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Aloysius Huber and May 15, 1848 New Insights Into an Old Mystery
LOWELL L. BLAISDELL ALOYSIUS HUBER AND MAY 15, 1848 NEW INSIGHTS INTO AN OLD MYSTERY I One of the memorable days in the French revolution of 1848 occurred on May 15. Several extraordinary events happened on that date. The first was the overrunning of the legislative chamber by an unruly crowd. Next, and most important, a person named Aloysius Huber, after several hours had elapsed, unilaterally declared the National Assembly dissolved. In the resultant confusion, the legislators and the crowd dispersed. Third, shortly afterwards, an attempt took place at the City Hall to set up a new revo- lutionary government. It failed completely. As the result of these happen- ings, a number of people thought to be, or actually, implicated in them were imprisoned on charges of sedition. Damaging consequences followed. Even before that day, a conservative pattern had started to emerge, as revealed by the late-April national election returns and the squelching of working-class unrest at Limoges and Rouen. Paris' day of turmoil sharply escalated the trend. Even though no lives were lost, the dissolution of the legislature and the attempt, no matter how feeble, to launch a new regime, amounted to a violation of the national sovereignty. This greatly offended many in the legislature and among the general public. The anti-working-class current that had started to emerge, but which it might have been possible to absorb, quickly expanded into an ultra-conservative torrent. Very soon after May 15 the authorities began the systematic harassment of the clubs. Only a month later the National Workshops were shut down. -
Chapter 6: Bonaparte, the Press, and "Passive" Propaganda the Nature
The Genesis of Napoleonic Propaganda: Chapter 5 4/25/03 10:57 AM Chapter 6: Bonaparte, the Press, and "Passive" Propaganda The Nature of "Passive" Propaganda 1 That Napoleon Bonaparte actively fostered the creation of his public image can hardly be doubted. From the manipulation of the French press through his carefully crafted dispatches, to the founding of newspapers that promoted his public image, to the innovative use of medals and medallions, he thoroughly mastered virtually every public medium of his day. Although other figures in history had manipulated these various media-Louis XIV, for example, employed painters, medal-makers, and journalists to promote his regal glory 1-Bonaparte was the first private citizen in modern history to realize the limitless possibilities open to a master propagandist. One question remains: How can we judge the effectiveness of his image-making campaign? Most historians agree that this self-promotion was a resounding success, but there is no direct method by which to measure its impact on the French populace. One way to attempt to evaluate the impact of Napoleon's efforts, however, is through what I will call "passive" propaganda, or secondary sources of media exposure initiated by others who sought to "cash in" on Napoleon's growing popularity. In the realm of "passive propaganda," Bonaparte's own efforts created a public demand for news about his achievements, which the French press, street-hawkers, engravers, and artists hurried to satisfy. This passive propaganda, unsought but not unwelcome, complemented and amplified Bonaparte's earlier image-making efforts. During the first few months of Bonaparte's command in Italy, the French press paid scant attention to the Italian campaign. -
49 Exposition Napoléon N'est Plus
#49 8 2 7 14 Dossier Actualités Saison musicale Coulisses Exposition Parcours Deux Des mystères Napoléon contemporain compositeurs révélés ? n’est plus Napoléon ? en résidence Le Musée enquête… jan. -- juin 2021 Encore ! 2 ACTUALITÉS Couverture : De Rossi d’après Horace Vernet (1789-1863). Napoléon sortant de son tombeau, 1869. Micromosaïque d’émaux © Paris, musée de l’Armée, Dist. RMN-Grand Palais / Émilie Cambier Kapwani Kiwanga, Nations, Snake Gully, 1802 [Nations, La Ravine à couleuvres, 1802], 2018, coll. part. © Adagp, Paris, 2020 / Photo Aurélien Mole Courtesy Galerie Poggi, Paris Napoléon ? Encore ! Un parcours contemporain En écho aux commémorations du bicentenaire de la mort de l’Empereur, le Musée propose, pour la première fois de son histoire, un parcours d’art contemporain aux Invalides. La présentation de commandes originales ou d’œuvres Emmanuel de Las Cases, 8 janvier 1816) et dont on a pu existantes confiées à des artistes, soit de renom, soit émergents, dire qu’il avait construit une « épopée faite pour l’image et français et étrangers, évoquera la figure de Napoléon, par l’image. » (Jean Tulard, préface, in cat. expo. Napoléon, ainsi que l’empreinte de son action sur le monde actuel. images de légende, Épinal, Musée de l’image, p. 13). Des œuvres d’art du XXIe siècle, réalisées par des artistes Pendant deux siècles, la figure de Napoléon a dominé l’histoire issus de contextes et de pays très différents, seront ainsi européenne, mais aussi la perception générale que les peuples montrées dans les salles napoléoniennes du musée de l’Armée, pouvaient se faire de cette dernière, non seulement en France comme des intrus ou des partenaires parmi les objets et les mais aussi dans le reste du monde. -
Political Conspiracy in Napoleonic France Kelly Diane Jernigan Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2015 Political Conspiracy in Napoleonic France Kelly Diane Jernigan Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Jernigan, Kelly Diane, "Political Conspiracy in Napoleonic France" (2015). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 1198. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/1198 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. POLITICAL CONSPIRACY IN NAPOLEONIC FRANCE A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of History by Kelly D. Jernigan B.A., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2002 M.A., Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, 2007 May 2015 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The research and writing that went into this dissertation may have been my own personal projects, but throughout the process, I recognized that I had a whole team of people working alongside me. Without them, I never would have pushed myself so hard and I probably would not have finished my degree. I will be eternally grateful for their support. To start, I want to recognize the contributions of my two-year-old daughter Mileena. I will always remember you sitting with me so you could “help Mommy work.” When you took over my laptop, you never deleted any chapters, for which I am grateful. -
Uniting 'Good' Citizens in Thermidorian France
Chapter 5 Uniting ‘good’ Citizens in Thermidorian France On September 20, 1794, a little less than two months after the fall of Robespierre on 9 Thermidor Year ii (July 27, 1794), representative Jean-Baptiste Robert Lin- det presented to the National Convention on behalf of the committees of Pub- lic Safety and General Security a report ‘On the internal situation of the Republic’.1 It was a strained report. How else could it be? Having gone through the experience of what has come to be known as the Jacobin Terror of 1793– 1794, France was still gasping for breath and was only beginning to ‘recollect the events the memory of which ought never to be effaced’, as the report put it. These events, Lindet purported, ‘will be a useful lesson for us and for posterity’. For ‘[t]he representatives of the people ought not only to pass on to posterity their actions, their glory and their success; they ought to pass on to them the knowledge of dangers, misfortunes, and errors’.2 What were these dangers, misfortunes, and errors? And could the Terror represent all these things at once? For weeks the streets had been flooded with anti-Jacobin pamphlets, as the freedom of press was re-established. Gradually, more and more atrocities came to light; Jacobins were denounced everywhere; Robespierre was portrayed as a ‘tyrant’ and bloodthirsty monster; militias of vengeful anti-Jacobin groups of young men scoured the streets of Paris, while thousands of often equally vengeful prisoners were released within less than a month. The downfall of Robespierre set in motion a process of public exor- cism that could hardly be kept under control by the National Convention that eagerly tried to re-establish its status as the supreme political authority above that of the committees and the Jacobin Club.3 It was an extremely vexed and complex process. -
An Early Concept of the Modern Police State in Nineteenth Century France Howard C
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Volume 43 | Issue 3 Article 18 1952 An Early Concept of the Modern Police State in Nineteenth Century France Howard C. Payne Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Criminology Commons, and the Criminology and Criminal Justice Commons Recommended Citation Howard C. Payne, An Early Concept of the Modern Police State in Nineteenth Century France, 43 J. Crim. L. Criminology & Police Sci. 377 (1952-1953) This Criminology is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology by an authorized editor of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. POLICE SCIENCE AN EARLY CONCEPT OF THE MODERN POLICE STATE IN NINETEENTH CENTURY FRANCE1 Howard C. Payne Howard C. Payne, Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of History, the State College of Washington, Pullman. French history of the Second Empire and the Third Republic constitutes his chief fields of interest, and he is engaged at present in preparing a book length study on the police of the Second Empire. Professor Payne is Acting Editor of the Research Studies of the State College of Washington.-EDITOR. From the ruins of Napoleonic rule in 1815, nineteenth century France retained, in only partly modified form, a highly-centralized administra- tive machine, with its pyramided hierarchy of officials. As developed by Napoleon for dictatorial control over the French Empire, the admin- istration was interwoven with a national police structure for purposes of political surveillance and repression. -
The Official Word: Justifying Sensitive Napoleonic Policies, 1804-1815 Richard J
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2015 The Official Word: Justifying Sensitive Napoleonic Policies, 1804-1815 Richard J. Siegler Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES THE OFFICIAL WORD: JUSTIFYING SENSITIVE NAPOLEONIC POLICIES, 1804-1815 BY RICHARD J SIEGLER A Thesis submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2015 Richard Siegler defended this thesis on April 13, 2015. The members of the supervisory committee were: Rafe Blaufarb Professor Directing Thesis G. Kurt Piehler Committee Member Jonathan Grant Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the thesis has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank Rafe Blaufarb for his invaluable advice and support throughout the completion of this thesis. Equal thanks are due to G. Kurt Piehler and Jonathan Grant for providing me with critique and bringing vastly different perspectives that have improved my thesis tremendously. All three of these professors have constantly challenged me to develop and hone my skills as a young historian both inside and outside the classroom. I am also immensely grateful to the Institute on Napoleon and the French Revolution and Department of History for providing me with funding and assistance during my time at Florida State University. Much of the research for this thesis has come out of the stellar Special Collections housed at Florida State’s Strozier Library. -
Masters Thesis
A Manifesto of Impossibilities? Workers, Politics, and the History of the Luxembourg Commission, February-May 1848 by Jason Thomas Hewer A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Auburn University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Auburn, Alabama August 3, 2019 Keywords: Louis Blanc, Luxembourg Commission, 1848 Revolution Copyright 2019 by Jason Thomas Hewer Approved by Ralph Kingston, Chair, Associate Professor of History Rupali Mishra, Associate Professor of History Christopher Ferguson, Associate Professor History Abstract The Luxembourg Commission was the response of the provisional government of France during the Revolution of 1848 to demands by workers of Paris that the government do something to help alleviate the harsh conditions under which they labored. The Commission was a step short of the full government ministry of progress that many workers called for. However, during the few months it existed, the Luxembourg Commission gave impetus to grassroots workers’ organization and successfully began to act as an arbitrator in disputes between workers and bosses. The elections of April 1848 were disastrous for worker candidates, and the Commission itself winked out of existence in May. Workers’ frustration led to them storming the National Assembly and successfully suspending it on May 15. An analysis of May 15 shows how volatile the allegiances of the National and Mobile Guards were on the day. Both the Luxembourg Commission and the journée of May 15 were sidelined in histories of the Revolution written during the nineteenth century because these items did not support the political narrative of the authors of these histories. -
Intermediary Bodies of Governance
CHAPTER 4 Intermediary Bodies of Governance Abstract Following the phase of conquest, usually a temporary interim government was formed to supervise the incorporation of newly acquired territories. The timing of the incorporation, as well as the manner in which models from other parts of Europe were applied, infuenced how Napoleonic governance worked out in practice. Importantly, the creation of so-called gouvernements généraux became a Napoleonic integration instrument. General-Governors Charles-François Lebrun in Amsterdam and Louis Nicolas Davout in Hamburg had similar tasks but made differ- ent choices. Their relationships with other actors, local and French, dif- fered as well. In this chapter the two intermediary bodies are discussed, in relation to other Napoleonic institutions and their main protagonists. Often, Napoleonic offcials who had already proven their worth elsewhere were employed in these areas. Thus, institutional examples and personal experiences from other parts of the Empire, such as Italy, infuenced the integration of the North. Yet, being remote from the imperial core, many offcials competed for power and hence for control of the integration process. Keywords Intermediary government • Incorporation • Integration • Charles-François Lebrun • Louis-Nicolas Davout © The Author(s) 2021 67 M. van der Burg, Napoleonic Governance in the Netherlands and Northwest Germany, War, Culture and Society, 1750–1850, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66658-3_4 68 M. VAN DER BURG FROM CONQUEST TO INCORPORATION During the autumn of 1810, Napoleon issued decree after decree to enlarge his Empire by incorporating conquered lands. In previous years, the treatment of new territorial acquisitions had been increasingly formal- ized. -
Grace Phelan Final/Diss
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ ANTOINE FRANÇOIS MOMORO “First Printer of National Liberty” 1756-1794 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in HISTORY by Grace M. Phelan September 2015 The Dissertation of Grace M. Phelan is approved: _______________________________ Professor Jonathan Beecher, Chair _______________________________ Professor Mark Traugott _______________________________ Professor Marilyn Westerkamp ___________________________________ Tyrus Miller Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Grace M. Phelan 2015 Table of Contents List of Illustrations iv Acknowledgments viii Introduction 1 1. From Besançon to Paris: Momoro's transition from Old Regime libraire to "First Printer of National Liberty" 14 2. Momoro's Political Ascendancy in Sectional Politics 84 3. Traité Elémentaire de l'Imprimerie: Conservative Instruction from the "First Printer of National Liberty" 177 4. Letters from the Vendée: Momoro's Narrative of Revolution and Counter- Revolution 252 Epilogue 321 Appendix A: Books Sold by Momoro, 1788-1790 325 Appendix B: Momoro's Publications, 1789-1793 338 Archival Sources 356 Works Cited 357 iii List of Illustrations 1. Premier Imprimeur de la Liberté Nationale 53 2. Second portrait of Momoro by Peronard 54 iv ABSTRACT Grace M. Phelan ANTOINE FRANCOIS MOMORO: "First Printer of National Liberty" 1756-1794 Antoine François Momoro (1756-1794) appears in historiographies of the French Revolution, in the history of printing and typography and in the history of work during the eighteenth century. Historians of the 1789 Revolution have often defined Momoro as either a sans-culottes or spokesman for the sans-culottes. Marxist historians and thinkers defined Momoro as an early socialist thinker for his controversial views on price fixing and private property. -
The Politics of Appropriation in French Revolutionary Theatre
The Politics of Appropriation in French Revolutionary Theatre Submitted by Catrin Mair Francis to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in French in October 2012. The thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: 1 ABSTRACT This thesis examines the popularity of plays from the ancien régime in the theatre of the French Revolution. In spite of an influx of new plays, works dating from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were amongst the most frequently performed of the decade. Appropriation resulted in these tragedies and comedies becoming ‘Revolutionary’ and often overtly political in nature. In this thesis, I will establish how and why relatively obscure, neglected plays became both popular and Revolutionary at this time. I shall draw on eighteenth-century definitions of appropriation to guide my analysis of their success and adaptation, whilst the theoretical framework of pre-history and afterlives (as well as modern scholarship on exemplarity and the politicisation of the stage) will shape my research. To ensure that I investigate a representative selection of appropriated plays, I will look at five very different works, including two tragedies and three comedies, which pre-date the Revolution by at least thirty years. -
Introduction Chapter 1
Notes Introduction 1. This interpretation is based on the research in Patricia Chastain Howe, “French Revolutionary Foreign Policy and the Belgian Project, 1789–1793,” PhD diss., University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1982. Chapter 1 1. LeBrun was not illegitimate, as Frederick Masson claims in Le Département des affaires étrangères pendant la Révolution 1787–1804 (Paris, 1877), 162. Accord- ing to the Noyon archives, LeBrun was baptized 28 August 1754, “son of Mis- ter Christophe- Pierre Tondu, churchwardern, and Elisabeth- Rosalie LeBrun.” Becoming a Liégeois citizen, he changed his name to Tondu- LeBrun and later dropped the Tondu. G. de Froidcourt, “Les Réfugiés Liégeois à Paris en 1793 et Pierre LeBrun,” Le vieux- Liège 114, no. 5 (1956): 55. 2. According to the Register of the Parish of St. Martin- en- Isle, they were mar- ried 28 July 1783; the Register of the Parish of St. Adalbert shows that Jean- Pierre LeBrun was born 21 July 1784, and baptized 27 April 1785, both in Archives de l’Etat à Liège, Liège (hereafter AL). 3. Henri Pirenne, Early Democracies in the Low Countries, trans. J. V. Saunders (New York: 1913), 239–40 ; Paul Harsin, La Révolution Liégeoise de 1789 (Brussels, 1954), 1–23; Suzanne Tassier, Les démo crats Belges de 1789 (Brus- sels, 1930). 4. Henri Pirenne, Histoire de Belgique (Brussels, 1926), 343. 5. M. H. Francotte, “Essai historique sur la propagande des encyclopédistes fran- çais dans la principauté de Liège,” in Mémoires couronnés et autres mémoires publiés (Brussels, 1880), 30:113–47, 154, 220–64. 6. In general, the demo cratic movement and the rising opposition to privilege were infl uenced by the ideas of Locke, Rousseau, Diderot and others, but it was the revolutionary events in America, the United Provinces, and France that best publicized the ideal of pop u lar sovereignty.