Frederick the Great we have such men as Martin Luther and Richard Wagner.”

While, in the chapter 6, paragraph 31 of Mein Kampf, Hitler is of view:

“… certain memories and traditions which are present as pictures in the human mind may have a determining influence on the impression produced… The mysterious charm of the House [Wagner’s Opera House] on the Festival Height in the old city of The

Margrave cannot be equalled or substituted anywhere else.”

Wagner and Hitler had a lot in common and it is sometimes complicated to completely separate them, both of them were politicians as well as artists in a very unique sense; Wagner, as a ‘would-be’ politician and Hitler as a ‘would-be’ artist.

When Hitler became the chancellor in 1933, he staged a grand festivity at Leipzig

(the birthplace of Wagner) on his 50th death anniversary. Hitler personally showed up at the respective events until 1939. From 1933 till 1945 the annual Bayreuth celebration was also utilized as a propaganda tool by the Nazi Party.

6.4 Volkisch ideologies and NSDAP

The role of Volkisch ideological stance was persuasive in the progression of the

NSDAP. Joseph Goebbels affirmed in the Nuremberg rally of 1927 that, the Volkisch

168 movement would surely have acquired political power on 9th November 1918 (i.e., the end of German monarchy), if had recognized its very own strength, and would have been able to bring a large number of people out in Germany.

Hitler states in Mein Kampf:

“The basic ideas of the National-Socialist movement are populist (Volkisch), and the populist (Volkisch) ideas are National-Socialist.”

As outlined by Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke (1985), an insightful myth encompassing the Volkisch group has always influenced the NSDAP. Studiengruppe fur

Germanisches Altertum (Study Group for Germanic Antiquity) was re-named into the

Thule-Gesellschaft (Thule Society), which has been established by Rudolf von

Sebottendorf on 17th August, 1918.

The Thule Society also proved to be crucial in the very basis of the Deutsche

Arbeiter-Partei (DAP or German Workers’ Party) in , which afterwards ended up being the NSDAP. Moreover, Sebottendorf was the owner of the press organ of another small nationalist party, the Munchener Beobachter (Munich Observer), which afterwards transformed into the Volkischer Beobachter (People’s Observer).

Adolf Hitler never became a Thule Society member. Alfred Rosenberg along with

Rudolf Hess was Thule Society visiting guests before becoming renowned in the National-

Socialist movement (Goodrick-Clarke, 1985, p. 201). In 1919, Friedrich Krohn, a Thule member was responsible in devising the National-Socialist swastika’s original version.

169 6.5 NSDAP’s membership in Germany

Besides the paramilitary wings, i.e., Sturmabteilung and , the NSDAP had also incorporated various other segments of the German society. It included the students, women, and youth wings.

6.5.1 Student membership

The Nationalsozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund (National Socialist German

Students’ League) was established in 1926 in the form of a division of the Nazi Party with the intention to integrate the education as well as educational lifestyle at the level of the University within the context of the National Socialist worldview. It was stringently organized in concurrence with the Fuhrerprinzip as well as the concept of Machtdistanz

(power distance). It used to accommodate its very own affiliates in Kameradschaftshausern

(Fellowship Houses). Its members use to wear traditional brown colored shirts, and a unique Swastika design was used as an emblem from 1930 onwards.

The Deutsche Studentenschaft (German Student Union), which was founded in

1919 during the Weimar period was dominated by the Nationalsozialistischer Deutscher

Studentenbund in 1931, till its existence, i.e., 1945.

6.5.2 Women membership

The Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft (National Socialist Women’s League) was established in October 1931 as a blend of numerous nationalist as well as National

Socialist women’s organizations. It served in the capacity of the women’s wing of the

Nazi Party.

170 6.5.3 Youth Wings

The NSDAP was well aware of the role of youth in the development of Germany and strengthening the Nazi Party in the long run, and thus focused on youth programs and established its very own youth wings to align the youth with their proposed agenda.

i.

The Deutsches Jungvolk (German Youth) was established in 1928, as the part of

Hitler’s Youth movement. It focused on boys aged 10 to 14, by means of engaging them in sports, parades, and outdoor activities. The main purpose of it was the indoctrination of the Nazi ideology.

ii. Bund Deutscher Madel

The Bund Deutscher Madel () was established in 1930, as the girls’ wing of Hitler’s Youth movement. At that time, in Germany, it was the only female youth organization.

It comprised of two sections:

1. Jungmadelgruppe (Young Girls’ League): For girls aged 10 to 14.

2. League proper: For girls aged 14 to 18. iii. Hitlerjugend

The Hitlerjugend (Hitler Youth) was the Nazi Party’s youth organization. It has its origin in 1922. In 1933, under this organization the Deutsches Jungvolk, Bund

Deutscher Madel, and Hitlerjugend proper (male youth 14 to 18 years) was merged into a single entity.

171 6.6 NSDAP’s membership outside Germany

The Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei Auslands-Organisation

(NSDAP/AO) was the organization working outside Germany for the Nazi Party. It served as the Auslands (foreign) organization branch of the NSDAP. Its membership was only restricted to (ethnic Germans). Members in and Brazil joined it in 1928, while members in Switzerland and the United States of America joined it in 1930. Local Group Buenos Aires, joined it on 7th August, 1931, National Committee

Paraguay joined this group on 20th August, 1931, and Local Group Rio de Janeiro joined on 5th October, 1931.

The primary chores of the NSDAP/AO were the ideological instruction as well as congruity of all party allies with the NSDAP’s pursuits. It had been designated the mandate of collaborating all NSDAP affiliates with the affiliates of the NSDAP-linked organizations existing in foreign countries. It aimed towards educating these people in the doctrine, viewpoint, as well as political programs of the NSDAP.

The principal tasks of the NSDAP/AO were the ideological training and congruity of all party comrades with the NSDAP’s interests. It was assigned the mandate of uniting all NSDAP members with the members of the NSDAP-affiliated organizations living abroad. It aimed at educating them in the ideology, philosophy, and political programs of the NSDAP. Some of its core values were:

1. An individual should comply with the rules and regulations of the country in which

they dwell.

172 2. Individuals should not interfere in the internal policy matters of the country in which

they are a guest, and they should refrain from being indulge in such conversations.

3. Individuals on all occasions should identify themselves to others as a NSDAP

member.

4. Individuals should be fearless, loyal, and honest at all times.

5. Individuals should take care of their fellow Germans, irrespective of their social class.

These particular guidelines were designed to develop a sense of amiability regarding Germans and consequently Germany at large. Thus, persuading the foreigners regarding the NSDAP as being the best solution for Germany, and as an outcome, for the rest of the countries. It contributed to maximize the respective membership, and when the

NSDAP came to power in 1933, total members, i.e., inside and outside Germany were over two million.

6.7 Affiliated organizations of NSDAP

A number of nominally autonomous organizations had their very own legalized body; however, were assisted by the Nazi Party, like:

6.7.1 Nationalsozialistische Lehrerbund (NSLB)

The Nationalsozialistische Lehrerbund (National Socialist Teachers League) was founded on 21st April, 1929 and lasted till 1943, with its seat at Bayreuth (Bavaria). Hans

Schemm served as its founder and first Reichswalter. The Nationalsozialistische

Lehrerzeitung (NS Teachers’ News) was its organ (Pine, 2010, p. 14).

173 6.7.2 Deutsches Rotes Kreuz (DRK)

The Deutsches Rotes Kreuz (German Red Cross), started functioning in the

Charite hospital of Berlin by Dr. Aaron Silverman in 1884. It had been a voluntary civil assistance organization which had been formally recognized by the Geneva Convention in 1929. It is still functioning as the national Red Cross Society in Germany.

6.7.3 Kyffhauserbund

The Kyffhauserbund, also referred as the Kyffhauser League focused at the War

Veterans and Reservists’ Associations in Germany. Its origin exists in the Deutscher

Kriegerbund (Warrior League), which in 1900 stressed on the need to unite the previously dispersed German war veterans’ associations. This organization is still functional in Germany.

6.7.4 Technische Nothilfe (TENO)

Technische Nothilfe (Technical Emergency Help) was founded by Otto

Lummitzsch, who was serving as the member of Technische Abteilung (technical unit) of the paramilitary division, Garde-Kavallerie-Schutzen on 30th September, 1919.

The main objectives of this organization were the preservation and sustenance of the respective strategic and vital facilities, like:

1. Agriculture and food production activities

2. Gas works

3. Post offices

4. Power stations

174 5. Railways

6. Waterworks

6.7.5 Reichsbund der Kinderreichen (RdK)

The Reichsbund der Kinderreichen (Reich’s Union of Large Families) was among the most imperative pronatalist self-help organization founded in 1922. The qualifying criteria for this organization was quite simple, a family having four or more children was eligible for its membership, and widows with children were also eligible for its membership. This organization aimed at facilitating and advocating the German families in these respective domains:

1. Child allowances

2. Free tuition and learning material

3. Introduction of a family wage

4. Improvement of maternal health

5. Maternity leave to be ensured

6. Sufficient living space for the families

7. Tax reductions

(Stephenson, 1979, pp. 351-375)

6.8 Nazism as an ideal type

When generic nature is granted for an idea that is used as a piece of the examination of the methodology and events concerning individuals (as was just accorded to Nazism), it

175 can undoubtedly bring about a labyrinth of clashing definitional pathways, each following a particular set of criteria which is generally recompensed absolute status.

Max Weber coined the term ‘ideal type’ while trying to further clarify this intriguing improvement. He expressed that inflation as well as diversification of such scientific, social terms must be seen in the very light of the fact that their premises as being an ideal type. The essential reason of Weber’s considerations on this aspect is that, the human mind requires a channel equipped for sorting through and altering the endless measure of phenomena that constitutes the very premises of experiential reality, prior of drawing meaning from it at any level (Burger, 1976, p. 80).

It would be absolutely impossible to give a complete account of every activity and the expression of masses involved in a particular historical event as well as their every interaction with one another, along with the impact of structural forces like economic, political, and social aspects. Individual historical events always consist of a closer review of countless interactions involving personal and beyond personal systems of truths.

In order for an individual to grasp such an endless measure of information, it structures this information through different thought processes into a solitary theoretical substance which equips an individual with the capacity to affiliate some verbal expression to. This empowers individuals, not just to structure this information into a significant reasonable system, but it also facilitates their insight into the perplexing ordering principles at work among all the unique information.

Terms, for example, French Revolution or American Civil War, along these lines remains as code words for a substantial group of occasions (including a huge number of

176 individuals in addition to a lot of diversified impersonal influences), which certainly have been diminished to a minimized structure, hence making them useful and easy to further investigate the respective subject matter.

This ‘type’ can surely be referred as being ‘ideal’, as it doesn’t exist as a general rule. However, it is just a reflection in a scholarly world stripped of thus prevailing heterogeneity, and to a certain degree even a complex phenomenon of its type. Weber inferred this in the accompanying definition that an ‘ideal type’ is shaped by the uneven misrepresentation of a single or a few perspectives and by the mixture of a considerable number of single phenomena diffusely existing, which are pretty much present and incidentally truant. In its applied virtue, this thought-picture can’t be discovered exactly any place in all actuality, it is an ideal world, i.e., a utopia (Burger, 1976, pp. 127-128).

The ideal type in this manner furnishes the analyst with applied control over specific parts of the external reality that is being looked into. This control is accomplished by the route in which dialect is utilized and through the mind and creative energy of the analyst. This picture that is made remains a utopia, yet it is a utopia not taking into account dreams or illusions, but rather it is derived from reality.

Griffin (1993, p. 11) has argued that no such meaning of any generic term can be valid in its descriptive sense, yet just helpful. In the event a term is connected deliberately as an ideal type, it permits significant exploration to be completed into specific issues on which sound observational systems can be utilized. Therefore, it becomes clear that ideal types are abused to an extent in the event that they are treated as conclusive classes.

177 6.9 The uniqueness of Nazism

The terms ‘Nazism’ and ‘Fascism’ are often confused, but in fact, are two distinctive ideologies. Nazism was fundamentally unique and interesting, as each nation takes after its own particular sonderweg (extraordinary way of advancement), and in this manner produces a one of a kind cultural tradition in which ultra-nationalism follows.

Payne (1980, pp. 101-102) has elaborated the main differences between Hitler and

Mussolini regimes as:

 The basic premises on which the Nazi’s concept regarding nationalism was built

was race, while the Fascists view was more of a political and social nature. In this

way, Nazism tended towards revolutionary exclusivity, on the other hand Fascism

was more syncretic in its very nature.

 Mussolini was interested in incorporating few aspects of , liberalism,

as well as socialism in his doctrine, while Adolf Hitler dismissed every single

principle and the prevailing doctrine. According to the Nazi perspective an

individual would be a ‘new man’ based upon biological aspects as well as the

result of a cultural product, while the ideology inferred upon their ‘new

man’ as being a product of intensified Fascist school education (Vincent, 1995,

pp. 158-162; Sargent, 1999, pp. 194-195).

 Nazism was comparatively more anti-Semitist than Fascism, as Fascism was racist

just in the conventional sense. At the end of his reign, Mussolini turned against the

Jews only to please Hitler (Vincent, 1995, p. 159; Baradat, 1997, pp. 269-271).

178  Hitler’s foreign policy surpassed the customary German expansionist aims,

endeavoring a progressive racial rebuilding of Europe (Baradat, 1997, pp. 277-

278). Mussolini aimed for colonial expansion (what he perceived as Italy’s

effective reach) and the limited sphere within the Mediterranean area (Spielvogel,

1992, pp. 208-214).

 The Nazi-party undoubtedly played a significantly more imperative part than the

Mussolini’s Partito Nazionafe Fascista (PNF), as the PNF was able to enjoy an

extremely limited autonomy and was to a great extent changed into a sub-class of

state’s administration (Sargent, 1999, pp. 191-193).

 A lucid form of an authority clique, i.e., a leadership cult encompassing Adolf

Hitler as the Fuhrer was developed in Germany. The resultant Fuhrerprinzip

(Fuhrer principle) as a basis for the Fuhrerstaat (Fuhrer state) played a very

dominant role in Nazism and it is also hard to imagine the hero worship of Hitler

without it. As his rule’s inherent dynamism is extremely perplexing as well as

heterogeneous (Spielvogel, 1992, pp. 130-134).

 On the other hand, the Mussolini regime stayed to a vast degree a state based on

formal law and semi pluralism. This set extreme restrictions on the Duce’s

leadership role itself and the regime’s revolutionary potential. Despite the fact

that Mussolini formulated the totalitarian principle he was never able to extend it

to the degree that Hitler was capable of. This element facilitated the Duce’s

opponents inside the state to over-through him easily (Vincent, 1995, p. 165).

179 While taking into consideration the ideal type it ought to be evidently clear that

the Third Reich was not a pessimistic analysis to attempt and realize the ideal type of

totalitarianism as far as state control is concerned, but it was rather a massive campaign

against debauchery. Its vision was to recover each part of society, regardless of the

possibility that they just succeeded in halfway annihilating the old framework.

The main thrust behind Nazism was not just an amazing type of agnosticism or

cultural despair, but rather a mixture of ultra-nationalism combined with biological

racism, imperialism, and additionally a wide range of different aspects ranging from

realism, occultism to technocratic and even scientific fantasies (Griffin, 1993, pp. 110-

111).

The end of the Third Reich was proclaimed in, not as a consequence of a

frustration amongst the pioneers. However, simply because it was overpowered by the

sheer size and resources of the Allied powers against it. Indeed, even the demolition of

Berlin and death was unable to shake the Nazi loyal.

6.10 Nazi influence outside Germany

Adolf Hitler and the NSDAP had much influence outside Germany even before he

assumed the chancellorship. Some political parties mimicked the NSDAP, and copied the

National Socialist Program verbatim. These influences also helped Hitler and the NSDAP

to gain popularity outside Germany. Few of the many political parties that were inspired

by Hitler’s vision and the NSDAP are briefly mentioned:

180 6.10.1 Deutsche Nationalsozialistische Arbeiterpartei (DNSAP-Austria)

At the beginning of the 20th century, a Pan-German movement started in Austria, referred as the Austrian National Socialist movement. It resulted in the formation of the

Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (German Worker’s Party), which was established in the Austrian town of Aussig on 15th November, 1903. In May 1918, the German Worker’s Party changed its name to the Deutsche Nationalsozialistische Arbeiterpartei (DNSAP) in a party meeting at Vienna, and a National Socialist Program was presented, which is thought to have influenced the later manifesto of the NSDAP.

Alfred Proksch met Hitler in his early years, and became his loyal adherent. In northern Austria, he launched the Nazi movement, and served as a (NSDAP’s equivalent of a Governor). He also founded the party newspaper, Volksstimme along with the NSP-Verlag publishing house. In 1928, he was appointed as the Stellvertreter-

Landesleiter (Deputy Landsman) and from 1931 to 1933 held the post of Landesleiter

(Landsman) (Rees, 1991, p. 306).

Although, the real power rested with Theodor Habicht, who joined the NSDAP in

1926, and a number of local journals were established by him. He also served as a Hesse-

Nassau assembly’s member, and the NSDAP’s leader of the Wiesbaden council. In 1931, he was sent as a Landesinspekteur (Land Inspector) to Austria under orders from Hitler to oversee the reorganization of the DNSAP. The DNSAP continued to work till early 1938 in Austria (ibid. p. 169).

181 6.10.2 Deutsche Nationalsozialistische Arbeiterpartei (DNSAP- Czechoslovakia)

The Deutsche Nationalsozialistische Arbeiterpartei (DNSAP) was established in

November 1919 in Duchcov by Hans Knirsch, Hans Adolf Krebs, Rudolf Jung, Josef

Patzel, and Adam Fahrner. It was commonly referred in Czech as the Nemecka Narodne

Socialisticka Strana Delnicka. It had 61,000 members as well as 1,024 local chapters in

May, 1932 (Klimek, 2003, p. 219).

As opposed to the consecutive sister party, i.e., Deutsche Nationalsozialistische

Arbeiterpartei (DNSAP-Austria), which merely played a minimal role in Austrian politics, the Czechoslovak outlet managed to entice a great deal of votes due to the large

Sudeten (German Bohemian) fraction in Czechoslovakia. In elections, it worked well along with the Deutsche Nationalpartei (DNP). It was banned by the state of

Czechoslovakia in October of 1933 (Sebek, 2000, p. 270).

6.10.3 Svenska Nationalsocialistiska Frihetsforbundet (SNSFF-Sweden)

The Svenska Nationalsocialistiska Frihetsforbundet (Swedish National Socialist

League of Freedom) was the first its kind National Socialist Party in Sweden. At a meeting in Alvdalen on 12th August 1924, it was founded by Birger Furugard along with his two brothers Gunnar and Sigurd. It was the result of the 1923 meeting of Sigurd and

Gunnar with Hitler and Erich Ludendorff. This group also started the publication of

Nationalsocialisten, and Sigurd worked as its editor (Nordin, 2005, p. 20).

The following year it was renamed to Svenska Nationalsocialistiska Bonde-och

Arbetarpartiet (SNBA) (Swedish National Socialist Peasants and Workers Party), but it

182 remained confined to Varmland. The party merged with the ’s

National Socialist People’s Party of Sweden in 1930, and established the Svenska

Nationalsocialistiska Partiet (SNSP) (Swedish National Socialist Party). Birger Furugard served as the party’s Riksledare (National Leader). Its headquarters was at Goteborg

(Schon, 1999, p. 56).

The whole structure of the party was modeled after the NSDAP (Edvard, 1933, pp. 115-116). Furugard had the full authority of all party affairs just like its German counterpart, the Fuhrer (Tingsten & Nils, 1970, p. 46) and close contacts with NSDAP were maintained (Moller, 2005, p. 123).

On several occasions, Furugard visited Germany, and even spoke at the election campaign meetings of the NSDAP. He was also successful in developing personal links with the key figures in the NSDAP, including Hitler (Schon, 1999, pp. 56-57). Swastika as the symbol was used, and this party functioned until 1936, in which it was dissolved

(Carlsson, 1942, p. 92).

6.10.4 Legiunea Arhanghelului Mihail (Romania)

The Legiunea Arhanghelului Mihail (Legion of the Archangel Michael) or the

Miscarea Legionara (Legionnaire movement) was initiated as a far-right movement by

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu in Romania on 24th July 1927, with its headquarters in

Bucharest (Payne, 1995, p. 394).

The respective philosophy is referred as the ‘Legionarism’ or the ‘Legionary

Doctrine’. This political movement, which later resulted in a political party is commonly known as the Garda de Fier (). It was an anti-capitalist, anti-communist, and

183 an ultra-nationalist party. As its members wore green uniforms, therefore they were referred as the ‘Greenshirts’ (Waldeck, 2013, p. 182).

However, Codreanu perception was different as compared to the hardcore concept of Nazism, as he didn’t advocate for an all glorified ‘superhuman’ like the NSDAP. The

Legion didn’t have any straightforward economic program, but it continued to reject capitalism as being overly materialistic, and promoted the very idea of a communal as well as a national economy. This Legion continued to work till 1941 (Payne, 1995, pp.

277-289).

6.10.5 Norges Nasjonalsocialistiske Arbeiderparti (NNSAP-Norway)

The Norges Nasjonalsocialistiske Arbeiderparti (National Socialist Workers’

Party of Norway) was a Norwegian minor political party founded in 1930 by Adolf

Egeberg. It was an extra parliamentary opposition of its time (Garau, 2015, pp. 160-163).

Egeberg was a journalist, and in 1930 was working in the capacity of a correspondent for the newspaper, Nationen in Germany (Dahl, 1990, p. 71). He also took courses in Sturmabteilung (the paramilitary wing of the NSDAP) in Munich and

Schutzstaffel (the paramilitary organization of the NSDAP) in Berlin (Emberland &

Rougthvedt, 2004, p. 197).

The NNSAP adopted the ideological model of the NSDAP, and espoused a Pan-

Germanic wave (Pryser, 1991, p. 116). Egeberg along with numerous members of the party had an organizational as well as personal tie to the NSDAP and Schutzstaffel

(Kyllingstad, 2014, pp. 207-208).

184 The NNSAP was established as a Nazi cell, and Eugen Nielsen financed it.

Nielsen was an architect by profession, and was also an activist. In 1932, he started publishing a biweekly newspaper, Fronten (The Front). The NNSAP was dissolved in

May, 1940 when it became defunct due to the invasion of Norway by the German army on 9th April, 1940 (Garau, 2015, pp. 160-163).

6.10.6 Danmarks Nationalsocialistiske Arbejderparti (DNSAP-Denmark)

The Danmarks Nationalsocialistiske Arbejderparti (National Socialist Workers’

Party of Denmark) was founded by a former captain of the Danish Guard Hussars, Cay

Lembcke. It was the largest Nazi Party in Denmark, and was formed after the German

Reichstag elections of 1930, i.e., on 16th November, in which the Nazis had gained much support and success from the respective masses. Lembcke also established the Det

Danske Spejderkorps (Danish Boy Scouts Organization) in 1910.

This party mimicked the NSDAP verbatim, i.e., used the swastika along with the

Hitler salute; they even name their fighting force as ‘SA’. They also adopted the translated version of the Horst-Wessel-Lied ( Song), which was the NSDAP anthem from 1930 to 1945. The DNSAP continued to work till the end of World War II, i.e., 8th May, 1945 (Geisler, 2005, p. 71).

6.10.7 Nationaal-Socialistische Nederlandsche Arbeiderspartij (NSNAP-

Netherlands)

The Nationaal-Socialistische Nederlandsche Arbeiderspartij (National Socialist

Dutch Workers Party) was a minor Dutch national socialist party established in Hague on

16th November 1931, established by Adalbert van Smit, Albert van Waterland, and Ernst

185 Herman van Rappard Ridder. The NSNAP’s headquarters was in Amsterdam (Geerken,

2015, p. 80).

The NSNAP was very much inspired by the NSDAP, and formed their very own

‘Storm Trooper’ battalion, just like the Sturmabteilung. The group also launched its youth program, i.e., ‘Holland Youth’ imitating the ‘Hitler Youth’. The emblem, i.e., a black swastika in a white circle on a red background was used as the party’s emblem

(Littlejohn, 1972, p. 86).

In the summer of 1932, the NSNAP was divided into three small groups. In April

1932, van Rappard publicly announced that the Netherlands should become a German province. Smit did not agree with the idea of van Rappard, so he left the party. Later, van

Rappard viewed Albert van Waterland as his rival, and thus van Waterland was thrown out of the party. Smit and van Waterland formed their own separate parties with the same name, i.e., NSNAP.

However, the strongest adherent of Adolf Hitler was Ernst Herman van Rappard.

His group was called the NSNAP-Van Rappard group. He was of the view that the Dutch and Germans had a strong ethnic bonding. He later renamed his group to NSNAP-

Hitlerbeweging (Hitler Movement) (Rees, 1991). This party was dissolved on 14th

December, 1941.

6.10.8 Movimiento Nacional Socialista de Chile

Movimiento Nacional Socialista de Chile (Nationalist Socialist Movement of

Chile) was founded on 5th April, 1932 as a far-right political movement in Chile by

Carlos Keller (the main ideologue of the group), General Diaz Valderrama, and Jorge

186 Gonzalez von Marees (who became its first leader). El Jefe (the Chief) was his analogous to the Fuhrer in Spanish. It supported the ideas of the NSDAP, and the respective members were referred as the Nacistas (Friedman, 2003, p. 52).

The party strictly adhered to the concepts of Nazism. It acquired monetary assistance from the German community of Chile and quickly accrued a subscription of

20000 adherents. The movement emphasized on the necessity of one party rule, as well as unity between the social classes, and soon established its very own paramilitary wing, the

Tropas Nacistas de Asalto. The Nationalist Socialist Movement of Chile was dissolved in

1938 (Payne, 1995, p. 341).

6.10.9 Partidul National-Socialist din Romania (PNSR-Romania)

The Partidul National-Socialist din Romania (Nationalist-Socialist Party of

Romania) was a political party founded in April 1932 by Colonel Stefan Tatarescu. He was a retired colonel of the Romanian Air Force and the brother of Gheorghe Tatarescu

(who later served twice as the Prime Minister of Romania) (Heinen, 2006, pp. 173, 217).

It is often referred as the mimetic Nazi political party by scholars because of its policies, and party structure. The PNSR also published a newspaper, the Crez Nou. The

PNSR was financially supported by his German patrons, and Tatarescu was officially received by them. However, there was an eventual drop in his popularity, and in 1936 the

PNSR was dissolved (Veiga, 1993, p. 133).

187 6.10.10 Magyar Nemzeti Szocialista Part (Hungary)

The Magyar Nemzeti Szocialista Part (Hungarian National Socialist Party) was initially organized in the 1920s, but did not gain any influence. Nevertheless, this incarnation of the party carried on into the 1930s (Payne, 1995, p. 270).

A second group, the Hungarian National Socialist Workers Party (NSZMP) was founded by Zoltan Boszormeny on 2nd May 1932, and a meeting with Adolf Hitler that same year convinced him regarding the further benefits of Nazism.

The movement soon became known as the ‘Scythe Cross’ due to its party emblem. The group followed Hitler’s lead closely, adopting the brown shirt and swastika whilst publishing the newspaper Nemzeti Szocialista (National Socialist). As leader of the movement Boszormeny insisted on the title Vezer (great leader) in imitation of Hitler’s Fuhrer. A word-for-word translation of the Nazi Party National Socialist

Program served as the founding document for the Scythe Cross. This party worked until

1945 in Hungary (Carsten, 1974, p. 173).

6.10.11 Natsional Sotsialisticheskata Bulgarska Rabotnicheska

Partiya (NSBRP-Bulgaria)

The Natsional Sotsialisticheskata Bulgarska Rabotnicheska Partiya (National

Socialist Bulgarian Workers Party) was a Nazi Party established in July, 1932 by Doctor

Hristo Kunchev, with its headquarters in Sofia, the capital of the Kingdom of Bulgaria.

Various groups emerged in Bulgaria, like the Union of Bulgarian National Legions

(1936) and the Warriors for the Advancement of the Bulgarian National Spirit (Ratniks) after Hitler’s success in Germany. But, the Bulgarian National Socialist Workers Party

188 was the first of its kind in Bulgaria to openly support Adolf Hitler, even before he assumed the chancellorship of Germany (Haskell, 1994, p. 111).

Kunchev had studied medicine in Berlin and was much inspired by Adolf Hitler.

The Bulgarian National Socialist Workers Party replicated the NSDAP by following the

National Socialist Program, the swastika along with other symbols of the Nazi Party

(Butler, 1998, p. 44).

The party also published a newspaper called the Ataka! (Attack!) on 21st March,

1932 which resembled Joseph Goebbels Der Angriff. Kunchev also used the National

Socialist Program verbatim, and launched his own program with the name of ‘My

Program’.

Natsional Sotsialisticheskata Bulgarska Rabotnicheska Partiya (National

Socialist Bulgarian Workers Party) was banned in 1944 by the Bulgarian Communist

Party which had dominated the Fatherland Front coalition that took power in 1944. Later, the Bulgarian Communist Party established the People’s Republic of Bulgaria in 1946

(Ilchev, 2005, p. 44).

6.10.12 Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP-Syria)

was established (الحزب السوري القومي االجتماعي) The Syrian Social Nationalist Party in Beirut on 16th November 1932 by a Lebanese philosopher, politician and writer,

Antoun Saadeh. This party is still functional in Lebanon, Syria, Palestine, , and

Jordan, with more than 100,000 members (Irwin, 2005, p. 24).

189 Saadeh moved to Brazil in February 1921, where he learned German. He founded a secret society in 1924, the main objective of this society was the unification of ‘Natural’

Syria, in his view, it included Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Southern , Transjordan,

Palestine, and the Levant. But, his covert society was dissolved the following year

(Peretz, 1994, p. 384).

In July 1930, he returned to Lebanon. He taught German at the American

University of Beirut in 1932, the same year he secretly established the SSNP. According to Reeva S. Simon (1996), Saadeh was an admirer of Hitler and highly influenced by

Nazi ideology. As the SSNP party’s symbol a reversed swastika was adopted, and the

Arabic version of Deutschland uber alles was used as the party’s anthem. The party stressed on the very need of developing the cult of a leader, i.e., via the art of glorification (Suleiman, 1965, p. 134).

Ehud Ya’ari (1987) and Nordbruch Goetz (2009, pp. 85-87) claims that the SSNP greet their leaders with a Hitlerian salute.

6.10.13 Elliniko Ethniko Sosialistiko Komma (Greece)

The Elliniko Ethniko Sosialistiko Komma (Greek National Socialist Party) was a

National Socialist far-right party established in December 1932, by George S. Mercouris in Athens. It was distinguished in Greece as it most fiercely supported Hitler, and copied the NSDAP in terms of organization as well as policies.

Mercouris served as the Member of Parliament from 1915 till 1929. In the Petros

Protopapadakis cabinet, he also held the portfolio of the Minister for Food and Supply from 1915 till August 1922. In the Alexandros Zaimis cabinet, from December 1926 till

190 August 1927, he served as the Minister of National Economy. In 1927, he also served as the Greek delegate to the League of Nations. In September 1932, he was re-elected to the parliament, and was made the People’s Party vice-president, but after a disagreement with Panagis Tsaldaris (the party’s leader) Mercouris left it in November 1932, and the next month, i.e., December 1932 he established his own party, which continued to work until 1943 (Payne, 1995, p. 320).

191

Chapter 7 Hitler’s Emergence as a Demagogue

192 7.1 The quest for a ‘Heroic’ leader in Germany

Adolf Hitler’s rise to power and his eventual rule over Germany cannot be separated from the idea of ‘heroic’ leadership. Hitler was readily portrayed by the Nazi propaganda machine as the savior and champion of Germany, sent by ‘fate’ to restore the

German nation to its rightful position and to lead it into a glorious future. The focus on heroic leadership in Germany did not originate with the Nazi Movement. It was a prominent element of the ideas of Nationalist and Volkisch Right long before Hitler came to prominence (Jarman, 1955, pp. 33-40; Stern, 1990, pp. 32-38).

The idea of a Fuhrer for the Germans had been propagated by various nationalist writers as well as politicians, and was therefore not an uncommon or alien viewpoint for the average German in the Weimar era. With the rise of Hitler, it was not immediately apparent to the protagonists of the need for heroic leadership that Hitler himself was the leader they have been waiting for. This image of Hitler, sometimes called the ‘Hitler myth’ grew over time until it became the dominant base of authority in Germany.

The readiness to place all hope in the authority of a ‘strong’ man, has not been peculiar only to Germany. Promotion by threatened elites and acceptance by anxious masses of strong authoritarian leadership, often personalized in one charismatic person, has been experienced by many societies in which a weak pluralist political system is incapable of resolving deep political, ideological rifts and where the whole system is perceived to be in a serious crisis. This was most definitely the case in inter-war Europe

(Mosse, 1975, pp. 60-62). What differentiates the German leadership cult from the rest of

193 Europe is that, it has to be seen in the context of a specifically German political culture long pre-dating the Hitler era.

The very roots of such heroic leadership notion in Germany can be found in the 19th century, when there was a strong focus on political as well as mythical notion and visions of Germanic leadership in a very romantic and conservative idiom. This was especially prevalent in early Volkisch-Nationalist thought. This line of thinking emphasized aspects such as victory, valor, and heroism as part of a growing ‘cult’ of the nation.

It found growing expression in sacral festivals of fire and light, that was intermingled with a pagan Germanic, Christian symbolism, and the ritual all aimed at celebrating the ‘rebirth’, vitality and strength of the German nation. The growing appeal during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century of heroic leadership notions in populist-nationalist circles of the German Right was largely the result of an increasing gap between the perceived need for national integration along with the apparent lack of unity in practice.

This gap was enhanced by three interlinking factors (Kershaw, 1987, p. 17):

1. The social as well as political strain and disruption caused by an almost

simultaneous transition of Germany to a nation-state (1870-1871), a constitutional

government and an industrial society.

2. The deep fragmentation of the social system exhibiting strong social divides.

3. The extended chauvinistic-imperialist demand for a proper ‘place in the sun’ for

Germany.

194 The fundamental reasons for the increasing receptiveness towards the heroic leadership ideas and for the growth of exaggerated expectations in a coming leader lay above all in the combination of the aggressive, expansionist hopes, placed in world politics and strong perceptions of the weaknesses and dangers of bourgeois party. One can state that, the greater the internal rifts in a society, and the greater the inability of a government to fulfil the expectations placed in it, the greater is the potential for the spread of notions of ‘charismatic’ or heroic leadership.

The trauma of 1918, especially for the Right, accelerated this process greatly. The collapse of the German military forces, the fall of the monarchy and with it the end of the old order, and the coming of power to the hated Social Democrats, the so-called ‘enemies of the Reich’, all transformed the previously more latent notions of authoritarian heroic leadership into a broad counter-revolutionary force, posing an alternative vision to that of the Weimar party-political system.

To the traditional German Protestant, whose attachment to the Church was dwindling, but who was brought up to respect and accept authority, particularly that of the state, the leadership idea being propagated by the Volkisch-Nationalist Right seemed to offer a secularized version of salvation (Schoenbaum, 1966, p. 289). The ground was thus prepared among them for the acceptance of the political ‘salvation’ offered by a truly national leader.

When analyzing at the specific interpretation that the Volkisch-Nationalist Right attached to leadership, it is clear that they broke with the traditional monarch-subject relation. Their view is more neo-feudal, incorporating some pseudo-democratic notions of a relationship between a leader and a following in which the leader represented in an

195 authoritative way, the will of the people, without standing above and outside this will in the fashion of kings and dictators (Struve, 1973, p. 11).

The ideal leader was seen as an individual from the group of the people and whose specific qualities would embody the basic values of the trenches namely, struggle and conflict. He would be hard, resolute, uncompromising, ruthless, as well as a radical, i.e., diminishing the class-orientated society, old privileges, while bringing a new era or rebirth (a palingenesis), thus uniting the individuals in a socially aesthetic and ethnically pure ‘national community’.

This was diametrically opposite to the view held of the Weimar Republic, which was viewed by the average German as a ‘leaderless democracy’ and a divisive system run by ‘contemptible politicians’ and mere party functionaries. Leadership cannot be found in constitutional systems, but only as a destiny rising from the inner essence of the people.

“The Leader cannot be made, can in this sense also not be selected. The Leader makes himself in that he comprehends the history of his people.” (Kershaw, 1987, p. 19)

Salvation was to be found only in a leader, chosen and endowed by providence, who will save Germany from its very own crisis and will restore it to its due greatness. A good example of the characteristics of such a leader is expressed in the following text from 1920:

“The Leader does not conform to the masses, but acts in accordance with his mission

... and he does entirely what he has to do ... he carries out the will of God.” (ibid. p. 20)

It is important to understand that the expounding of the heroic leadership principle in such an extreme form occupied only a fringe position on the far Right of the political

196 array of Germany in the early 1920s. By the late 1920s, especially in the growing political as well as the economic crisis of the Depression era with its sentiments of the complete malfunctioning of the Weimar Republic and the democratic principles upon which it was based, coupled with the ephemeral dilemma of the over-all political system, permitted the impression of heroic leadership to shift from the sideline of politics to the focal point. This had a dramatic impact on Hitler’s position in German politics.

In the early 1920s, Hitler was seen by most Germans as no more than a provincial rabble-rouser, that was if they knew him at all. He was still far from being popularly associated with the heroic leadership image (Mitchell, 1983, pp. 65-67). But within a decade, a vision of him as the great leader sent by providence to the Germans. This vision that was once taken seriously only by a small lunatic fringe became by the mid-1930s, the central and decisive idea in German political life.

7.2 The growth of the ‘Hitler myth’

The leadership cult did not originate with Hitler and the Nazi Party, but had its roots in the nineteenth century Germany. This quest for a ‘heroic leader’ provided the

NSDAP under the leadership of Adolf Hitler with a fertile ground on which to construct a

‘Hitler myth’ could serve as the focal point for a future Nazi government. This, they set out to achieve, focusing primarily on Hitler’s own charismatic personality as well as using every conceivable method of propaganda. The growth of this myth surrounding

Hitler was slow and halting at first, but later on, gained its very momentum.

Hitler entered the arena of German politics in September 1919 when he joined the small and obscure German Workers’ Party in Munich, an ultra-nationalist fringe party on

197 the Right, led by Anton Drexler. It soon became apparent that Hitler was the true driving force behind the party. Consequently, he was put in charge of propaganda in early 1920

(during that time, the party’s name was changed from German Workers’ Party to the

National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) or the Nazi Party, for short; and in

1921 he took over the leadership of the party itself (Laver, 1995, pp. 17-19).

During the first few years, Hitler directed all of his considerable oratorical and organizational skills in propagating the ideals of the party among the people of Munich.

Any notion of the Nazi Party, with Hitler at its helm, dominating German politics in the foreseeable future seem far-fetched at the time. Even further from the public mind was the idea that this ex-corporal rabble-rouser was the Leader of ‘national salvation’ they have been waiting for. This view developed only with time.

An article in the Volkischer Beobachter in December 1922 seemed for the first time to make the claim that Hitler was the Fuhrer (Leader) Germany was waiting for. It spoke of the joyful certainty of Hitler followers leaving a parade in Munich to have found something which millions are yearning for, a leader. Already that year, a book dedicated to Hitler styled him as the great man of deed … the fearless leader of Germany’s resurrection. During the year before the Munich Putsch of 1923, it became clear that a personality cult was starting to form around Hitler from within the Nazi Party itself.

In April 1923, Hermann Goring, the Commandant of the Sturmabteilung (SA), made the claim that thousands of people were already convinced that Adolf Hitler is the only man who could raise Germany up again. Some even started drawing parallels between Hitler and Napoleon (Kershaw, 1987, pp. 22-23). It is noteworthy that the Hitler myth was a creation of his following before he himself became adjusted to the role. It

198 was during his time of imprisonment in Landsberg prison after the failure of the Putsch, that his destiny to be the Fuhrer of Germany took firm hold in his own mind.

During these few months, he spent a lot of time thinking and reading, and started working on the first draft of Mein Kampf. He held daily discussions with his co-internees and receive numerous visitors who all covered him with adulation. This all contributed towards him becoming convinced that he was not just destined to drum up support for a future leader, but to be the Fuhrer himself.

The years between 1925 and 1928 can be called the ‘quite years’ of the Nazi

Party. The Party was reformed in 1925 after Hitler’s release from prison and was not even regarded as worthy of mention by the majority of the German media. However, during these years, the Party organization was extended over the whole of Germany and the membership increased substantially. The Nazi Party became the political home of all remaining grouping of the Volkisch Right, and Hitler’s leadership position within the

Party became firmly established and unchallengeable.

Important also is the fact that, it was during these years that Joseph Goebbels became a devoted and fanatical Hitler-believer. Goebbels became the most eloquent exponent of the Hitler myth in the Nazi Party and later used his position of Minister of

Propaganda to spread this leadership myth over the whole of Germany. This is very noticeable in Goebbels’s own book of 1935 entitled, My part in Germany’s fight.

The deliberate attempt of establishing and expanding the Hitler myth in the years following the relaunch of the Party had the specific function of compensating for any lack of clarity and unity, be it ideological or personal, within the different factions of the Nazi

Movement. The Fuhrer figure provided the cement binding together the following of

199 ordinary Party members with sub-ordinate Party leaders, establishing a point of unity that was now more important as the Party had extended itself beyond its former homebased surroundings, i.e., Munich. Thus, it had to incorporate quite heterogeneous elements from the other regions of Germany.

The functional significance of the Hitler myth can be clearly illustrated by the willingness of Gregor Strasser, head of the Party organization and still rather critical of

Hitler, to recognize the value of the Fuhrer myth and to enthusiastically contribute to its establishment. An article he wrote in 1927 clearly illustrates the point:

“An utter devotion to the idea of National Socialism, a glowing faith in the victorious strength of this doctrine of liberation and deliverance, is combined with a deep love of the person of our leader who is the shining hero of the new freedom-fighters …

Duke and vassal! in this ancient German, both aristocratic and democratic, relationship of leader and follower, fully comprehensible only to the German mentality and spirit, lies the essence of the structure of the NSDAP. Friends, raise your right arm and cry out with me proudly, eager for the struggle, and loyal unto death, ‘Hail Hitler!” (Noakes et al.,

1974, pp. 84-85)

Among those who also contributed greatly to the early formation of the Hitler myth was Rudolf Hess, a man who assumed the role of Deputy Fuhrer of the Third Reich in 1933. He regarded it as an imperative:

“...that the Fuhrer must be absolute in his propaganda speeches. He must not weigh up the pros and cons like an academic, he must never leave his listeners the freedom to think something else is right ... The great popular leader is similar to the great

200 founder of a religion; he must communicate to his listeners an apodictic faith. Only then can the mass of followers be led where they should be led.” (Kershaw, 1987, p. 27)

The rise to prominence of the Nazi Party acquired a superb boost with the end results of the 1930 Reichstag elections. In the 1928 national elections, the Nazis received only 2.6 percent of the vote, but in 1930 this jumped to 18.3 percent totaling about 6.4 million votes. This resulted in the Nazis controlling 107 seats in the Reichstag, which made them the second largest political party in Germany (Spielvogel, 1992, pp. 50-51).

This election, which took place amid a growing crisis in the economy as well as in the State, signified the breakthrough not only to a mass following, but also to mass publicity. It showed that the Party had managed to shed much of its ‘lunatic fringe’ image and was acquiring more political and social acceptability among the conservative . From this time on, the Nazi Party along with Hitler was the talk of the town and the center of media attention. It was at this point that the Hitler cult ceased to be the fetish of a small minority and began to signal for millions of Germans the hope for a new political era, even though there were still some serious doubters.

Many intelligent and informed observers still thought that the NSDAP was bound to disintegrate sooner or later into various small sections of interests. This, they argued on the grounds that its social base was very diffuse as it was merely functioning as a protest party. The Party had no clear political program to offer, only a contradictory amalgam of social revolutionary rhetoric and reactionary jargon; and not the least, it was dependent on the personality cult surrounding the demagogue, Hitler who was seen as the mouthpiece of petty-bourgeois resentment, but ultimately as no more than a dilettante, who despite temporary success rooted in the conditions of severe economic and political

201 crisis, was bound in the end to succumb to the real power centers in German politics as well as the traditional elites (Childers, 1983, p. 56).

The underrating of the Nazi Party in 1930 was partly the result of the underestimation of the force of the personality cult, of the desire for a strong, charismatic leader to truly lead Germany from under the gathering gloom of the Depression, which struck the whole of German society so dramatically towards a glorious and happy future.

There exists copious evidence that proves the striking magnetism of the Fuhrer myth on the average German of the time, one party member explains:

“I did not come to Hitler by accident. I was searching for him. The rebirth of

Germany can be done only by a man born not in palaces, but in a cottage.” (as quoted in

Merkl, 1975, p. 540)

This tone of secularized faith is alluded to in numerous examples:

“A non-Nazi who has not experienced the enormous elementary power of the idea of the Fuhrer will never understand any of this ... Hitler is the purest embodiment of the

German character, the purest embodiment of a National Socialist Germany.” (ibid. pp.

396-597)

It might be argued that some of these examples were extreme cases of susceptibility to the Hitler cult. However, the rapid growth of the Party membership after

1930 meant that an ever increasing number of Germans were being exposed to the Hitler myth. Hitler was now to be taken seriously as a political force in Germany. From 1930 onwards, Hitler was constantly the center of media attention, never being out of the headlines for long. A feeling was starting to take root in Germany, that whether one was

202 for him or against him, he was a political figure who was out of the ordinary, one that could not be ignored any longer.

The spread of this personality cult was therefore no longer confined to Nazi members, but was extending to every segment of the population as well as to every corner of the country (Kershaw, 1987, p. 31). Although, yet to reach fanatical levels on a national scale. Hitler was nevertheless acquiring the reputation of an extraordinary leader, an individual towards whom an opinion could not possibly remain neutral. He either received ecstatic approval or severe condemnation.

The five election campaigns of 1932 increased the momentum behind the growth of the Nazi Movement and the adulation of its leader. The expanding Nazi press, which had grown from 6 dailies and 43 weeklies in 1930 to a total of 127 publications in 1932

(Zeman, 1964, p. 28), made full use of the opportunity to create the impression of an unstoppable march to power of a mass movement united behind its leader, a man with a mission to save Germany, a man who was going his way irrespective of temporary setback. Increasingly Hitler was being cloaked with the mantel of leader of the ‘coming

Germany’.

The Presidential campaign between Hitler and Hindenburg in 1932 provides an apt illustration of how this image was now the central focus of the Nazi propaganda machine. All over Germany in the last days before the election, a poster depicting Hitler’s head on a completely black background appeared. Stark slogans hammered home the message that a vote for Hitler was a vote for change, whereas a vote for Hindenburg was a vote for the status quo (Bullock, 1962, pp. 210-218).

203 The election was portrayed as a contest between the representative of the Weimar system, and the Leader of the totally new Germany, ‘the Fuhrer, the Prophet, the Fighter

… the final hope of the public, the glowing insignia of the German will to freedom’, in

Goebbels’s glowing rhetoric (Bramsted, 1965, p. 201). This propaganda was definitely starting to make inroads on the German population in general.

The Nazi propaganda focused on integrating and personalizing in the Fuhrer figure the disparate motivations of Nazi supporters. As the mouthpiece of lower middle- class resentment, Hitler articulated and legitimized individual grievances, demands and self-interest, while the personal bonds of loyalty to the Fuhrer sharpened the point of identification with the Movement. For the bourgeoisie, who were increasingly finding in

Nazism, an attractive proposition, Hitler offered a counter to doubts about the NSDAP ability of being a responsible governing party (Kershaw, 1987, p. 40). People from all classes were being drawn together under the banner of Adolf Hitler. By 1932, the idea of

National Socialism had become inseparably linked to the Fuhrer myth, at least for Party supporters, as Hitler for them was the core idea.

The rise of Hitler to the position of ‘Fuhrer of the people’ was not always a smooth one. In the autumn of 1932, the election weariness and internal difficulties within the Party provided a testing time for Hitler’s charismatic appeal. During this time, Hitler drew smaller crowds to his meetings and people started to complain that they had enough of Hitler and the Nazis. This critical period for Hitler proves how fragile such a personality cult could be, and how only recurring success could guarantee its continued vitality (ibid. p. 45).

204 Despite this temporary setback, it appears that approximately thirteen million

Germans were under the sway of the Hitler myth when the NSDAP came to power in

January 1933 (Spielvogel, 1992, p. 67). Among the rest of the population opinion varied from deep suspicion and even hatred towards Hitler to the view that despite his shortcomings, he might be useful for Germany.

7.3 How the German people saw Hitler

When trying to develop a viewpoint of Hitler as the common people recognized him, it has to be kept in mind that their understanding of him was greatly influenced and limited by media firmly under the control of the Nazi leadership. Several thousand

Germans have witnessed him personally at public appearances, for instance, political rallies, and could utilize this experience as grounds for their distinctive viewpoint of him.

From a physiological viewpoint, Hitler was not an extremely impressive figure --- in no way the Platonic notion of an awesome combating leader, as well as an originator of a completely new Reich. In height, Adolf Hitler was a bit below the average, he had wide hips and comparatively narrow shoulders. His muscles were loose and flabby, his legs were quite short as well as thin as compared to a normal German of his times, and even the latter (i.e., legs and feet) typically being concealed by heavy boots or long pants.

He had a large torso (upper body) along with a flat chest to the point where it was asserted he needed his attire (especially uniform) cushioned (Langer, 1972, pp. 42-43).

In physical terms, Hitler would probably not have passed the prerequisites to his very own elite guard. In 1923, Max Von Gruber (a renowned Professor and a Eugenist at the

University of Munich), testified as a witness in Hitler’s trial, was of the following views:

205 “It was the first time I had seen Hitler close at hand. Face and head of inferior type, cross-breed; low receding forehead, ugly nose, broad cheekbones, little eyes, dark hair.

Expression not of a man exercising authority in perfect self-command, but of raving excitement. At the end an expression of satisfied egotism.” (as quoted in Ludwig, 1940, p. 11)

Regardless of what impression Hitler’s very own physical appearance may have had on the Germans, it truly is risk-free to assume that this had already been tremendously refined by hundreds of thousands of banners, placed in each and every particular conceivable spot, which showed the Fuhrer as being a fairly good looking man with a serious mindset. Additionally, the newsreels as well as the press were continuously flooded with cautiously prepared photos displaying Hitler at his very best (Mitchell,

1983, p. 186).

This certainly, in due course time, put behind any specific adverse impact he might have formed as an actual individual previously. Thus, Hitler, majority of Germans perceived was a really attractive person.

Only genuine contact the majority of Germans had with Hitler was by means of his voice. Hitler was a tireless spokesman, and thus would occasionally give three to four speeches on the very same day, usually in different cities. In fact, his contenders were forced to acknowledge that he was the most effective orator Germany had ever experienced. Hitler did not necessarily possess the best quality of voice, nor were his speeches always well structured. In reality, his speeches were typically very prolonged, poorly structured and extremely repetitious, at the same time; while he conveyed them they had an exceptional impression on the masses.

206 The energy in his speeches remains almost entirely in his capability to feel exactly what an audience desired to listen. He then simply started to take this information and modified his themes in such a manner as to stimulate the feelings of individuals. Gregor

Strasser describes Hitler’s potential as:

“Hitler responds to the vibration of the human heart with the delicacy of a seismograph enabling him, with a certainty with which no conscious gift could endow him, to act as a loudspeaker proclaiming the most secret desires, the least permissible instincts, the sufferings and personal revolts of a whole nation.” (Strasser, 1940, p. 62)

Before Adolf Hitler’s rise, the majority of his speeches highlighted these three themes:

1. Treason of the ‘November criminals’ resulting in the Treaty of Versailles as well

as the Weimar system.

2. Marxists rule to be abolished.

3. World dominance of the Jews.

Regardless of the subject which was publicized for a particular speech, Hitler would almost always end up in responding to one of the above-cited aspects. However, the audience appreciated it for its very own intrinsic simplification of truth delivered with simplicity as well as assurance to the intricacy of their everyday lives. Individuals were always seeking forward to listen to him.

7.4 Hitler and the people

It was therefore, not so much what he said, but how he said it that audiences liked.

Hitler had a definite sense of the dramatic and that appealed to the people. He would always speak late after sunset when the public would be exhausted, therefore have their

207 natural resilience decreased. He would most likely send out his assistant before him to make a quick speech to warm-up the masses. His meeting always had a military flare with Storm Troopers and flags lining the aisle with a band playing lively march-like music.

At the crucial time Hitler would appear in the entrance at the rear side of the hall with a few supporters behind him. He would most likely proceed through the rows of SA to come at the front section. He almost never gazed to the right as well as to the left side while coming down the section, and turned out to be irritated if anybody attempt to impede his advancement. Whenever he started to converse he usually revealed indications of anxiousness and was not able to state anything at all as a result, until he acquired the ‘feel’ of his listeners. The moment he identified it, the cadence of his articulating enhances in rhythm as well as volume --- staccato invective beginning slowly, rising to abuse and vituperation until he is shouting at the climax.

Long conscious pauses which free the waves of thunder from the public in front of him were used with great deliberation to scan the next part of his script. His hand raised to calm the roar when he was ready to proceed, the crescendos of abuse with harsh, hectic avowals, and public declarations of an intimate, personal commitment, and manly sincerity (Stern, 1990, pp. 1-2). By means of all this the masses appeared to recognize

Hitler’s voice which became the voice of Germany for them. This is well expressed by the following observation of a non-German journalist attending one of his speeches:

“The beginning is slow and halting, gradually he warms up when the spiritual atmosphere of the great crowd is engendered. For he responds to this metaphysical

208 contact in such a way that each member of the multitude feels bound to him by an individual link of sympathy.” (as quoted in Langer, 1972, p. 46)

Newsweek reported on the impact of Hitler’s speeches:

“Women faint, when, with face purpled and contorted with effort, he blows forth his magic oratory.” (ibid. p. 47)

Unquestionably, as a speaker, he made a great impact on the average German. His meetings were always crowded. His articulating appeared to numb the critical capabilities of his target audience to the level where they were likely to presume just about anything he claimed. He often was able to point out exactly what the most of the individuals were covertly thinking, however were unable to verbalize. Whenever the masses started to react it impacted him reciprocally. This reciprocal association almost immediately inebriated both him as well as his audience with the skills of his emotionally charged oratory (Strasser, 1940, pp. 24-25).

It was Adolf Hitler that the Germans believed, who was a highly charged orator, who persistently rushed from one public gathering to the other, and worked hard to the level of fatigue on their behalf. He was struggling heart and soul for the ‘cause’ and resisted persistently against intense deviations to open their vision to the reality regarding the glory of Germany; thus their past, present as well as their future.

He knew how to stimulate their feelings and channelize these sentiments in the direction of the objective of national aggrandizement. He was regarded as the brave, who dared to converse the real truth and confound national authorities along with international rivals. It absolutely was him who would certainly escort these people back to self-esteem, for he possessed a belief in these people (Mitchell, 1983, pp. 211-215).

209 This basic conception of Hitler provided an ideal base on which the Nazi propaganda could build. Most Germans trusted in his sincerity, and were ready to believe any good thing that was said about him. Goebbels and the whole of the propaganda machine behind him did not miss out on this opportunity. The ‘image’ the propaganda agencies tried to create for the Fuhrer consisted of the following main points (Langer,

1972, pp. 48-53):

 Hitler was a man shrouded in mystery. From the initial years of his political

journey he refused to disclose nearly anything regarding his very own life.

Surprisingly, even to his immediate acquaintances he was a ‘man of mystery’.

This supplied a fertile ground for propaganda for him, and it made his supporters

more inquisitive.

 Hitler was always portrayed as something extra-human. Everything he did was

presented in such a manner as to exemplify his special character. When Hitler

abstained from eating meat or drinking alcohol, it was not because it would

improve his health. Such mediocre motivations were not seen as worthy of the

Fuhrer, he abstained because he found it increased his endurance to such a degree

that he could give more of himself to the German people and their ideals. It is also

demonstrated in accordance with the propaganda that Hitler was someone with

enormous perseverance as well as self-discipline. Hitler himself promoted this

conception with his references to the Nietzschean conception of ‘’ as

being manifested in his life style.

 He was depicted as a man overflowing with kindness and generosity. This was

brought forth by focusing on his apparent love for children and a fondness for

210 animals, particularly dogs. The focus was on his modesty and simplicity, as a man

full of gentleness, kindliness and helpfulness.

 He was portrayed as the ‘great comforter’, i.e., a father, son, and brother, to every

German that has lost his relative (Oechsner, 1942, p. 69).

 A lot was also made of the assertion that power never went to Hitler’s head. As

proof of this, the propaganda often pointed to the fact that he continued to wear

the uniform of a simple storm trooper and never appeared in gaudy uniforms

befitting of his position. At heart, the propaganda stated, in spite of everything he

was a worker, and his pursuits were invariably with the working classes, with

whom he experienced like being at his home.

 He had an extraordinary energy as well as resilience. His usual day comprised of

sixteen to eighteen hours of continuous functioning. The ability to work long

hours was used to portray him as working absolutely tirelessly for Germany with

no regard for personal comfort. This view contributed to Hitler being viewed as

an exceptional individual, standing apart from the average person.

 A great deal was also made of famous determination. He was depicted as

someone that will never give up no matter what setbacks he has to face or

tribulation he has to endure. Even his refusal to let moral principles stand in his

way was referred to as an indication of excellence.

 An excessive amount of promotion was also used as his ‘breadth of vision’

coupled with the ability to permeate the upcoming, particularly in managing his

Party and Germany in preparation for the hurdles they might need to overcome;

211 all serving as further indicators of a charismatic foundation for his exercise of

authority.

 Hitler was viewed as the spirit of effectiveness along with having the remarkable

energy of getting rid of disputes in addition to minimizing intricate issues which

may have perplexed almost all experts previously. His infallibility as well as

incorruptibility was not merely indicated, but was usually openly depicted.

 The propaganda machine also portrayed him as a man of peace and great patience.

Predominantly, he was a man of serenity who aspires absolutely nothing quite as

much as to be left alone to figure out the future of Germany in a peaceful way. He

was a builder at heart and also an artist, and these aspects confirmed that his

innovative as well as productive features were prominent. However, this actually

did not indicate that he was a coward. No, his war record ‘proved’ that he was a

man of outstanding courage. A great amount of stories was circulated concerning

his bravery for which he was awarded the Iron Cross First Class in the trenches of

World War I.

Fundamentally, Hitler was presented to the German people as a ‘man of steel’. He was very well aware about his objective, and absolutely nothing, no compromise, coercion or undesirable responsibility could possibly deter him to modify his course. He never lost his nerve for a moment when faced with a crisis. Yet, he was full of the great human of loyalty and justice. He was also seen as embodiment of the German accolade as well as purity; the Resurrector of the German family --- the supreme genius compared to other historical figures possessing an endless source of wisdom (Stern, 1990, p. 67).

212 He was a man of action and the originator of completely new ethical and social values. He was in fact, in accordance with the Nazi Propaganda Bureau, the ‘substance’ of all virtue (Bullock, 1962, p. 390).

The following is a good example of the extent to which Hitler’s praises were sung:

“Hitler is a modest man - and the world needs modest men. Therefore, the people love him. Like every good leader, he must be an efficient follower. He makes himself the humblest disciple of himself, the severest of all disciplinarians with himself. In fact,

Hitler is a modest monk, with three knots of poverty, chastity, and obedience tied to his invisible girdle. A zealot amongst zealots. He eats no meat, drinks no wine, does not smoke. I am told he takes for himself no salary, but lives privately from the income of his book, Mein Kampf ... Surplus funds he turns back to the SA. His workday consists of eighteen hours, usually, and he often falls asleep in the last hour of his work ... Sheer opportunism never lured him as much as the opportunity to preach his doctrine. His quality is Messianic; his spiritual trend is ascetic; his reaction is medieval.” (Phillips,

1935, pp. 40-41)

It is already noticeable in this statement that the German people were willing to view their Fuhrer not as merely an ordinary individual, but in the form of a ‘messiah’.

Public gatherings and all the relevant settings were meant to create a mysterious ambiance, all centering around his persona. During the rally there was a huge photograph of Hitler underneath which was the inscription ‘In the beginning was the Word...’

Ziemer (1940, p. 84) reports of seeing a huge canvas on the hillside in Odenwald with the following words painted on it:

“We believe in Holy Germany

213 Holy Germany is Hitler!

We believe in Holy Hitler!!”

The Mayor of Hamburg is reported to have said, “We need no priests or parsons.

We communicate direct with God through Adolf Hitler. He has many Christ-like qualities.” (as quoted in Langer, 1972, p. 56)

Rauschning (1939, p. 76) states that the Nazi Party adopted the following creed:

“We all believe, on this earth, in Adolf Hitler, our Fuhrer, and we acknowledge that National Socialism is the only faith that can bring salvation to our country.”

Langer (1972, p. 56) also quotes Hans Kerrl, who was a Reichsminister for

Church Affairs:

“There has risen a new authority as to what Christ and Christianity really are - that is Adolf Hitler. Adolf Hitler ... is the true Holy Ghost!” This casting of Hitler in the role of a god-man, messiah, or even God himself clearly corresponds to a further indicator of a charismatic authority bases, therefore establishing even more strongly the charismatic base of the authority the German people ascribed to Hitler.”

7.5 The representative individual with a personal witness

A further relational aspect between Hitler and the German people, something that is noticeable in all his personal writings, public speeches and private conversations, is that he explicitly assumed the role as a representative of the German people and a spokesman of the forces of German history.

“I have come from the people. In the course of fifteen years I have slowly worked my way up from the people, together with this Movement. No-one has set me to

214 be above these people. I have grown from the people, I have remained in the people, and to the people I shall return.” (as quoted in Stern, 1990, p. 9)

This claim of representativeness proved to be one of his most effective political weapons, as it made an appeal to the heart of every German. Hitler was the embodiment of the aspirations, desires and needs of the German yolk; he lived and breathed Germany and carried within him a personal experience of the people of Germany and could therefore rightly interpret their virtue. His views presented what many of the people hoped for and feared, he therefore confronted themselves for them; he pressed contemporary thought to the point of no return, beyond where the normal individual

German would treat, onto the ground where only the collective ‘German spirit’ would dare to venture.

Hitler’s originality in the treatment of the idea of ‘representativeness’ lies in his deliberate reversal of the functions normally attributed to personal-existential values on the one hand and social-political values on the other. His discovery was simple, namely to introduce a conception of personal authenticity into the public sphere and to proclaim it as the chief value and sanction of politics. The way he did this was to translate personal genuineness, sincerity as well as a living experience from the personal sphere into the public sphere. In order to substantiate this move by the assertion that he, the

‘extraordinary’ with his substantive personalized encounter of everyday life as well as the struggle of the common man, is definitely the nation’s representative by virtue of the authenticity of his vast knowledge.

Hitler personalized politics; all impersonal aspects thereof, such as its institutions as well as principles like the rule of law were designated as abstract, bureaucratic, and

215 inauthentic. The broad acceptance of this view must again be seen in a specifically

German context. In other words, Western state politics based on private experience came to be distrusted as arbitrary and tyrannical, and was usually substituted by politics stemming from legal-rational principles resulting in such devices as parliaments and constitutions. German thinking on the other hand tended to mistrust such devices as mere form or show (ibid. pp. 13-14).

Starting with the Romantics of the early nineteenth century, this personalization of politics as we have already noted, was always present in the Germanic search for the fulfillment of their political hopes. For Hitler, the personal values of courage, resoluteness, vitality and self-discipline within a ‘genuine’ or ‘natural’ leader all formed a substantial part of his professed Weltanschauung (world view), and their cultivation a proclaimed purpose of his national program.

When this conception of an authentic ‘inner experience’ is translated into practical politics, it can be seen that Hitler used it in three distinct ways:

1. As a substitute for a specific program and consistent ideology.

2. As a social symbol and rallying point for the people.

3. As a ‘living testimony’ in almost pseudo-religious terms.

Stern expresses Hitler’s intentions well. He states that Hitler was basically saying:

“Here is my experience, here are my rock-like convictions, my representative

Erlebnis (living experience) of the world. This is the self-validating source of my likes and hates, my scheme of values which is right because it is yours as well as mine, yours by being mine. I am not a man to politick, or haggle with fate. To my every decision my whole

216 existence, and thus yours, is committed. Therefore, follow me, for there is no other way, and I cannot go wrong, for the forces of history and nature are on my side.” (ibid. p. 16)

This was the political message at the beginning of his political career; to this he continued to appeal until the end. Even in his last will and testament, written in the Berlin bunker while the Third Reich was collapsing all around him, he revered to this personal witness (Griffin, 1995, pp. 164-165).

7.6 Hitler’s view of the masses

A final point that needs to be addressed is Hitler’s views concerning the importance of the masses and the ways of handling them, whether it is a crowd at a Party rally or the broad populations approached through the national media. This is an important matter, seeing the charismatic base of authority that Hitler enjoyed. The whole basis of legitimacy of the Nazi system therefore rested on Hitler gaining and retaining the broad support of the population. His basic approaches and specific techniques are therefore of special importance to this study.

Walter C. Langer’s (1972, pp. 62-68) carried out a study in 1943 for the British

Office of Strategic Services, provides an analysis of this particular topic. He identified 27 factors pertaining to group psychology that the Nazis, especially Hitler himself, applied with great effect. The most prominent aspects can be summarized as follows:

 Hitler had a complete understanding of the significance of the general public in

the accomplishment of the political movement. Hitler (1939, p. 213) in Mein

Kampf was of the view that, the deficiency of understanding of the interior driving

elements of significant variation results in an inadequate assessment of the people.

217  Identification of the significant role of youth assistance in imbedding his social

movement with dedication and excitement. Together with this was the

significance of the early socialization as well as indoctrination. Hitler’s

appreciation of this is exemplified in the Hitlerjugend, an organization that lay

very close to Hitler’s heart.

 Recognition of the role of women in advancing a new social movement as well as

the view that many of the reactions of the masses have some strong ‘feminine’

characteristics. Already in 1923 Hitler made the following statement to one of his

inner circle:

“Do you know the masses are just like a woman ... Someone who does not understand the intrinsically feminine character of the masses will never be an effective speaker ... What does a woman expect from a man? Clearness, decision, power, and action ... The crowd is not only like a woman, but women constitute the most important element in an audience.” (as quoted in Langer, 1972, pp. 62-63)

In Mein Kampf (1939, p. 288), Hitler writes:

“The people, in an overwhelming majority, are so feminine in their nature and attitude that their activities and thoughts are motivated less by sober considerations than by feeling and sentiment.”

 The potential to sense, recognize, as well as convey in an extremely enthusiastic

language the greatest desires along with ambitions of the typical German after

which he has to present prospects or even opportunities regarding their very

fulfillment.

218  The acknowledgement that enthusiastic political action can only be realized if the

emotions are deeply involved.

 There must be an admiration of the commitment of the general public to devote,

and even to the extent of a sacrifice regarding any specific initiative, especially

for social improvement and spiritual values.

 Hitler acknowledged that even though individuals will certainly perish merely for

an ideal, their persisted enthusiasm and determination can primarily be preserved

by an instant as well as earthly satisfaction.

 Admiration of the very fact that the broad public wants and need a sustaining

ideology for political action. A movement must satisfy this ‘spiritual’ hunger if it

wants to mobilize the wholehearted support of the people.

 All forces which do not originate from a strong faith based aspect will likely be

hesitant as well as dubious. It is deficient in the constancy that can solely rest on a

passionate perspective of functional life.

 The use of imagery is very important. One must have the ability to symbolize

contradictory human forces in vibrant images, which is definitely comprehensible

as well as in motion for the traditional individual. This relies on the utilization of

metaphors by means of imagery, which Aristotle referred to as the strongest force

in the entire world.

 This imagery must be applied, especially in drawing on the traditions of the

people, as well as in the use of classical mythology which all invokes deep

unconscious emotions in the audience. Hitler stressed that the great eternal

219 symbols locked up in tradition and mythology have a greater unconscious

influence than is generally recognized.

 Appreciation of the significance of catch phrases, slogan as well as blissful

aphorisms in entering the subconscious of individuals, especially when they are

simply repetitive.

 The realization of an integral solitude and emotion of seclusion in individuals

residing under modern day, industrialized circumstances together with a yearning

to ‘belong’ to an energetic cluster that encompass a particular standing, offering

cohesiveness, and providing the people a sense of personalized significance as

well as worth.

 Hitler fully understood the value of a hierarchical political organization that, it

affords direct contact with each individual. He utilized this to retain the allegiance

of committed individuals whose skills complimented his very own skills.

 He recognized the significance of gaining the assurance of individuals by means

of a simulation of effectiveness within the party, and every single attempt was

made not to make a pledge that simply cannot be accomplished at exactly the

chosen instance. He recognized the imperative role played out by minor aspects

that influence the everyday life of the average individual in accumulating and

sustaining the enthusiasm and encouragement of individuals.

 Full confidence in the point that most of the people desire to be directed because

they are prepared as well as eager to make submissions to such type of a leader

that can win over their admiration along with assurance. Hitler was extremely

220 triumphant in this particular aspect, for he persuaded his supporters of his very

own self-assurance, and in guessing right. On a number of occasions, he created

the impression of infallibility. This ability to anticipate events stem largely from

him being a tactical genius.

 Hitler possessed a high degree of fanatical stubbornness. His firm confidence in

his intention and, publicly, his total commitment to its very own fulfillment

produced the impression of a person whose convictions were very powerful that

he forgoes himself every day for the great cause.

 Furthermore, he possessed the capability to display himself as being the possessor

of Germany’s problems along with their coming future. This resulted in people

becoming concerned with him as an individual. Many people as a result,

particularly women, felt tenderly and compassionate towards him. They believed

that they should always be extra cautious not to cause any kind of inconvenience

or misery on their Fuhrer.

 His potential to circumvent his very own conscience while making political

judgments helped him to overcome the force that usually checks and complicates

matters for socially responsible statesmen with groundbreaking ideas. Connected

to it was his potential to influence other individuals to repudiate their very own

conscience, thus enabling him to become their conscience. He could then dictate

to the individual what is right and what is wrong.

 Hitler had a thorough appreciation for the usefulness of mobilizing the fears of the

people. He undergirded this with a very clever application of terror.

221  He happens to be prepared to gain knowledge from other people, although he

appears to have been violently in opposition to whatever they stood for. He

learned the use of propaganda from the , the usage of

terror from the communists, and the usage of captions from the .

 Hitler was a genuine master when it comes to the very aspect of propaganda.

Ludecke (1937, p. 97) states:

“He has a matchless instinct for taking advantage of every breeze to raise a political whirlwind.”

“His primary rules were: never allow the public to cool off; never admit a fault or a wrong; never concede that there may be some good in your enemy; never leave room for an alternative; never accept blame; concentrate on one enemy at a time and blame him for everything that goes wrong; people will believe a big lie sooner than a little one; and if you repeat it often enough people will sooner or later believe it.” (Langer, 1972, pp. 67-68)

 Lastly, Hitler had a ‘never-say-die’ spirit. Even after a severe and crushing

setback, he was able to rally his closest supporters and start making plans for a

‘comeback’. Setbacks seemed to serve for him as a stimulant for even greater

effort and commitment.

These particular aspects were a few of Hitler’s exceptional capabilities and features that permitted him to achieve a placement of nearly unparalleled strength in an extremely short span. Certainly, no other Nazi in a superior position held these types of expertise to any specific comparative extent, and thus was unable to have him substituted

222 in the very perceptions of the German people. As the Hitler myth totally dominated the average German view of him.

7.7 Bruning administration

Hitler was furnished with a political chance by the ‘Great Depression’ in

Germany. The Germans were unsure about the prevalent parliamentary republic, which confronted intense complications from the right-wing as well as left-wing extreme ideologies. The average political parties were extremely helpless to emanate the trend of extremism. In 1929, the respective German referendum facilitated the process to accelerate the Nazi doctrine (Kolb, 1988, p. 105). The wealthy entrepreneurs were frightened, as many workers had turned to . Therefore, these respective entrepreneurs financed the NSDAP, which was the communists’ strongest opposition.

In the month of September 1930, elections led to the separation of a grand coalition, and thus it was substituted with a minority cabinet. Its very own leader,

Chancellor Heinrich Bruning, who was from the , governed by means of emergency decrees from (President). The governance by decree likely emerged as the new norm, and consequently facilitated the path for authoritarian types of administration in Germany (Halperin, 1965, p. 403).

In the 1930 elections, the NSDAP acquired 107 parliamentary seats and 18.3% of the total vote, and thus became the second-largest party in the German parliament (ibid. pp. 434-446).

In the autumn of 1930, Adolf Hitler made a notable presence at the trial of

Lieutenants Richard Scheringer and Hanns Elard Ludin (Reichswehr officials). Both of

223 them were imposed with the charge of being a member in the NSDAP, which was illegal for Reichswehr staff in those days. The prosecution claimed that the NSDAP was an extremist political party, compelling the defense lawyer Hans Michael Frank to contact

Hitler to testify in the courtroom. Hitler testified on 25th September, 1930 that his political party would definitely engage in politics completely by means of a democratic election. This testimony gained him countless proponents in the officer group (Wheeler-

Bennett, 1967, pp. 216-218).

Bruning’s austerity steps produced minimal financial advancement, and thus were highly un-popular. Hitler manipulated this by concentrating on his political impulses, particularly at individuals, who were being affected by the 1920s inflation and the Great

Depression, for e.g. middle class, cultivators, as well as war veterans (Halperin, 1965, pp.

434-449, 471).

On 7th April 1925, Hitler officially renounced his Austrian citizenship, however, did not acquire German citizenship for approximately seven years. During this period, he was stateless, and even encountered the possibility of being deported. The Minister of

Interior in Brunswick, Anton Franzen was an affiliate of the NSDAP, he appointed Adolf

Hitler as the administrator for the state’s delegation to the Reichsrat in Berlin on 25th

February 1932, providing him with citizenship of Brunswick, and therefore of Germany

(ibid. p. 476).

Hitler contested against von Hindenburg in the presidential elections of 1932. The viability of his opposition was highlighted by his famous speech to the Industry Club in the city of Dusseldorf on 27th January 1932, which earned him encouragement from several of Germany’s strongest entrepreneurs (ibid. pp. 468-471). Nevertheless,

224 Hindenburg had support from numerous social democrats, Catholic groups, republican parties, monarchists, as well as nationalists.

The campaign slogan ‘Hitler uber Deutschland’ (Hitler over Germany) was used by Hitler as a reference point to his political aspirations, as well as his campaigning by airplanes (Bullock, 1962, p. 201). In both of the rounds of the election, he came second; thus, capturing beyond 35% of the vote in the final election. Despite the fact that he forfeited to Hindenburg, this election confirmed Hitler in the form of a formidable force in German politics (Halperin, 1965, pp. 477-479).

7.8 Hitler’s rise to power (elections)

Votes, Reichstag Date Total votes Notes percentage seats

May 1924 1918300 6.5 32 Hitler in prison

December Hitler released from the 907300 3.0 14 1924 prison

Hitler rebuilding the May 1928 810100 2.6 12 NSDAP

September 6409600 18.3 107 After the financial crisis 1930

After Hitler was a July 1932 13745000 37.3 230 candidate for presidency

November 11737000 33.1 196 Hitler in the campaign 1932

During Hitler's term as March 1933 17277180 43.9 288 chancellor of Germany

Nazi Party election results [Kolb, 1988, pp. 224-225]

225 7.9 Appointment as chancellor

Franz von Papen and , two persuasive political figures were impelled by the deficit of a highly effective government. Together with many other entrepreneurs as well as industrialists drafted a letter to von Hindenburg in 1932. They stressed on the very need to designate Hitler as the leader of a government, autonomous from parliamentary parties that could transform into a movement which would exhilarate millions upon millions.

After two more parliamentary elections of July and November had not led to the creation of a majority government in 1932, Hindenburg hesitantly consented to designate

Hitler as the new chancellor. Hitler was to precede a short-term coalition government established by the NSDAP and Hugenberg’s party, and the Deutschnationale Volkspartei

(DNVP) (German National People’s Party).

The respective cabinet was avowed in during the course of a short as well as a very simple ceremony in Hindenburg’s office on 30th January 1933. Three out of the eleven positions were held by the NSDAP. Adolf Hitler was the new chancellor; Wilhelm

Frick was approved as the Reich Interior Minister, while Hermann Wilhelm Goring was simply made a Minister without any specific portfolio (Shirer, 1960, p. 184).

7.10 Hitler as the chancellor

When Hitler became chancellor in January 1933, it seemed to add the needed impetus for the rapid extension of the Fuhrer cult to the great majority of Germans.

Three general factors need to be taken into account when trying to understand the reason

226 for the swift growth of support for the new Chancellor:

1. Firstly, the sense of a need for change of great importance was the prevalent spirit

that the Weimar political system as well as leadership was absolutely untrustworthy.

The impression existed of an utterly divided nation tearing itself apart in a succession

of bitter election campaigns. In such a state of affairs, the representation of a

youthful, vibrant as well as lively leader presenting a specific shift in the path and

supported by a military of passionate enthusiasts was under no circumstances

unappealing. Most people were at least prepared to give Hitler a chance. It was

especially the apparent drive and tempo of Hitler’s government just after he took over

the chancellorship that impressed people.

2. The great underestimation of Hitler before 1933 led to a surprised enthusiasm when

he evidently perfected within a limited period with regards to the internal political

circumstances in Germany; something that once appeared totally beyond his

capabilities.

3. Hitler embodied a well-determined, substantial, ideological agreement that esteemed

the majority of people who had in the past not belonged to the Nazi camp, with the

exception of the Left. A confidence that powerful authoritarian leadership was essential

for any kind of recuperation, along with a sensation that Germany had been severely

wronged at Versailles and was currently endangered by opponents on just about all

borders, were all aspects which were widespread in the German society. All of this

generated the likelihood of the assistance of a powerful leader who emerged to provide

definite determination, personalized sacrifice, as well as selfless endeavor in the cause

227 of internal harmony together with exterior resistance (Kershaw, 1987, pp. 46-47).

For Hitler, success in the pursuit of a national goal and the banning of the divisiveness of party politics could bring new stature as a national leader, not only as a party leader. With this stature, there could be potential to convert former lukewarm supporters and even opponents into admirers of the Fuhrer and therefore into at least tacit adherents to the Nazi State. This conversion task was now laid in the hands of the Nazi propaganda agencies that now had almost total control over the media. They had to persuade the people to support Hitler as well as to convince them that he was the only one that could look after their interests (Snyder, 1976, pp. 247-248).

This can be seen in light of the fact that, great parts of the rural Germany

(especially) still had to be won over to active support or even tacit agreement with the

Nazis. It seemed as though these areas of Germany were surrounded by a wall of profound apathy and skepticism created by the hardships of the Depression and apparent ceaseless electioneering and party-political infighting.

A lot of people still thought that there was little chance of Hitler lasting longer than the previous Chancellor, General Kurt von Schleicher. Despite their apparent pessimism, they were at least prepared to give Hitler a chance to see what he could do for them. They felt it could scarcely get worse, if Hitler could prove himself by attaining quick success this opportunity he was granted could turn into wholehearted support.

From the beginning, Hitler’s government complied, displaying a dynamism and force which contrasted it sharply with the paralysis of the previous governments. There was a growing feeling, even among non-Nazis, that a turning point had been reached, that

228 at least something was now being done. At the center of these expectations stood the new

Reich Chancellor. Nazi propaganda was working hard to create the image of the Fuhrer as a new and different kind of leader, bestowing ever more grand attributes on this leadership ‘genius’, The Nazis now started even taking their big rallies out of the cities and to the countryside, where Hitler’s new position was heralded as not merely another change in government but as a ‘world-historical event’ (Stern, 1990, p. 27).

Hitler was portrayed as the last bulwark against communism, the final hope and protector of the peasants, workers, and the protector of the Christian religion. In this regard, Hitler’s strong action impressed the people. His claims of restoring peace and order and the forceful action that accompanied it found fertile ground among the people.

They were even willing to accept the brutality and repression (which was in evidence, especially against the Marxists and later also against the Jews) for the sake of some semblance of peace and order. This was not the last time that flagrant brutality in the interest of ‘peace and order’ would increase Hitler’s popularity and function as an important component of the Hitler myth. Above all, the propaganda of 1933 appealed to the people to give the new Chancellor a chance (Layton, 1991, pp. 33-38).

It appears as though the German people did decide to give Hitler a chance, for during the first few months of 1933, there seems to have been a tremendous growth in

Hitler’s appeal among the whole of the German population. Hitler-euphoria was burgeoning in an unrestrained manner.

This ‘German Hitler Springtime’ is well expressed in the following pseudo- religious poem:

229 “Now has the Godhead a savior sent,

Distress its end has passed.

To gladness and joy the land gives vent,

Springtime is here at last”

(as quoted in Stern, 1990, p. 74)

The emotive force laying behind such unbridled ‘verse’, which was by no means isolated to a handful of gullible lunatics, provided the propaganda machine with an opportunity to center on Hitler not as Party Leader or head of the government, but as the focal point of a ‘national rebirth’.

The point was stressed that a fundamental change was taking place in the interest of the whole nation; that an end was being made of the old hypocritical way of doing things and that a new era has dawned heralding an end to all social and political divisions. The manufacturers of the Fuhrer cult placed heavy emphasis on the many- sided ‘genius’ of Hitler in all their public addresses and press releases. They also did not forget to stress the ‘human side’ of the man and played up, for example, the loyalty and compassion he showed to a dying ‘old fighter’ of the movement when he visited his bedside and spoke to him ‘full of fatherly gentleness and goodness’, departing with a

‘long heartfelt handshake’ (Kershaw, 1987, p. 59).

The Propaganda Minister, Joseph Goebbels, who contributed more than anyone else to the building of the Hitler myth, had clearly himself succumbed to its force. He

230 constructed this image of a warmth and protectiveness that Hitler offered to every member of the people’s community. This image tapped a vein of pseudo-religious, secular salvation emotions, something that was not insignificant in the popular psychology of the day. This, coupled with a propensity to personalize politics and to admire political greatness all contributed in a considerable measure to the receptivity of the Fuhrer cult.

Neither rhetoric nor coercion would have been very successful in the building of

Hitler’s image had it not been for the fact of the apparent successes of the new government. The general feeling among the population was that the government was actively combating problems such as unemployment, rural indebtedness, and poverty.

This gave rise to new hope among the people, a sense that things were improving again, something which gave Hitler and his government a new prestige and added markedly to the impact of the Hitler myth for this change was personalized in the person of the Fuhrer

(Marx, 1936, pp. 150-151).

He was accepted as the single-handed creator regarding the ‘economic miracle’ in

Germany of the 1930s. Even people who still found the extremes of the Nazi Movement laughable were now ready to accept that Hitler was no ordinary politician; it was difficult to ignore his ‘achievements’. Even among the people who lived under the full weight of the material hardship of the day, there seemed to be a growing attachment to the Fuhrer.

Hitler stood in a sense above and outside the system, detached from the dismal

‘normality’ of every day.

231 While, the euphoria surrounding a foreign policy success or a speech lasted only for a short while before the routine of everyday life took over again, there was a lasting feeling that, whatever the temporary hardships and cares, the Fuhrer was in control and knew how to lead them into a glorious and a better future (Kershaw, 1991, pp. 101-102,

253).

The Hitler myth therefore played a crucial stabilizing and integrating role in the

Nazi Movement by defusing discontent and offering a sphere of national policy and interests, which lay outside the normal private sphere of life of the average citizen.

Otto Dietrich encapsulated the growth of the Fuhrer myth in a eulogy he wrote for Hitler’s birthday in 1935; in 1933 it had been Hitler as the ‘fighter’ as well as a

‘creator’ of German unity, in 1934 he was the ‘statesman and architect of the new Reich’, and now in 1935 he was the ‘supreme’ leader of the nation.

As a ‘simple worker’ Hitler had initially restored Germany’s social freedom, and now the former ‘simple front-lone soldier’ had, with great soldierly achievement, restored

Germany’s national freedom (Kershaw, 1987, p. 72). By 1936, Hitler could add success on the plane of international politics to the list of attributes of the Fuhrer image. His success in the Saarland referendum (In 1935, the population of the Saar district bordering

Germany and France, previously under the administration of the League of Nations after the First World War, decided by a plebiscite to return to Germany and become part of the

Third Reich), the rearmament initiative, and the unilateral reoccupation of the Rhineland in 1936, all added to the growth Hitler as the symbol of the nation.

232 Hitler was regarded as an upholder and defender of Germany’s just rights, as well as a rebuilder of Germany’s national strength along with being a true statesman possessing an extraordinary ability. Added to the Hitler myth during the first half of the war (1939-1941) when the German armed forces achieved some remarkable successes, was the view of Hitler as a military leader of formidable standing, one who, as a former front-line soldier distinguished for bravery, understood the ordinary soldier and could guide them to one resounding victory after another (Strawson, 1971, pp. 111-115).

Even after the tide of the war started to turn against Germany, many people still saw in Hitler, Germany’s unwavering and resolute ‘will’ to strive for final victory even in the most difficult of circumstances.

Hitler was clearly being portrayed, not as a dictator, but as the ‘executor’ of the people. This approval that the people gave to the Fuhrer’s orders was not the result of some form of constitutional ‘compromise’ between an authority and a population, but was the expression of a trustful following. Simply stated, and in accordance with the

‘ideal type’ (Weber’s terminology), the Hitler myth had become the basis of the German governmental system; the essentially arbitrary ‘will’ of the Fuhrer had become the basis of authority in Germany. Clearly by 1936, this threshold to a fully-fledged leader cult was crossed and that it continued to grow, reaching a zenith during 1938-1940.

An important question to be addressed is how widespread the influence of the

Hitler myth was among the German population. It is very difficult to assess the exact amount of people that were under the sway of this myth at any given time. However, it seems certain, as the analysts of the anti-Nazi Sopade reports were repeatedly prepared to

233 accept, that many who were at first skeptical, or even hostile to the Nazis did not remain unimpressed with the series of sensational apparent successes which the Nazis under

Hitler could lay claim to (Langer, 1972, p. 53).

Hardly anyone was able to completely escape the perpetual projection of the

Fuhrer myth in the media. Any German who read a newspaper, listened to the radio, went to the cinema, or who was generally aware of what was happening around him or her, was constantly confronted by a highly effective propaganda machine’s portrayal of the Hitler cult.

It became very difficult to avoid an admission that Hitler had indeed brought about a remarkable transformation in Germany: the combination of apparently irrefutable successes stretching from the eradication of unemployment to the recovery of the Saar and the Rhineland, coupled with the ubiquitous propaganda made the drug of the hard to resist the Hitler myth.

The very extent of the respective personality cult, makes it clear, however, that propaganda was only effective where a readiness to trust and believe in unbridled political leadership had already been cultivated and was widespread. At the foundation of the Hitler myth lies a specific perception that the Germans had of their Fuhrer. It is this perception, forming the basis of Hitler’s charismatic authority, which warrants an even closer inspection.

234

Chapter 8 Conclusion

235 8. Conclusion

A social theory is an assumption or thought as it explains a notion in a brief manner and comprises of some logical reasons that are collected over a period of time. It is a proposition as well as an opinion which helps the researcher to explore the unexplored situation that existed and is available to be researched, i.e., in this case, the eventual rise of

Adolf Hitler in Germany.

Social theories play a significant role in research as it provides the basic structure of propositions and research provides the technique and method to fit the theory in a particular context. Social facts without a theoretical direction are like a snuffed out candle that is unable to determine the path of its bearer. Social theories contribute to the development of sound scientific foundations for resolving issues in any social inquiry.

A social theory incorporates a handful speculation from which scientific generalizations have themselves been a derivative. Every social theory does not necessarily meet the fundamentals of every social issue that exists. For this reason, it can be said that, there is no single social theory available to describe every social phenomenon. By following an approach of ‘pertinence of theory’ the pursuit of research problem becomes systematic and fruitful.

This is more relevant where the research question is far more complex. For example, to explain the phenomenon of an individual’s rise to power, the researcher may have to explore socioeconomic conditions, psychological tendencies, motivational aspects, operative social pressures, trends in achieving goals, as well as structural constraints of the society prevalent at a specific time. Thus, it required a set of social

236 theories to completely encompass the complex issue while dealing with Adolf Hitler’s rise to power in Germany.

An infant is gradually molded into a social being and learns the respective social ways. Without this process of molding, the society could not continue itself, nor could culture exist, nor could the individual become a person. This process of molding is called

‘socialization’. Society also plays a vital role in an individual’s life. Society has numerous roles to play, some of these responsibilities are, social, economical, political, religious, and educational.

Numerous factors contribute in the process of development; social context or culture is one such important factor, which plays a significant role in this process.

Therefore, society and culture have a great impact on personality development.

Culture is not only an abstract phenomenon (i.e., connected with values, beliefs, meanings, experience, knowledge, etc.), but also a concrete aspect (i.e., connected with roles, attitudes, artifacts, actions, etc.). It is an unnatural phenomenon, as its very roots are in social paradigm, i.e., it is a constructed aspect. Individuals are not mere recipients of culture, as an individual can be a contributor to the existing culture.

Culture has definitely an enormous influence on every facet of human life, i.e., from preferences, values, beliefs, actions, and even worldviews. Culture is not static, as it is a dynamic phenomenon, because it constantly changes with the individual’s need and passage of time. It is actually a psychosocial construct and is directly linked to sharing phenomena like, attitudes, beliefs, relationships, and values. Adolf Hitler’s rise in

Germany is often related to his understanding regarding the prevalent German culture of his times.

237 Culture in its very sense is definitely a complex concept, and has to be understood with regards to its dimensions as well as variability. To a great extent, Hitler was able to engage various cultural orientations on the basis of which culture can be differentiated, i.e., activity, human nature, relation to the external environment as well as among individuals, space, and time.

Three foundational structures of human communication are asserted in Edward T.

Hall’s (1959) ‘Theory of Cultural Dimensions’, i.e., language, space, and time. These factors were greatly focused by Hitler along with the tactical usage of territorial as well as personal space throughout his rise to power and even till his demise in 1945. Time’s usage was optimized by Hitler via incorporating the very concept of polychronic time, i.e., performing multiple tasks at a time, e.g. rallies, speeches, inaugurations, etc.

Trompenaars (1994) has classified cultural dimensions into three broad categories; passage of time, relation to the environment, and social interaction. Hitler was well aware of time’s significance and its relation to the environment as well as the power of social interaction as it is apparently evident from his speeches during the rise.

Geert Hofstede’s Dimensions of Culture Variability (1991) describes culture as being a ‘mutual programming’ of the psyche, which differentiates the participants of a group from the other. Hitler also implied ‘mutual programming’ of the masses on a macro level throughout his rise in Germany.

In an Individualistic culture, the relationships between individuals are loose; i.e., individuals are only supposed to take care of their immediate family members.

Collectivism is associated with cultures in which individuals from birth onwards are infused into solid, coherent groupings, which all the way through people’s longevity

238 consistently guard these people in return for an unquestioning allegiance. This was ensured by Hitler via enhancing the sense of shared tasks and responsibilities, dependence on secure as well as irrevocable association, along with strong allegiance to pan-Germanism. Hitler successfully transformed the individualistic German culture to a collectivist culture.

Cultural Differences and Social Development Model is highly linked with this research. According to this model, individuals not only learn their environment, but they are also capable of modifying it. As, every individual and his surroundings work as an interdependent unit; so, they mutually interact to shape it accordingly. While, culture and identity styles are also closely linked because throughout the life, identity works as a significant dimension of personality and culture has also an important role in the development of identity, psychological welfare of an individual, and self-determination.

Adolf Hitler modified the cultural values of his times via promising the Germans a psychological welfare, enhanced self-determination as well as by preserving their identities.

The notion ‘identity’ has turned out to be ‘core’ to a lot of people’s lives; particularly, as they quite simply cover the distance from childhood to adulthood. An adolescent spends several years wondering about himself, the purpose of life, values and goals, and to what extent he is different from the other individuals.

In Erikson’s Identity Construct, he differentiated identity from self, that is generally referred to as that part of the individual that experiences and understands realism and self-concept, which is often identified as being one’s consciousness of the

239 internal organization of the exterior specific roles of conduct. Hitler was highly conscious and specific in his code of conduct.

According to Berzonsky’s Identity Styles Model, individuals are seen as self- theorists, who generate functioning models of their exterior world. He postulated three identity styles, i.e., informational style, diffuse-avoidant style, and normative style. The normative style is highly in accordance with Hitler’s personality as in this style individuals maintain stringently structured identity commitments, which they attempt to protect and sustain defensively. The respective individuals are very committed and hold a distinct presentiment toward a certain objective. They exhibit higher levels of conscientiousness and their basic objective is to safeguard as well as to preserve the pre-existing self-views. Their main apprehension is shielding and conserving their current identity framework.

Deci and Ryan’s (2000) Basic Need Theory clarifies the connection between objectives and motivation to well-being. This is evidently seen in the case of Adolf

Hitler’s implied strategy regarding his eventual rise to power in Germany. Because, he had a strong objective, i.e., the revival of ‘lost’ German glory as well as he believed that a very stringent form of motivation could lead the Germans out of misery and woes, thus ensuring their psycho-social as well as economic well being.

The theory of Causality Orientations (Deci & Ryan, 1985) explains personal variances in an individual’s inclination to familiarize in the direction of the social environment in techniques that aid their very own independence and regulate their behavioral tendencies. These types of variances are often characterized in relation to three standard causal motivational orientations. To a certain extent, humans are presumed to

240 possess each one of these orientations, i.e., Controlled, Impersonal, and Autonomy orientation.

Autonomy orientation includes the attributes of human beings whose conduct are on the basis of a feeling of esteem as well as consciousness of their own individual benchmarks and objectives. They discern their behavior to be self-initiated, self- controlled, as well as freely chosen. These people enthusiastically look for opportunities and chances that match with their individual values as well as pursuits. This perspective is seen to be linked to aspects that exhibit psychological prosperity and self-governance, for instance, higher self-awareness, character integration, higher levels of ego progression, higher self-esteem, effective objective accomplishment, and lower levels of self-derogation. This type of orientation includes controlling the behavior on the very basis of pursuits as well as self-endorsed beliefs. This orientation has the exact attributes that Adolf Hitler exhibited throughout his life course, especially during his rise in

Germany.

Cognitive Evaluation Theory explains the influences of social instances on an individual’s innate motivation. Organismic Integration Theory is basically concerned with the differentiation of extrinsic motivation in accord with internalization, and on the influence of social contexts on the internalization of extrinsic motivation. After World

War 1, Hitler was greatly influenced by the devastating socioeconomic conditions in

Germany. Therefore, he took this task to glorify Germany again as a prime motive.

Self-concept is the integrality of human values, priorities, viewpoints as well as behavior structured in an organized way, towards an exclusive existence. Based on the

Social Identity Theory, self-concept comprises of two crucial aspects, i.e., personal as

241 well as social identity. Personal identity consists of personality attributes as well as other features which make each individual distinctive. Social identity consists of associations humans are categorized in, such as the local community, spiritual beliefs, educational institutions along with other groupings.

According to Carl Rogers (1959), three distinct areas of self-concept are self- image, self-esteem, and ideal self. Hitler had high self-esteem, a positive self-image and believed that he was an ideal figure for ending the misery and woes of the German masses.

Contemporary social-cognitive approaches have portrayed personality as a collection of self-schemas, which are activated by different cues. Thus, human personality is viewed as a foundation for all schemata related to various identities and goals. The respective descriptions encompassing Self-Determination Theory are organized around three psychological needs, i.e., autonomy, competence, and relatedness.

Hitler’s decisions were autonomous, he possessed much competence and used rationalistic arguments during his rise in Germany.

While in Social Cognitive Theory, Conger and Peterson (l984) have argued that most people in society never progress beyond the conventional moral reasoning level.

Hitler was very much interested in Philosophy and claimed to have read Immanuel Kant,

Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Arthur Schopenhauer, Friedrich

Wilhelm Nietzsche, etc. To rationalize his respective Weltanschauung (worldview), he used a variety of writings by his philosophical heroes. He had a higher consciousness and was highly deterministic. These respective traits facilitated him to a great extent during his eventual rise in post World War 1 scenario.

242 George Herbert Mead (founder of Symbolic Interactionism), viewed interaction in the form of forming, as well as reforming the structures and patterns that bring along human society to a functional life. According to Herbert Blumer, it is an aspect which is dependent upon three crucial premises.

1. Individuals behave on the basis of explanations they have for them.

2. Meaning is formed by means of interaction between individuals.

3. Meanings are customized by means of an interpretive procedure.

Adolf Hitler was able to use Symbolic Interactionism with great efficacy. He reformed the existing structures as well as patterns of the German society to a functional life, i.e., by providing them with a specific goal and direction to restore the ‘lost’ glory.

There were several characteristics which Germany possessed after the First World

War, which made it convenient for the rise of Adolf Hitler. The economic factors of the time play a significant role in determining how a society will behave. Germany was economically devastated after a draining defeat in World War I. Due to the Versailles

Treaty, Germany was forced to pay incredibly sizeable reparations to France and Great

Britain. In addition, the Versailles Treaty, which many agreed was far too harsh, forced

Germany to give up more than thirteen percent of its land.

Deprivation is the condition of being deprived of what one once had or ought to have. There are various kinds of deprivation, i.e., material deprivation, social deprivation, and multiple deprivation. Unemployment was very high in Germany after World War 1, especially the youth was adversely affected. War completely changed the socioeconomic structure of the German society as dependency on individuals increased. Diseases spread

243 out, hospitals were full and even lacked basic health facilities. Access to services, accommodation, and education as well as training were greatly affected.

Burdensome reparations imposed after World War I, coupled with a general inflationary period in Europe during the 1920s—another direct result of a materially catastrophic war—caused spiraling hyperinflation of the German Reichsmark by 1923.

This hyperinflationary period combined with the effects of the Great Depression

(beginning in 1929) to seriously undermine the stability of the German economy, wiping out the personal savings of the middle class and spurring massive unemployment.

Such economic chaos did much to increase social unrest, destabilizing the fragile

Weimar Republic. Efforts of the Western European powers to marginalize Germany undermined and isolated its democratic leaders and underscored the need to restore

German prestige through remilitarization and expansion.

The promises of the German nationalist Right to revise the Versailles Treaty through force if necessary increasingly gained inroads in respectable circles. Meanwhile, the specter of an imminent Communist threat, in the wake of the Bolshevik Revolution in

Russia and of short-lived Communist revolutions or coups in Hungary by Bela Kun and in Germany itself (e.g. the Sparticist Uprising), shifted German political sentiment decidedly toward right-wing causes.

Agitators from the political left served heavy prison sentences for inspiring political unrest. On the other hand, -wing activists like Adolf Hitler, whose

Nazi Party had attempted to depose the government of Bavaria and commence a

244 ‘national’ revolution in the November 1923 Beer Hall Putsch, served only nine months of a five-year prison sentence for treason—which was a capital offense.

The difficulties imposed by social and economic unrest in the wake of World War

I and its onerous peace terms and the raw fear of the potential for a Communist takeover in the German middle classes worked to undermine pluralistic democratic solutions in

Weimar Germany. They also increased public longing for more authoritarian direction, a kind of leadership which German voters ultimately found in Adolf Hitler and his National

Socialist Party.

With Germany at its weakest and the most vulnerable point, Hitler took the opportunity to begin his ascent to power. Hitler had a significant idea that helped launch him into power. He had a plan for a swift economic recovery. Hitler outlined a plan where in four years, he would completely eliminate unemployment throughout Germany.

Even though his plan was a plan that would not raise the level of income for the enrichment of people, but an economic plan for military strength and victory the German people were eager to see any economic success. Hitler used an extremely detail and well- organized plan for economic revitalization. Through his method, Hitler was able to keep his promise of economic growth and begin his climb to power.

The notion of systematic frustration causes social change. It stems from value expectations or the ideological fervor. Expectations always refer to the future and when there is disappointment, it leads to disturbance. The idea of systematic conflict may best be traced to the process of transition. Consequently, value expectations are the conditions and goods of functional life to which individuals presume they are certainly eligible, and negation of this brings social change. Adolf Hitler and the German society went through

245 the various types of social change, i.e., alternative, redemptive, reformative, and revolutionary.

Transcendentalism is the procedure by which ideologies supply their proponents with a feeling of personal involvement in a movement aimed at improvement of existing conditions. This was the case with Hitler as the NSDAP’s was aligned with this very notion.

An ideology is an infused system of guidelines and observations, whose intent is to provide society and its members with a doctrinal foundation for faith, assessment as well as action in everyday life. Political ideology is a coherent body of doctrines, beliefs, and symbols containing diagnostic and prescriptive statements which undertake, interpret, conceal, defend or alter the political order by creating and uniting action oriented movements or organizations.

Rationalization is the characteristic of ideology, as it offers an elaborate set of justifications for desired courses of action. The significant point about ideological rationalization is the compulsion to offer ideas that function as an abstract, general public rationales with regards to political priorities; such explanations seem to invest the respective preferences with legitimacy and objectivity. Thus, an ideology may confer on a believer a sense of determination to guidelines, whose validity is not offered to challenge.

Ideology is a constructive element in a society for creating leadership. It stems from the individual’s perception and behavior, who in a rationalized manner believe in a certain way with regards to leading his life in accordance with some specified principles.

Thus, community-building and nation-building are the outcome of such ideological

246 foundation. It also correlates with the notion ‘value expectation’, which is not only based upon economic, social, and ethnic norms, but also upon various other elements.

For achieving success, ideology is the guiding force, and leadership is the instrument. The prerequisites of success are the techniques employed by the leaders which mobilize masses. The success of an individual depends upon leadership; whereas, leadership stems from the ideology. Particularly, ideologically oriented leaders leave an impact upon their followers in a community which is still in its developmental process, especially due to socio-political consciousness, economic poverty, and support of the general body of masses.

The Germans were thus in need of such leader, who could guide them in securing self-preservation. This guidance came from the personality of that charismatic individual who led the depressed community through the path of continuous struggle. Hitler was also able to successfully engage Ideological State Apparatuses, such as media, church, and school, as well as Repressive State Apparatus, like an army, courts, and police.

The success or failure of an ideological movement is determined partly by the extent to which public receptivity is shaped through a program of political socialization.

The social structure of any society contains institutions (schools, newspapers, family, etc.), that play a critical role in the very formation of popular political attitudes. Such institutions socialize particular viewpoints when individuals are taught to accept some as authoritative and to reject others as deviant. Therefore, it is essential that the basic doctrines of an ideology find their way directly or indirectly into the accepted value systems of these social institutions.

247 The degree of acceptance of an ideology is closely linked to the intensity of personal belief. For those individual already committed, it is important to sustain and reinforce ideological orthodoxy; for those outside the movement, who are indifferent to its message, it is imperative to generate political emotions that might lead to an eventual affiliation or support. Hence, political movements frequently engage in personification, whereby one or more leaders are presented to the public as personalized symbols of ideological integrity.

An ideology may begin as a cult in which a charismatic leader attracts a number of disciples who devote themselves to the political institutionalization of his special ideas. When articulated by a charismatic leader, sometimes those ideas take on an ideological tone. As such leaders tend to surface only among people suffering from severe structural and psychological binds.

However, they as well as the ideology they preach, frequently command the allegiance and faith of something less than the whole nation. Thus, in every political system, there is a leader who links his power roles to ideology. One goal served by that linkage is that of legitimizing power, that is, to make it possible to exercise power in a public atmosphere of legitimate authority. If we look into the analytical study of nations from its historical perspective, we may conclude that the role of ideology in nation-building is not an end in itself, but the means to the end.

Worldview refers to a set of common ideas or beliefs prevailing in the society or, at least, the ones shared by people within each social class. Sapir-Whorf hypothesis proposes that language controls thought, and thus language shapes one’s worldview.

Although, language and worldview are equally important in shaping each other, i.e., a

248 dialectic relation between them exists. The external world was perceived as an opponent by Germans, especially after the imposition of the Treaty of Versailles. Hitler was well aware of the fact that language shapes one’s worldview. Thus, all relevant tactics were used to ensure the engagement of German masses at the macro level.

The respective concept of ‘asbya’ by Ibn-e-Khuldun is based on common ancestry, interests and life experiences. Groups with strong ‘asbya’ dominate other groups through religious propaganda, political power, and common economic interests.

While, some exponents view it as being a steady procedure of self-consciousness to fortify the ethnic group in order to express their respective requirements. This was the exact case pursued by Adolf Hitler in Germany. He strongly endorsed the notion of

‘greater’ Germany, even though he was born in the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

Ethnicity is a socio-political phenomenon and refers to the behaviors of the particular group of people having common ancestry, culture, traditions, language, etc. for mutual political objectives. It is a sense of belonging to a specific group which differentiates that group from others. These characteristics bring about an adequately intimate ‘psychological bond’ of collective ethnic identity to form a respective nation.

Moreover, it receives energy from social as well as political mobilization. It offers a substantial influence upon the characteristics and direction of political transition in society.

On 7th April 1925, Hitler officially renounced his Austrian citizenship, however, did not acquire German citizenship for approximately seven years. During this period, he was stateless, and even encountered the possibility of being deported. On 25th February

249 1932, he was awarded citizenship of Brunswick, and therefore of Germany. Even during this time of high uncertainty, he worked for pan-Germanism (i.e., Großdeutschland).

According to Primordialist School, ethnic attachments are among numerous aspects that seem ‘natural’ for the respective individuals, i.e., via means of being rooted in the personality’s non-rational foundations. Instrumentalists emphasis is on competition and communication. Their focus is on the circumstantial and situational dynamics of ethnic solidarity. They contemplate ethnicity in the form of a tool in the quest of mutual benefits. While, Social Constructivist School argues that ethnic identities are not only found to be organic, but they are also socially constructed. Hitler used an eclectic approach as he engaged the masses via incorporating the respective schools to support his ideology and plan for ‘greater’ Germany.

Hitler also utilized biological, cultural, linguistic, and structural characteristics of ethnic groups and even engaged homeland societies as well as diaspora communities in his eventual rise to power in Germany. This is evidently seen from his influence inside and outside Germany even before assuming the chancellorship.

Besides the paramilitary wings, i.e., Sturmabteilung and Schutzstaffel, the NSDAP had also incorporated various other segments of the German society. It included the students, women, and youth wings.

The Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei Auslands-Organisation

(NSDAP/AO) was the organization working outside Germany for the Nazi Party. It served as the Auslands (foreign) organization branch of the NSDAP. Its membership was only restricted to Volksdeutsche (ethnic Germans). The primary chores of the

NSDAP/AO were the ideological instruction as well as congruity of all party allies with

250 the NSDAP’s pursuits. It had been designated the mandate of collaborating all NSDAP affiliates with the affiliates of the NSDAP-linked organizations existing in foreign countries. It aimed towards educating these people in the doctrine, viewpoint, as well as political programs of the NSDAP.

A number of nominally autonomous organizations had their very own legalized body; however, were assisted by the Nazi Party, like, Nationalsozialistische Lehrerbund

(NSLB), Deutsches Rotes Kreuz (DRK), Kyffhauserbund, Technische Nothilfe (TENO), and Reichsbund der Kinderreichen (RdK).

Adolf Hitler and the NSDAP had much influence outside Germany even before he assumed the chancellorship. Some political parties mimicked the NSDAP, and copied the

National Socialist Program verbatim. These influences also helped Hitler and the NSDAP to gain popularity outside Germany. Few of the many political parties that were inspired by Hitler’s vision and the NSDAP are, Deutsche Nationalsozialistische Arbeiterpartei

(DNSAP-Austria), Deutsche Nationalsozialistische Arbeiterpartei (DNSAP-

Czechoslovakia), Svenska Nationalsocialistiska Frihetsforbundet (SNSFF-Sweden),

Legiunea Arhanghelului Mihail (Romania), Norges Nasjonalsocialistiske Arbeiderparti

(NNSAP-Norway), Danmarks Nationalsocialistiske Arbejderparti (DNSAP-Denmark),

Nationaal-Socialistische Nederlandsche Arbeiderspartij (NSNAP-Netherlands),

Movimiento Nacional Socialista de Chile, Partidul National-Socialist din Romania

(PNSR-Romania), Magyar Nemzeti Szocialista Part (Hungary), Natsional

Sotsialisticheskata Bulgarska Rabotnicheska Partiya (NSBRP-Bulgaria), Syrian Social

Nationalist Party (SSNP-Syria), and Elliniko Ethniko Sosialistiko Komma (Greece).

251 Nationalism is an ideology promoting nationhood, a strong sense of collective identity and solidarity among a wide population (also called a nation) on the basis of their common language, culture, heritage, religion or citizenship in a state. It provides a base to unify people as well as it has the disintegration ability to distinguish them from others.

There is a close link between ethnicity and nationalism, as these aspects have been of great significance in state politics. Sometimes, these two terms have been used interchangeably.

Nationalism implies the amalgamation of the state and sovereignty. Nationalist sentiments grow out of common language, culture, common religion, traditions, and customs on a particular piece of land. Some thinkers believe that a nation is an imagined political community; while, nationalism grows out of national consciousness, which also consolidates itself.

However, they are two distinct concepts, though very close to each other.

Ethnicity is the driving force behind nationalism. Although the basic factors of nationalism and ethnicity (common culture, religion, language, common interests) are indiscernible, but the nationalism accentuates on sovereignty. In fact, nationalism is both an ideology as well as a form of behavior. It is also a politicized aspect of ethnicity. The basic difference between nationalism and ethnicity is that, nationalism is an umbrella term, while ethnicity may be a component of nationalism.

Ethnocentrism promotes the phenomenon of group closure, which maintains the boundaries of ethnic groups, while separating them from others. Ethnicity and politics also have a direct relation. In fact, the stability of the political system depends upon the appropriate strategies by the state to respond the demands of the respective groups. Hitler

252 was well aware of the respective demand of the German masses and thus employed various tactics to attract them.

Leadership is an individual’s ability to influence and motivate others. Thus, enabling them to effectively contribute to the success of their respective group or organization and social influence serves as a mutual thread. Leading is one of the major building blocks of a leader’s success, but it is the skill possessed by the majority, but utilized by a minority. It is a pattern of emphasis, indexed by the frequency or intensity of specific leadership behaviors or attitudes which a leader places on the different leadership functions. Leadership effectiveness can be assessed by subordinates’ commitment to their leader and group cohesiveness.

The subject matter of leadership can also be studied in its five diversified perspectives, i.e., competency perspective, behavioral perspective, contingency perspective, transformational perspective, and a implicit leadership perspective. These perspectives can be of real assistance with regards to the understanding of the complexity involved in Adolf Hitler’s rise to power. Hitler exhibited these perspectives to a great extent, as he was competent, had a firm nature and serious behavior during his rise in

Germany. He used contingency at all levels, transformed the German masses under the very umbrella of ultranationalism. He was not implicit in his approach and that is one of the major reasons behind his successful rise in Germany during the inter-war period.

When a person is officially appointed to lead a group, and exerts the legitimate power, i.e., authority to direct and guide others, it is referred as the formal form of leadership. While, it may be referred as an informal form of leadership when it unofficially accords a person with the power as well as influence to direct and guide the

253 behavior of the respective subordinates. Even before assuming formal leadership, Hitler exercised informal leadership in Germany.

Some scholars view leadership as a personal quality, and also the willingness of people to follow a person as their leader, i.e., it exists only with the followers and is impossible without such adherents. Leadership is an art which involves the readiness to accept the responsibility in all situations that may occur. Under different circumstances, leadership styles may change and the leader must stimulate the followers to willingly strive towards achieving any desired goal. At all times, a leader should demonstrate the ability to sway the attitude, behavior, and belief of their subordinates. The very success of a leader largely depends on acceptance by his followers. A true leader is conscientious to inspire all of his followers in every possible way.

Scholars agree that leadership is basically the appropriate usage of power. In a general sense, power is the capacity to affect people’s behavior. The two common types of power are personal and position power. Mostly, power comes from an individual’s position in the organization. The other sources of power are based on the personal characteristics that a leader inherits, therefore a leader’s power exists in the form of position power as well as personal power. Hitler possessed position as well as personal power to a great extent. His personal power led him to attain position power in German politics.

Different sources of power like coercive, referent, legitimate, expert, and reward were fused together in a sense of an eclectic approach by Hitler during his rise in

Germany.

While taking cognizance of the developments in the definitional framework of leadership, the main aim is not to provide a new definition of leadership, but rather to

254 look at the leadership style of Adolf Hitler during his rise in Germany. For this to be done on a sound academic footing, it will be necessary to clarify the basic conception of leadership, in its broadest sense, that can then serve as a point of departure for an interpretation of his leadership style. Therefore, and in reference to all the above mentioned definitional categories, leadership, in a general political sense, will be defined very broadly as an interaction between members of a group.

Powerful leaders might be able to use this to arouse motivation. Traditionally, a political elite involves the concept of minority and majority. It constitutes a minority of the population; but, exercises a majority of political power. Political leadership can have either moral or legal basis. It rests on the moral bases when leaders commune authority among their followers in the absence of any legal sanctions.

Heroes in history, have also emerged out of ‘charisma’, thus treated as graced with miraculous, superhuman, or outstanding power or attributes. A charismatic person comes in demand at the time of trouble. Such leader is usually a radical who challenges the existing practice by digging the ‘root’ of the matter. The general masses relinquish themselves to such a person because of their belief in authority manifested by him.

Generally, it happens at the time of any crisis or emergency. Therefore, the charismatic person is also the product of a crisis and enthusiasm. A charismatic person stands outside in the aims of this world, outside of routine occupations, as well as outside the routine obligations of family life.

The rise of Adolf Hitler in Germany has been the subject of serious academic studies, and especially from the moment he assumed the position of the Fuhrer of the

Nazi movement in 1921. Various explanations have been forwarded in order to explain a

255 system that appeared so inherently chaotic, yet was so successful in mobilizing the

German masses in support of the ideological goals of the Nazi leaders.

Though, this study in no way claims to answer all the questions and ambiguities surrounding the rise of Hitler, it did identify and clarify the main pillars upon which the emergence of Adolf Hitler rested, Hitler’s charismatically based relationship with the

German people depended upon, and the style of leadership he adopted. All this was done within the context of a distinctly German notion of Nazism whose mythical core facilitated these respective processes.

Nazism is a concept that suffered from a process of inflation and diversification almost from the moment of its inception. More and more phenomena and permutations were gradually included under the concept ‘Nazism’, especially by the opponents thereof, with the result that it started to lose its discriminative and evaluative value. This has reached the point where even among serious students of the subject there seems to be a lack of consensus surrounding even the most fundamental aspects of Nazism.

This diversification in interpretations of the concept ‘Nazism’, necessitated a review of the very fundamental aspects thereof, in an attempt to come up with a working definition of the concept for this study; a definition that will identify the true essence of it, while also helping to elucidate the role that leadership, such as that found in Hitler plays therein.

It should be made clear that the approach followed in this study was that a definitive genus of Nazism can be identified, while making adequate allowances for the outward differences resulting from certain national and environmental peculiarities. Thus, the exploration of Nazism provided us with the foundation needed for a more detailed

256 analysis of it. Further, it needs to be made clear that the aim here was only to formulate an ‘ideal type’ of the notion ‘Nazism’.

Nazism was identified as a sociopolitical ideology that, as with other pertinent ideologies, possesses a mythic core which embodies the fundamental political myth which mobilizes its activists and supporters. This mythic core refers to the inspirational and revolutionary power which the ideology exerted on its supporters, quite apart from its apparent rationality or practicality. Though, Nazism is clearly not a political religion, or revivalist cult, religious connotations were used in the formulation of its central myth.

With this said, we identified the mythic core of generic Nazism as a palingenetic form of populist ultra-nationalism, which implies a mobilizing vision of the nation being reborn after a period of perceived brought about by the forces of humanism and liberalism. This movement is thus anti-liberal and depends on mass support, but is elite driven.

When analyzing this aspect, it becomes clear that it will preclude the nationalism of dynastic rules or imperial forces that was the norm before the advent of politics inspired by the masses, as well as the liberal nationalism that usually replaces a dynastic ruler with a representative democracy, it thus rejects both absolutism and pluralist representative governments. Nazism therefore tends to favor charismatic forms of politics in which the cohesion and dynamics of the movement depends almost totally on the leader to inspire loyalty and action among both supporters and the broad public.

A Nazi movement might strive for mass appeal, but this movement should in the view of the leadership always be under the direct control of the elite for only they possess the true insight and willpower to bring forth the yet to be realized national community.

257 Power is to be placed in the hands of those who have risen ‘naturally’ and that is seen as representing the totality of the nation’s energy, this process of ‘natural selection’ will result in a leader who will be the absolute embodiment of the general will of the public.

In this idealized version of democracy, the leader will stand as the sole representative of the people to whom he claims to be linked by a metaphysical bond of a common nationhood.

The inherent vagueness of the Nazi mythic core makes the guidance of an effective leader with effective leadership tactics vital for the maintenance of a coherent movement. The leader can make use of this vagueness to shape the movement to fit specific environmental conditions in the system to help the movement attain a mass following.

Some of the unique elements of Nazism that distinguish it from other such forms is its focus on race, and Hitler’s foreign policy aimed at a radical restructuring of Europe; but it was the especially lucid form of a leadership cult that developed around the person of Adolf Hitler, in the form of the ‘Hitler myth’ and the Fuhrerprinzip, that really sets

Nazism apart from all other manifestations of such phenomena. The basis of this leadership cult was the inherent charismatic nature of leadership that follows from the inherent logic of Nazi systems coupled with the leadership style Hitler adopted. This combination resulted in the fact that the leadership style of Adolf Hitler in Germany possessed an inherent dynamism that was very complex and heterogeneous in nature and function. The analysis of this leadership demands a clear understanding of concept leadership itself.

258 Leadership, despite being a universal characteristic of human interaction, remains one of the most widely observed, but least understood phenomena related to the social interactions of mankind. Over time, social scientists have produced a host of different definitions of leadership, but they remain only ‘ideal’ types. Since the aim of this study was not to redefine leadership as such, but rather to analysis the specific traits of leadership exercised by Hitler, thus we defined leadership in this study only in its broadest sense as an interaction between members of a group in which the leaders are agents of change, whose actions affect other people more than other peoples’ acts affect them. A distinction can be made between autocratic and democratic leadership, and as was shown, Hitler’s leadership fell in the first category.

As far as Hitler’s style of leadership is concerned, we identified twelve characteristics that served not only as a basis for the analysis of Hitler’s rise as the leader of the Nazi Party, but also as a description thereof:

1. The impact of the personality on the whole of the system.

2. The leader stands at the center of the movement and all action flows from him.

3. The leader is separated from the rest of the movement’s elite by an inner circle of

the initiated.

4. The life of the leader is shrouded in mystery.

5. The position of the leader within the inner circle does not depend on his

demagogic or bureaucratic-organizational qualities, but rather on his ability to

handle inner-party struggles through intrigue and his skill in constantly mobilizing

personnel.

259 6. The movement functions according to the single principle that the ‘will’ of the

leader is the sole expression of purpose in the movement. The whole hierarchy of

the Party has been established with the goal of speedily communicating the will of

the leader to the lower ranks.

7. Continual struggles, and rivalries characterize the inner circles of the Party, but it

has a surprisingly small impact on the leader, for there exists the firm conviction

in the inner circle that without him as their leader everything will be lost.

8. The leader enjoys an almost total independence from the normal chain of

command or party hierarchy. The leader’s power is thus not dependent on the

hierarchy. It is the ‘will’ of the leader and not his orders as expressed through a

hierarchy, which is the supreme law.

9. The leader has the task to shield the movement from the harsh reality of the outside

world, while at the same time being the bridge that links the respective movement

with it.

10. The leader claims personal responsibility for every action, deed, or misdeed

committed by any member of the movement. This total responsibility is the most

important organizational aspect of the Fuhrerprinzip. The Fuhrer identified

himself totally with every one of his functionaries.

11. The leader appears to stand well removed from all the functional activities of the

movement.

12. Structurally and organizationally the movement is totally dependent on the

position of the leader.

260 These cited characteristics do not necessarily serve as an adequate explanation regarding Adolf Hitler’s rise in Germany. Sometimes, the complex nature of the structural arrangements in Germany, coupled with an almost mysterious system, personal intentions, and loyalties around Hitler, makes it difficult to find a coherent clarity on the subject matter.

Structural theorists have argued that the inherently chaotic nature of Nazism points to Hitler as a weak leader driven along by structural forces. If there was a conflict between Hitler’s intentions and the structure within which he operated, then it might have been possible to conclude that Hitler was weak. This, as was shown, does not appear to have been the case. Neither does it appear as though Hitler’s intentions and the socioeconomic structural determinants in Germany were in direct conflict with one another, but they rather combined to produce a dynamic force that pulled in the same direction, and made Nazi Germany a distinct and unique occurrence.

There is an element of a synthesis between the internationalist and structuralist schools of thought as far as Hitler’s rise is concerned, for it is very difficult to completely separate the intentions from the impersonal structural conditions which shaped the framework within which these intentions actualized. On the other hand, we saw that

Hitler’s intentions were sometimes shaped by circumstances which they themselves created rather that the intentions acquired a momentum of their own. Hitler’s ‘intentions’ thus played a vital role, but they are not, however, an adequate explanation on their own.

We can conclude that Hitler was not a simple pawn in the hands of broad and sweeping structural forces.

261 Hitler was also successful in fully utilizing the NSDAP in and outside Germany via different modes. Besides the paramilitary wings, i.e., Sturmabteilung and

Schutzstaffel, the NSDAP had also incorporated various other segments of the German society. It included the students, women, and youth wings. A number of nominally autonomous organizations in Germany had their very own legalized body; however, were also assisted by the Nazi Party.

Adolf Hitler also had much influence outside Germany even before he assumed the chancellorship. Some political parties mimicked the NSDAP, and copied the National

Socialist Program verbatim. These influences also helped Hitler to gain popularity outside Germany. While, the NSDAP/AO worked outside Germany for the Nazi Party, and served as its foreign organization branch. It was designed to develop a sense of amiability regarding Germans and consequently Germany at large. Thus, persuading the foreigners regarding the NSDAP as the best solution for Germany. It contributed to maximize the respective membership, and when the NSDAP came to power in 1933, total members, i.e., inside and outside Germany were over two million.

An understanding of the charismatic nature of Hitler’s authority in Germany is also fundamental to any evaluation of his leadership, for, as was shown, it formed the basis of his authority. In defining the concept ‘Nazism’ it was made clear that Nazism has a preference for the charismatic approach to authority which lends itself to the formation of a leadership cult.

The leadership cult in Germany did not originate with Hitler and the Nazi Party, but had its roots deep in nineteenth century Germany. As was pointed out, the focus on

‘heroic’ leadership was a prominent element of the ideas of the nationalist Right long

262 before Hitler entered the stage. Various politicians and writers have advanced the idea that there existed the need for a strong leader for the German nation. All these ideas were expressed in a very romantic and conservative idiom. The idea of a ‘Leader for Germany’ was thus not an uncommon or an alien concept for the average German in the Weimar era, and it ultimately provided a fertile ground for the development of the ‘Hitler myth’.

The Nazis set out to construct this ‘Hitler myth’, focusing primarily on Hitler’s own charismatic personality, as well as using every conceivable method of propaganda.

The growth of this ‘myth’ surrounding Hitler was slow and halting at first, but afterwards it started to gain immense momentum, a momentum that only started to fade slightly in the face of total military defeat in World War II and the collapse of the entire political system in 1945. Hitler’s charisma became the basis for authority in Germany, and he never seemed to lose the charismatic appeal he had with the German people during the time of his rise till his final days of ruling Germany.

The charisma of Hitler was based not necessarily on a specific trait of personality or temperament, but on people’s perceptions of him and their response. The relationship between Hitler and the German people can be categorized as charismatic in nature in that it exhibited the following characteristics to a greater or lesser extent:

 Hitler was perceived by his followers as being somehow ‘superhuman’.

 His followers blindly believed his statements.

 They unconditionally submitted themselves to the Fuhrer’s directives.

 They gave Hitler unqualified emotional commitment.

263 As is the case with Hitler’s personality, it cannot be totally separated from charisma, for his personality gave him the ability to project those images of himself that gave rise to charismatic perceptions, namely those contained in the ‘Hitler myth’.

The main elements of the popular image of Hitler, all blended together into a leadership ‘myth’ of remarkable potency and resilience, even though there existed a gulf between the figure of the Fuhrer as created by the propaganda machine based on the foundation of pre-existing leadership ideals, and the genuine Hitler. Difficult though it may be to evaluate, our analysis pointed to seven significant bases of the ‘Hitler myth’ in each of which the ‘mythical’ content is unmistakable.

Firstly, Hitler was regarded as the personification of the German yolk as well as the unity of the national community. He was the embodiment of the aspirations, desires and needs of the German nation. He carried within him a personal experience of the people of Germany and could therefore rightly interpret their virtue. He was seen as standing above the selfish sectional interests and material concerns which marked the normality of everyday life and which created the damaging divisions in society and politics. He was the selfless exponent of national interest, whose incorruption, and unselfish motives stood distinct from the scandalous greed and hypocrisy of Party functionaries.

Secondly, Hitler was seen as the only hope behind Germany’s economic revival, via eliminating the scourge of mass unemployment through his plans and strong ‘will’, revitalizing the economy and thus providing for improved living standards, and offering a new basis for lasting prosperity.

264 Third, he was seen as the representative of ‘popular justice’, the voice of the healthy sentiment of the people, the upholder of public morality, the embodiment of a strong, if necessary ruthless, action against the ‘enemies of the people’ to enforce law and order.

Fourth, Hitler was widely viewed as personally sincere, and in matters affecting established traditions and institutions, such as the Church, as a moderate opposed to the radical and extreme elements of the Nazi movement, but was largely kept in the dark by them about what was really going on.

Fifth, in the area of foreign affairs, Hitler was regarded as an upholder and a fanatical defender of Germany’s just rights, a rebuilder of the nation’s strength, a statesman of genius, and for the most part, it seems, not as a racial imperialist warmonger working towards a ‘war of annihilation’ and limitless German conquests.

Sixth, Hitler was seen as an incomparable military leader who, as a former front- line soldier distinguished for bravery, knew and understood the ordinary soldier. Even after the opposition from outside and within the Party, he was successful in resisting it and was viewed by many as the epitome of Germany’s unwavering will to victory.

Seventh, there was Hitler’s image as a bulwark against the nation’s perceived powerful ideological enemies, i.e., Marxism/Bolshevism, and the Jews. This image appealed significantly to those sections of the population whose exposure to ideological schooling was the greater, particularly, therefore, among committed members of the

Party.

265 In conclusion, it can thus be stated that the charismatic basis of Hitler’s authority serves as one of the main explanations regarding his rise in Germany. If we combine with this his leadership style, and also take into consideration the ideological framework within which all these events took place, we arrive at a very distinct form of leadership that sets Hitler apart from any other politician of its time.

Although these respective factors will not always be sufficient to explain all aspects of his eventual rise to power, but to an extent it will provide us with a greater understanding of the intricate nature of these complex events.

266

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