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Article: Benesch, Oleg orcid.org/0000-0002-6294-8724 (2016) Reconsidering Zen, Samurai, and the Martial Arts. The Asia-Pacific Journal: Focus. 7. ISSN 1557-4660

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[email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 14 | Issue 17 | Number 7 | Sep 2016

Reconsidering Zen, Samurai, and the Martial Arts

Oleg Benesch

attempt to declare Breivik insane, a move that he successfully resisted. Breivik himself addressed this subject at some length, crediting his supposed ability to suppress anxiety and the fear of death through concentrated practice of what he called “ .” He claimed to have begun this practice in 2006 to “de- emotionalize” himself in preparation for a attack.1 According to Breivik, his meditation was based on a combination of “Christian prayer” and the “bushido codex.”2 Bushido, or “the way of the warrior,” is often portrayed as an ancient moral code followed by the Japanese samurai, although the historical evidence shows that it is largely a twentieth-century construct.3

The extent to which the methodical nature of Breivik’s terror attack could be ascribed to his meditation techniques, “bushido” or otherwise, has been called into question by those who see it Anders Breivik at his trial as another manifestation of serious mental disturbance. On the other hand, Breivik’s On July 22, 2011, Anders Behring Breivik statements regarding “bushido meditation” have committed one of the most devastating acts of parallels with the “Warrior Mind Training” mass murder by an individual in history. Over program implemented by the US military during the course of one day, he killed 77 people in and the Iraq . This program claims to have its around Oslo, Norway, through a combination of roots in “the ancient samurai code of self- a car bomb and shootings. The latter took place discipline,” and is described as a meditation on the island of Utøya, where 69 people died, method for dealing with a host of mental issues most of them teenagers attending an event 4 related to combat. Both Anders Breivik and sponsored by the Workers’ Youth League. Warrior Mind Training reflect a persistent During his subsequent trial, Breivik remained popular perception of the samurai as fighting outwardly unemotional as he clearly recounted machines who were able to suppress any fear of the events of the day, including the dozens of death through the practice of meditation methodical execution-style shootings on the techniques based in Zen . Zen has also island. His calmness both on the day of the been linked with the Special Attack Forces (or murders and during the trial, shocked many “”) of the Second World War, who observers. It was also an important factor in an supposedly used meditation methods ascribed to

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Zen to prepare for their suicide missions.5 This epitomized through a number of popular works. view of Zen as a tool for military use is found in The most influential text linking Zen and the many works on Japanese history and culture, martial arts is Eugen Herrigel’s (1884-1955) which tend to accept the supposedly ancient orientalist 1948 book Zen in der Kunst des relationship between Zen and the samurai. Bogenschiessens (Zen in the Art of Archery).8 Herrigel’s contentions rested largely on a personal fascination with mysticism and Zen, combined with confusion arising from a serious language barrier between himself and his archery instructor, Awa Kenzō (1880-1939).9 Through the influence of these and other modern interpreters, the martial arts have come to be seen as a window through which Zen and the “samurai spirit” are accessible to millions of people around the world today.

This article will show, however, that the relationship between Zen, samurai, and the martial arts is neither as close, nor as ancient, as it is widely believed to be. In fact, the accepted connections between the three are largely products of the late nineteenth and early Suzuki Daisetsu twentieth centuries, when Japanese thinkers in an era of rapid change sought answers and The relationship between the samurai and Zen legitimacy in ancient and noble tradition. To this Buddhism is often traced back to the thirteenth end, this article first considers the historical century, which saw both a rise of warrior power evidence to question the supposed close and the increased introduction of Zen teachings connection between Zen and the samurai, as well from . The affinity of for Zen is as Zen and the martial arts. It then provides an generally explained by their ability to identify overview of the development of bushido in the with Zen teachings and incorporate them into late period (1868-1912), which completely their lives. As Winston L. King writes of Zen, revised popular understandings of the samurai. “from the beginning of Zen’s ‘new’ presence, its The article then considers the activities of meditation and discipline commendedpromoters of martial arts and Zen Buddhism in themselves to the samurai, of both high and low the development of bushido, as they sought to tie rank.”6 The modern Zen popularizer Suzuki their causes to the burgeoning new ideology. Daisetsu (D.T. Suzuki; 1870-1966) was one of the Finally, this article looks at the ways in which the best-known promoters of theoretical connections Zen-samurai connection became established in between Zen and Japan’s warrior class. In his mainstream understandings of Japanese history best-selling Zen and Japanese Culture, Suzuki and culture in the decades leading up to 1945, claimed that Zen was “intimately related from and how this view continued to be accepted the beginning of its history to the life of the largely without question in the postwar period. samurai…” and “…activate(d)…the fighting spirit of the Japanese warrior.”7 The martial arts Historical backgrounds are often portrayed as an important point of The popular view that Japanese warriors have intersection between Zen and the samurai,

2 APJ | JF 14 | 17 | 7 long had an affinity for Zen is not entirely painting, , poetry, architecture, incorrect, as Zen institutions did have several garden design, and printing.15 powerful patrons in the Kamakura (1185-1333) and Muromachi (1336-1573) periods. On the Political, economic, and cultural considerations other hand, recent scholarship indicates that were the primary factors behind the official Zen’s popularity among the elite was most often promotion of Zen institutions by the Kamakura motivated by practical considerations rather than and Muromachi shogunates, although there were doctrine. Martin Colcutt argues that Zena few military and court leaders who attempted teachings were too difficult for many lower- to delve more deeply into Zen practice. The ranking warriors, “most of whom continued to shogun Hōjō Tokimune (1251-1284) is reported to find a less demanding, but equally satisfying, have been a devoted student of Zen, studying religious experience in the simpler Buddhist under the Chinese Wuxue Zuyuan teachings of Shinran, , or(1226–1286). An anecdote related by Colcutt Ippen.”10 Colcutt further argues that even at its provides a glimpse into the shogun’s practice, peak in the late fourteenth century, Zen could be including some of the difficulties experienced by called “the religion of the samurai” merely his teacher: “Discussions on Zen ( ) were because most of its followers were warriors, but conducted through an interpreter. When the this did not mean that most warriors followed master wished to strike his disciple for Zen, let alone reach a high level of practice.11 As incomprehension or to encourage greater efforts, 16 other scholars have demonstrated, the vast the blows fell on the interpreter.” The Zen majority of warriors followed other schools of temples consolidated their positions as wealthy Buddhism, including both established and new and powerful administrative institutions, but as orders, with more accessible teachings.12 the medieval period went on, there was a serious decline in doctrinal content. By the late fifteenth Among elite military families, patronage of Zen century “little or no Zen of any variety was being was based on political, economic, and cultural taught in the Gozan [major Rinzai institutions].”17 factors that were largely unrelated to doctrine. The situation was similar in other Zen schools. On the political front, Zen presented a non- These underwent a major dilution of doctrine threatening alternative to the powerful Shingon through the increased displacement of Zen study and Buddhist institutions that dominated by esoteric elements and formulaic approaches and were closely allied to the imperial that made teachings more accessible.18 court.13 Economically, trade with China was an important source of revenue for early medieval rulers, and Zen ’ knowledge of and culture, combined with their administrative abilities, made them a natural choice as ambassadors to the continent. As Zen institutions grew, the frequent sale of high temple offices became increasingly lucrative, eventually bringing even greater income than trade with the continent.14 With regard to the cultural importance of Zen to elites, Zen temples conducted diplomacy with Song (960-1279) and Yuan China (1271-1368), which were the primary sources of artistic and cultural innovations in this period, including tea ceremony, monochromatic

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Zen meditation, Japanese infantry-archers were probably acquainted with Zen-like—or better, Yoga-like—practices such as breath control.”20 On the other hand, Dumoulin cites Herrigel’s problematic account as evidence for a Zen- archery connection, claiming that Herrigel’s instructor Awa Kenzō was “full of the spirit of Zen,” when Awa himself denied having any connection with Zen.21 At the same time, Dumoulin concedes that the evidence for a strong link between Zen and archery is circumstantial: “Like all aspects of Japan’s cultural life during the middle ages, the art of archery also came under the formative influence of Zen Buddhism. Among the many famous master archers of that period, not a few had had Zen experience. They did not, however, form any kind of association.” Furthermore, “The different archery groups in Japan have maintained their independence from the Zen school.”22

While many promoters of the Zen-samurai connection focus on the , others situate the relationship much later in the Tokugawa period (1603-1868): “The application of Zen theory and practice to the training of Zen in the Art of Archery martial skill and technique, and the investing of the warrior life with spiritual values, are really The doctrinal connection between the Zen Tokugawa phenomena.”23 As evidence for this schools and Japanese warriors before thelatter claim, modern Zen popularizers often cite seventeenth century was certainly superficial, the interest in displayed by a and even after this time, there is little evidence of few Zen figures during the early seventeenth exceptional samurai interest in Zen doctrine. In century. However, this does not mean that a contrast, a number of scholars argue that samurai significant number of Zen practitioners were also engaged with Zen practice rather than doctrine, swordsmen, nor does it mean that a majority of and the martial arts are often invoked as the innumerable fencing schools had any Zen supposedly providing such a connection: “The connections. As Cameron Hurst writes, “We have ethos of modern martial arts is derived from the to be very careful with the idea of combining Zen Japanese marriage of the samurai code to Zen in and swordsmanship or asserting that Kamakura times,” when the “samurai practiced ‘swordsmanship and Zen are one’kenzen ( martial arts as a path towardichinyo). There is no necessary connection awakening.”19 ’s seminal between the two, and few warriors were active History of Zen takes a typically vague approach, Zen practitioners.”24 Dumoulin also addresses reflecting the lack of evidence linking Zen and this subject, writing that “During the period, the martial arts. On the one hand, Dumoulin the art of swordsmanship—like the speculates that “Long before the introduction of independently popular art of archery—was

4 APJ | JF 14 | 17 | 7 inspired just as much, if not more, by the summarizes the influence of prevalent teachings of .” He Takuan’s Record of Immovable continues: “it is clear that the military arts of (Fudōchi shinmyōroku), which was finally archery and swordsmanship do not belong published in 1779, as follows: “…Takuan’s essentially to the world of Zen, despite certain instructions have been included in innumerable close relationships. Both arts maintained an anthologies addressed not only to martial art independent identity of their own.”25 Dumoulin’s devotees but to general audiences as well, and claims in this regard are based on the popularly thus they have helped promote the popular accepted connections between Zen and the perception that Zen is an intrinsic element of martial arts, rather than historical evidence. martial art training. It would perhaps be more accurate to say that success in the martial arts The ideal of the Zen swordsman is epitomized by demands mental discipline, a topic about which the writer Yoshikawa ’s (1892-1962)Zen monks (among others) have much to say.”31 influential, and largely fictional, portrayal of (1584?-1645) in his best- A similar situation can be seen in the case of selling novels Miyamoto Musashi, first published Suzuki Shōsan (1579-1655), a samurai who between 1935 and 1939. Relatively little is known experienced various battles before becoming a of the historical Musashi, and Yoshikawa fleshed monk. Suzuki is often cited by later writers out his narrative by adding many details and attempting to link Zen and the warrior class, anecdotes. One of these involved having Musashi especially as he wrote precepts specifically for study under the Rinzai Takuan Sōhō samurai and had actual military experience. (1573-1645), although there is no evidence that However, the image of Suzuki’s teachings as the two men ever met.26 Here, Yoshikawa was “warrior Zen” was created through careful inspired by modern promoters of the Zen- selection of his writings, which span half a samurai connection, and especially the ideas of century and vary widely. Over his lifetime, his close friend, the nationalist Yasuoka Masahiro Suzuki included elements of Daoism, (1898–1983).27 As Peter Haskel implies, Takuan Confucianism, , and would have to wait until the modern period to in his teachings, and his attitude towards death have his greatest influence, as his writings were did not always reflect the stoic detachment later first picked up by bushidō ideologists in the late attributed to samurai Zen. While some of his imperial period and then revived bytexts speak of eliminating the self and drawing businessmen—the so-called “economicenergy from death, elsewhere Suzuki wrote of his soldiers”—in the 1970s and 80s.28 own fears of death and argued against killing. “What I teach is Buddhism for cowards,” Suzuki With regard to the historical Takuan, while he wrote, later adding that “If it was up to me I’d had no discernible connection with Musashi, and say I practice just because I hate was not a skilled swordsman himself, he did death….Everybody loves Buddhism. I know provide guidance to the fencing instructor Yagyū nothing about Buddhism. All I work at is not Munenori (1571-1646).29 In his writings to Yagyū, being subject to death…” Of his own abilities, Takuan explained the advantages of Zen training Suzuki stated that “The only thing I have over to swordsmen, stating that the concepts of “no- others is the degree to which I detest death. mind” and “immovable wisdom” applied to all That’s what’s made me practice with the activities, including fencing, but this was only warrior’s glare. Really, it’s because of my very one of his interests.30 Takuan was not exclusively cowardice that I’ve made it this far.”32 Suzuki’s interested in martial matters, and his writings precepts for samurai should further be seen in were certainly not only addressed to warriors. the context and goal of his best-known work,

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Right Action for All (Banmin tokuyō), which teacher.38 In his detailed case study of the addressed all classes and sought to promote his Kashima-Shinryū school of martial arts, Karl own interpretation of Buddhism as the correct Friday has argued that it was “compatible with faith.33 Like Takuan, Suzuki desired toalmost any religious affiliation or lack thereof,” demonstrate that his teachings could be applied and various generations of masters drew upon a to all activities and classes, and warriors were wide variety of different religious and merely one group that he felt could benefit from philosophical traditions to construct their own them. spiritual frameworks.39 This applied to many different schools of martial arts in Japan. A third Tokugawa-period Zen figure often cited Alexander Bennett describes even early schools by proponents of the Zen-samurai connection is of swordsmanship as resembling “pseudo- (1686-1768), an influential figure religious cults,” a condition that became more 34 in the . Hakuin believed that his established during the peace of the Tokugawa teachings could be useful to all classes, and also period.40 Spiritual elements, especially those discussed specific ways in which Zen practice borrowed from esoteric religious traditions, were could be of use to samurai. However, this should important marketing tools for martial arts be seen in the context of his desire to spread schools, as they promised prospective students Rinzai teachings, rather than as evidence of any access to unique and secret knowledge exceptional interest in the samurai, who Hakuin unavailable to outsiders. Later, around the turn 35 described elsewhere as “useless.” Hakuin of the twentieth century, promoters of Zen took echoed the thoughts of many of hisadvantage of this ambiguity, and portrayed Zen contemporaries when he wrote of the “timid, teachings as having been the dominant force in negligent, careless warriors of these degenerate the typically opaque mixture of spiritual days,” who had declined from a long-past ideal. traditions that coursed through the martial arts “They scream pretentiously that they areschools of the Tokugawa period. endowed at birth with a substantial amount of strength and that there is no need to depend From the various perspectives of samurai, Zen upon being rescued by another’s power, yet figures, and martial artists in the Tokugawa when an emergency arises they are the first to period, the evidence does not support a clear and run and hide and to besmirch and debase the significant connection between Zen and the fame of their warrior ancestors.”36 Hakuin’s harsh martial arts or any “way of the samurai.” criticisms of his samurai contemporaries have Conversely, the texts most frequently cited as generally been left out of modern works seeking sources of bushido in modern Japan contradict to place him in a “samurai Zen” tradition. many of the assertions made by promoters of Zen. Imperial University Relatively few Zen figures showed an interest in professor Inoue Tetsujirō’s (1856-1944) 1905 the martial arts, and their attitudes did not collection of Tokugawa-era documents,The necessarily align with the interpretations put Bushido Library (Bushidō sōsho), established the forth by modern promoters of “samurai Zen.” On core of the bushido canon until at least 1945, and the other hand, like samurai in general, martial his selection continues to have a strong influence arts practitioners in the Tokugawa period were on scholarship today. When Inoue was selecting 37 largely ambivalent towards Zen. Although texts for this collection, promoters of Zen were many fencing schools incorporated spiritual still in the early stages of engagement with elements, these were typically an eclectic mix of bushido discourse. The texts chosen by Inoue Shinto, Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism, and were quite diverse in their interpretations of the folk religion specific to the individualduties and obligations of samurai, but were

6 APJ | JF 14 | 17 | 7 almost all in agreement in their rejection of keeping with similar tracts at the time, it most Buddhism, reflecting the dominant sentiment frequently mentions the “gods and Buddhas” among Tokugawa samurai.41 The Bushido and “family gods (ujigami)” of a more general Library includes writings by Kumazawa Banzan folk religion.47 Yamamoto’s stated desire was not (1619-1691), Yamaga Sokō (1622-1685), Yamazaki to attain enlightenment, but to be reincarnated as Ansai (1619-1682), Muro Kyūsō (1658-1734), and a retainer as often as possible in order to better Kaibara Ekiken (1630-1714), all of whom are serve his lord’s descendants.48 frequently cited by modern bushido theorists.42 Buddhism, samurai, and the origins of bushido in Meiji

The establishment of in the early Meiji period presented a serious challenge to all . This new institution was intended to formalize and universalize emperor- worship in the new Japanese state, while simultaneously acting as a tool for the suppression of foreign religions. Although seems the most obvious target in this regard, Buddhism was also fiercely attacked as a

Inoue Tetsujiro “foreign religion” by state-supported Shinto

Bushido Library (Bushido sosho), 1905 nationalists. Buddhism arguably suffered the greatest shock in this period, as temples Yamaga Sokō, the most important exponent of suddenly went from being the official registries samurai ethics in the eyes of most modern of all Japanese households during the Tokugawa bushido theorists, dismissed Zen as useless, a period to being persecuted, disowned of view shared by his influential later student, property, and even disbanded. Government Yoshida Shōin (1830-1859).43 For his part, policies restricting Buddhism met with Kumazawa Banzan criticized the Pure Land, widespread protest, and the military was Nichiren, Shingon, and Tendai sects, and stated required to quell uprisings in some parts of that Zen was the worst of them all in the extent to Japan. The state soon realized that the harshest which it deluded its followers.44 Criticism of Zen policies were not tenable, and attempted limited by samurai writers continued to the very end of reconciliation and incorporation of Buddhism the Tokugawa period, with the prominent into the State Shinto structure, thereby reformer Yokoi Shōnan (1809-1869) deriding it as preventing major additional outbreaks of an “empty” teaching.45 violence. Buddhism remained distinctly second- (1659-1719)—the source of the famously death- class relative to Shinto in the official state focused Hagakure text—claimed to have retired ideology until 1945, but it continued to dominate to a Zen temple as a symbolic death after being popular religious life in many areas. prevented from committing ritual suicide upon his lord’s passing. This choice seems to have been Following the protests of early Meiji, Buddhists made for practical rather than religious reasons, met the challenges in different ways. James however, and Hagakure cites a Zen priest as Ketelaar has examined the movements to create a stating that Buddhism is for old men rather than “modern Buddhism” through the reform of samurai.46 Hagakure contains little that could be sectarian academies into modern institutions of regarded as specifically Zen in origin. Instead, in broader instruction, and to develop Japanese

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Buddhism into something that would bedebt, or having committed a crime, they left their recognized internationally as a universalhomes and the service of their masters, and religion.49 Another response, especially from the roamed at large.”53 Griffis’ description of the 1890s onward, was one of almost aggressive recent past may have exaggerated the extent of attempts to conform to the new order. This samurai delinquency, but it reflected popular included proving to the government thatcontemporary views. Buddhism could play a practical role within the emperor-focused order. Important activities The samurai, who had been made effectively included the United Movement for Revering the redundant by the formation of a new conscripted Emperor and Revering the BuddhaSonnō ( imperial army based on European models, hōbutsu daidōdan), formed in 1889 in order to gradually had their hereditary stipends and “preserve the prosperity of the imperialprivileges stripped away by a series of decrees in household and increase the power of Buddhism,” the years after 1868. Having lost both the and to help Buddhists to secure government ideological and practical support for their positions.50 To regain national acceptance,traditional exalted position in society, many Buddhists focused on the long history of their struggled to adapt to the new order, resulting in religion in Japan and the supposedly inseparable a number of violent uprisings. These culminated roots of Buddhism and the Japanese character. with the 1877 in Southwestern The first discussion of Buddhism’s links with Japan, which involved tens of thousands of bushido in the 1890s were part of the response to disgruntled former samurai, and was only nationalistic challenges that accompaniedsuppressed by the government with great loss of modernity. life on both sides. The conflict has been portrayed as a showdown between the Imperial Japanese The first decades of Meiji posed great challenges Army, consisting mainly of conscripted to Japanese Buddhism, and they were no less commoners, and their “traditional oppressors, tumultuous for the samurai. Sonoda Hidehiro the samurai.”54 While the sides were not has described the period from 1840-1880 as one necessarily so clearly delineated, this portrayal of “decline of the warrior class,” including the reflects popular views at the time. Most Japanese last decades of the Tokugawa period in his had a negative opinion of the samurai examination.51 Arguments concerning intangible throughout the 1870s and 1880s, combining changes such as a loss of spirit or general resentment of the ruling clique of former samurai degeneration of the samurai were nostalgic for an from the domains of Satsuma and Chōshū with ideal that never existed in that form, but they are disdain for those who had fallen on hard times one of the most common themes in latefollowing the loss of their traditional privileges. Tokugawa writings. The feeling of decline and There were popular tales of samurai nostalgia is clear in personal accounts byincompetence, as well as many satirical poems nineteenth century samurai, such as about their decline, portraying them doing Kokichi (1802-1850) and Buyō Inshi (dates manual labor and unable to pursue their former unknown).52 Influential figures such as Yoshida leisure activities.55 There was also a smattering of Shōin and Yokoi Shōnan lamented what they saw appeals for for the downtrodden as the poor state of the samurai in the 1850s and former samurai due to their “past 1860s. In the early 1870s, William Elliot Griffis accomplishments.”56 This poor image of the wrote that “…the majority [of samurai] spent samurai contributed to the negative popular their life in eating, smoking, and lounging in image of the recent past. As Carol Gluck has brothels and teahouses, or led a wild life of crime argued, although nostalgia towards the in one of the great cities. When too deeply in Tokugawa period began to increase in the 1890s,

8 APJ | JF 14 | 17 | 7 it “began its Meiji career as the bygone old order, Japanese newspaper in 1888, Ozaki explained his which excited little favorable comment or views of English gentlemen, while lamenting the nostalgia except perhaps among former shogunal supposed moral failings of their Japanese retainers and other chronological exiles…”57 counterparts. According to Ozaki, Japan was doomed to failure if it did not adopt an ethic comparable to English gentlemanship.58 In a subsequent article in 1891, having returned to Japan, Ozaki cited the popular Victorian argument that English gentlemanship was rooted in medieval . According to Ozaki, Japan did not necessarily need to import a foreign ethic, as the country had its own “feudal knighthood” that could serve as a model. Ozaki proposed reviving the ethical ideals of the former samurai, which had long been in decline. Here, he proposed a new code that he called the “way of the samurai,” or “bushidō,” which would make Japanese merchants become “strictly faithful, strictly honor agreements, and avoid coarse and vulgar speech.” If such an ethic were not adopted, Ozaki warned, Japan was certain to fail.59

Ozaki’s ideas resonated with many Japanese in a period of disillusionment with both the historical cultural model of China and the new models of Ozaki Yukio the West. The former was due to the precarious state of Chinese rulership and increasingly The notion that a samurai-based ethic could hostile relations with Japan, while the process of benefit the new Japan would have seemed alien negotiating the unequal treaties with the Western to most Japanese until the 1890s. The first major powers negatively impacted public opinion. The step towards a positive reevaluation of the 1890s saw many new and repurposed concepts samurai came through the work of the journalist popularized as ancient “native” ethics, and Ozaki Yukio (1858-1954). Ozaki was banned from bushido was ideally suited to this purpose. At Tokyo for three years due to his political activism the same time, Ozaki’s examination of English in 1888, and he used this opportunity to travel to chivalry and gentlemanship legitimized the use the United States and . Ozaki was most of the samurai as a source for a new . impressed with England, and was especially The popularity of an ethic based on knighthood taken by the idealized Victorian discourse on in the world’s most powerful country chivalry and gentlemanship that he recognized emboldened Japanese thinkers to look towards from reading English books in his youth. He was the former samurai, even if they generally agreed convinced that English conceptions of the that the samurai spirit had degenerated almost gentleman provided the moral foundation of the irreparably over the preceding decades. A British Empire, as this seemingly noble ethic number of other writings on bushido appeared in meant that Englishmen enjoyed great trust and the early 1890s, generally referring to Ozaki or respect abroad. In a dispatch sent to a major responding to his arguments.60 Bushido was

9 APJ | JF 14 | 17 | 7 given a tremendous boost with the euphoria of nationalistic fervor following victory over China victory in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95, to help overcome considerable challenges from setting off a “bushido boom” that peaked around baseball and other sports, as well as intense the time of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905. competition among schools and styles. As a Although bushido discourse was inspired by result, promoters of martial arts including , Ozaki’s articles, he did not agree with the , , and sumo, to name but a few, were chauvinism that marked many laterhighly active in the fabrication of supposed interpretations, and contributed his lasthistorical links to bushido and an idealized significant article on the subject in 1898. Instead, Japanese martial tradition.64 the militaristic and extremely nationalistic bushido promoted by Inoue Tetsujirō became Like martial artists, Buddhists came to use established as the “imperial bushido”bushido to establish a connection with interpretation around the time of the Russo- patriotically sound “native” traditions. Meiji Japanese War, and dominated bushido discourse Buddhists often had their patriotism and in Japan until 1945. devotion to the national cause called into question, and many came to rely on bushido to Linking Zen, bushido, and the martial arts prove their “Japaneseness.” Vague references to Buddhism were part of bushido discourse from The firm establishment of bushido as athe Sino-Japanese War onward, as promoters of commonly accepted and even fashionable bushido turned away from Western models and concept during and after the Russo-Japanese War looked to Japanese culture for points of reference. led to its adoption by a broad spectrum of In 1894, Uemura Masahisa (1858-1925), a institutions and social groups during the decade prominent Protestant and early bushido theorist, 1905-1914. By claiming a link to bushido,argued for a connection between bushido and individuals and organizations promoted sports, Buddhism, writing: “[t]o understand chivalry, religious orders, and other causes in a patriotic you must know Christianity. To understand manner, providing relatively recent innovations bushido, you must know Buddhism and with historical legitimacy apparently stretching Confucianism.” This view was echoed in 1899 by back centuries or even millennia. Promoters of Mikami Reiji (dates unknown). InJapan’s the martial arts were among the most active Bushido, the first book dedicated to bushido, participants in the nationalistic bushidoMikami highlighted Buddhism as a source of discourse that emerged after 1895. The first bushido, along with Confucianism, Shinto, and dedicated periodical on the subject, titledthe Heart-and-Mind School shingaku( ).65 The Bushidō,was published by the Great Japan following year, the Western-educated Quaker 61 Martial Arts Lecture Society in 1898. While Nitobe Inazō listed Zen as one of the primary historians have traditionally seen the early Meiji “sources of bushido” in his international period as a nadir of the martial arts, Denis Gainty bestseller Bushido: The Soul of Japan.66 Even has recently demonstrated that martial arts Inoue Tetsujirō acknowledged Buddhism in his competitions continued to be popular throughout first text on the subject in 1901, following 62 the period. As Gainty further shows, however, Uemura, Mikami, and Nitobe in contending that there was great scope for the organization and “bushido in its fully finished form is the product systematic popularization of the martial arts, of a balanced fusion of the three teachings of manifested by the Great Japan Martial Shinto, Confucianism, and Buddhism.”67 Association, which was founded in 1895 and reached one million members by the end of its While these generic mentions of Buddhism in first decade.63 The martial arts rode the wave of more general texts on bushido were common,

10 APJ | JF 14 | 17 | 7 promoters of Buddhism who sought to use very close one, few people were aware of the bushido for their own purposes could not simply background of this connection.69 Akiyama’s use the “imperial” bushido interpretation put arguments were based on the historical forth by Inoue Tetsujirō and other Shinto circumstance that the introduction and spread of nationalists. Instead, writers focusing on the Zen in the Kamakura period connections between Buddhism and bushido coincided with the establishment and growth of were compelled to put forth new interpretations warrior power. During this period, Akiyama that downplayed Shinto, Confucianism, and argued, warriors developed a strong connection other elements commonly linked with bushido. with Zen Buddhism. This became even more Furthermore, the early bushido promoted by pronounced during the turmoil and constant Ozaki Yukio, which relied on Western models, mortal danger in the age of warring states, when was similarly unsuited to Buddhist aims.the “affinity between Zen and bushido became Through careful selection and appropriation of ever closer.”70 Akiyama countered the accepted elements of bushido discourse, however,historical view that warriors were interested in Japanese Buddhists were able to construct their Zen institutions for practical secular reasons, own bushido theories and to benefit from the instead insisting that Zen teachings were at the broad popular appeal of the ideology. heart of warrior interest. Akiyama also dismissed the idea that other, much larger Buddhist schools By the early 1900s, Buddhism had established such as the Pure Land or Tendai schools could itself in the popular mind as one of the thought have had a significant influence on bushido systems that broadly contributed to bushido. In during the Kamakura period. According to the second decade of the Meiji bushidoAkiyama, these schools were nothing more than boom—from 1905 to 1914—Buddhistmere “superstition” and “reasoning,” engagement with bushido discourse increased respectively, and “absolutely did not have the dramatically along with popular interest.power to cultivate and nurture Japan’s unique Promoters of the Zen schools expended by far the ethic, i.e. the bushido spirit.”71 Instead, he wrote, greatest efforts to link their teachings to bushido, Zen was fundamental to the effectiveness of and current popular perceptions linking Zen bushido, and “just as Kamakura Zen worked with the samurai are the result of this activity. In with Kamakura bushido, we need to strive to spite of a dearth of historical evidence, the combine Meiji Zen with Meiji bushido.”72 The supposedly close relationship between Zen and importance and historical legitimacy of bushido bushido became accepted due to the support it were largely unquestioned in Japan following the had among some of the most influential figures Russo-Japanese War, and the ideology provided in broader bushido discourse. This can be seen in an ideal vehicle for Akiyama and others to one of the most extensive early treatments of the appeal for Zen Buddhism’s nationalistic subject, the 1907 book Zen and Bushido. The credentials. author of this work, Akiyama Goan, had worked closely with Inoue Tetsujirō in compiling the 1905 Collection of Bushido Theories by Prominent Modern Thinkers( Gendai bushidō sōron), which provided an extensive selection of recent commentaries on bushido.68

Akiyama opened his Zen and Bushido with the revealing observation that although the relationship between Zen and bushido was a

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line with the selective use of earlier texts practiced by many of his contemporaries, Nogi tended to overlook Yamaga and Yoshida’s harsh criticism of Zen.

Another promoter of Zen who frequently invoked bushido was Suzuki Daisetsu. Suzuki’s writings on bushido and Zen around the turn of the century are not extensive, but are significant in light of his later activities. Suzuki became by far the most significant promoter of “samurai Zen,” especially for its dissemination outside of Japan. In this regard, his writings from as early as 1895 are revealing for the later development of his bushido thought. On the occasion of the Sino- Japanese War, Suzuki wrote that in the face of the challenge from China, “In the name of religion, our country refuses to submit itself to this. For this reason, unavoidably we have taken up arms. … This is a religious action.”75 Responding to the Russo-Japanese War in 1906, Suzuki wrote in the General Journal of the Text Society: The effectiveness of these endeavors was increased by General Nogi Maresuke’s The Lebensanschauung of Bushido (1849-1912) connection with Zen Buddhism. Nogi is no more nor less than that of Zen. was introduced to the Rinzai Zen master The calmness and even joyfulness of Nakahara Nantembō (1839-1925) in 1887, and heart at the moment of death which studied his teachings with such dedication that is conspicuously observable in the Nakahara attested to Nogi’s enlightenment and Japanese, the intrepidity which is 73 named him as a successor. Nogi was one of the generally shown by the Japanese most prominent military figures of the Meiji soldiers in the face of an period. He led the capture of Port Arthur in the overwhelming enemy; and the Sino-Japanese War, and lost both of his sons in fairness of play to an opponent, so battle for the same city against in 1904. By strongly taught by Bushido—all the time of the Russo-Japanese War, Nogi was these come from the spirit of Zen popularly known as the “flower of training…”76 bushido.”74 Nogi’s combined interest in Zen and bushido reflect the revisionism of many bushido theorists at the time. He was a keen student of In this passage, Suzuki echoed the imperial Inoue Tetsujirō’sbushido theories, and bushido view of death that had been established accordingly described the seventeenth-century through a series of public debates concerning the strategist Yamaga Sokō as the “sage of bushido” responsibilities of soldiers in hopeless situations 77 and single most important exponent of the during the Russo-Japanese War. Earlier warrior ethic. Like Inoue, Nogi placed Yamaga’s Japanese attitudes toward surrender and later interpreter Yoshida Shōin a close second. In becoming a prisoner of war were largely in line

12 APJ | JF 14 | 17 | 7 with international norms, but Inoue Tetsujirō and enemies and Japanese troops in subsequent other nationalistic hardliners carried the day on conflicts that became one of the greatest this issue. Following the Russo-Japanese War, criticisms of the and the surrender came to be widely accepted as “un- Zen-bushido connection in the 1930s and 1940s. Japanese” and in violation of supposedly ancient samurai traditions. This ahistorical bushido- Suzuki was one of the main promoters of the based interpretation led to countless tragedies in Zen-bushido connection both within Japan and the 1930s and 1940s.78 overseas, but he was far from alone. Nukariya Kaiten (1867-1934) was another influential The idea that soldiers should dismiss fear of proponent of samurai Zen to foreign audiences, death became one of the primary arguments put especially through his popular 1913 book, forward by promoters of Zen, who claimed that Religion of the Samurai. Nukariya reaffirmed the this was a contribution of Zen to the samurai and close relationship between Zen and the samurai bushido. The Rinzai master Shaku Sōenclaimed by many of his contemporaries, but his (1860-1919) elaborated on this issue in a 1909 text was also highly revealing in other ways: book, while other texts arguing for the Zen- bushido connection included Arima Sukemasa’s “After the Restoration of the Meiji (1873-1931) 1905 “About Bushido,” Katō (1867) the popularity of Zen began Totsudo’s (1870-1939) 1905Zen Observations, to wane, and for some thirty years and Yamagata Kōhō’s (1868-1922) 1908New 79 remained in inactivity; but since the Bushido. The Zen influence on the alleged Russo-Japanese War its revival has indifference to death felt by Japanese soldiers taken place. And now it is looked was expanded in the 1930s by Zen figures such as upon as an ideal faith, both for a the Sōtō master Ishihara Shummyō nation full of hope and energy, and (1888-1973).80 Zen master Iida Tōin (1863-1937) for a person who has to fight his even saw death as “a way to repay one’s debt to own way in the strife of life. the emperor,” while his colleague Seki Seisetsu Bushido, or the code of chivalry, (1877-1945) emphasized the “sacred” nature of should be observed not only by the the war.81 soldier in the battle-field, but by In contrast to Suzuki’s nativist focus on death, his every citizen in the struggle for 83 discussion of “fair play” reflects the strong existence.” influence of Western—especially British—ideas of chivalry and gentlemanship on certain strands Here, Nukariya concedes that Zen had been of modern bushido discourse. It is important to unpopular and “inactive” from the 1860s until note that Suzuki published this article in English, the early twentieth century. Although he implies making it useful to include concepts readily that Zen had been popular before this, there is no recognizable to a foreign audience. Many of evidence to support this contention, indeed Zen Suzuki’s readers would already have been had been relatively unimportant—especially to primed through their familiarity with Nitobe samurai—for several centuries by this point. Inazō’s Bushido: The Soul of Japan, much of Nukariya’s argument concerning Zen’s trajectory which is Victorian moralism with an attractive echoes a common trope concerning bushido in 82 Oriental veneer. Although foreign observers late Meiji: that it had declined in popularity since generally approved of Japan’s conduct during the 1860s but had now been “revived” by the the Russo-Japanese War, it was precisely the with China and Russia. In the case of both perceived lack of a “fair play,” towards both

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Zen and bushido, an essentially newpart of Buddhists paid dividends by the end of development was given an idealized past from Meiji, although the costs were considerable. In which it had supposedly suffered a temporary addition to aiding in the colonization of decline. Nukariya further drew the connections Hokkaido and the other northern territories, between Zen and the samurai by highlighting Buddhist sects sent and medical General Nogi as the most recent “incarnation of workers to the wars with China and Russia. At bushido.” Nogi and his wife, Shizuko, had the same time, they spread morale-boosting committed ritual suicide the previous year on the information and collected donations and supplies day of the Meiji emperor’s funeral, an act that on the home front.86 While these practical Nukariya believed would “surely inspire the activities contributed to Buddhism’s rising generation with the spirit of the Samurai to rehabilitation in the eye of the imperial state, the give birth to hundreds of Nogis.”84 skilled and consistent engagement with bushido practiced by promoters of Zen had arguably the During and after the Russo-Japanese War, when greatest and most lasting effect. Their extensive bushido had become firmly established in the attempts to tie Zen teachings to the burgeoning popular consciousness, Buddhists relied on bushido discourse around the time of the Russo- bushido to promote their own faith and causes. Japanese War created a belief that the two had Promoters of Zen most openly and effectively always been linked. Through their efforts, Zen embraced the militarism inherent in the warrior became the “religion of the samurai.” The ethic, but interest in bushido reached across effectiveness of this approach could be seen in denominations. This can be seen in a 1905 article the writings of the literary scholar Tsuda Sōkichi by the Buddhist scholar and member of the True (1873-1961). In a harsh 1901 review of Nitobe Pure Land school, Nanjō Bun’yū (1849-1927), Inazō’s Bushido: The Soul of Japan, Tsuda titled “Concerning the Relationship between dismissed any meaningful connection between Bushido and Buddhism.” Nanjō argued that bushido and Buddhism, especially Zen. Tsuda “people commonly say that the basis ofargued that even after its arrival in the Kamakura Buddhism is mercy, and therefore it not only period, Zen did little more than accentuate provides no benefit to bushido, but there is even existing warrior thought and practice.87 In a danger that it will weaken the warrior spirit.” contrast, in 1917 Tsuda maintained that both However, continued Nanjō, this was only a very samurai and Buddhists rejected the notion that superficial understanding of Buddhism, and he samurai should be involved with Buddhism, but th proceeded to discuss Prince Shōtoku (6 amended this by stating that Zen’s close century), imperial loyalist connection with bushido was an exception to this (1294-1336), and the late Russo-Japanese War rule.88 Tsuda’s reconsideration over the period hero and “military god” Commander Hirose between these two texts reflects the convincing Takeo (1868-1904) as examples of brave men who work by promoters of Zen and bushido in the derived strength from Buddhism. “Our bushido early twentieth century. By the 1920s, many has received the Buddhism of causality spanning people were convinced of the intricate and the past, present, and future sanze’inga( ), and ancient relationship between Zen, samurai, even if the body dies the spirit continues, so that bushido, and the martial arts, and this ideological one will be born as a human for seven lives” in mix became a core element of nationalist thought, order to reach one’s long-cherished goals of as can be seen in the writings of Yasuoka repaying the kindness of the nation (kokuon) and Masahiro and others.89 supporting the imperial house.85 Conclusions The patriotic propaganda and activities on the

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The notion that Zen had a powerful influence on impression that was strengthened when direct bushido and the samurai is a construct of the links between the two were drawn explicitly in Meiji period, but has shown remarkablepopular works by promoters of both, such as resilience. Even after 1945, Zen figures such as Eugen Herrigel. This became especially Suzuki Daisetsu and Sugawara Gidō (1915-1978) important following the discrediting of continued to argue for the historicity of the Zen- “imperial” bushido in 1945, when the more bushido connection, and this interpretation has fantastical elements were stripped from the remained influential in popular literature and ideology, leaving behind a vague association culture in both Japan and abroad up to the between Zen, the samurai, and the martial arts to present day.90 Suzuki has been subjected to help revive bushido in the postwar period and criticism by scholars in recent years, but his carry it on into the twenty-first century. influence on popular conceptions of Zen Buddhism remains strong, especially outside of Notes: Japan. His works are widely read, and continue I would like to thank Denis Gainty and Brian to contribute to the notion that Zen formed a sort Victoria for reading and providing invaluable of spiritual foundation for the samurai in general suggestions on a draft of this article. The and bushido in particular. In spite of the responsibility for any shortcomings that remain widespread rejection of bushido in Japan and is, of course, entirely my own. abroad immediately after World War II, Suzuki’s works continued to emphasize the importance of This article also draws on arguments made in the alleged historical connections between Chapter Four of my book, Inventing the Way of bushido and Zen. Partly as a result of his efforts, the Samurai: Nationalism, Internationalism, and Zen came to be even more closely identified with Bushido in Modern Japan the samurai. At the same time, Zen and bushido (https://global.oup.com/academic/product/inv were detached from problematic associations enting-the-way-of-the-samurai-9780198706625) with the early twentieth century, in spite of the (Oxford: , 2014). I thank fact that the connection between the two was a Oxford University Press for permission to product of this very period. reproduce excerpts from the section Bushidō“ and Buddhism” (pp. 135-140) here. These same dynamics also tied into the development of popular views of Zen’s Bibliography: relationship to the martial arts. The Zen-samurai relationship was the result of conscious efforts on Akamatsu, Toshihide. “Muromachi Zen and the the part of Zen promoters to gain patriotic Gozan System,” in John W. Hall and Toyoda legitimacy by engaging closely with theTakeshi eds. Japan in the Muromachi Age. burgeoning bushido discourse. In contrast, the Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977. relationship between Zen and the martial arts was less straightforward, and developed from a Akiyama Goan, ed. Gendai taika bushidō sōron. confluence of several factors. One of these was Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1905. that, aside from Shinto nationalists and state- sponsored proponents of the “imperial” bushido Akiyama Goan. Zen to bushidō. Tokyo: ideology, promoters of Zen and promoters of the Kōyūkan, 1907. martial arts were two of the most active and effective groups tying their interests to bushido. Anesaki, Masaharu. History of Japanese Religion: As a result, both Zen and the martial arts were With Special Reference to the Social and Moral widely seen as closely related to bushido, an Life of the Nation. London: Kegan Paul, 1930.

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Victoria, Brian Daizen. “When God(s) and Yamaga, Sokō. Yamaga Sokō (Nihon shisō taikei Buddhas Go to War,” in Mark Selden and Alvin Vol. 32). Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1970. Y. So eds. War and State Terrorism: The United States, Japan, and the Asia-Pacific in the Long Yamagata Kōhō. Shin bushidō. Tokyo: Jitsugyō Twentieth Century. Lanham, MD: Rowman & no Nihonsha, 1908. pp. 167-223. Littlefield, 2004. pp. 91-118. Yampolsky, Philip B. trans.The Zen Master Uemura, Masahisa.Uemura Masahisa Hakuin: Selected Writings. Columbia University chosakushū Volume 1. Shinkyō Shuppansha, Press, 1971. 1966. Yokoi Shōnan. “Kokuze sanron”Watanabe Victoria, Brian Daizen. . Oxford: Kazan, Takano Chōei, Sakuma Shōzan, Yokoi Rowman & Littlefield, 2006. Shōnan, Hashimoto Sanai (Nihon shisō taikei Volume 55). Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1971, pp. Welter, Albert. “’s Promotion of Zen for the 438-465. Protection of the Country,” in George J. Tanabe Jr. ed. Religions of Japan in Practice. Princeton, Yoshida, Shōin. Yoshida Shōin zenshū Volume 4. NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999, pp. 63-70. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1940. Yu, Jimmy. “Contextualizing the Deconstruction Yamada Shōji. “The Myth of Zen in the Art of and Reconstruction of Chan/: Archery,” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, ’s Academic Contributions to the 28:1/2 (2001), pp. 1-30. Field,” Religious Studies Review, 37:3 (Sept. 2011), pp. 165-176. Yamada Shōji, Earl Hartman trans. Shots in the

Oleg Benesch is a Lecturer (Assistant Professor) in East Asian History at the University of York in the UK. He holds a Ph.D. in Asian Studies from the University of British Columbia. He is the author of Inventing the Way of the Samurai: Nationalism, Internationalism, and Bushido in Modern Japan (2014), and a co-author of Civilizing Emotions: Concepts in Nineteenth-Century Asia and Europe (2015), both from Oxford University Press. More information on his past and current research can be found on his website: www.olegbenesch.com (http://www.olegbenesch.com) (http://www.olegbenesch.com/)

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https://www.amazon.com/Inventing-Way-Samurai-Nationalism-Internationalism-ebook/dp/B00N306Y1I

Notes

1 http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/world-affairs/2012/05/breivik-remains-unmoved-his-tr ial 2 http://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/apr/20/anders-behring-breivik-massacre-court 3 Benesch, Oleg, Inventing the Way of the Samurai; Friday, Karl F., “Bushidō or Bull?”; Hurst III, G. Cameron, “Death, Honor, and Loyality.” 4 http://content.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,1920753,00.html 5 Victoria, Brian Daizen, “When God(s) and Buddhas Go to War,” p. 101. 6 King, Winston L., Zen and the Way of the Sword, pp. 29-30. 7 Suzuki, Daisetz T., Zen and Japanese Culture, p. 61. 8 For a critical examination of Herrigel, see Yamada Shōji, Shots in the Dark. Also: Victoria, Brian, “A Zen Nazi in Wartime Japan.” 9 Yamada Shōji has examined Herrigel’s interactions with Awa to show that Herrigel read his own “Zen” interpretations into key situations where communication failed due to the language gap. Awa’s accounts of these events differed considerably, and he himself had no particular

20 APJ | JF 14 | 17 | 7 connection with Zen. Yamada Shōji, “The Myth of Zen in the Art of Archery,” p. 11. 10 Colcutt, Martin, Five Mountains, p. 61. 11 Colcutt, Five Mountains, p. 80. 12 Stone, Jacqueline L., “Chanting the Lotus Sutra Title,” p. 147. This assertion is also made in Takagi Yutaka, “The Nichiren Sect,”; Tanabe Jr., George J., “Kōyasan in the Countryside,” p. 49. 13 Goble, Andrew Edmund, Kenmu: Go-Daigo’s Revolution, p. 74; Colcutt, Martin, Five Mountains, pp. 94-95. 14 Grossberg, Kenneth Alan, Japan’s Renaissance, pp. 82-86. 15 Varley, Paul and George Elison, “The Culture of Tea,” p. 205; Colcutt, Martin, Five Mountains, pp. 99-100. 16 Colcutt, Five Mountains, p. 72. 17 Akamatsu Toshihide, “Muromachi Zen and the Gozan System,” p. 317. 18 Akamatsu, “Muromachi Zen and the Gozan System,” p. 318-9. 19 Keenan, John P., “Spontaneity in Western Martial Arts,” pp. 286, 288. 20 Dumoulin, Heinrich, Zen Buddhism: A History, p. 283. 21 Dumoulin, Zen Buddhism: A History, p. 283; Yamada Shōji, “The Myth of Zen in the Art of Archery,” p. 11. 22 Dumoulin, Zen Buddhism: A History, p. 283 23 McFarlane, Stewart, “Mushin, Morals, and Martial Arts,” p. 404. 24 Hurst III, G. Cameron, Armed Martial Arts of Japan. p. 212. 25 Dumoulin, Zen Buddhism: A History, p. 283 26 Hurst III, G. Cameron, “Samurai on Wall Street.” 27 Brown, Roger H., “Yasuoka Masahiro’s ‘New Discourse on Bushidō Philosophy.’” 28 Haskel, Peter, Sword of Zen, pp. 31-32. 29 McFarlane, “Mushin, Morals, and Martial Arts,” p. 412. 30 Victoria, Brian Daizen, Zen at War, pp. 216-217. 31 Bodiford, William, “Takuan Sōhō,” p. 528. 32 Tyler, Royall trans., “Suzuki Shōsan,” in Japanese Philosophy: A Sourcebook. 33 Tyler, Royall, “Suzuki Shōsan,” in Sources of Japanese Tradition Volume 2, pp. 522-523. 34 Recent examples of this connection include: Cleary, Thomas, Training the Samurai Mind, pp. 127-132; Besserman, Perle and Steger, Manfred, Zen Radicals, Rebels, and Reformers, pp. 152-153. 35 Yampolsky, Philip B. trans., The Zen Master Hakuin, p. 69. 36 Yampolsky, The Zen Master Hakuin, pp. 183-187. 37 Hurst III, Armed Martial Arts of Japan, p. 194. 38 Hurst III, Armed Martial Arts of Japan, pp. 70-71; Bennett, Alexander, Kendo: Culture of the Sword, p. 46. 39 Friday, Karl F. and Seki Humitake, Legacies of the Sword, p. 59. 40 Bennett, Alexander, Kendo: Culture of the Sword, p. 66. 41 Inoue Tetsujirō ed. Bushidō sōsho. 42 Mary Evelyn Tucker has written of this group of scholars that “for each of them the religious dimensions of Confucian thought were an important bridge to Shinto.” Tucker, Mary Evelyn, Moral and Spiritual Cultivation in Japanese Neo-Confucianism, p. 28.

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43 Yamaga Sokō, Yamaga Sokō (Nihon shisō taikei 32), p. 334; Yoshida Shōin, Yoshida Shōin zenshū (Volume 4), p. 240. 44 Kumazawa Banzan, Ian J. McMullen trans., “Buddhism,” pp. 129-130. 45 Yokoi Shōnan, “Kokuze sanron,” p. 459. 46 Victoria, Zen at War, pp. 228-229. 47 Saiki Kazuma et al. eds., Mikawa monogatari, Hagakure (Nihon shisō taikei Vol. 26), p. 399 (Book 6-21). 48 Saiki et al. eds., Mikawa monogatari, Hagakure (Nihon shisō taikei Vol. 26), p. 218. 49 Ketelaar, James Edward, Of Heretics and Martyrs in Meiji Japan, Chapter Five. 50 Victoria, Zen at War, p. 18; Snodgrass, Judith, Presenting Japanese Buddhism to the West, p. 132. 51 Sonoda Hidehiro, “The Decline of the Japanese Warrior Class, 1840-1880,” pp. 73-111 52 Katsu Kokichi, Teruko Craig trans., Musui’s Story; Buyō Inshi, Mark Teeuwen, Kate Wildman Nakai, et al. Lust, Commerce, and Corruption. 53 Griffis, William Elliot, The Mikado’s Empire, p. 278. 54 Calman, Donald, The Nature and Origins of Japanese Imperialism, pp. 141-143. 55 Brink, Dean Anthony, “At Wit’s End,” pp. 19-46. 56 For example: Ikushima Hajime, Seidan tōron hyakudai, pp. 88-89; Fukuhara Kenshichi, Nihon keizai risshihen, pp. 17-20. 57 Gluck, Carol, “The Invention of Edo,” pp. 267-269. 58 Ozaki Yukio, “Ōbei man’yū ki,” pp. 743-748. 59 Ozaki Yukio, Naichi gaikō, pp. 25-28. 60 These texts include Fukuzawa Yukichi’s 1893 “Yasegaman no setsu,” Suzuki Chikara’s 1894 “Kokumin no shin seishin,” and Uemura Masahisa’s 1894 “Bushidō to Kirisutokyō.” For a discussion of the development of bushidō discourse, see Benesch, Inventing the Way of the Samurai, Chapter 2. 61 For an overview of this journal, see Benesch, Inventing the Way of the Samurai, pp. 85-91. 62 Gainty, Denis, Martial Arts and the Body Politic in Meiji Japan, pp. 30-31. 63 Gainty, Martial Arts and the Body Politic in Meiji Japan, p. 35. 64 For a discussion of these efforts, see: Benesch, Oleg, Inventing the Way of the Samurai, pp. 85-87, 132-134, 164-167. 65 Mikami Reiji, Nihon bushidō, p. 11. 66 Nitobe, Inazo, Bushido: The Soul of Japan, pp. 9-10. 67 Inoue Tetsujirō, Bushidō. 68 Akiyama Goan ed., Gendai taika bushidō sōron. 69 Akiyama Goan, Zen to bushidō, p. 1. 70 Akiyama, Zen to bushidō, pp. 77-85. 71 Akiyama, Zen to bushidō, p. 292. 72 Akiyama, Zen to bushidō, p. 293. 73 Victoria, Zen at War, pp. 36-37. 74 For a discussion of Nogi’s relationship with bushido, see Benesch, Inventing the Way of the Samurai, pp. 150-156.

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75 Translation by Christopher Ives. Found in: Ives, Christopher, “Ethical Pitfalls in Imperial Zen and Nishida Philosophy,” p. 17. 76 Victoria, Zen at War, p. 105. 77 For an overview of these debates, see: Nakamura Yoko, Bushidō – Diskurs.. 78 Benesch, Inventing the Way of the Samurai, pp. 207-210. 79 Shaku Sōen, Sentei roku, pp. 154-186; Arima Sukemasa, “Bushidō ni tsuite,” pp. 273-284; Yamagata Kōhō, Shin bushidō, pp. 167-223; Katō Totsudō, Zen kanroku, pp. 22-60. 80 Victoria, Brian Daizen, “A Buddhological Critique of “Soldier-Zen” in Wartime Japan,” pp. 119-120. 81 Ives, Christopher, Imperial-Way Zen, pp. 32, 42. 82 For a discussion of Nitobe’s role in the development of bushido, see Benesch, Inventing the Way of the Samurai, pp. 90-97. 83 Nukariya Kaiten, The Religion of the Samurai, Chapter 13. 84 Nukariya, The Religion of the Samurai, Chapter 13. 85 Nanjō Bun’yū, “Bushidō to bukkyō no kankei ni tsuite,” pp. 416-419. 86 Ketelaar, Of Heretics and Martyrs in Meiji Japan, p. 133. 87 Tsuda Sōkichi, “Bushidō no engen ni tsuite“ p. 317. 88 Tsuda Sōkichi, Inquiry into the Japanese Mind as Mirrored in Literature. 89 Brown, Roger H., “Yasuoka Masahiro’s ‘New Discourse on Bushidō Philosophy.’” 90 Victoria, Zen at War, pp. 149, 187.

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