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14 Penser Les Épidémies Depuis La Chine, Le Japon Et La Corée Thinking on Epidemics from China, Japan, and Korea’S Perspectives

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14 Penser Les Épidémies Depuis La Chine, Le Japon Et La Corée Thinking on Epidemics from China, Japan, and Korea’S Perspectives Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident 37 | 2014 Penser les épidémies depuis la Chine, le Japon et la Corée Thinking on epidemics from China, Japan, and Korea’s perspectives Florence Bretelle-Establet et Frédéric Keck (dir.) Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/extremeorient/319 DOI : 10.4000/extremeorient.319 ISSN : 2108-7105 Éditeur Presses universitaires de Vincennes Édition imprimée Date de publication : 1 septembre 2014 ISBN : 978-2-84292-411-9 ISSN : 0754-5010 Référence électronique Florence Bretelle-Establet et Frédéric Keck (dir.), Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident, 37 | 2014, « Penser les épidémies depuis la Chine, le Japon et la Corée » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2016, consulté le 24 septembre 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/extremeorient/319 ; DOI : https:// doi.org/10.4000/extremeorient.319 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 24 septembre 2020. © PUV 1 L’épidémie véhicule bien plus que l’idée d’une surmorbidité ou d’une surmortalité ; quelle que soit la période considérée, elle est une menace pour l’ordre politique, social, économique. En étudiant les pratiques politiques, religieuses, économiques que les épidémies suscitent en Asie orientale – Chine, Japon, Corée – dans les périodes pré-moderne et moderne, en scrutant les discours qui les évoquent, tenus dans les milieux médicaux, administratifs ou religieux, ce volume apporte un éclairage sur les manières dont le phénomène épidémique est identifié, compris et combattu dans ce qui est aujourd’hui considéré comme un des principaux foyers d’épidémies. NOTE DE LA RÉDACTION Numéro publié avec le soutien de l’association Nippon Koten Kenkyukai 日本古典研究 会. Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident, 37 | 2014 2 SOMMAIRE Les épidémies entre « Occident » et « Orient » Florence Bretelle-Establet et Frédéric Keck I. Imaginaires des foyers Imagined Sources Les épidémies en Chine à la croisée des savoirs et des imaginaires : le Grand Sud aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles Florence Bretelle-Establet Jean-Jacques Matignon’s Legacy on Russian Plague Research in North-East China and Inner Asia (1898-1910) Christos Lynteris II. Épreuves de souveraineté Measures against Epidemics during Late 18th Century Korea: Reformation or Restoration? Dongwon Shin Epidemic Control and Wars in Republican China (1935-1955) Michael Shiyung Liu Framing SARS and H5N1 as an Issue of National Security in Taiwan: Process, Motivations and Consequences Vincent Rollet III. Incertitudes du collectif The Shifting Epistemological Foundations of Cholera Control in Japan (1822-1900) William Johnston Epidemic Cerebrospinal Meningitis during the Cultural Revolution Ka wai Fan IV. Regards extérieurs Quand la terre s’arrondit. L’horizon convergent des épidémies d’Orient et d’Occident Anne-Marie Moulin Le retour des dispositifs de protection anciens dans la gestion politique des épidémies Patrice Bourdelais Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident, 37 | 2014 3 Les épidémies entre « Occident » et « Orient » Florence Bretelle-Establet et Frédéric Keck Nous tenons à remercier la Nippon Koten Kenkyukai, en particulier M. Charles Vacher, pour son soutien à la revue. Notre gratitude va également à Richard Kennedy pour son aide au polissage des textes écrits en anglais par des auteurs non anglophones. 1 L’histoire des épidémies est révélatrice des « peurs en Occident »2. Parmi l’ensemble des menaces diffuses qui pèsent sur l’individu, l’épidémie tranche par son caractère soudain, brutal et collectif : elle se manifeste comme une catastrophe dans la vie quotidienne. On distingue alors de la maladie chronique, qui peut fragiliser l’individu, la maladie infectieuse qui semble affecter le groupe social de l’extérieur3. Sa capacité à passer de corps en corps met au défi les conceptions établies de la société, dont elle révèle les vulnérabilités. Lorsque le mal s’empare d’un corps, nul ne sait jusqu’où il s’étendra : les barrières du village ou de la ville ne suffisent pas, les collectifs déjà en place sont débordés. Si l’émotion soulevée par l’épidémie s’apaise d’abord en désignant un coupable du mal pour l’expulser et le détruire, l’enquête vise ensuite à cerner le lieu d’où il part pour le contrôler et l’étudier. L’épidémie est alors l’occasion de cartographier les espaces et les corps qui s’y inscrivent. Aussi la séquence des grandes épidémies raconte-t-elle, pour un historien de l’environnement, les étapes de la transformation de l’Occident : guerres civiles (peste, typhus), conquête du Nouveau Monde (variole), révolution industrielle (choléra, syphilis, tuberculose)4. 2 Le savoir sur les épidémies produit par les sociétés occidentales a été décrit comme marquant le passage de la peur à la maîtrise, de la faute à la maladie, du peuple, affecté uniformément, à la population, considérée dans ses variabilités5. La révolution microbiologique du XIXe siècle a découvert sous l’ampleur des contagions collectives les régularités des relations entre les hommes et les microbes. Il n’y avait plus besoin d’invoquer les démons du lieu ou les miasmes de l’environnement, puisqu’on pouvait manipuler les bactéries puis les virus dans un laboratoire6. En expliquant l’épidémie par les cassures dans la co-évolution des hommes et des microbes, la microbiologie, à la fin du XIXe siècle, ajoutait ainsi un troisième niveau aux deux autres aspects de la réflexion épidémiologique. Alors que celle-ci décrivait jusque-là l’épidémie comme une crise de Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident, 37 | 2014 4 surmorbidité (niveau phénoménologique) ou comme une propagation démographique et économique (niveau sociologique), ce troisième niveau ontologique apparut déterminant en dernière instance et clé de la maîtrise des épidémies. 3 Au milieu du XXe siècle, des années 1950 au début des années 1980, on pouvait penser que l’arsenal thérapeutique alors disponible était capable de résoudre la question des épidémies, la découverte, à partir des années 1980, de virus très pathogènes et potentiellement pandémiques (VIH/SIDA, Syndrome respiratoire aigu sévère (SRAS), virus Ebola, H5N1) a mis un terme à cette courte période d’optimisme : « Une nouvelle maladie infectieuse fait son apparition chaque année dans le monde, selon l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS). Et tous les cinq ans, l’humanité subit une crise majeure due à l’émergence ou à la réémergence d’un virus », pouvait écrire une journaliste en décembre 20127. 4 La redécouverte de la menace épidémique, à la fin du XXe siècle, a mis essentiellement l’Asie au cœur de ce diagnostic pessimiste, du fait de son écologie, de sa démographie et de son interdépendance croissante avec le reste du monde. L’Asie orientale, et plus particulièrement la Chine du Sud, fut montrée du doigt lors de l’épidémie de SRAS (2002-2003) qui, avant de se diffuser dans le reste de l’Asie jusqu’au Canada, avec une létalité de 10 %, fut qualifiée par un journaliste de Time Asia de « syndrome chinois 8 ». La grippe pandémique, dont on rappelle souvent qu’elle a fait plus de victimes que la guerre en 1918, est décrite comme une menace permanente dont « l’épicentre » est situé dans le Sud de la Chine9 où les oiseaux et les cochons, constituant le « réservoir » pour les mutations des virus Influenza, sont abattus en cas de nouvelle épidémie et mis sous étroite surveillance en temps ordinaire10. Si « la menace épidémique nouvelle est présente dans notre quotidien d’une façon disproportionnée au regard de sa rareté statistique et du faible nombre de victimes qu’elle entraîne11 », c’est donc qu’elle révèle l’imaginaire d’une globalisation dans laquelle l’Asie joue un rôle essentiel. 5 Alors que l’Asie orientale, en particulier la Chine, et les pays d’Asie du Sud-Est constituent aujourd’hui les foyers les plus menaçants pour un monde occidental inséré dans un mouvement intense d’échange, les peurs que cette partie du monde suscite sont plus anciennes : au XVIIIe siècle déjà, la variole est soupçonnée par certains médecins européens d’être une maladie asiatique arrivée en Occident12. La peste qui éclate à Canton et à Hongkong en 1894 apparaît comme une menace majeure pour la communauté occidentale, et induit par exemple le gouvernement français à renforcer sa présence médicale en Chine du Sud pour éviter que la maladie ne se propage dans la colonie indochinoise, voire en métropole13. C’est cette même inquiétude qui conduit les puissances européennes et américaines, au travers d’un Dudgeon (The Diseases of China. Causes, Conditions, and Prevalence, Contrasted with those of Europe, 1877), d’un Maxwell ou d’un Jefferys (The Diseases of China, Including Formosa, and Korea, 1910 et 1929) pour la Chine, d’un Angier pour le Cambodge (Le Cambodge. Géographie médicale, 1901), d’un Rouffiandis pour le Laos (Géographie médicale du Moyen Laos, 1902) ou d’un Gaide pour l’Indochine, à inventorier et cartographier les maladies potentiellement épidémiques de l’Asie, alors en grande partie colonisée par les puissances européennes14. Au tournant du XXe siècle, comme aujourd’hui, l’Asie fournit également le cadre idéal pour la recherche des causes et des mécanismes de transmission et la mise au point de thérapeutiques. Les expériences menées par Alexandre Yersin sur la peste bubonique sont bien connues. Mais les investigations s’étendent bien au-delà du seul cas de la peste et sont intimement liées au contexte de colonisation. Dans cette époque de Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident, 37 | 2014 5 grande interrogation médicale, le territoire colonisé en général, et l’Asie en particulier, fournit un cadre de choix à la recherche sur les maladies infectieuses en même temps qu’un terrain d’expérience et d’expérimentation. 6 En somme, il y a une certaine continuité dans la manière dont le regard occidental appréhende la source des épidémies : l’Asie en est souvent le foyer, qu’il s’agisse de résurgence de maladies épidémiques connues comme la peste ou le choléra, au tournant du XXe siècle, ou qu’il s’agisse de maladies émergentes, comme le SRAS au début du XXIe siècle.
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