DOCSLIB.ORG

Operation “Retribution”: Putin's Military Campaign in Syria, 2015-16

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Operation “Retribution”: Putin's Military Campaign in Syria, 2015-16 Middle East Policy, Vol. XXIII, No. 4, Winter 2016 Operation “Retribution”: Putin’s Military Campaign in Syria, 2015-16 Brian Glyn Williams and Robert Souza Dr. Williams is Professor of Islamic History at the University of Massachusetts-Dartmouth and the author of Counter-Jihad. The American Military Experience in Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria (University of Pennsylvania Press, November 2016). He previously worked for the CIA’s CTC in Afghanistan and in Kabul for the Army’s Information Operations. Mr. Souza is an assistant managing editor at Young Professionals in Foreign Policy in Washington, D.C., and a research analyst for the Center for the Study of Targeted Killings. eptember 30, 2016, marked the It soon became widely apparent, first anniversary of Russian Presi- however, that the Russians had conflated dent Vladimir Putin’s decision to ISIS with CIA-backed rebels and various involve his nation militarily in the other anti-Assad Sunni rebel forces with no SSyrian conflict on the side of Moscow’s known connection to ISIS, creating the false longtime ally, the Assad regime. Accord- narrative of a united terrorist monolith that ing to initial Russian Defense Ministry needed to be eradicated in order to preserve statements and Putin himself, the mission stability in Syria. In the process, Putin was had the primary objective of joining the able to successfully “shift the sands” of the U.S.-led coalition in fighting ISIS. Russia’s conflict and bolster the endangered Assad chief of staff of the Presidential Executive regime while simultaneously cultivating Office at that time, Sergei Ivanov, using his image domestically as a strong leader: an alternative name for ISIS, laid out his able to stand up to the West, project power country’s official objectives on September abroad, and support an embattled ally 30, 2015: “The military goal of the opera- against international jihadists. The operation tion is strictly to provide air support for the has been consistently portrayed in Russia as [Syrian] government forces in their fight an unmitigated success in “inflicting heavy against Islamic State.”1 The Mufti of Ka- losses on Syrian terrorist groups.”3 There zan (the head of Russia’s Tatar communi- seems to be little doubt among observers ty) and members of the Russian parliament that Putin’s venture into the Mideast has lined up to support Putin’s campaign in reshaped the war in Syria, but has it been a Syria, described as a “prophylactic against success in the larger strategic sense? terrorist organizations” that was necessary What follows is an effort to evaluate to “destroy ISIS at its root.”2 the first year of this still-unfolding military © 2016, The Authors Middle East Policy © 2016, Middle East Policy Council 42 Williams / Souza: Putin’s Military Campaign in Syria campaign, with the aim of assessing the al Fatah (the Army of Conquest) — con- validity of the Russian claims of success. cern grew in Moscow over possible threats to this asset. In addition to his interest in BACKGROUND defending this facility, Putin feared the Russia has long been a key supporter chaos stemming from the overthrow of of the Syrian Baathist Socialist regime. strongmen in the region, having noted the Hafez al-Assad, father and predecessor of turmoil that swept over Libya and Iraq fol- current President Bashar al-Assad, spent lowing U.S. intervention. He also felt the years in the Soviet Union learning to fly need to show the world, and his own audi- MIG-15s and MIG-17s as an officer in the ence at home, that Russia stood by its al- Syrian armed forces. The elder Assad sub- lies. When the Arab Spring demonstrations sequently seized control of Syria in a coup shook the region in 2011, Putin claimed in 1970 and brought to power his ethno- the United States had abandoned its ally, religious group, the Alawites (15 percent President Hosni Mubarak, in Egypt. But of Syria’s population, they adhere to a Putin decided to stand by his ally, Assad, syncretic offshoot of Shiite Islam). Having when civil war broke out between the designated himself president, Assad fol- ruling Alawites and dozens of Sunni rebel lowed the model of a Soviet single-party groups. state, with an all-pervasive network of Putin feared the threat to Assad from intelligence agencies that kept the restless an alliance of Sunni rebel groups, the Sunni majority in check.4 aforementioned Army of Conquest, ad- In 1971, the Assad regime provided vancing on the Alawite coastal homeland. the USSR with a naval facility in Tartus, The Sunni alliance, which threatened both on Syria’s Mediterranean coast. It remains the Russian naval facility and Assad, had there today, Russia’s sole military facility conquered Idlib Province in northwestern outside the former Soviet Union. Mos- Syria soon after its formation in March cow’s basic docking facility, however, is 2015. Putin was alarmed when these Sunni not big enough to be designated a “base”; rebels began to encroach on the Alawite instead it is described as a “Material coastal stronghold in southern Latakia Technical Support Point.” The Russian (for three years the Sunni rebels had held facility consists of two floating piers and northern Latakia). an Amur-class floating workshop. It is At this time, the Iranians, unwavering not capable of supporting any of Russia’s allies of the Assad regime since the 1979 major warships — frigates, destroyers or Islamic Revolution, warned Putin that its one comparatively small aircraft carrier. Assad was going to fall and that they did This Material Technical Support Point can not have the means to save him. In July in no way be compared to massive U.S. 2015, the commander of the Quds Force, naval and aerial facilities in the Persian an elite extraterritorial special-forces arm Gulf, which host 20 aircraft carriers, for of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, Major example. General Qassem Soleimani, visited Mos- Still, as the threat to Assad mounted in cow to make his case for Russian involve- 2015 amid the bloody civil war — posed ment in Syria. He explained that the Sunni by a new alliance of non-ISIS Sunni rebel rebel advances were endangering not only groups in northwest Syria known as Jaish their joint ally Assad, but Russia’s military 43 Middle East Policy, Vol. XXIII, No. 4, Winter 2016 assets at Tartus. A senior Assad official re- of one in 10 Syrians and caused the near- called, “Soleimani put the map of Syria on collapse of the Assad regime was to come the table. The Russians were very alarmed, as a surprise to those who had expected and felt matters were in steep decline and Putin to fail in his “quixotic” adventure. that there were real dangers to the re- gime.”5 Soleimani was able to convince his RUSSIAN OFFICIAL Russian hosts that their involvement was INTERVENTION essential. In early September 2015, Russia Putin agreed that Assad needed to be deployed artillery units and advanced T-90 bolstered as a bulwark against “terror- “Vladimir” main battle tanks and flew ists,” lumping all Sunni rebel groups into in approximately 2,000 Russian military this category alongside ISIS.6 Tellingly, personnel to the Hmeimim base. They later Putin directly blamed the United States deployed at Hmeimim S-400 “Triumph” for “creating the conditions in which the anti-aircraft missiles with a 250-mile range [ISIS] terrorist state was born”: “Tens of to defend these assets. Most important, thousands of militants are fighting under the Russians also dispatched to the base the banners of [ISIS]. Its ranks include approximately 50 fighters and bombers former Iraqi servicemen who were thrown (primarily Su-25 Frogfoot ground-attack out on to the street after the [U.S.] invasion planes, new Su-34 Fullback medium of Iraq in 2003.”7 bombers, and Su-24 Fencer fighter jets) After Soleimani’s visit, Putin was and several Mil 24 Hind attack helicopters. convinced of the need to robustly protect These air assets would later be bolstered his Syrian ally, save the Russian facility by larger Tu-22M3 Backfire, Tu-160 at Tartus, and prevent the rise of jihadist Blackjack, and Tu-95MS Bear strategic groups of the sort that had taken power in bombers, from a base in Mozdok, capital post-Hussein Iraq, post-Qadhafi Libya and of the Russian Caucasus republic of North parts of Syria. In addition, Putin would Ossetia, and eventually from western Iran. be projecting Russia back onto the world Then, on September 30, in a move that stage after its widely condemned 2014 caught America and its allies by surprise, annexation of Crimea and incursions into the Russians began an intensive bombing the Donetsk region of eastern Ukraine. The campaign, informally known as Opera- idea of supporting Assad against CIA- tion Vozmezdiye (retribution), against backed Sunni rebel groups must have had what they claimed were ISIS targets in a strong appeal. Syria. However, the initial Russian strikes Having decided on intervention, on appeared to be against the Army of Con- August 26, 2015, Russia and Syria signed quest in the northwest and the capital a formal agreement in Damascus granting of Idlib province. A member of a U.S.- Russia access to Syria’s Hmeimim airbase backed Sunni rebel brigade operating in near regime-controlled southern Latakia.8 Talbiseh the day after the initial strikes ob- The pieces were thus in place for the pro- served, “The [Assad] regime has bombed jection of Russian power for the first time this area many times before, but not heavy beyond the borders of the former Soviet like yesterday. … We knew there would be Union.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Access Resource
    The State of Justice Syria 2020 The State of Justice Syria 2020 Syria Justice and Accountability Centre (SJAC) March 2020 About the Syria Justice and Accountability Centre The Syria Justice and Accountability Centre (SJAC) strives to prevent impunity, promote redress, and facilitate principled reform. SJAC works to ensure that human rights violations in Syria are comprehensively documented and preserved for use in transitional justice and peace-building. SJAC collects documentation of violations from all available sources, stores it in a secure database, catalogues it according to human rights standards, and analyzes it using legal expertise and big data methodologies. SJAC also supports documenters inside Syria, providing them with resources and technical guidance, and coordinates with other actors working toward similar aims: a Syria defined by justice, respect for human rights, and rule of law. Learn more at SyriaAccountability.org The State of Justice in Syria, 2020 March 2020, Washington, D.C. Material from this publication may be reproduced for teach- ing or other non-commercial purposes, with appropriate attribution. No part of it may be reproduced in any form for commercial purposes without the prior express permission of the copyright holders. Cover Photo — A family flees from ongoing violence in Idlib, Northwest Syria. (C) Lens Young Dimashqi TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary 2 Introduction 4 Major Violations 7 Targeting of Hospitals and Schools 8 Detainees and Missing Persons 8 Violations in Reconciled Areas 9 Property Rights
    [Show full text]
  • The Jihadi Threat: ISIS, Al-Qaeda, and Beyond
    THE JIHADI THREAT ISIS, AL QAEDA, AND BEYOND The Jihadi Threat ISIS, al- Qaeda, and Beyond Robin Wright William McCants United States Institute of Peace Brookings Institution Woodrow Wilson Center Garrett Nada J. M. Berger United States Institute of Peace International Centre for Counter- Terrorism Jacob Olidort The Hague Washington Institute for Near East Policy William Braniff Alexander Thurston START Consortium, University of Mary land Georgetown University Cole Bunzel Clinton Watts Prince ton University Foreign Policy Research Institute Daniel Byman Frederic Wehrey Brookings Institution and Georgetown University Car ne gie Endowment for International Peace Jennifer Cafarella Craig Whiteside Institute for the Study of War Naval War College Harleen Gambhir Graeme Wood Institute for the Study of War Yale University Daveed Gartenstein- Ross Aaron Y. Zelin Foundation for the Defense of Democracies Washington Institute for Near East Policy Hassan Hassan Katherine Zimmerman Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy American Enterprise Institute Charles Lister Middle East Institute Making Peace Possible December 2016/January 2017 CONTENTS Source: Image by Peter Hermes Furian, www . iStockphoto. com. The West failed to predict the emergence of al- Qaeda in new forms across the Middle East and North Africa. It was blindsided by the ISIS sweep across Syria and Iraq, which at least temporarily changed the map of the Middle East. Both movements have skillfully continued to evolve and proliferate— and surprise. What’s next? Twenty experts from think tanks and universities across the United States explore the world’s deadliest movements, their strate- gies, the future scenarios, and policy considerations. This report reflects their analy sis and diverse views.
    [Show full text]
  • Operation Inherent Resolve, Report to the United
    OPERATION INHERENT RESOLVE LEAD INSPECTOR GENERAL REPORT TO THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS JULY 1, 2019‒OCTOBER 25, 2019 ABOUT THIS REPORT In January 2013, legislation was enacted creating the Lead Inspector General (Lead IG) framework for oversight of overseas contingency operations. This legislation, which amended the Inspector General Act, requires the Inspectors General of the Department of Defense (DoD), Department of State (DoS), and U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to provide quarterly reports to Congress on overseas contingency operations. The DoD Inspector General (IG) is designated as the Lead IG for Operation Inherent Resolve (OIR). The DoS IG is the Associate IG for OIR. The USAID IG participates in oversight for the operation. The Offices of Inspector General of the DoD, DoS, and USAID are referred to in this report as the Lead IG agencies. Other partner agencies also contribute to oversight of OIR. The Lead IG agencies collectively carry out their statutory missions to: • Develop a joint strategic plan to conduct comprehensive oversight of the contingency operation. • Ensure independent and effective oversight of programs and operations of the Federal Government in support of the contingency operation through either joint or individual audits, inspections, and evaluations. • Report quarterly to Congress and the public on the contingency operation and activities of the Lead IG agencies. METHODOLOGY To produce this quarterly report, the Lead IG agencies submit requests for information to the DoD, DoS, and USAID about OIR and related programs. The Lead IG agencies also gather data and information from open sources, including congressional testimony, policy research organizations, press conferences, think tanks, and media reports.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin's Syrian Gambit: Sharper Elbows, Bigger Footprint, Stickier Wicket
    STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 25 Putin’s Syrian Gambit: Sharper Elbows, Bigger Footprint, Stickier Wicket by John W. Parker Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, and Center for Technology and National Security Policy. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified combatant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Admiral Kuznetsov aircraft carrier, August, 2012 (Russian Ministry of Defense) Putin's Syrian Gambit Putin's Syrian Gambit: Sharper Elbows, Bigger Footprint, Stickier Wicket By John W. Parker Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 25 Series Editor: Denise Natali National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. July 2017 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. Cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. Portions of this work may be quoted or reprinted without permission, provided that a standard source credit line is included.
    [Show full text]
  • Cry Havoc Règles Fr 20/07/17 10:50 Page1
    ager historique UK_cry havoc règles fr 20/07/17 10:50 Page1 HISTORY & SCENARIOS ager historique UK_cry havoc règles fr 20/07/17 10:50 Page2 © Buxeria & Historic’One éditions - 2017 - v1.0 ager historique UK_cry havoc règles fr 20/07/17 10:50 Page3 SELJUK SULTANATE OF RUM Konya COUNTY OF EDESSA Sis PRINCIPALITY OF ARMENIAN CILICIA Edessa Tarsus Turbessel Harran BYZANTINE EMPIRE Antioch Aleppo PRINCIPALITY OF ANTIOCH Emirate of Shaïzar Isma'ili COUNTY OF GRAND SELJUK TRIPOLI EMPIRE Damascus Acre DAMASCUS F THE MIDDLE EAST KINGDOM IN 1135 TE O OF between the First JERUSALEM and Second Crusades Jerusalem EMIRA N EW S FATIMID 0 150 km CALIPHATE ager historique UK_cry havoc règles fr 20/07/17 10:43 Page1 History The Normans in Northern Syria in the 12th Century 1. Historical background Three Normans distinguished themselVes during the First Crusade: Robert Curthose, Duke of NormandY and eldest son of William the Conqueror 1 Whose actions Were decisiVe at the battle of DorYlea in 1197, Bohemond of Taranto, the eldest son of Robert Guiscard 2, and his nepheW Tancred, Who led one of the assaults upon the Walls of Jerusalem in 1099. Before participating in the crusade, Bohemond had been passed oVer bY his Younger half-brother Roger Borsa as Duke of Puglia and Calabria on the death of his father in 1085. Far from being motiVated bY religious sentiment like GodfreY of Bouillon, the crusade Was for him just another occasion to Wage War against his perennial enemY, BYZantium, and to carVe out his oWn state in the HolY Land.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolution of Russian, Syrian, and Iranian Actions Against the Jihadist Movements and Turkish-U.S
    ISPSW Strategy Series: Focus on Defense and International Security Issue The Evolution of Russian, Syrian, and Iranian Actions Against the No. 394 Jihadist Movements and Turkish-U.S. Responses Jan 2016 Yossef Bodansky The Evolution of Russian, Syrian, and Iranian Actions Against the Jihadist Movements and Turkish-U.S. Responses Yossef Bodansky January 2016 Abstract Almost three months into the Russian military intervention in Syria and Iraq - a clear strategy has emerged. Russia is spearheading a regional allied effort to consolidate tangible gains - to stabilize the lines before Winter freezes the fighting. When fighting resume in early Spring 2016, the Jihadist forces will no longer be able to threaten the Fertile Crescent of Minorities and the buffer areas surrounding Shiite Iraq. Emboldened, better equipped and retrained - the forces allied with Russia will then be able to go on the strategic offensive under a unified master-plan. In mid-October, the Kremlin clarified that the Russian strategic-political objectives in Syria are to stabilize and consolidate the Assad administration as the key to defeating the Jihadist forces, as well as to compel the US-led West to accept and acknowledge this reality. For the Kremlin, all anti-Assad forces are terrorists. In mid-November, Putin returned to Moscow from the G-20 summit convinced that any attempt to deal with Obama was an exercise in futility and that a major face-off, even crisis, over Syria was only a question of time. Hence, the Kremlin resolved to seize the strategic initiative. Thus, the Russian military intervention has already had a profound impact on the region’s strategic-political posture.
    [Show full text]
  • The Military Topography of Syria's South
    Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments The Military Topography of Syria’s South WP Fickle External Support for Moderates; Resurgent Islamic State in Birthplace of the Revolt Khaled Yacoub Oweis S The Russian air attacks on Aleppo have diverted attention from Moscow’s intervention intended to secure Bashar al-Assad’s position in Damascus. Extending beyond northern Syria, Moscow’s direct military involvement has instilled fear in the countries backing the non-Jihadist rebel units in the south. Known as the Southern Front, they are based in the area stretching from south of the capital to the Jordanian border and close to the Israeli border. Hardline Islamist rebels, as well as so-called Islamic State (IS), are poised to gain as moderates are undermined. A rethink on ways to empower the Southern Front and once more put pressure on Assad is overdue if the region and its civil struc- tures are to escape capture by the regime and further penetration by the Jihadists is to be prevented – scenarios that could create a new wave of refugees towards Jordan. Due to the south’s strategic importance, Israel has emerged as a veto player in the neigh- borhood, helping to curb Russian bombing as Moscow acts with different interests in the south and the north. Southern Syria has been spared the war of the Southern Front. The formation is all-against-all that has plagued many non- backed by a disjointed grouping known regime controlled areas in Syria. Inter-rebel as the Military Operations Centre (MOC).
    [Show full text]
  • A/HRC/40/70 Advance Edited Version
    A/HRC/40/70 Advance Edited Version Distr.: General 31 January 2019 Original: English Human Rights Council Fortieth session 25 February–22 March 2019 Agenda item 4 Human rights situations that require the Council’s attention Report of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic*, ** Summary Extensive military gains made by pro-government forces throughout the first half of 2018, coupled with an agreement between Turkey and the Russian Federation to establish a demilitarized zone in the north-west, led to a significant decrease in armed conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic in the period from mid July 2018 to mid January 2019. Hostilities elsewhere, however, remain ongoing. Attacks by pro-government forces in Idlib and western Aleppo Governorates, and those carried out by the Syrian Democratic Forces and the international coalition in Dayr al-Zawr Governorate, continue to cause scores of civilian casualties. In the aftermath of bombardments, civilians countrywide suffered the effects of a general absence of the rule of law. Numerous civilians were detained arbitrarily or abducted by members of armed groups and criminal gangs and held hostage for ransom in their strongholds in Idlib and northern Aleppo. Similarly, with the conclusion of Operation Olive Branch by Turkey in March 2018, arbitrary arrests and detentions became pervasive throughout Afrin District (Aleppo). In areas recently retaken by pro-government forces, including eastern Ghouta (Rif Dimashq) and Dar’a Governorate, cases of arbitrary detention and enforced disappearance were perpetrated with impunity. After years of living under siege, many civilians in areas recaptured by pro-government forces also faced numerous administrative and legal obstacles to access key services.
    [Show full text]
  • Final Report out of Sight, out of Mind: the Aftermath of Syria's Sieges
    Final Report Out of Sight, Out of Mind: The Aftermath of Syria’s Sieges Colophon ISBN: 978-94-92487-33-9 PAX serial number: PAX/2019/02 About PAX PAX works with committed citizens and partners to protect civilians against acts of war, to end armed violence, and to build just peace. PAX operates independently of political interests. www.paxforpeace.nl / P.O. Box 19318 / 3501 DH Utrecht, The Netherlands / [email protected] This report was written by Valerie Szybala and the PAX team. We deeply thank Siege Watch’s voluntary network of reporting contacts who communicated with the project team over the years, for your openness, generosity and patience. We have been inspired and humbled by your strength through adversity, and will continue to support your search for justice and peace. Siege Watch Final Report Out of Sight, Out of Mind: The Aftermath of Syria’s Sieges PAX ! Siege Watch - Final Report 3 Table of Contents Foreword 06 Executive summary 08 Introduction 11 Part 1: An Overview of Syria’s Sieges 13 1. Understanding the Sieges 14 Defining Syria’s Sieges 14 The Evolution of the Sieges 15 2. The International Response 22 UN Efforts 22 Designation and Reporting 23 Response to Forced Surrenders 25 UN Humanitarian Aid 26 Multilateral Initiatives 27 Donor Support 29 3. Violations of International Law 30 Humanitarian Access 31 Forced Population Transfers 31 Attacks 32 Detention and Disappearance 34 Post-Surrender Violations 35 Part 2: The Lasting Impacts of Sieges: Needs, Priorities, and Goals 37 4. Meeting Siege Victims’ Needs 38 General Needs 38 Post-Surrender Communities 39 Internally Displaced Persons 42 Refugees 43 5: Reconstruction 46 The Challenge 46 The Response 48 6.
    [Show full text]
  • Unlocking the Alawite Conundrum in Syria
    Jomana Qaddour Unlocking the Alawite Conundrum in Syria Images and videos emerging out of Syria since 2012, becoming increasingly violent and sectarian along the way, showcased extremist groups and even children chanting things like, “Assad we will bring you down, and then we will come next for the [Alawites]!”1 Since 1971, the Alawite community (roughly 12 percent of Syria’s 22 million people)2 has sheltered Hafez al-Assad, and subsequently his son, Bashar al-Assad, by providing the family with both loyal foot soldiers who have aided the Assad regime throughout the many domestic, political uprisings it has faced (in 1964, 1980, 1982, and now 2011) and with a bureaucracy that has legitimized their theft of public funds.3 The number of Alawite casualties increased over the course of the crisis, either fighting to protect Assad or because they are accused of aiding his regime, while a growing number have faced the grim realization that the Assad family is motivated by self-interest alone.4 While researchers cannot pinpoint exactly how many Alewites have died, many have documented the number of Syrian soldiers instead to obtain an approximation, and have indicated that between 11,000 Alawites and 41,000 Syrian soldiers have been killed.5 Yet for some reason, the Alawites have not yet abandoned the Assad regime in large numbers. Even as the international community increasingly isolates him, the longer-term issue of the nature of a post-Assad Syria remains unclear. Alawites must surely recognize that their long-term interests do not lie with the current regime.
    [Show full text]
  • State Propaganda in Syria from War Crimes to Pipelines
    STATE PROPAGANDA IN SYRIA: FROM WAR CRIMES TO PIPELINES IN SYRIA: FROM WAR PROPAGANDA STATE Published by: International State Crime Initiative School of Law Queen Mary University of London State Propaganda in Syria ISBN: 978-0-9934574-8-7 From War Crimes to Pipelines Nafeez Ahmed An INSURGE intelligence investigation School of Law Nafeez Ahmed (CC) Nafeez Ahmed 2018 This publication is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International license: you may copy and distribute the document, only in its entirety, as long as it is attributed to the authors and used for non-commercial, educational, or public policy purposes. ISBN: 978-0-9934574-8-7 (Paperback) and 978-0-9934574-9-4 (eBook-PDF) Published with the support of Forum for Change by: International State Crime Initiative School of Law Queen Mary University of London Mile End Road London E1 4NS United Kingdom www.statecrime.org Author: Nafeez Ahmed Recommended citation: Ahmed, N.(2018) State Propaganda in Syria: From War Crimes to Pipelines. London: International State Crime Initiative. Cover image: ‘Return to Homs’, A Syrian refugee walks among severely damaged buildings in downtown Homs, Syria, on June 3, 2014. (Xinhua/Pan Chaoyue) Layout and design: Paul Jacobs, QMUL CopyShop Printing: QMUL CopyShop School of Law From War Crimes to Pipelines ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 5 FOREWORD 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 11 1. INTRODUCTION 19 2. ESCALATION 23 2.1 OBSTRUCTION 24 2.2 JINGOISM 25 2.3 DUPLICITY 26 3. WHITE HELMETS 29 3.1 CAUGHT IN THE ACT 29 3.2 AID CONVOY CONTROVERSY 32 3.3 CHAIN OF CUSTODY 38 3.4 THE WHITE HELMETS AND PROPAGANDA: QUESTIONS 42 3.5 THE WHITE HELMETS AND PROPAGANDA: MYTHS 46 4.
    [Show full text]
  • Armed Conflict in Syria: U.S
    Armed Conflict in Syria: U.S. and International Response Jeremy M. Sharp Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Christopher M. Blanchard Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs July 12, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33487 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Armed Conflict in Syria: U.S. and International Response Summary Syria is now mired in an armed conflict between forces loyal to President Bashar al Asad and rebel fighters opposed to his rule. Since major unrest began in March 2011, various reports suggest that between 17,000 and 18,000 Syrians have been killed. U.S. officials and many analysts believe that President Bashar al Asad, his family members, and his other supporters will ultimately be forced from power, but few offer specific, credible timetables for a resolution to Syria’s ongoing crisis. Some observers warn that the regime’s staying power may be underrated. Intense violence generated demands from some international actors for an immediate mutual ceasefire and from others for military intervention to protect civilians or support opposition forces. In the face of intense domestic and international pressure calling for political change and for an end to violence against civilians, the Asad government has offered limited reforms while also meeting protests and armed attacks with overwhelming force. Nonviolent protests continue, but their apparent futility has created frustration and anger within the opposition ranks. An increasing number of Syrian civilians have taken up arms in self-defense, although armed rebel attacks alienate some potential supporters. The government accuses the opposition of carrying out bombings and assassinations targeting security infrastructure, security personnel, and civilians in Damascus, Aleppo, Homs, and other areas.
    [Show full text]