guibert of nogent The Development of Rhetoric from Anti-Judaism to Anti-Semitism Elyse Sulkey

n a famous monastery, the offering the sacrifice.” 1 abbot sent a monk, raised in Despite what the reader the faith since his childhood, may be inclined to think, this Ito lodge in a cell attached to strange story is not a passage the church. While living in this from a poorly written erotica cell, the monk fell sick and was novel. Instead, it was taken from attended by a Jew who knew the memoirs of one of the most medicine. As the pair became studied clerics of the twelfth friends, the monk, curious about century, Guibert of Nogent. black magic, demanded initiation Guibert was born in 1060 on the into the practice by the Jew day before Easter at Clermont-en- whom he was convinced knew Beauvais.2 He was the youngest something about it. The Jew son of Evard, a warrior of King agreed to the monk’s demands Henry of France, and his wife, and arranged a meeting between a highly pious woman.3 They the monk and his master, the were a noble and influential Devil. When the day came, the family in their locality, but they monk stood before the Devil were not wealthy or highly and asked to be initiated into placed.4 Evard died shortly after his teaching. The Devil replied 1. This anecdote was taken from: Guibert, that the monk must renege Abbot of Nogent-sous-Coucy. A Monk’s his baptismal vows and offer a Confession: The Memoirs of Guibert of Nogent, sacrifice before he would consider trans. Paul J. Archambault (University Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State him for initiation. When the University Press, 1996), 89-90. monk asked what the Devil 2. Jay Rubenstein, Guibert of Nogent: Portrait wanted as a sacrifice, the Devil of a Medieval Mind. (New York: Routledge, replied, “You will make me a 2002), 17. libation of your sperm. When you 3. Ibid. 4. John Benton, “The Personality of Guibert have poured it out to me, you will of Nogent.” Psychoanalytic Review, 57.4 (1970), taste it first, as it behooves the one 567.

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Guibert’s birth,5 leaving Guibert of Christian-Jewish relations, a at the fringes of an already small fact that is reflected in Guibert’s patronage network.6 His mother attitudes toward Jews throughout never remarried; instead she his life’s work. focused her efforts on providing Guibert of Nogent wrote an education for Guibert and Gesta Dei per Francos, or The securing a private tutor for him.7 Deeds of God through the Franks, According to Guibert, his tutor between 1106 and 1109. It was a agreed to teach him because of a revision of an earlier anonymous dream in which an old man led chronicle titled Gesta Francorum. the young Guibert to his bedside.8 Though his chronicle of the First Eventually, Guibert entered the Crusade was not well known in Church of Saint-Germer for his own time, Guibert of Nogent monastic training despite his is today one of the best known mother’s insistence that he was chroniclers of the crusades, not yet ready. By 1104, Guibert perhaps due to his autobiography had obtained an appointment as Monodiae, or Memoirs, which is the abbot of Nogent.9 For a while, popularly referred to as A Monk’s Guibert struggled to be accepted Confession. Guibert wrote his as a monk and was determined to memoirs around 1115, which was prove that he was elected abbot quickly followed by his treatise on “merit alone.”10 During his against relic cults, On the Relics of time at Nogent, Guibert began Saints, in 1119. In these later works, to funnel his intellectual efforts Guibert accused Jews of using into his writing – writings that black magic; he was one of the occurred during a turbulent time first anti-Semitic writers to do so.11 In this paper, I argue that 5. In “Guibert of Nogent and the Subject of History” Heather Blurton argued that Guibert the previous anti-Judaic clerical developed a fascination and obsession with sentiments of Guibert in The sexual mutilation, money, and fear of death Deeds of God through the Franks due to his father’s early death and Guibert’s developed into anti-Semitic subsequent rearing by a strict and pious rhetoric in his later works. This mother and tutor. Blurton’s argument is similar to that of John Benton’s earlier article development will be traced “The Personality of Guibert of Nogent,” in chronologically through three which Benton discusses the possibility that prominent works of Guibert of Guibert suffered from an Oedipus complex Nogent: The Deeds of God through that influenced his views of the world. It is , worth noting that both Benton and Blurton the Franks A Monk’s Confession: The Memoirs of Guibert of Nogent, postulated that psychological damage from 12 Guibert of Nogent’s early years may account and On the Relics of Saints. for his hatred of the “other” and the fantastical 11. Benton, “The Personality of Guibert of charges he brought against them. 6. Rubenstein, Portrait of a Medieval Mind, Nogent,” 566. 17-18. 12. Another work of importance for this topic 7. Benton, “The Personality of Guibert of is Guibert’s 1111 On Jews and Judaizers. In Nogent,” 567. Guibert of Nogent: Portrait of a Medieval Mind, Jay Rubenstein describes the arguments of 8. Rubenstein, Portrait of a Medieval Mind, 18. other scholars that Guibert’s tract against the 9. Benton, “The Personality of Guibert of Jews was a turning point in Christian-Jewish Nogent,” 574. relations because it was the first tract to belittle 10. Blurton, “Guibert of Nogent and the and dehumanize Jews rather than treat them Subject of History,” 115. as respected theological colleagues. However, 36 This paper also discusses how In 1997, Steven Kruger the historical background of published an article in the increasingly poor Christian- journal New Literary History Jewish relations and the violence entitled “Medieval Christian of the First Crusade fueled the (Dis)Identifications: Muslims development of Guibert’s anti- and Jews in Guibert of Nogent.” Semitic rhetoric in the twelfth Though Kruger steered away century. from the psychoanalytic nature of Benton’s previous article, he Historiography noted that Guibert translated his fears about Jews into actions that Though Guibert of Nogent he could depict as “monstrous” was not well known to his and “animal.” However, Kruger contemporaries, modern spent the majority of his article scholarship is fascinated by discussing the rich history of the abbot who deemed himself biblical exegesis that came before important enough to write a the writings of Guibert and memoir before memoirs became how this tradition influenced a common literary convention. Guibert’s own depiction of Jews In fact, there have been several and Muslims.14 A large part of attempts to untangle the mind of Kruger’s article also focused on Guibert of Nogent and discover the idea that the proximity of the reasons behind not only Jewish communities to Christian his self-importance but also the writers like Guibert increased fantastical stories he depicts when their fears of corruption and discussing sinners, heretics, and conversion, leading Christian Jews. writers to treat the Jews more In 1970, John F. Benton wrote harshly in their works than the “The Personality of Guibert of Muslims who did not pose the Nogent.” This article, published same threat of proximity. Thus in The Psychoanalytic Review, Kruger’s article sought to explore focused on Guibert’s formative the religious issues that drove years and argued that the death Guibert’s works instead of the of Guibert’s father eight months personal issues that John Benton after his birth and Guibert’s had focused on nearly thirty years subsequent isolated childhood, prior.15 reared by an extremely pious Despite Steven Kruger’s mother and strict tutor, led to departure from psychoanalytical the development of an Oedipus explanations of Guibert’s complex. Benton postulated that attitudes, historians did not this complex fueled Guibert’s completely turn a blind eye to hatred of sin and warped the the role of the mind in Guibert’s way in which Guibert perceived 13 14. Exegesis refers to the critical sinners. interpretation and explanation of a text, On Jews and Judaizers was not included in this typically scripture. paper because an English translation could 15. Steven F. Kruger, “Medieval Christian not be located. (Dis)Identifications: Muslims and Jews in 13. Benton, “The Personality of Guibert of Guibert of Nogent.” New Literary History, 28.2 Nogent,” 563-586. (1997), 185-203. 37 works. In 2002, Jay Rubenstein and the “other.”17 released his book Guibert of Then in 2009, Elizabeth Nogent: Portrait of a Medieval Mind. Lapina published an article in The Instead of attributing Guibert’s Journal of Medieval History entitled attitudes to early psychological “Anti-Jewish Rhetoric in Guibert damage, Rubenstein traced of Nogent’s Dei gesta per Francos.” the development of Guibert’s In it, Lapina argued that Guibert theological ideas throughout of Nogent used the tradition of several of his early and later biblical exegesis to imbue his writings. Most notably, version of the Gesta Francorum Rubenstein traced the with anti-Judaic rhetoric through development of Guibert’s comparisons of the weaknesses of thoughts on morality and how the Maccabees and the strengths these thoughts impacted his of the Christian crusaders.18This impression of the “other” in paper will expand on Lapina’s comparison to Christianity. A work by arguing that the previous main point of his discussion anti-Judaic clerical sentiments focused on Guibert’s thoughts of Guibert in The Deeds of God about Jews and how those through the Franks developed into thoughts were reflected in anti-Semitic rhetoric in his later medieval Christian-Jewish works: A Monk’s Confession: The relations. He argued that in Memoirs of Guibert of Nogent, and Guibert’s earlier works Guibert On the Relics of Saints. sensed no rivalry or threat from Jews, but his 1111 tract On Jews and Christian-Jewish Relations: Judaizers marked a turning point in A Background Christian-Jewish relations with its portrayal of non-rational Jews.16 In the late eleventh century, Shortly after the release Christian-Jewish relations of Guibert of Nogent: Portrait took a violent turn that began of a Medieval Mind, Heather a fluctuation between two Blurton published a 2003 competing anti-Jewish attitudes.19 article “Guibert of Nogent Anti-Judaism upheld the stance and the Subject of History” in of the Church and though it Exemplaria: A Journal of Theory considered Judaism evil, it did in Medieval and Renaissance not find the Jewish people to be Studies. Blurton’s article returned innately evil or wish for their to the psychoanalytic methods destruction. Anti-Judaism also employed by Benton’s “The Personality of Guibert of 17. Heather F. Blurton, “Guibert of Nogent and the Subject of History,” Exemplaria: A Nogent,” using Benton’s article to Journal of Theory in Medieval and Renaissance build her own case that Guibert Studies, 15.1 (2003), 111-131. of Nogent’s obsession with sexual 18. Elizabeth Lapina, “Anti-Jewish rhetoric mutilation, death, and sex drove in Guibert of Nogent’s Dei gesta per Francos,” many of his ideas about morality Journal of Medieval History, 35 (2009), 239-253. 19. Bat-Sheva Albert, “Christians and Jews,” in The Cambridge History of Christianity, ed. Thomas Noble et al. (Cambridge University 16. Rubenstein. Portrait of a Medieval Mind. Press: 2015), 160. 38 supported the civil Jewry laws of the Jews as foretold by scripture the Middle Ages. The foundation proved the truth of Christianity. of civil law was the Theodosian In addition, Augustine Code, which held that Jews believed if the Jews had not were part of a group of heretics, put Christ to death that but were free to practice their independence and Jerusalem religion.20 The Code also opposed would still be theirs.25 By putting forced baptism and protected Christ to death, the Jews became existing synagogues.21 In theory, a defeated people living amongst the Theodosian Code proved the new chosen people of God.26 to be a balancing act between Thus, Jews living in Christendom repression and toleration by the served as “witnesses” to remind state. Christians of the truth of their While the Theodosian faith. In the early Middle Ages, Code set important precedents “Augustinian witness” was for the treatment of Jews in adapted and reinterpreted but Christendom, medieval Church it was still widely held that Jews and civil laws regarding Jews should be allowed to live and pulled heavily on the theory worship within Christendom, of Augustinian witness. Saint albeit with certain restrictions, to Augustine believed that God continue to serve as witnesses to allowed the Jews to survive and the truth of Christ.27 live amongst Christians because Despite the protections laid they were “witnesses” to the out by the Theodosian Code glory of Christ.22 To Augustine, and the idea of Augustinian the Jew’s served to authenticate Witness in the Middle Ages, the scriptures by demonstrating Gavin Langmuir summed up to enemies of the Church that the Christian rejection of these biblical testimonies were not protections in his book History, forged.23 Most importantly, Religion, and Antisemitism when Jews proved the truth of he explained the nature of Christian scripture since “in anti-Judaic thought in the First not comprehending the truth Crusade: they offer additional testimony to the truth, since they do not If they hated Jews because of understand those books by which doubts about the value of their it was foretold that they would own identity and killed Jews not understand.”24 In Augustine’s to stifle those doubts, they were eyes, the rejection of Christ by nonetheless correct in thinking that Jews did not believe in 20. Mark R. Cohen, Under Crescent and Cross: The Jews in the Middle Ages (Princeton: Christ and mocked those who Princeton University Press, 1994), 32-33. believed in “the hanged one.” 21. Ibid., 36. Moreover, [they] did not project 22. Ibid., 37. on Jews any characteristics 23. Jeremy Cohen, Living Letters of the Law: Jews did not have, such as Ideas of the Jew in Medieval Christianity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 25. J. Cohen, Living Letters of the Law, 32. 1999), 29. 26. Ibid., 32-33. 24. Ibid. 27. Ibid., 67-71. 39 horns. They killed Jews because visibility, economic competition, they were Jews, because Jews church reforms, and the First were people in the midst of Crusade fueled anti-Jewish Christendom who stubbornly sentiments among the Christian rejected the nonrational beliefs populace.32 Crusaders who lacked of Christianity and persisted in the funds to make it to the East adhering to their Judaic religion often turned their attention to to the point of martyrdom.28 the “Christ-killers” at home.33 The increasing popularity of Thus, anti-Judaism was dedicated anti-Semitic sentiments, like to the repression and persecution the idea of the “Christ-killer,” of a religion, not the repression led to the 1096 massacres along or demonization of a people. the Rhine. During the summer Ambivalence towards the Jewish months, Count Emicho of faith also partially fueled anti- Leiningen led his followers Judaic beliefs.29 down the Rhine to the cities of In an attempt to protect his Speyer, Worms, Mainz, Trier, Jewish subjects from the growing and Cologne.34 Though some unrest, the German emperor bishops tried to protect the Jews, Henry IV confirmed in 1090 the Emicho’s men massacred most previously granted rights to the of the Jewish population before Jewish community in Speyer: the moving on to Hungary where reservation of a walled quarter, the army was later crushed.35 a plot to bury their dead, and There are also varying reports permission from their provost of forced conversion during the to arbitrate disputes between or attacks. While some crusading against themselves.30 Henry also armies left the European Jewish gave the Jews of Speyer freedom populations alone, the varying of commerce in the city, the right reactions of the crusading armies to employ Christian servants, to Jewish communities show that and the right to defend and the upholding of the Church’s fortify their quarter. These laws policy of toleration depended contrasted with the laws of the on who was in command.36 Such Church that forbade Jews from massacres were not repeated having Christian servants.31 after the summer of 1096, but Though the separation of the the century that followed saw a Jews in their quarter was for their rise in violent persecutions and protection, it made them a more extortions.37 visible target during riots. In In contrast with Anti- addition to this heightened Judaism, the development of 28. Gavin Langmuir, History, Religion, an Anti-Semitism went beyond and Antisemitism (Berkeley: University of 32. Ibid., 169. California Press, 1990), 293. 33. Thomas Madden, The Concise History of the 29. Anna Sapir Abulafia, Christian-Jewish Crusades (New York: Rowman and Littlefield, Relations 1000-1300: Jews in the Service of 2014), 18. Medieval Christendom (Great Britain: Pearson 34. Ibid. Education Limited, 2011), 145. 35. Ibid., 18-19. 30. Albert, “Christians and Jews,”168. 36. Abulafia,Christian-Jewish Relations, 140. 31. Ibid. 37. Albert, “Christians and Jews,” 169. 40 the previous treatment by the Clearly there was an attempt to Church to include hostile and reverse some of the harm done by repressive attitudes towards the First Crusade to the Jewish Jews as an innately evil people.38 populations of Germany, but Before the rise in anti-Semitic lasting damage to the image of violence in the eleventh century, the Jew existed in the minds literature against the Jews was of Christendom. Though the fairly rare in Latin Christendom.39 attacks against the Jews during Literature that did exist focused the First Crusade did not occur on Old Testament exegesis that in Southern France, there were involved Jewish opposition to recorded instances of anti-Jewish and denial of Jesus and their violence in northern cities.45 This ultimate responsibility for the difference would later play a role Crucifixion.40 However, after in Guibert’s exposure to the the mid eleventh century a Crusades. rise in Contra Judaeos included In the twelfth century, development of irrational previous Christian-Jewish sentiments about the place of tensions worsened as Renaissance Jews in Christendom.41 Contra Christians suppressed their Judaeos further tarnished the rationality in order to make their image of the Jew in the mind of faith conform to Renaissance Christians through their repeated ideals. This irrationality worsened exegesis of the Old Testament attitudes against the Jews as they and the “sins of the Jews,” as well denied the beliefs in Christ about as accusations of deicide. The which the Christians had their widening circulation of these doubts.46 Irrational accusations works increased the antipathy of such as ritual murder became the clerical readers toward the Jewish roots of growing anti-Semitic populations around them and feelings.47 These accusations made them more accepting of were quickly embellished with anti-Jewish measures.42 fantasies and became tied to In the aftermath of the First the Jewish faith.48 Images like Crusade, Henry IV allowed Jews these, of Jewish hostility toward forcibly converted during the 1096 Christians, were at the center of massacres to return to the religion negative Christian perceptions of of their fathers in 1097.43 Pope Jews.49 Even theologians began to Calixtus II (1119-24) also issued a believe that Jews and Christians bull of protection, but even canon had a differing capacity for lawyers had shifted towards harshness against the Jews.44 45. Abulafia.Christian-Jewish Relations, 140. 46. Anna Sapir Abulafia, “Twelfth-Century 38. Ibid., 160. Renaissance Theology and the Jews,” in From 39. Ibid., 169. Witness to Witchcraft: Jews and Judaism in 40. Robert Chazan, The Jews of Medieval Medieval Christian Thought, ed. Jeremy Cohen Western Christendom, 1000-1500 (New York: (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1996) 128- Cambridge University Press, 2006), 67. 129. 41. Albert, “Christians and Jews,” 169-170. 47. Ibid., 129. 42. Ibid., 170. 48. Chazan, The Jews of Medieval Western 43. Abulafia,Christian-Jewish Relations, 143. Christendom, 214. 44. Cohen, Under Crescent and Cross, 37-40. 49. Ibid., 67. 41 reason.50 It was during this an ideological expression of their turbulent time of Christian- innate evil.53 Jewish relations that Guibert of During the twelfth century, Nogent lived and wrote, so it is authors began to reach back into of no surprise that his attitudes the Old Testament to find biblical toward Jews shifted throughout precedents for the crusaders, his life’s work. which eventually led to the use of the Maccabees as “proto- Guibert of Nogent crusaders.”54 The Maccabees and His Works were a Jewish rebel force active in the mid-second century BCE By examining the differences who fought to reassert Judaism in Guibert’s rhetoric about Jews in Judea against the influence and Judaizers in The Deeds of of Hellenism and the Seleucid God through the Franks, A Monk’s Empire.55 The Maccabees made Confession: The Memoirs of Guibert an apt comparison for crusaders of Nogent, and On the Relics because they used forced of Saints chronologically, this conversion and conquest to section will show that Guibert’s meet their aims, much like the language shifted over time from crusaders.56 In his early works, anti-Judaic rhetoric focusing on Guibert followed traditional the shortcomings of Judaism to models of exegetical debate about anti-Semitic rhetoric focusing on the Old Testament.57 From the the evils of Jews as a people.51 For beginning of The Deeds of God the purposes of this paper, anti- through the Franks, Guibert set Judaism will refer to the point out to ensure that his audience of view that regards the Jewish understood that Jews, even the religion and its doctrine as evil Maccabees, are lesser than their and the Jews as a people who have Christian counterparts. In the been conditioned for evil because introduction he stated that he of their practice of Judaism.52 wrote his chronicle of the First Anti-Semitism will refer to the Crusade because “[he] thought, attempt to give justification for if [he] may dare to say this, that it Jew hatred outside of theological deserved being told with greater differences by depicting the dignity than all the histories of Jews as an inherently evil and Jewish warfare, if God would inferior group whose religion is 53. Ibid., 27. 50. Abulafia, “Twelfth-Century Renaissance 54. Lapina, “Anti-Jewish rhetoric in Guibert Theology and the Jews,” 131. of Nogent’s Dei gesta per Francos,” 241. 51. Hyam Maccoby published an excellent 55. Simon Hornblower, Antony Spawforth, article detailing the differences between and Esther Eidinow, ed., “Maccabees” in The anti-Judaism and anti-Semitism in European Oxford Companion to Classical Civilzation 2nd Judaism: A Journal for the New Europe. It is edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, entitled “Anti-Judaism and Anti-Semitism” 2014). and can be found in volume eighteen issue 56. Nicholas De Lange, ed., The Illustrated two of the 1985 journal. History of the Jewish People (New York: 52. Maccoby, Hyam. “Anti-Judaism and Anti- Harcourt Brace, 1997), 28-32. Semitism.” European Judaism: A Journal for the 57. Rubenstein, Portrait of a Medieval Mind, New Europe 18.2 (1985), 27-30. 116. 42 grant someone the ability to Guibert continued this do this.”58 Guibert thus makes critique of the Maccabees when it clear that despite their he related the “despicable vanity accomplishments, one of his of the Jewish people.”61 Though goals in writing The Deeds of God Guibert excused Jewish fathers through the Franks was to elevate now celebrated by the Church, Christian crusaders above the such as David, Joshua, and well-known Jewish warriors. Samuel, he accused the Jews He does this throughout The of being a “wretched” people Deeds of God through the Franks by who served God only to fill demonstrating Jewish theological their own bellies.62 Guibert then shortcomings, a technique often declared that these “idolaters” employed in anti-Judaic writing. were given their victories, while Later, Guibert further the Christian crusaders were emphasized the higher status sacrificing to achieve theirs.63 of the crusaders in comparison While Guibert seemed to to the Maccabees. He retold emphasize the disadvantages the the sermon of Pope Urban II in crusaders faced, he later said “if Clermont declaring that the pope celestial help appeared long ago had said, “If the Maccabees once to the Maccabees fighting for deserved the highest praise for circumcision and the meat of piety because they fought for swine, how much more did those their rituals and their temple, who poured out their blood for then you too, O soldiers of Christ, purifying the churches Christ, deserve such praise, for and propagating the faith, deserve taking up arms to defend the such help.”64 Guibert used these freedom of your country.”59 The passages not only to demonstrate pope continued on to tell the to his readers the weakness of the crusaders they were fighting the Maccabees, who needed worldly Antichrist. In this instance, a comforts and divine help in order comparison was being drawn that to succeed, but to assure his the Maccabees fought for their readers that the crusaders would own sake, while the crusaders be victorious because of their fought for God as well as the greater sacrifice and true devotion protection of their country.60 to God. Later in The Deeds of This comparison elevated the God through the Franks, Guibert crusaders for their righteous, reminded us of his previous spiritual cause while putting the point by stating that neither Ezra Maccabees in a realm of corporeal nor Judas Maccabeus suffered selfishness. as much as the crusaders for their victories.65 This passage also served to illustrate how the 58. Guibert of Nogent, The Deeds of God through the Franks: a translation of Guibert de Nogent’s Gesta Dei per Francos. Trans. Robert 61. Guibert, The Deeds of God through the Levine (Woodbridge, Suffolk, UK: Boydell Franks, 107. Press, 1997), 25. 62. Ibid. 59. Ibid., 43. 63. Ibid. 60. Lapina, “Anti-Jewish Rhetoric in Guibert 64. Ibid., 110. of Nogent’s Dei gesta per Francos,” 247. 65. Ibid., 135. 43 crusaders did not just possess unable to put their lives fully purer motive and devotion than in the hands of God, while the the Maccabees, but actually crusaders came across as devout surpassed the accomplishments of Christians willing to sacrifice their greatest warriors.66 everything for God and their The differences between the cause. Maccabees and the crusaders The last major instance in were frequently brought to light which Guibert seeks to raise the in Guibert’s chronicle. In yet crusaders above the memory of another passage, Guibert claimed the Maccabees occurs a few pages that modern men underwent later. Guibert writes: greater suffering than the Jews of old.67 He elaborated by stating If someone cites the sons of that the Jews had their families Israel and the miracles of God for company and full bellies to performed for them, I shall offer fight on while angels led their way something more miraculous: an into battle.68 He juxtaposed the open sea filled with Gentiles; a comforts of the Maccabees with cloud of divine fear rising from the hardship of the crusaders a column among them; I shall saying, “today’s men are the ones point to the light of divine hope whom he [God] more truly saves, offered to those whom Christ because he truly receives as his inspired, himself a column of children those whose bodies he uprightness and strength, those has allowed to be slain, and whom who were comforted by the food he punishes in the temporal of the word of God only, like world.”69 Elizabeth Lapina argued divine manna, when they had no that this juxtaposition was an earthly hope. Those men spurned implication that the crusaders the heavenly food that they were avoided temptations of the flesh offered, and looked back in their due to circumstances and their minds and with their voices to own conscious decision, while the the Egypt they had left behind, Maccabees continued to give into but our men never looked back, these temptations by bringing but instead eagerly embraced along their families.70 More whatever poverty and suffering literally, Guibert’s claims were came upon them.71 another example of the hardships that the crusaders faced. When In this passage, Guibert paralleled juxtaposed with the relative the miracles performed for the comfort of the Maccabees, these Jews, like the parting of the Red hardships were meant to construe Sea, with the actions of the the Jewish warriors as weak, crusaders and the conditions they faced, like a sea of soldiers. While 66. Lapina, “Anti-Jewish Rhetoric in Guibert of Nogent’s Dei gesta per Francos,” 247. the Jews were provided with an 67. Guibert, The Deeds of God through the abundance of miracles, Guibert Franks, 143. claims that they still looked 68. Ibid. back to the oppression God 69. Ibid. 70. Lapina, “Anti-Jewish Rhetoric in Guibert 71. Guibert, The Deeds of God through the of Nogent’s Dei gesta per Francos,” 250. Franks, 145. 44 had freed them from because their Jewish predecessors as they of the comforts Egypt offered. were willing to fight for God In contrast, the crusaders never without any reward and with complained about the conditions great personal sacrifice. they endured, but charged The presentation of ahead to complete their godly Christians as superior through mission. This passage shows that critical examinations of the Guibert not only argued that the Old Testament was typical of occurrence of miracles was not exegesis in the twelfth century. an important indication of divine Guibert’s argument concerning favor to the Maccabees, but also the superiority of Christian underscored the differences in the crusaders over the Maccabees in carnal devotion of the Maccabees The Deeds of God through the Franks and the spiritual devotion of the was largely based on theological Christian crusaders.72 differences. The Maccabees were Throughout The Deeds of God depicted as selfish warriors with through the Franks, Guibert made weak faith in order to highlight frequent parallels between the the devoutness of the crusaders. Jewish warriors, the Maccabees, However, Guibert did not suggest and the Christian crusaders of that the Maccabees were agents the First Crusade. With allusions of the Devil, possessors of black to the miracles performed for the magic, or sexual deviants, nor Maccabees juxtaposed with the did he depict them as Christ- hardships and suffering of the killers or murderers of Christians. crusaders, Guibert attempted In The Deeds of God through the to steer the reader away from Franks, Guibert’s language was the idea of the Maccabees as anti-Judaic because it focused on equals of the Crusaders and what he saw as the theological instead tried to convey a type of shortcomings of the Jews. In Christian superiority by making contrast, in his later works the Maccabees inferior “proto- Guibert’s language began to focus Crusaders.” The Maccabees on the evils of the Jews as a people were depicted as needy, unable and not on the shortcomings of to succeed without God’s help Judaism as a faith. yet unable to fully dedicate When Guibert wrote his themselves to God. In contrast, memoirs, or Monodiae, in 1115 Guibert goes into great detail he was certainly proficient about the hardships the crusaders in weaving a tale about Jews faced and pointedly talked about engaging in black magic on behalf the lack of miracles performed for of the devil. In fact, Guibert’s the crusaders. However, Guibert memoirs spoke more about decried the idea that God favored other figures and their sins than the Jews through his miracles. himself.73 After the first book, Instead these hardships were Guibert spent most of the memoir proof that the Christians reflecting on the sins of various crusaders were more devout than clerics, Christians, and Jews. 72. Lapina, “Anti-Jewish Rhetoric in Guibert 73. Blurton, “Guibert of Nogent and the of Nogent’s Dei gesta per Francos,” 251. Subject of History,” 116-120. 45 The first mention of a Jew black magic led him to convince in the second book of Monodiae the Jew to arrange a meeting was rather mild. It recounted a between himself and the Devil.80 great storm that hit a monastery In exchange for his teachings, while the monks were walking the Devil demanded that the to the high altar to sing the monk renege his baptismal vows litanies.74 Lightning struck and make a libation of his own the altar, blinding a priest and sperm.81 At this demand, Guibert sending two young boys flying exclaimed “What a crime! What across the room.75 It is interesting a shameful act! And it was being that Guibert chooses this story demanded of a priest! This is to describe one of the altar what your enemy of old does, O boys as “a converted Jew, but… Lord, to blaspheme and dishonor deeply devout.”76 Though Jews your priesthood and your sacred only entered Guibert’s social host!”82 world after they converted,77 he Loss of bodily integrity, still felt that he needed to not represented here by the monk’s only mention that they were drinking of his own sperm, is once Jewish, but that they were common amongst Christians devoted to the Christian faith. who associated with Jews in This suggests that Guibert still Monodiae.83 This passage focused did not trust even converted Jews. on the seduction of the Christian Guibert goes on to an priest by the Devil’s agent, the anecdote, previously employed Jew.84 However, the monk’s in the introduction of this transgressions were facilitated paper, designed to illustrate by intimacy with a Jew, leading the corrupting influence of him into a compromised spiritual Christian friendships with Jews. position. Yet ultimately it was the Guibert introduced his story by monk who polluted his body in saying: “For demons admit no a sexual parody of the Christian one to their evil doings except mass.85 This passage illustrated those whom they have first Guibert’s fears about Jewish stripped of the honor of their proximity facilitating Christian baptism through some terrible sin and threatening the integrity sacrilege.”78 He then told the of the Christian body.86 tale of a monk who befriended It is interesting to note that a Jewish doctor after he fell ill.79 in one of Guibert’s earlier works, The monk’s fascination with Moralia, he described three stages that led to committing sin.87 74. Guibert, Abbot of Nogent-sous-Coucy. A Monk’s Confession: The Memoirs of Guibert of 80. Ibid. Nogent. Trans. Paul J. Archambault (Univer- 81. Ibid. sity Park, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania 82. Ibid., 90. State University Press, 1996), 83. 83. Kruger, “Medieval Christian (Dis) 75. Ibid. Identifications, 188. 76. Ibid. 84. Ibid. 77. Kruger, “Medieval Christian (Dis) 85. Ibid., 189. Identifications,” 192. 86. Ibid. 78. Guibert, A Monk’s Confession, 89. 87. Rubenstein, Portrait of a Medieval Mind, 79. Ibid. 44-47. 46 “Affection” tempted Will before written account of the violence captivating it through beauty and against the Jews in northern pleasure, leading Will to accept France.92 Guibert described the Affection’s earlier suggestions of boy’s rescue: sin.88 Reason must then agree to follow Will and Affection into At the time when talk of a sin.89 In this case, it appeared that crusade to Jerusalem began to Affection was the Jewish doctor reverberate throughout the Latin whom the monk befriended. world for the first time he was However, the monk’s own Will rescued from his superstition in and Reason must agree to follow the following manner. At Rouen the Jew to sin, so Guibert cannot one day, some men who had lay blame for the priest’s fall taken the cross with the intention solely on the Jew, but did frame of leaving for the crusade began the Jew as a seducer and Devil’s complaining among themselves. agent. This was a common “Here we are,” they said, “going trope in Guibert’s memoirs off to attack God’s enemies in the that enabled him to construct East, having to travel tremendous a perceived Jewish threat to distances, when there are Jews Christian selfhood.90 By doing so, right here before our very eyes. Guibert was able to reconcile his No race is more hostile to God previously held views on morality than they are. Our project is with his anti-Semitic views of insane!” Having said this they Jews as an evil people. armed themselves, rounded up The introduction of this some Jews in a church – whether passage also revealed Guibert’s by force or by ruse I don’t know views of Jews as inhuman – and led them out to put them monsters by indirectly to the sword regardless of age or comparing Jews to demons;91 the sex. Those who agreed to submit introduction of the tale attributed to the Christian way of life could, the stripping of baptismal vows however, escape the impending to the work of demons, while slaughter. It was during this the Jewish doctor facilitated the massacre that a nobleman saw stripping of the priest’s baptismal a little boy, took pity on him, vows in the anecdote itself. whisked him away, and took him Despite this negative outlook, to his own mother.93 Guibert did make exceptions to his presentation of Jews as vile The inclusion of the violence corrupters when he remarked on against the Jews of Rouen in converts in monasteries. Guibert’s memoirs showed that Guibert’s passage about one Guibert was not only involved boy’s conversion was the only with the theological aspects of 88. Ibid. anti-Judaism and anti-Semitism, 89. Ibid. but was aware of the physical 90. Kruger, “Medieval Christian (Dis) and violent aspects of anti-Jewish Identifications”, 194. 91. On Guibert’s views of Jews as inhuman movements in the eleventh monsters, see Steven Kruger’s “Medieval 92. Abulafia.Christian-Jewish Relations, 141. Christian (Dis)Identifications”, 189. 93. Guibert, A Monk’s Confession, 111. 47 century. Guibert referenced the him.99 Guillaume showed great claims of many crusaders, that academic promise, but the elder asserted they could not go East Guillaume feared that the boy’s without first dealing with enemies Jewish relatives would force of Christ in Christendom.94 him to readopt Judaism, so he He also detailed the forced brought him to the monastery of conversion of the Jews of Rouen. Fly.100 Once there, the younger While the boy in this passage Guillaume became immersed remained Christian, records in Christianity and he “[drew] show that the Jews of Rouen later considerable respect from people paid William Rufus to obtain his for mastering his former nature permission to return to Judaism and for resisting all attempts to after their forced conversion in disrupt his new way of life.”101 1096.95 Guibert went on to describe how The boy’s ‘forced’ conversion Guillaume’s faith grew through in this passage was slightly his education, at one point complicated. The noblewoman, relating that he sent Guillaume whom the boy had been brought a copy of his tract against the to, asked if he would like to be Jews.102 Apparently, Guillaume placed under Christian law.96 loved the tract and began to write He does not say no, but Guibert his own, defending the Christian stated that the boy thought he faith through reason.103 Guibert would be murdered, as he had just ends this passage by stating, “The seen other Jews being murdered, appearance of the cross at his if he refused.97 While the boy’s baptism, then, was not a chance protectors did not physically event but was divinely willed. It threaten him to convert, nor was a sign of the faith that would does it appear that they intended develop in this man of Jewish to psychologically threaten stock, a rare event in our time.”104 or pressure him, asking him Guibert did not approach about conversion directly after Guillaume in the same way that he had been rescued from the he approached most Jews in slaughter led to his conversion Monodiae. In fact, in the majority out of fear. Despite the attitudes of Guibert’s works, Jews were of the Church against forced depicted as inarticulate, mean conversion, Guibert related that spirited, and lacking all reason.105 the baptism was blessed, claiming However, Guibert did not treat that a drop of candle wax falling the boy with suspicion, imply the into the baptismal font formed a use of dark magic, or associate perfect cross.98 him with sin and the Devil. It After the baptism, the boy seems Guibert held Guillaume in was renamed Guillaume, after 99. Ibid. the nobleman who rescued 100. Ibid. 101. Ibid. 94. See earlier discussion of the Crusaders and anti-Semitic pogroms on page 7. 102. Ibid., 113. 95. Abulafia.Christian-Jewish Relations, 141. 103. Ibid. 96. Guibert, A Monk’s Confession, 112. 104. Ibid. 97. Ibid. 105. Rubenstein, Portrait of a Medieval Mind, 98. Ibid. 120. 48 high regard, as a rational scholar, until her death, at which time sending him his own writings as Jean supposedly told Guibert an educational tool. It was in this that he would not spend a great passage that Guibert came closest deal of money on his mother: to the descriptions of other “Why should I lavish money on Christian authors of the time her when she was unwilling to do – the Jew as an intelligent and so for the salvation of her own sympathetic figure.106 Guillaume’s soul?”111 acceptance and reverence for Jean’s rejection of familial Guibert’s tract against the Jews duties was only the beginning of seemed to seal Guibert’s high his transgressions. Guibert stated opinion of Guillaume leading him that Jean regarded the beliefs to exclaim that the wax cross at of the Jews so highly that he Guillaume’s baptism was divinely would utter blasphemies against willed. Though Guibert accepted the Savior, something the Jews Guillaume as a devout Christian, themselves never dared to do. at points even seeming proud of Guibert described Jean’s words the development of Guillaume’s as “evil” and claimed that even faith, he casually reminded the the Jews thought he was insane reader of the typically stubborn because he approved of Judaism and sinful Jew by pointing out but practiced Christianity. Jean the rarity of such a successful supposedly argued with a cleric conversion. about the rise of Christ from the In contrast to Guibert’s dead; when the cleric asked why respectful treatment of Guillaume he kept a vigil on Easter even if was his dedicated attack on he believed the resurrection was a Jean, Count of Soissons. fable, Jean replied that he enjoyed Guibert described Jean as a watching the beautiful women wicked character who inherited who also kept a vigil.112 such traits from his father and Perhaps most offensive to grandfather.107 He also spent a Guibert was Jean’s affair and the considerable amount of time blasphemies that arose from it. detailing the dealings of Jean’s Jean’s affair with a “wrinkled mother with a local Jew.108 Jean’s old hag” often occurred in the mother poisoned her brother house of a Jew; in order to get with the help of a Jew in order to rid of his wife to stay with his obtain his county.109 The Jew was mistress, Jean once attempted subsequently burned at the stake, to frame his wife for adultery by while Jean’s mother suffered a having another man get in bed stroke during which her tongue with her.113 Guibert described was nearly cut off; after she Jean’s inability to control his lust, recovered she “lived like a pig” which eventually led to a deadly and disdained that dealing with disease.114 Jean asked the cleric, God.110 She remained that way with whom he had previously 106. Ibid. 107. Guibert, A Monk’s Confession, 193. 111. Ibid., 194. 108. Ibid. 112. Ibid. 109. Ibid. 113. Ibid. 110. Ibid. 114. Ibid., 195. 49 argued about the death of Christ, and sent her into madness. to examine him; the cleric tried to Likewise, Jean’s affair facilitated talk to Jean about his sins but the by a Jew, in combination with his count cried out “Do you think I’m approval of Judaism drove him going to hand out my money to mad before the Devil claimed his some ass-licking priests? No, I tell soul. you, not a penny. I have learned Guibert clearly disdained from many people far cleverer Count Jean and made every than you that all women should effort to depict Jean as a sinful, be in common and that this is a shameless, heretic and Judaizer. sin of no consequence.”115 After However, though Guibert does this point, the count went insane mention that Jean threatened to and eventually died, while devils convert to Judaism, Jean remained claimed his soul.116 a Christian until his death.120 Guibert’s treatment of Jean, Guibert’s earlier account of the Count of Soissons shows that he conversion of Guillaume showed found the lapse of Christian faith that despite the inherently evil worse than a Jew’s disbelief.117 nature of Jews, Guibert still felt Jean received Guibert’s fullest that some Jews could be saved, yet treatment on the betrayal of even the most debased Christians Christianity.118 Jean’s “Judaizing” would never convert to Judaism. led him to debase his Christian In Guibert’s world, while the body through the sexual crime conversion of Jews would of adultery. At the very least, strengthen Christianity, the even if associating with Jews conversion of Christians would had not disintegrated Jean’s destabilize Christian identity and morals, a Jew facilitated his disrupt the sense of the Christian affair by allowing Jean to use his as a moral and rational counter to house to meet with the “hag.” the irrational and immoral Jew.121 By giving in to Jewish influence, Across Monodiae, Guibert Jean represented Guibert’s fears expressed his fears about about the potential for Christian Christian-Jewish proximity wrongdoing due to the proximity through several anti-Semitic to Jews, again returning to the ideas. The most common was the power of the Jew as the Devil’s debasement of the Christian body seducer.119 through Jewish proximity. Early The mention of Jean’s mother in Monodiae befriending a Jewish and her dealings with Jews also doctor led a monk to debase his served to highlight the potential body by drinking his own sperm. for Jewish contact to debase the Later, association with Jews led Christian body. The countess’ Jean, Count of Soissons, and his deal with a Jew eventually led to a mother into madness that ended stroke that nearly cost her tongue in their deaths. There was also 115. Ibid. an element of the animal and 116. Ibid. 117. Cohen, Living Letters of the Law, 193. 120. Rubenstein, Portrait of a Medieval Mind, 118. Kruger, “Medieval Christian (Dis) 115. Identifications, 189. 121. Kruger, “Medieval Christian (Dis) 119. Ibid., 192. Identifications,” 188-193. 50 inhuman in Guibert’s Christian- from the physical relics of saints, Jewish relationships. The monk Guibert drew this comparison: who dealt with the Devil to learn black magic later usee this magic If a Jew undergoes baptism with to turn his nun lover into a dog; a mind bent on financial gain, the introduction to the story of as so often happens, surely he the monk also compared Jews and does not attain remission for his demons.122 Jean’s mother lived out sins? The Holy Spirit, who has the rest of her life following her the power to sanctify baptism, stroke “living like a pig.” When cannot indulge even the least Jean’s own demise came about, he sin of someone who falsely and has to be restrained from kicking malevolently engages with such and scratching at himself like purity.125 an animal.123 These animalistic and inhuman features further Looking back at Monodiae and added to the sense of degradation Guibert’s description of the that was caused by Jewish “rarity” of Guillaume’s deep proximity. Though less common faith after conversion, as well as in Monodiae, it was important to his insistence of the devotion note that Guibert does accuse the of the young convert struck by Jewish doctor of knowing black lightning, it is not surprising magic. This was a fanciful claim that Guibert believed that it was unfounded in any theological common for Jews to convert differences between Christianity under false pretenses.126 Due to and Judaism and the monk’s sole growing professional restrictions reason behind his conviction that for both Christians and Jews, his doctor knows black magic medieval Jews were pushed into was that the doctor is a Jew. The usury professions.127 This push claim was not only anti-Semitic, fueled the anti-Semitic stereotype but Guibert was the first known of the greedy Jew that can be writer to use the accusation of seen in the previous excerpt Jewish black magic.124 when Guibert attributed false On the Relics of Saints quickly conversions to a Jew’s efforts for followed Guibert’s memoirs in financial gain.128 1119. Though the focus of On the Relics of Saints centered on Conclusions Guibert’s thoughts about the popularity of relics and relic Modern scholarship is cults, there was a brief glimpse of fascinated with Guibert of Guibert’s developing anti-Semitic Nogent, a fascination that has led attitudes. While discussing the to articles and books by scholars nature of the body of Christ 125. Guibert, Abbot of Nogent-sous- during mass and how the Coucy, On the Relics of Saints. Trans. Joseph Mcalhany and Jay Rubenstein (New York: figurative body of Christ differs Penguin Books, 2011), 230. 126. For a discussion of Guillaume, see page 122. Guibert, A Monk’s Confession, 90. 20. For a discussion of the young convert, see 123. Ibid.,195. page 16. 124. Benton, “The Personality of Guibert of 127. Cohen, Living Letters of the Law, 224. Nogent,” 566. 128. Ibid., 225. 51 such as John Benton, Heather Jewish people. He accuses Jews of Blurton, Steven Kruger, Elizabeth knowing black magic, of creating Lapina, and Jay Rubenstein. parallels between themselves and Many attempts have been made the animalistic and inhuman, to unravel the mind of Guibert and of frequently connecting and unearth the roots and the debasement of a Christian extents of his beliefs. A large body with friendliness with Jews. focus of these attempts centers While Guibert does mention two on Guibert’s attitudes regarding converted Jews and their devotion Jews. This paper builds off of to the faith, he emphasizes the Elizabeth Lapina’s argument in rarity of such an event. “Anti-Jewish rhetoric in Guibert A few years after Monodiae, of Nogent’s Dei gesta per Francos” Guibert wrote On the Relics of by examining rhetoric in The Saints. In this tract, one of the few Deeds of God through the Franks mentions of Jews accuses them in combination with Guibert’s of falsely converting in hopes memoirs, Monodiae, and his tract of monetary gain. Guibert gives against relic cults, On the Relics of no evidence for this accusation, Saints, to trace the development of seeming to rely on the inherent Guibert of Nogent’s anti-Semitic truth of the statement with attitudes. his reader. This accusation In The Deeds of God through the aligns with wider anti-Semitic Franks, Guibert largely adheres stereotypes of the greedy Jew that to the tradition of Old Testament arose in the Middle Ages. biblical exegesis. Focusing on the All of Guibert’s charges Maccabees as “proto-crusaders,” against Jews in Monodiae and Guibert describes their spiritual On the Relics of Saints show a weakness and corporeal detachment from the earlier selfishness to emphasize the anti-Judaic rhetoric of The Deeds superiority of Christian crusaders of God through the Franks. Rather over the Jewish warriors of old. than focusing on theological Though Guibert actively seeks to shortcomings, Guibert turns to promote Christian superiority, fanciful charges of black magic, his rhetoric focuses on the inhuman characteristics, physical theological shortcomings of Christian debasement, dealings Judaism and the perceived with the Devil and stereotypes of shortcomings of those who greed. Any evidence outside of practice it. He does not attribute the accused being a Jew does not any sins or wrongdoings to an back these charges. However, evil inherent among the Jewish Guibert does relate two successful people. conversion stories. Guibert’s language in Guibert’s rhetoric clearly Monodiae shows a shift in his shifts from anti-Judaic to anti- perceptions. While Guibert still Semitic in his later works, but believes that Judaism is inferior to he is not yet as fanatical as anti- Christianity, his rhetoric shows Semitic writers in later years, such that he now attributes Jewish as Thomas of Monmouth.129 The sins to an evil inherent in the 129. Thomas of Monmouth is the author 52 shift in Guibert’s rhetoric from his early anti-Judaic works to his later anti-Semitic works makes sense in the context of Guibert’s life; he lived and wrote in the 11th and 12th centuries, a turbulent time for Christian-Jewish relations. Thus, Guibert’s shift in rhetoric is not solely a reflection of Guibert’s personal beliefs, but a larger reflection of his world.

of The Life and Miracles of Saint William of Norwich. Written around 1150, it recounts the 1140 murder of a young boy, William of Norwich, supposedly at the hands of local Jews who traditionally crucified Christian children near Easter in order to mock Christ. It is considered to be the first appearance of the anti-Semitic charge of blood libel. 53 Bibliography

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54 Maccoby, Hyam. “Anti-Judaism and Anti-Semitism.” European Judaism: A Journal for the New Europe, 18.2 (1985): 27-30. Madden, Thomas F. The Concise History of the Crusades. 3rd edition. New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2014. Rubenstein, Jay. Guibert of Nogent: Portrait of a Medieval Mind. New York: Routledge, 2002. about the author: Elyse Sulkey is a graduating senior at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Her research interests include exploring aspects of medieval European culture such as art, literature, and rhetoric.

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