Imre Lepsényi: COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT a L N A

Home , Blutzeuge, Crowd manipulation, Nazi chic

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Imre Lepsényi: COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT A L N A

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A L O O H C S L A R O T C O D S T R A E N I F F O Y T I S R E V I N U N A I R A G N U H

Imre Lepsényi COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

2018

Foreword

Modern proposal 1 Introduction 7 Modern proposal 11 A detour – propaganda and advertisement. Prescription or proposal? 25 NSDAP corporate identity 37 NSDAP corporeal identity 61 Final proposal 113 Literature 129 List of figures 137

Zalaegerszeg, Hungary, 1947–1989 141 Zalaegerszeg, Hungary, 2016 159

FOREWORD

Digital technology has altered the concept of “the crowd” and multiplied the number and total area of communication surfaces similarly to the “explosion of surfaces” in the Weimar Republic. When facing the attempts of manipulation carried out by organized trolls, the perplexity and defenselessness digital communities experience echo the surprise caused by the political orator traveling by airplane and reaching tens of thousands of people by means of electro-acoustic technology and radio broadcasts in the previous century. The advantage stemming from the surprise has influenced economic processes and determined elections ever since. At the beginning of the 20th century, the avant-garde wiped out the traditional ornament and then, in collaboration with psychoanalysis and electronic developments, modern branding technology went on to recycle the systems of recurring shapes. The new approach detached the ornament from the traditional world order, liberated it, and arranged it in the form of economic and political advertisements in the service of a power with an engineer’s precision. The sign systems of influence, let them be political, commercial advertising, branding, or traffic systems, possess the eternal characteristic of consistency, the need for repetition and prevalence. These systems of recurrent signs, in turn, seep into the quotidian life as ornaments. The ornament is a point of view, a suspicious device that needs to be detached from its surroundings and carefully examined. In every instance, ornaments carry on themselves the traces of the fields of will that created them, and by examining ornaments we may approach this system of intentions. The examination of ornaments is a key to the world, an access to the system through its patterns. The character of the pattern, its material, its sources, extent, economic background, playfulness, and durability offer important information about a commercial brand or a political system. This book contains a part of my investigation into the realm of ornament. It is centered around my writing called Modern Proposal, which examines national socialist communication from the aspect of modern branding techniques. Modern Proposal offers a hypothesis: at the beginning of the 20th century, the knowledge and the concepts that determine modern branding did not yet exist. When examining the problem in detail, it becomes surprising how close the totalitarian state came to the realization of a “totalitarian brand.” The book contains a small picture gallery to present the ornament of another system aiming at totality: Hungarian socialism (Zalae- gerszeg, Hungary, 1947–1989), followed by another set of images (Zalaegerszeg, Hungary, 2016) recording the conditions in the same town 27 years later. The framework of the socialist ornament has become encrusted with the layers of country DIY culture and neocapitalist pride. The sequences of images trust themselves to the reader with no further comment. The graphic images on the front cover and on the endpaper were created for an exhibition entitled Collective Ornament (Kassák Museum, Budapest, 2014), which endeavored to present the topic of “the ornament as a point of view.”

MODERN PROPOSAL

MODERN PROPOSAL 3

In Ornament and Crime (Ornament und Verbrechen1) (1908) Adolf Loos classifies the things of the world with the modern man standing on top of everything with his ornament-free, clear vision of history, overseeing the rest of the things, objects, food, clothing, music, body, and buildings from that position. Evolution ends with him, and history is linear: Voltaire “is victorious over” Socrates, but before that Socrates had defeated the German people, who were still better than the Papuans, who, in turn, were better than dogs. The physicist cherishes secrets for the future. The modern man who has his body tattooed is either a criminal or degenerate, whereas the Papuan was only savage and animalistic. Buildings, toilets, objects, food, and bodies are full of erotic insignia, ornaments, denot- ing the degenerate or criminal or as yet underdeveloped modern man, the child. The ornament is alien to modern culture, to the modern world-order, and is incapable of evolution. The modern man does not only not need it, but despises the ornament: he sees it as a sign of corruption, as an economic pest, as a crime.

Nomadic herdsmen had to distinguish themselves by painting various colors on their bodies; the modern man uses his clothes for hiding himself, as a mask. So immensely strong is his individu- ality that it can no longer be expressed in articles of clothing. The freedom from ornament is a sign of spiritual strength. The modern man uses the

1 Adolf Loos, Sämtliche Schriften (Wien: Herold, 1962), 276. 4 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

ornaments of earlier or alien cultures as he sees fit. He concentrates his inventiveness on other things.2

Loos lists the surfaces from where ornaments should be removed or whose ornamental nature is unacceptable and unsustainable. In the following order: the skin, the face, walls, lavatory walls, utilitarian objects, bric-a-brac, urban streets, cigarette cases, clothes, death chambers, furniture, language, gingerbread, food, plates, desks, shoes, and art. In his writing, history and the surfaces of remembrance are just as free of ornaments as clear as “the walls of Zion are;” the cohabitation of cultures is, from the perspective of the modern man, an economic burden. One single type of human being is on top and – knowing their primitive function – he reigns over the rest. Loos cleared ornaments off the surfaces of the human being, of language, clothes, food, utilitarian objects, furniture, residential areas, streets, cities, and memory. A lot of things became clear (Figure 1). The infertile monologue of cultures was replaced by potential. Which new notion is asking now for a place on the liberated platform? What is crawling up the rhythmically–geometrically empty facade, and what new thought is wrinkling the ornament-free, smooth, forehead of modern male?

2 Ibid., 288. MODERN PROPOSAL 5

Figure 1

MODERN PROPOSAL 7

INTRODUCTION

The industrialization of commerce, the 19th-century emergence of department stores, put an end to the personal communication between customer and salesperson.3 By the end of the 19th century, the trust-based relationship between the salesperson and the customer had been replaced by another entity: the brand. At the beginning of the 20th century, the science of branding, that of “im- personalized selling,” recognized the importance of the reestablishment of the other trust-based relationship, the one between the customer and the product. The personifi- cation of the product by way of branding and the inclusion of the psychological knowledge of the time significantly changed the forms of selling. By the 1930s, branding (Mar- kentechnik) had become the science of the production of mental weaponry, a secret art of war.4 Using its techniques and devices, the national socialist brand evolved from the commercial brand of the time. From the 1920s on, Hitler purposefully built the political identity of his own and that of the NSDAP; until his political takeover in January 1933, the national socialist brand was competing with the concurrent economic and political

3 Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Geschichte der Eisenbahnreise: zur Indus- trialisierung von Raum und Zeit im 19. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verl, 2007), 166. 4 Holm Friebe, “Branding Germany: Hans Domizlaff’s Markentechnik and Its Ideological Impact,” in Selling Modernity: Advertising in Twentieth-Century Germany, eds. Pamela E. Swett, S. Jonathan Wiesen, and Jonathan R. Zatlin (Durham: Duke University Press, 2007), 89. 8 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT brands for the attention of their prospective consumers. After 1933, the degree of violence in the national socialist worlds of excitement and political advertising increased, and the latter intertwined with propaganda tools aimed at the ideological synchronizing of its target group. After the collapse of the Third Reich, the methods of the transference of volition established the toolkit of the persuasion industry, which has remained in use ever since. Several aspects of the national socialist brand have been examined to date. The Hitler brand has been explored,5 the history of the swastika is known, the corporate identity elements have been interpreted from the aspect of the commercial brands of the time. In his book,6 Steven Heller examines the visual strategy of the totalitarian state as a complete design system. The national socialist brand, however, knew even more than that. It constituted a system including color and smell, taste and touch, that is, a multisensory code system. It communicated emotionally charged messages through body images as advised by today’s modern neuro-marketing market environment, which is considered to be an up-to-the-minute field of research, intensively developed and uses electronic mass media. The ability to catch and appropriate attention, the instrumentalized construction of trust, the refined techniques

5 Cf. Ian Kershaw, Der Hitler-Mythos: Führerkult und Volksmeinung (München: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag GmbH & Co. KG, 2002) or Alexander Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Werbung: Studien zur Geschichte der Wirtschaftswerbung von 1918 bis 1945 (Deutsch- land, 2012) 6 Steven Heller, Iron Fists: Branding the 20th-Century Totalitarian State (New York: Phaidon, 2008) MODERN PROPOSAL 9 of the transference of volition and influencing have not lost any of their value in the last hundred years. Instead of the examination of the national socialist branding technique, the attitude of recycling and intentional forgetting7 has prevailed. It seems that the knowledge of the national socialist branding, advertising, and design is too overburdened to be entirely explored by the history of industries of persuasion,8 at the same time it is too valuable to be forgotten. In their 1982 book on the control of consumer behavior,9 Werner Kroebel-Riel and Gundolf Meyer-Hentchel present the technique of national socialist propaganda as one advisable to follow. Edifices of light similar to the light dome of Albert Speer have been used several times since 2003: on the anniversary of the terror attacks on New York

7 The entry on Speer’s light dome in the Wikipedia page of the light installation commemorating September 11. (“It is worth noting that there have been many past instances of the iconic use of spotlights to simulate or reinforce architectural designs. A famous example of this was Albert Speer’s Cathedral of light designed for the Nazi Nuremberg Rallies of the 1930s, held at the Nazi party rally grounds in Nuremberg, Germany.”) was, in the end, outvoted. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Talk%3ATribute_in_Light 8 The minimal length in which the topic is treated is worth noting in the following books of the history of design: P. B. Meggs, A History of Graphic Design (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1998), A. Weill, Graphic Design: A History (New York: H.N. Abrams., 2004), R. Poulin, Graphic Design + Architecture, a 20th Century History: A Guide to Type, Image, Symbol, and Visual Storytelling in the Modern World (Beverly, MA: Rockport Publishers, 2012) 9 Werner Kroeber-Riel and Gundolf Meyer-Hentschel, Werbung, Steuerung des Konsumentenverhaltens (Würzburg: Physica-Ver- lag, 1982), 54. 10 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

(Tribute in Light, New York), at the remembrance event of Britain’s entrance in to the first world war (Spectra, London, Ryoji Ikeda, August 2014), or in Berlin, at the celebration of the new millennium (The millennium event, Berlin, Gert Hof10). Other works of Gert Hof light artist also bore an uncanny similarity to Speer’s (such as the illumina- tion of the AIDAdiva cruise ship, the “Moscow Day” event in September 2003, the “Millennium event” 1000-year-old Hungary in Budapest in August 2000, or the stage of the music group Rammstein).

10 Gert Hof, Obsessions: The World‘s Greatest Light Monuments (Frankfurt am Main: Eichborn, 2003), Gert Hof, Leasing the Sky: The Greatest Light Monuments on Earth (Berlin: Schwarzkopf & Schwarzkopf, 2006) MODERN PROPOSAL 11

MODERN PROPOSAL

THE CROWD – A NEW SOCIAL PHENOMENON

With the proclamation of the French Republic, the doctrine of the double body, the doctrine of the royal body symbolizing the state, and the visual realm rendering it underwent a radical change. The metaphor of the double body of the king was replaced by the metaphor of the social body (Gesellschaftskörper), and the rituals aiming at the restoration of the integrity of the monarchic body were completed with practices and forms of knowledge serving the maintenance of the health of the social body and the biological functions of the individual, such as health politics, and later criminology, eugenics, etc.11

…After 1789, within the circle of “natural bodies,” a new, collective entity appeared: the crowd...12

Gustave Le Bon

‘Mass psychology’ was a curious amalgam of social and intellectual currents in the latter part of the nineteenth century: bourgeois fears of the lower orders, a positivist faith in scientific enquiry, and

11 Michael Gamper, “Nacktes Leben – lebendige Nacktheit. Formung der Masse durch Körper- und Volkskörperpolitik,” in Körper im Na- tionalsozialismus: Bilder und Präxen, ed. Paula Diehl (Paderborn: Fink, 2006), 149. 12 Ibid.,153. 12 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

a growing sociological interest in the impact of industrialization and urbanization.13

In his deliberately brief and reader-friendly book14 called The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind15 – published in French in 1895, in English in 1896, and in German in 1908 – Gustave Le Bon describes the (human) crowd as a subject fundamentally different from the people constituting it, where the savage instincts controlling the crowd overrule every independent thought, which the crowd, therefore, is not able to govern itself but wishes to be governed. Hence, the group of people that is deprived of its rational- ity and capability of self-governance demands a qualified elite to control it. In his essay on a similar topic (L’opinion et la foule16 1901), Gabriel Tarde argued with Le Bon about certain details, whereas in his work also on crowd psychology (Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War, by W. Trotter17) Wilfried Trotter gave a response to behaviorist theories, which exerted progressively stronger influence on social psychology, forecasting the connection between the irrational audience and the mass media.18

13 Corey Ross, Media and the Making of Modern Germany: Mass Communications, Society, and Politics from the Empire to the Third Reich (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 213. 14 Michael Gamper, Masse lesen, Masse schreiben: Eine Diskurs- und Imaginationsgeschichte der Menschenmenge 1765–1930 (München: W. Fink, 2007), 427. 15 Cf. Gustave Le Bon, Psychologie des foules (Paris: F. Alcan, 1895) 16 Gabriel Tarde, L‘opinion et la foule (Paris: F. Alcan, 1901) 17 Wilfred Trotter, Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1916) 18 Ross, Media and the Making of Modern Germany, 214. MODERN PROPOSAL 13

Hugo Münsterberg

Hugo Münsterberg wrote his 1912 book entitled Psy- chology and Industrial Efficiency (Psychologie und Wirtschaftsleben19) with a behavioristic approach. Here, apart from psychological testing and the enhancement of efficiency, he also treats the principles of effective advertising. His earlier experiment were in the functions of memory, the effect of repetition, the functioning of shape recognition, and the consequences of page division, yielded several practical, effectiveness-maximizing methods for advertisers. It was Münsterberg, for example, who recognized that the top right corner of the newspaper page has double the advertising value in comparison with the bottom left one, which elicited the swift reevaluation of advertising fees.20 In the Weimar Republic of the 1920s, advertising psychology (Werbepsychologie) was already being used in the field of marketing. Walter Mode ran the newspapers Praktische Psychologie (Practical Psychology) and Indust- rielle Psychotechnik (Industrial Psychotechnology), where he regularly published articles on advertising techniques.21 This confirms the fact that by the 1920s, the theories of crowd psychology and behaviorist psychology had been known to the people who could influence the market, the advertising professionals, and that they had been incor- porating them in their marketing methods.

19 Hugo Münsterberg, Psychologie und Wirtschaftsleben (Leipzig, 1912) 20 Ross, Media and the Making of Modern Germany, 215. 21 Ibid. 14 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

PROPAGANDA, ADVERTISING AND BRANDING – A NEW SOCIAL TECHNIQUE

Edward Bernays, the prototype of the crowd technologist

In the “Make the World Safe for Democracy” campaign, Edward Louis Bernays (1891 − 1995), Sigmund Freud’s nephew and a believer in Freudian psychoanalysis, worked for the Committee of Public Information, the agency working on the American population’s mobilization during World War I. Bernays is the prototype of the crowd technologist, who traced the practices of the different types of power, let them be of a political or market character, back to a knowledge with a common root, the technique he later called Public Relations. In his opinion, the stability of modern economic and political power is based on the shaping of public opinion with methods of crowd psychology.22 In 1920, he launched a campaign for American To- bacco for the acceptance of women who smoke, which, in the case of Lucky Strike, bore the slogan: “Reach for a Lucky instead of a sweet,” and referred to the slenderizing and body-shaping effect of smoking.23 Later, at the end of the 1920s, asking for the advice of the leading American Freudian psychoanalyst Abraham Arden Brill, he widely employed the “torches of freedom” slogan and the image

22 Edward L. Bernays, Crystallizing Public Opinion (New York: Boni and Liveright, 1923) 23 Marketinggeschichte: Die Genese einer modernen Sozialtechnik, ed. Hartmut Berghoff (Frankfurt: Campus, 2007), 49. MODERN PROPOSAL 15 of the freely smoking female icon in Hollywood films, public spaces, posters, and newspaper advertisements.24 During his 13 years, he sold plenty of significant PR solutions: at the request of the meat industry he introduced bacon into the breakfast of the American family, he successfully sold the idea of healthy fluoride added to drinking water, helped arouse Americans against the government of Guatemala, and campaigned against smoking in the 1960s. In 1990, Life magazine put him on its list of the hundred most influential Americans of the 20th century.25 Bernays’ worldview was perfectly hierarchical in 1990: in his opinion, the Americans of an average IQ of 100 needed to be controlled by a small number of intelligent people with the tools of psychology. Democracy is a hallucina- tion, in reality, the tacticians who shape the tune of public opinion, by the continuous examination of social surfaces, the mental landscape that common people with limited intelligence derive their possibilities from.26 In his autobiography,27 he made a direct allusion to the authors that inspired him: Walter Lippmann (Public Opin- ion)28, William Trotters (Instincts of the Herd), Everett Dean Martins (Behavior of Crowds)29 and Gustave Le Bon (The

24 Ibid., 51. 25 Stuart Ewen, PR!: A Social History of Spin (New York: Basic Books, 1996), 6. 26 Ibid., 10. 27 Edward L. Bernays, Biography of an Idea: Memoirs of Public Rela- tions Counsel (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1965),143. 28 Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York: Free Press, 1922) 29 Everett Dean Martin, The Behavior of Crowds: A Psychological Study (New York and London: Harper & Brothers, 1920) 16 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind). Bernays’s important publications are: Crystallizing Public Opinion30 (1923, last edition: 2015), Propaganda31 (1928, last edition: 2008), Pub- lic Relations32 (1945, last edition: 2013), The Engineering of Consent33 (1955, last edition: 2004), Biography of an Idea34 (1965, last edition: 2015).

ADVERTISING IN THE WEIMAR REPUBLIC

German Advertising

From the beginning of the 20th century on, German advertising designers made their appearances as ones to shape meaning and opinion, thus becoming competitors to the professionals who traditionally represented “German culture,” which had entered into crisis before the 1920s, such as clergymen, teachers, and artists.35 Until 1933, the collective identity of advertisement makers included the social technologist, the conveyor of modernity, the industrial communicator, the service provider possessing social and cultural controlling functions, and later, from 1933 to 1945, it also integrated the role of the front-line fighter working on the unification of the German surface systems

30 Edward L. Bernays, Crystallizing Public Opinion 31 Edward L. Bernays, Propaganda (New York, NY: Horace Liveright, 1928) 32 Edward L. Bernays, Public Relations (Boston, Mass: Bellman, 1945) 33 The Engineering of Consent, eds. Edward L. Bernays and Howard Walden Cutler (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1955) 34 Edward L. Bernays, Biography of an Idea: Memoirs of Public Rela- tions Counsel (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1965) 35 Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Werbung, 87. MODERN PROPOSAL 17 in state coalitions.36 The advertisement maker is a versatile manager, whose task is to design and create the advertising (campaign) appropriate for the client’s objective. He works in cooperation with artists, writers, later with graphic designers and copywriters. With this, the roles of the advertising specialist concerned with the advertising strategy and his subordinate, the applied artist have become established in the Weimar Republic. The modern graphic designer aims at comprehensibil- ity rather than beauty, and spends the least time possible on the visual message, while the modern typographer’s task is the rational orientation of the eye and the accen- tuation of keywords leading to the best and quickest understanding.37

Objectification, geometrization (the vertical and horizontal arrangement of lines and dots), the re- duction of the form-shaping palette, the absence of ornament, clear black-and-white contrasts, primary colors (magenta/red, cyan/blue, yellow), sans-serif fonts (Neue Typographie), lowercase texts, DIN standard paper formats, the “objective” use of photography and typo-photo – these are the basic elements that modern designers included in graphic design.38

36 Ibid., 88. 37 Ibid., 266. 38 Richard Hollis, Graphic Design: A Concise History (London: Thames & Hudson, 2001), 52–67. and Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Wer- bung, 267. 18 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

The concept of the “artistic modern” was put into practice through the commissions of graphic designers, design studios, and advertising agencies, such as Kurt Schwit- ters/Mertz Werbezentrale, Paul Schuitema, Piet Zwart, Max Buchartz/Werbebau, the Dorland Werbeagentur. (Figure 2)

Modern advertising, however, did not mean the use of the Bauhaus style, much rather it was characterized by the discarding of the dogmatic restrictions that bound the manner of form. Weimar advertisements used, depending on their target group, kitsch, medallions, lions, eagles, mythological vir- gins, or modern graphics. Anti-traditionalism, the discarding of dogmas, and a considerable flexibility employed in graphics jobs; the inclusion of these almost postmodern elements became the standards of this style of advertising. According to Karel Teige graphic designer from Prague, the freedom from tradition, a disregard for the traditional and academic rules were the prerequisites for good graphic design in the 1920s.39

German Branding

By the end of the 19th century, German branding had replaced personal communication between the market participants, the supplier and the customer, the manufacturer and the retailer. In the Weimar Republic, this complex information system contained two elements, the brand

39 Ibid., 269. MODERN PROPOSAL 19

Figure 2 20 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT name and the trademark; it placed the merchandise in the appropriate brand dimensions thus guaranteeing constant quality, volume, and a fixed price.40 Certain manufacturers, who wanted to communicate the relationship between the values of industrial mass production and quality consciousness, already recognized the role of the personified brand name in the rearrangement of the trust-based relationship between the retailers of the anony mous market and their customers (e.g. August Oetker and Fritz Henkel). For the identifiability of the brand, to keep the trust in- vested in it and for the customers to remember the brand, the product needs to possess a consistent look. This guid- ing principle was already in use in the Weimar Republic. An example of the strikingly unified brand communication of this time is the corporate identity of AEG41 designed by Peter Behrens since 1907. (The AEG abbreviation stands for Allgemeine Elektrizitäts Gesellschaft – abbreviations were frequently used in trademarks at the time.) Since the 1920s, German branding, similarly to the American model, was enriched with a basic and essential value dimension connecting the product with a lifestyle and meaning, completing the material value of the product with immaterial qualities. The brand technologist endows the brand with “soul” and “personality,” by which it becomes a crucial element of the consumer culture. The advertisement, the trademark, and the product became

40 Ibid., 56. 41 Ibid., 60. MODERN PROPOSAL 21 inseparable, and have ever since been shaping the “Ger- man surface systems” (Deutsche Oberflächenstrukturen) and the visual history of the nation.42 It was also the 1920s when those consumers appeared in Germany who lost their ties to tradition and had social fears, desires, and status phantasies, which advertisers registered through target group analysis borrowed from the USA where this method was used by American agencies.43

Hans Domizlaff, crowd technologist

The most influential figure of the German advertising market, the developer of the brand strategy of Reemtsma (starting in 1921), then Siemens (from 1934 to 1941), Hans Domizlaff (1892 - 1971) is considered to be the father of German branding. (In this it plays an important role that Domizlaff worked a lot on his brand, and saw himself as an artist, a philosopher, and a genius.) His writing, first published in 1930, with the title Die Gewinnung des öffent- lichen Vertrauens: Ein Lehrbuch der Markentechnik (The winning of public trust: the textbook of branding technology)44 has had several editions in Germany, the seventh and last edition was published in 2005. Branding technology (Markentechnik) is the science of mental weapon making, so it is a sort of military knowledge and, as such, a secret knowledge (Geheimwissenschaft) by

42 Ibid., 56. 43 Ibid., 99. 44 Hans Domizlaff, Die Gewinnung des öffentlichen Vertrauens: Ein Lehrbuch der Markentechnik (Hamburg: Hanseatische Verlagsan- stalt, 1939) 22 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT nature.45 Domizlaff also used the American method of advertising based on psycho-technology and, as opposed to the aesthetically coherent, he looked for the psychologically effective. The autodidact Domizlaff’s main inspiration came from Gustave Le Bon’s work, The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind, translated into German in 1908;46 in his writings, Domizlaff often used the terms Massenseele (soul of the masses) and Massengehirn (the mind of the masses).47 Domizlaff saw the empathetic society as a ter- rible mental disorder, where the notion of equality and female emancipation were psychoses debilitating the vi- tality of white people.48 According to him, the mass is a resonator body that responds to the vibration of the crowd psychologist. In the course of branding, the product takes shape as a brand idea (Markenidee), which, if the crowd in- stinct feels its presence, revives and spreads in the crowd’s psyche as a virus. The above gives the parallel brands their raison d’être, their possibility to grow and gain strength.49 However, Domizlaff did not stop at the revival of the brand: the brand personality (Markenpersönlichkeit) has to be a phenomenon equipped with a face and filled with soul. By purchasing the product the customer, the faceless member of the crowd, chooses a personality, a character, an

45 Friebe, “Branding Germany,” 89. 46 Ibid., 83. 47 Hans Domizlaff, Die Gewinnung des öffentlichen Vertrauens, 136. 48 Klaus Kocks, “Ur- und Abgründe der Markentechnik – Hans Domizlaff als Großvater der PR,” in Konstruktion von Kommunikation in der Mediengesellschaft, ed. Klaus Merten (VS Verlag für Sozialwissen- schaften, 2009), 226. 49 Friebe, “Branding Germany,” 84–85. MODERN PROPOSAL 23 atmosphere, and a lifestyle. The idea of the brand personality is Domizlaff’s significant contribution to the science of branding technology. With the book Propagandamittel der Staatsidee50 (The propaganda tools of the idea of the state) published in 1932 Domizlaff stepped on to the field of politics and made a recommendation for the renewal of German branding. He analyzed the national flags from the perspective of crowd psychology (surprisingly, his proposal was far more conservative than that of the national socialists) and considered it necessary to introduce a consistent corporate identity-based national identity built on the considerations of crowd psychology. He suggested extending the Führer (leader) principle over the entire state apparatus by printed templates and uniforms, and believed that a position of identity warden Werbeleiter des Reiches (advertising manager of the Empire) was needed to be established (and he considered himself to be a suitable person for the job).51 But he was late. The national socialists, who were no be- ginners in the fields of crowd psychology and propaganda, barely showed any interest.52 Domizlaff’s legacy is firm. The seventh, 2005 edition of Markentechnik was supported by G.E.M. (Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des Markenwesens e.V.), the association

50 Hans Domizlaff, Propagandamittel der Staatsidee (Leipzig: Poeschel & Trepte, 1932) 51 Friebe, “Branding Germany,” 94. 52 Dirk Schindelbeck, “Ins Gehirn der Masse kriechen!” Die Erfindung der Markentechnik als Herrschaftsinstrument – Über den Werbe- fachmann und modernen Machiavelli Hans Domizlaff (1892–1971) (2006), 87. 24 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT researching the scientific bases of branding53 established in 1954. In the introduction of the book, among the de- voted clients of branding technology such names as Dr. h.c. August Oetker, Dr. h.c. Helmut Maucher/Nestle, Dr Jo- sef Ernst/DaimlerChrysler AG, and Dr Hanspeter Danuser/ St. Moritz welcomed the new edition.54

53 Die G·E·M Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des Markenwesens ist ein eingetragener Verein mit dem Zweck, die wissenschaftlichen Grundlagen der Marke zu erforschen. Sie wurde am 15. Juni 1954 in Wiesbaden von Mitgliedsunternehmen des Markenverband e. V. gegründet. Heute zählen neben Konsumgüter-Herstellern und Wissenschaftlern führende Unternehmen aus den Bereichen For- schung, Medien, Agenturen und Beratung zu ihren Mitgliedern. 54 Kocks, “Ur- und Abgründe der Markentechnkik,” 218. MODERN PROPOSAL 25

A DETOUR – PROPAGANDA AND ADVERTISEMENT. PRESCRIPTION OR PROPOSAL?

The brand was set between the product and the customer already in the 1920s with the intention of substituting the relationship of trust. The merchandise, untied from its source, manufacturer, and seller, “hovering” virtual space: the space of brands it shares with the customer, who moves in it with panoramic perception.55 In this space, the entirety of the brand systems created by branding technol- ogists is responsible for gravity, perspective, and proper visibility. The brand places the product along the coordi- nates of worlds of excitement, while with the purchase the customer chooses planes of personality and life. The brand personality reaches its perspective customers through one of the interfaces of persuasion; it applies artists directed by the branding technologist who

55 Cf. Schivelbusch, Geschichte der Eisenbahnreise, 395–397. “The department store encouraged the development of the kind of perception that we have called ‘panoramic’. […] as speed caused the foreground to disappear, it detached the traveler from the space that immediately surrounded him, that is, it intruded itself as an ‘almost unreal barrier’ between object and subject. […] We can call the appearance of the goods in the department store ‘panoramic’ – to distinguish them from their appearance in shops of the old type – because those goods participated in the same acceleration of traffic which generated the new mode of perception on the railways and boulevards. In the department store, this meant an acceleration of turnover. This acceleration changed the relationship between customer and goods to the same degree that the rail- road’s accelerated speed changed the traveler’s relationship with the landscape. In both cases, the relationship became less static, less intensive, less discrete and more mobile.” 26 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT incorporate these into the system of excitement, which is already visual in the Weimar Republic, or which today may well be acoustic (melody, signal), olfactory (smell, scent), gustatory (taste), haptic (tactile experience), or an integrated system. The message of the excitement system, which it conveys through the mass media and whose aim is to convince, is either the advertisement or propaganda. In 1928, Edward Bernays did not yet separate the activity of advertising from propaganda:

Modern propaganda is a consistent, enduring effort to create or shape events to influence the relations of the public to an enterprise, idea or group.56

In Germany, the national socialists recorded the difference between advertisement and propaganda in law when they appropriated propaganda for their own political purposes and prohibited its use for economic purposes.57 The national socialist appropriation irrevocably classified the notion of propaganda, just like the swastika symbol, among hierarchical and anti-democratic phenomena with negative connotations. In today’s democracies, the remnants of propaganda are only tolerated in the field of public relations in election campaigns.58 Advertising and propaganda are both methods of persuasion built on the use of mass media. Attempts at their comparison and contrast tell a lot about their nature.

56 Bernays, Propaganda, 25. 57 Thyme Bussemer, Propaganda: Konzepte und Theorien (Wies- baden: VS Verl. für Sozialwissenschaften, 2005), 26. 58 Ibid., 53. MODERN PROPOSAL 27

PROPAGANDA

In his book on the theoretic apprehension of the nature of propaganda, Thymian Bussemer sets up from the sec- tion of parallel definitions a classification of criteria for the definition of modern propaganda:

1. Propaganda is communication in the sense that it does not objectively interfere with reality but aims at altering people’s subjective construction of reality, which then results or may result in a tan- gible alteration of reality.

2. Propaganda is not material but symbolic or media-related. The alterations of reality induced by propaganda are still effective even when the invisible propaganda has already vanished, and only its material remnants like leaflets or posters remain.

3. (a) Propaganda is a technique that focuses on previously set political aims and employs specific strategies to achieve this. (b) It suggests a network of media that conveys its message to a wide range of people.

4. (a) Propaganda is a historically defined type of communication, since it presumes the public’s ability to influence political decisions and (b) that the chief organizer of the public discourse is the media.

5. Propaganda most often works with scientific support, and propagandists use information derived 28 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

from social sciences in the processes of persuasion and the identification of the target groups.

6. Propaganda wants to persuade people to take a certain stance on some issue and act accordingly. Propaganda often aims at reinforcing a certain, already existing, attitude.

7. Propaganda works with and operates through images and language. It manipulates these up to a level where, in the perceiving process, new correlations are formed between the existing positive or negative attitudes and neutral facts. This process can be started by the manipulation of se- miotic connections (“Jews are greedy”) or the falsification of facts.

8. Propaganda is connected to media in two senses: (a) it treats as a fact that people experience most part of the world second hand, primarily through media, and (b) that a certain influential elite (military or political) is able to falsify the media representation of the world, while (c) as a vehicle for its message it requires the most diverse types of media.

9. (a) The source of propaganda is the political system or a political figure, (b) its aim is to secure/ attain or keep/retain political power. (c) It does not rely on the inherent logic of the media network, but (d) imposes obedience on it (Gleichschaltung, Zensur). (e) It most often works with the general MODERN PROPOSAL 29

ideologization of reality and unambiguous oppo- sites (e.g. good/bad). (f) It frequently matches the concrete appeal with an ideologized worldview.

10. (a) The possibilities of action set up by propaganda seem not to have alternatives, (b) resistance or disobedience threatens with sanctioning.

11. In order to be understood and accepted, the message and form of propaganda have to be similar to the existing opinion, needs, requirements, and habits of its target group, therefore it employs existing contents and forms of communication and rewrites them to include its own message.

12. Propaganda has an instrumental relationship to reality as it is not prescribed to be truthful: it can manipulate reality to serve its own interest or prevent the exposure of lies.

13. Propaganda can assume different forms, take action in support of something (power) or against something (revolution), and can spread through media of any variety. 59

Propaganda, according to Bussemer, is forced commu nication of a political nature, whose most obvious characteristics that (might) differentiate it from advertising are: propaganda focuses on previously set political goals and to achieve them employs specific strategies (3.a), propaganda is a historically defined means of communication,

59 Ibid., 30–31. 30 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT since it presumes the public‘s ability to influence political decisions (4.a), that ‘…a certain influential elite (military or political) is able to falsify the media representation of the world…’ (8.b), the source of propaganda is the political system or figure, (9.a), it does not rely on the inherent logic of the media network, but imposes obedience on it… (9.c, d), the possibilities of action set up by propaganda seem not to have alternatives (10.a), and resistance or disobedience threatens with sanctioning (10.b).

ADVERTISING

According to Karl Christian Behrens economist,60 one of the experts who introduced scientific market research and advertising into Germany (1970), propaganda is a subspe- cies of advertising aimed at spiritual objectives:

(advertising): is a deliberate and nonviolent form of suggestion, which herds its subject to the fulfillment of advertising purposes, while […] we can speak of propaganda when the advertising is confined to spiritual, such as religious, political, artistic, or cultural purposes.61

The Advertising Lexicon (2011) also sees propaganda as a special sort of advertising that carries within itself some ideology:

60 http://www.wiwiss.fu-berlin.de/fachbereich/geschichte/ 61 Handbuch der Werbung: Mit programmierten Fragen und praktischen Beispielen von Werbefeldzügen, ed. Karl Christian Behrens (Wiesbaden: Betriebswirtschaftl. Verl. Gabler, 1970), 4. MODERN PROPOSAL 31

(Advertising) is any kind of intentional and pre- planned act of influencing people. Its field can be political, cultural, or economic in nature. …As opposed to commercial advertising, propaganda is a sort of “advertising” used outside the area of eco- nomics. Here belongs ideology, for example, or the propagation of a worldview.62

From the perspective of the 2500-year-old history of rhetoric (1987) advertising is information in the service of convincing, leading to the purchase of a product or service.63 According to this source, propaganda, whose point is also to convince, aims at spreading an ideology. A textbook on the theory of communication (2005) defines advertising as follows:

Advertising is a designed process of communication which aims at influencing some knowledge, opinion, attitude and/or approach connected to a specific product, service, enterprise, brand, or notion.64

From the practical aspect, based on a handbook on advertising methods and the orientation of consumer behavior (1982):

62 Joachim Seebohn, Gabler Kompaktlexikon Werbung: 1.400 Begriffe nachschlagen, verstehen, anwenden (Wiesbaden: Gabler Verlag / Springer Fachmedien, 2011), Werbung, 251., Propaganda, 182. 63 Kurt Spang, Grundlagen der literatur- und Werberhetorik (Kassel: Reichenberger, 1987), 63. 64 Gabriele Siegert and Dieter Brecheis, Werbung in der Medien- und Informationsgesellschaft: Eine kommunikationswissenschaftliche Einführung (Wiesbaden: VS, Verl. für Sozialwiss, 2005), 28. 32 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

The task of advertising is to stabilize existing forms of behavior or to change them. For instance, to persuade a constituent to vote for the same party as last time, or for another one. […] It is necessary for the advertisement to have an emotional and in- formative effect at the same time. Its influence that orients behavior can only prevail in this case. It has to address emotions and the mind equally. The same is true for every form of human persuasion.65

This source marks as the criterion of effective consumer advertisement the guidelines of national socialist propaganda, even naming its elements: „little and unambiguous (“primitive”) information, the strong and forceful addressing of emotions, repetition,” and completes them with the aspect of “credibility.” It refuses to identify with the goals of the national socialist regime but identifies with the method of behavior orientation and deems it the right course of action. Heidrun Abromeit a political scientist introduces the analysis of advertising techniques employed in West-Ger- man election campaigns (1972), saying that advertising is:

Not only a method of conveying information but above all a means of persuasion […] that tries to

65 Kroeber-Riel and Meyer-Hentschel, Werbung, Steuerung des Kon- sumentenverhaltens, 50–57. MODERN PROPOSAL 33

avoid the use of “obligation” (Zwang66), therefore avoids any antipathy: by not using pressure it elim- inates resistance. […] Since the apparent signs of force are absent, it remains without resistance, and persuasion can carry on without any obstacles.67

She quotes Werner Sombart, according to whom (1913) advertising has to work with an “internal tool of force,” then continues:

The “voluntariness” thought to be experienced at the encounter with advertisements, which is repeatedly emphasized in the literature on advertising, is therefore only formal. Obviously, the “freedom of choice” only makes sense when the persuasion is not felt. […] propaganda differs from political advertising in that it employs lies and syn- chronizes the state of mind, which elements are characteristic exclusively of propaganda…68

66 Entry in the DUDEN dictionary: External impact on someone using or threatening violence; strong urge in someone; Restriction of one’s own freedom and naivety, with which someone expresses himself to others; strong influence that someone cannot escape; pressure on human behavior by social norms; Determining the situation in an area by an immutable fact, necessity; (Psychology) the dominance of ideas, action impulses against the conscious will. 67 Heidrun Abromeit, Das Politische in der Werbung: Wahlwerbung und Wirtschatswerbung in der Bundesrepublik (Opladen: West- deutscher Verlag, 1972), 14., 18. 68 Werner Sombart, Der Bourgeois. Zur Geistesgeschichte des modernen Wirtschaftsmenschen (München und Leipzig, 1913), 74. 34 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

The study of brand sociology that examines the social embedment and dynamics of brands defines the brand as follows (2013):

The collective system of the brand corresponds to human attractions and satisfies needs that are likewise elements of social reality as the actual profit made by selling products. […] The brand sociologist envisions the brand as a hyper-organism with individual characteristics and a natural cycle of growth, which, by its distinctive traits, col- lects people around itself. The brand depends on the reinforcing imagination of those around it. The delicate energies of this relationship signify the brand’s capital. […] The brand is a style, a message or a character.69

About advertising it says:

Advertising is the institutionalized use of collective worlds of imagination. […] A successful advertisement reinforces collective bias that is how it satisfies essential social dispositions. An assertive advertisement inspires and accepts the common resonance spaces of cultures and myths.

69 Oliver Carlo Errichiello, Markensoziologische Werbung: Eine Analyse der ökonomischen Funktionen kultureller Resonanzfelder (Wies baden: Springer Gabler, 2013), 2–5. MODERN PROPOSAL 35

Forceful Proposal

At a level, the definitions of propaganda and advertising are difficult to differentiate. Propaganda much rather seems to be the unscrupulous, willful, mindset-synchronizing manifestation of totalitarian regimes, while advertising appears to be a more refined form of the realization of economic interests. The difference between the two sorts of persuasion may lie in the quality of the force being used. The totalitarian state does not need to employ delicate methods of force, whereas due to its continuous desire for visibility, which results from the pressure of competition and is motivated by the limitations arising from social counterweights, advertising, the traditionally commercial version of persuasion, seeks to find progressively more hidden or hitherto unknown forms of force. The techniques used to get the enforcing power accepted by use of integrated new inventions of crowd technolo- gists as well as the most recent scientific finds. By, among other things, its relationship with mass media, the forceful quality of advertising closes in on the complexity of concurrent technological devices and psychological and sociological knowledge. The 20th century brought along the deep-breath necessary for the redesigning of a moral universe, while the instrumentalization of psychological knowledge achieved a revolutionary change in crowd technology. The excommu- nicated ornament, clad in the new attire of the exercising of power, crawled back on the multiplying German surfaces.

MODERN PROPOSAL 37

NSDAP CORPORATE IDENTITY

PROLIFERATING GERMAN SURFACES

12 years after Loos’s cleanup writing, the night walk in Berlin was transformed into a holistic experience (Totale- reignis70) by large, kinetic-electronic light advertisements often presenting moving/changing graphic images built from incandescent lamps and neon tubes (Tricklichtreklame és Wanderschrift-Lichtreklame), light buildings (Lichtbau- ten), spectacles of light- (Lichtarchitektur), glass structures (Glasarchitektur), lighted shop-windows (Schaufenster), unconnected display boxes (Schaukasten), electrically lit advertising columns (Litfaßsäulen), and clock towers (Normaluhren). The entirety of the capital turned into a monumental advertising medium;71 light advertising con- quered the surfaces of the architectural ornament and in itself became the ornament of the modern city (Totalde- koration) (Figure 3). In 1850, the first public telegraph service was started on a 2,000 km-long wire.72 In the same year, Julius Re- uter Aachen launched his press association between Berlin, Brussels, and Paris.73 The first manual telephone switchboard was set up in 1881;74 by 1925 about 1,600,000 telephones had been installed in Germany, and in 1943

70 Janet Ward, Weimar Surfaces: Urban Visual Culture in 1920s Ger- many (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001),130. 71 Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Werbung, 150. 72 Anton A. Huurdeman, The Worldwide History of Telecommunica- tions (New York: J. Wiley, 2003), 82. 73 Ibid., 88. 74 Ibid., 189. 38 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

Figure 3 MODERN PROPOSAL 39 there was already 3 million of them.75 The number of official advertising places grew almost ten times from 1899 to 1929 (20,000), and in 1940 their number reached 75,000.76 Starting no later than the 1920s, photography became an important medium of the Weimar culture. Being no longer confined to photo albums, photographs appeared in the illustrated papers, and the photojournalist profession was born. In 1925, the number of cinema tickets sold in Germany was 271.5 million, in 1942, 1,062 million.77 From 1925 to 1933, the number of registered radio receivers rose from 780,000 to 4,533,000; in 1943 this figure was 16,179,000.78 The above testifies to the fact that the 1920s were characterized by the explosive spread of German surfaces, which tendency continued with the national socialists’ stepping into power.

NSDAP SURFACE POLITICS

National socialist propaganda and advertising relied on Weimar surfaces. Hitler consciously began to target German surfaces in 1920, and in the 1932 national socialist election campaign he used them on a large scale. Compared with his rivals, he acted with striking purposefulness with the confidence of an advertising technologist. The communication strategy of the 12 years while he was gaining power took place in the space of communication

75 Ibid., 235. 76 Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Werbung, 128. 77 Ross, Media and the Making of Modern Germany, 365. 78 Ibid., 134. 40 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT shared with the Weimar product brands and his political opponents, in which space national socialist propaganda presented its own world of excitement as a proposal. After the national socialist takeover on 30th January 1933, the degree of force grew in the use of media, and the NSDAP synchronized, along with many other areas, the surfaces of communication and ideology, and unified them to maintain and enhance its power. The national socialist use of the media seized certain Weimar surfaces (such as the print medium). They em- phatically used other media in a manner different from the earlier practice (e.g. the human medium, the orator), turned certain traditional surfaces into media (holidays, language, those elements of the traditional architectural ornament that could be occupied by mobile surfaces, the night space made transformable by lighting devices, the acoustic space of the city and the home, etc.), and instrumentalized and improved some of the technical media (e.g. the radio, television, and film). The role of the orator, the primary- or human medium, was definitive in spreading and sustaining the ideology of national socialism. From 1930 to 1933, 6000 orators were trained, many of whom later became orators for the empire (Reichsredner), specialized orators, or professional elite orators, who could be hired or deployed all over Germany. (During this period, almost 180,000 party meetings were held solely within the frames of the election campaign.) Later the orators were organized into a well-structured, hierarchical network within the party. In the topic of the MODERN PROPOSAL 41 human medium also belonged the SS officers79 who carried out the actions of the Wehrmacht’s 1944-45 whispering propaganda (Mundpropaganda), which was intended to strengthen the perseverance of citizens. National socialists markedly used the genre of holiday for the ideologization and rhythmic organization of everyday life. The “endless, warm current of life” that the organized crowd created and experienced during the regularly occurring festivals and rituals, the Volkskörper experience, allowed the people to feel togetherness.80 The transformed holidays received a regime-conform meaning, like calendar holidays and others taken from previous administrations, such as the harvest festival, the shooting festival (Schützenfesten), Labour Day, local celebrations (Ortsjubiläen), Christian religious holidays, school-, grape harvest- and dance festivals, New Year’s Eve, sports festivals (Sportfest), and especially the Olympic Games (Olympischen Spiele), firework festivals (Feuerwerkfeste) and light festivals (Lichtspiele). They introduced several celebrations of their own, e.g. the winter solstice (Winter- sonnenwende), the holiday of youth (Feiertag der Jugend), the day of the takeover (Tag der “Machtübername”), the harvest day of the empire (Reichserntedankfeste), the festival of local units of the NSDAP (Ortsgruppenfeiern der NSDAP), the celebration of the admission of new members

79 Werner Faulstisch, Medienkultur im Nationalsozialismus. Ein Forschungsbericht in Krieg – Medien – Kultur: Neue Forschungs- ansätze, eds. Werner Faulstisch and Mathias Karmasin (Paderborn: München, 2007), 150. 80 Gamper, “Nacktes Leben,” 149., 20. 42 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT to the Hitlerjugend, Hitler’s birthday (Hitlergeburtstag), etc., and also the party congress days of the empire (Reich- sparteitage) in Nuremberg.81 The use of architecture as an agenda served to con- firm the thousand-year-old empire’s (Ruin Wert) presence in history and its eternity, as well as to unite the Ger- man people’s community, and “set in stone” the system of the regime. The representational building enterprises included, among others, the empire’s highway (Reichsau- tobahn) project, the Neo-classicist building of the new chancellery of the empire (Neue Reichskanzlei), the plans for the Berlin super metropolis and capital of the world (Welthauptstadt)82, the walkways and squares where the festivities were held, and the occupied city facilities (in order to reshape the dimensions of time and space for the period of the celebration), along with ideologized facilities of landscape architecture. The most effective occupation of territory, however, was the invention of secondary or mobile surfaces. Al- bert Speer’s flag- and light structures accomplished the branded revision of traditional architectural ornaments and that of the natural city view. The set scene system built upon the traditional ornaments retuned the public space, the public- and residential buildings. Flags, banners, moveable colonnades, easily plantable and ephemeral devices were used for the quick ideological synchronizing

81 Faulstisch, “Medienkultur im Nationalsozialismus. Ein Forschungs- bericht,” 147. 82 Ibid., 153. MODERN PROPOSAL 43 of the spaces and the national socialist celebrations along with the cameras of the mass media that popularized them. Other mobile devices, secondary layer-making appliances were the public address- and projecting systems and headlights that extended the corporal presence of the orator, which carried out the brand-focused appropriation of the acoustic spaces or evening atmospheres. As the national socialist occupation of surfaces did not stop at the boundaries of the public space and sneaked into the homes in the shape of radio and television sets, furniture, food, and toiletry, it likewise claimed the human surface to be used as a medium. As the streets and public spaces, so did the German language get a special “creative” layer, which the orators and propagandists instrumentalized. The modified words, specific neologisms, new words and metaphors created a unique, branded, slippery, secondary linguistic layer charged with national socialist ideology and spirit, which was at the same time flexible, suitable for the distortion of facts and the modification of meaning. This linguistic layer was difficult to grasp, and it influenced the crowd in a highly efficient manner. Victor Klemperer, a professor of linguistics, witnessed the national socialist rewriting of the German language. In his contemporary observations he describes the phenomenon as follows:

The language, however, does not only poetize and think together with me, but the more directly and unconsciously I give myself over to it, the stronger it directs my feelings and navigates my entire soul. 44 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

And what if the educated language consists of tox- ic elements or if it has turned to carry poisons? Then words behave as small doses of arsenic: we swallow them unawares, as though they had no effect, but then, in time, intoxication develops.83

The “Explosion of Surfaces” in the Weimar Republic, the novel proposal-method of the propaganda and the advertising techniques provided the fertile soil for the Hitler brand to develop along with the NSDAP’s corporate identity and the national socialist media strategy.

NSDAP BRAND SYSTEM

The roots of Adolf Hitler’s interest in propaganda go back to his years in Vienna, where he frequented propaganda events of the labor movement and got in contact with tribunes like Mayor Karl Luegen, who governed life of Vi- enna.84 He studied with interest the advertising-, graphic design-, and market technique tendencies of the post-war period, the accusations against psycho-technics, and the notions of behaviorism that were spreading in Germany. He knew, for instance, the basic rules of the advertising of the period pertaining to repetition and unity.85 The essential

83 Victor Klemperer and Elke Fröhlich, LTI: Notizbuch eines Philologen (Stuttgart: Reclam, 2010), 26. 84 Bussemer, Propaganda: Konzepte und Theorien, 174. 85 Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf (München: Zentralverlag der NSDAP, Frz. Eher Nachf.,1936), 203. MODERN PROPOSAL 45 inspiration of his concept of propaganda came from Le Bon’s The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind.86

The Hitler Brand

Hitler began the elaboration of the visual layers of the Hitler brand in cooperation with Heinrich Hoffmann a pho- tographer in 1923. After numerous attempts, rehearsals of hairstyles, clothing, and gestures, the stylized Führer image had become finalized by 1930. The popularization of the face and the figure in the form of postcards and pictures to be hung on walls had been going on already during the construction of the brand, and since the beginning of their collaboration had begun. The trading of the pictures was professionalized in the 1930s.87 After 1933, the “Hitler image” received no further value dimension; in its monumental invariance it became a brand mark of national socialism equal in value to the swastika and took its place in the representative offices, on postal stamps, and in Riefenstahl’s films. Only the best- known product brands had similar media representations at the time.88

86 Bussemer, Propaganda: Konzepte und Theorien, 175. 87 Heinrich Hoffmann, Hitler wie ihn keiner kennt: 100 Bild-Doku- mente aus dem Leben des Führers (Berlin: “Zeitgeschichte” Verlag und Vertriebs-Gesellschaft, 1933); Cigaretten-Bilderdienst (Ham- burg-Bahrenfeld), Adolf Hitler, Bilder Aus Dem Leben Des Führers (Hamburg-Bahrenfeld: Cigaretten-Bilderdienst, 1936); Heinrich Hoffmann, Hitler in Polen (Berlin: Zeitgeschichte-Vlg, 1939) 88 Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Werbung, 261., Cf. AEG, Henkel, Oetker, Siemens, Reemtsma, Odol, etc. 46 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

Apart from Stalin, Hitler was the first to dominate the political scene with the help of technology.89 During the time of his stepping into power, he massively relied on the new surfaces of the “technocratic avant-garde.”90 Hitler’s speeches were disseminated on gramophone records by post, or were screened in city squares. The airplane and the radio (Rundfunk) were the two most important technological accessories of Hitler’s seizing of power.91

The second round of the presidential election that took place a week prior to the parliamenta- ry elections on 10 April was, owing to the new elements of the “Hitler myth,” rather spectacular. Within the frames of the campaign advertised as the “The Führer’s grand propaganda tour in Ger- many” (große Propagandareise des Führers durch Deutschland) Hitler visited the elections’s events all over the empire on rented airplanes for the first time in the history of election campaigns. During his first campaign, when he had traveled by car, he had talked in twelve cities in eleven days. Over the

89 Michael Munn, Hitler and the Nazi Cult of Celebrity (London: Robson Press, 2012), 4. 90 Till Bastian, High Tech unterm Hakenkreuz: Von Atombombe bis Weltraumfahrt (Leipzig: Militzke, 2005), 7. 91 Cf. Joseph Goebbels, Signale der neuen Zeit, München, Zentralver- lag der NSDAP, 8. Auflage (1940) 199.: “Sowohl die Eroberung als auch die Ausnutzung der Macht wäre ohne Rundfunk und Flugzeug in dieser Form gar nicht denkbar gewesen. Ja, man kann, ohne zu übertreiben, sagen, daß die deutsche Revolution sich mindestens nicht in den Formen, in denen sie sich abgespielt hat, hätte abspielen können, hätte es kein Flugzeug und keinen Rundfunk gegeben.” MODERN PROPOSAL 47

course of his media-effective, six-day-long flight in Germany – “The Führer above Germany” (Der Führer über Deutschland) – he visited twenty cities. Between April and November 1932, during his four flight tours, he made speeches at altogether 148 mass events, three a day on average, in front of 20,000 to 30,000 people in each city. This means that in that year several millions of people could see and hear him live. His election campaign was an orator’s campaign orchestrated with exception- al virtuosity, during which Hitler reached a crowd of such volume that no German politician had ever done before.92

The analysis of the propagandistic elements of Hitler’s appearance has a notable tradition. Kershaw (1987) was the first to point out that the cult surrounding Hitler’s personality resulted from a guided communication operation controlled “from above” as a central element of National Socialism.93 Alexander Schug (2012) goes even further:

The demarcation line between high culture and consumer culture, the representation of the state, and the pricing of products seems, in this case, to fade. […] The fact that in Mein Kampf Hitler notes that political propaganda should work like soap selling94 – apart from telling much about his self-re- spect and self-image – testifies to the magnitude

92 Ian Kershaw, Der Hitler-Mythos, 58. 93 Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Werbung, 252. 94 Hitler, Mein Kampf, 200. 48 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

of advertising and advertising rhetoric pervasion of politics.95

…the aesthetics and methods of the advertising of the age influenced the image of Hitler and the NSDAP, even if it remains questionable to what extent Hitler’s appearance was strategical and customer-oriented. Hitler was not simply a dic- tator who seized power by “seduction” or plain military force but – and the perspective of advertising asserts itself here – a tactician responding to the political market and its consumers, whom he aimed at winning for the national socialist movement. The word propaganda with its negative connotations does not cover what we are talking about here. Propaganda is authoritative and aggressive communication in the service of political ideas determined solely by the orator. Advertising, on the other hand, is a proposal.96

Schug’s proposal is not about redefining the national socialist propaganda as advertising, instead it suggests the parallel presence of the two forms of communication.97 This is further supported by the fact that the advertising market of the period recognized its intellectual kinship to National Socialism: advertisement designers striving to break out of the social defense saw the national socialists as allies who properly appreciated advertising, and in

95 Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Werbung, 251. 96 Ibid., 253. 97 Ibid., 251., 254. MODERN PROPOSAL 49

1943 they recommended Mein Kampf as the fundamental literature of their line of business.98

The essentials of the NSDAP corporate identity

(1932): Hitler’s success mainly resulted from the excellent advertising, which was especially advan- tageous because his competitors were not able to set any similarly effective ones against it. The promotion fetish of the Nazis was the swastika, which was better for propagation than any other hallmark of products or brands.99

Peter Behrens designed the first integrated corporate identity system for the Allgemeine Elektrizitäts-Gesellschaft in 1907, which in its entirety – the logo, the wrapping, the product design, and the architectural applications – served as a model for several corporate identities of the period. Hitler joined the party called Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, later renamed as Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpar- tei, as a PR officer in 1919. Hitler knew and appreciated Behrens’ works,100 and considered the creation of a unified corporate identity of the party to be a priority. He later employed the contemporary solution of abbreviations used with product brands like Allgemeine Elektrizitäts-Gesell- schaft (AEG) (cf. GE) for naming the sub-organizations (SA, SS) of the national socialist party (NSDAP).

98 Ibid., 255. 99 Ibid. 100 Steven Heller, The Swastika: Symbol Beyond Redemption? (New York: Allworth Press, 2000), 16. 50 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

Before Hitler, the swastika was no part of the national socialist liturgy. In 1920, the party chose the swastika for its logo, which had several thousand years of history and had been widely used, among others, also by the Thule Gesell- schaft anti-Semitic organization, and which had become popular again by the 20th century as a positive symbol101 of good fortune, luck, and blessing. The modernization of the symbol was done (rather than by the characters named by Hitler in Mein Kampf,102 Dr Friedrich Krohn Starnbergi, a dentist and a member of Thule, and Hitler himself) earlier, in 1917, by a modernist graphic artist, Wilhelm Deffke, who had worked on the AEG corporate identity together with Peter Behrens in 1909.103 Deffke published the redesigned version104 but he did not mention Hitler’s name anywhere, neither did he give credit to him.105 With the flag designed for the movement Hitler wanted to achieve a poster-like effect.106 He chose the red color for its psychologically based effect of arousing attention and also, at the same time, for the deprivation, provocation, and unsettling of the concurrent Marxist movement.107 In his symbolism red stood for the social thinker, white for the nationalistic idea, and the swastika for the fight for an

101 Ibid., 329. 102 Hitler, Mein Kampf, 556. 103 Heller, The Swastika: Symbol Beyond Redemption? 104 Carl Ernst Hinkefuss and Wilhelm H. Deffke, Handelsmarken und Fabrikzeichen (Charlottenburg: Wilhelmwerk, 1917) 105 Steven Heller, Design Literacy: Understanding Graphic Design (New York: Allworth Press, 2014) 106 Hitler, Mein Kampf, 554. 107 Ibid., 542. MODERN PROPOSAL 51

Aryan victory.108 The modernized insignia on the national flag, in accordance with Hitler’s intention109 and similarly to the Remtsma logos of Hans Domizlaff,110 appeared fresh, contemporary, and free from the burden of the past, as a symbol never seen before. At the launch of the flag in summer 1920, according to Hitler’s description,111 it made the effect of a burning torch. (Figure 4.)

The NSDAP ornament

From the contemporary point of view, the wide- spread use of the national socialist logo products (badges, armbands, etc.) can be interpreted as smart branding, more precisely a merchandising activity. In this case, the scope of the brand has to be understood not as the societal expansion of the branding business but as the political occupation of the society with the use of advertising tools, which occupation was instigated by the combatant attitude of the national socialists.112

Hitler and the swastika served as the chief visual hallmarks of the national socialist brand, while the acoustic trademark was the Hitler salute (Hitlergruß) and the anthems.

108 Ibid., 557.. 109 Ibid., 554. 110 Friebe, “Branding Germany,” 87.: “brands designed by Hans Domizlaff actually appear as ‘natural’ products, insofar as they lack any connection to a contemporary cultural or symbolic reference system.” 111 Hitler, Mein Kampf, 556. 112 Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Werbung, 260. 52 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

Figure 4 MODERN PROPOSAL 53

Later further items were added to these, such as the Große Deutschland eagle, or the Deutschland Erwache ensign. In 1922, Hitler felt the need for the introduction of a new corporate identity element,113 which he intended for the Sturmabteilung that had by then counted several thousand members. In cooperation with the embroidery workshop of George and Maria Hagl and with Otto and Karolina Gahr goldsmiths from Munich they made the first Deutschland Erwache ensign114 with the inscription “Mu- nich” on the model of Roman legion flags. This and its mutations – Munich II, Landshut, Nuremberg – were used for the first time at the party assembly held in January 1923. The ensign with the “box” at its top was capable of admitting the insignia of the different “sub-brands” (local party organizations, SA, SS, NSDAP, Adolf Hitler, etc.). Thanks to its structure that could be screwed apart, its weatherproof fabric, and the consistent use of the national socialist symbols, it became, complementing the similarly purposefully designed uniforms, a very flexible tool to brand the view with on the crowd/street scale. For the “occupation” of the horizon, the instrumentalization of the view beyond the flags and the crowd, the mobile instruments of the “chief decorator” (Chefdekora- teur115 ) Albert Speer were used. These were, for example,

113 Hitler, Mein Kampf, 557. 114 Ulric of England and Otto Spronk, Deutschland Erwache: The His- tory and Development of the Nazi Party and the “Germany Awake” Standards (San Jose, Calif: R.J. Bender Publ., 1997), 38. 115 Anne Krauter, Das große Licht: Die Schriften Paul Scheerbarts und der Lichtdom von Albert Speer (Berlin: Reimer. 2006), 150. 54 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT the vast swastika flags, and the wall and cathedral of light built from searchlights, which were first used on 1 May 1933 and became an integral part of the party assemblies.

The 130 sharply contoured searchlights placed at 12-meter intervals were visible up to a 6km dis- tance, where they merged into a gleaming surface. The effect made the impression of a vast space en- circled by the endless wall of the gigantic pillars.116

The national socialist form of light architecture rejected the elements directly alluding to the city, like the use of matte glass and plastic surfaces and solids.117 In the cathedral of light, the national socialists employed the electric light as a tool to shape the space with,118 to create a festive and sacral effect, to separate the interior and the outside world, and as a demonstration of power (cf. the military searchlights).

SYNCHRONIZATION – GLEICHSCHALTUNG

Organizational synchronization

On 25 March 1933, two months after the national socialist takeover, every medium was taken under the control of the Ministry of Propaganda (RMVP, Das Reichsministerium für

116 Albert Speer, Erinnerungen (Frankfurt/M: Ullstein, 1989), 71. 117 Hans-Ernst Mittig, “Die Reklame als Wegbereiterin der nationalso- zialisztischen Kunst” in Die Dekoration der Gewalt: Kunst u. Medien im Faschismus, eds. Berthold Hinz, Hans-Ernst Mittig and Wolfgang Schäche (Giessen: Anabas-Verlag Kämpf, 1979), 45. 118 Krauter, Das große Licht, 149. MODERN PROPOSAL 55

Volksaufklärung und Propaganda) as an act of the mental mobilization (geistige Mobilmachung119 ) of the German people. From 6 April (Schriftleitergesetz) on, the editors of the printed media were held personally responsible for the contents published in the articles and were answer- able to the state, while companies with national socialist ties bought up newspapers and publishing houses, appropriated them or fused them with themselves. Other media sectors like broadcasting and filmmaking were taken under state control in a similar way. On 12 September 1933 (Gesetz über Wirtschaftswerbung), a new organization was created within the Ministry of Propaganda (Werbe- rat der deutschen Wirtschaft), which, from that time on, exercised control over the advertising profession through giving and withdrawing business licenses.120 Another factor, the mandatory membership of the professional association became a further job requirement. These two measures rendered the advertising business, which used to be an accessible occupation, an exclusive profession with limited access.121 After 1933, the telephone was politically instrumentalized: the network was used for technical, political, economic, and military synchronization and communication. A similar

119 Jutta Sywottek, Mobilmachung für den totalen Krieg: die propagan- distische Vorbereitung der deutschen Bevölkerung auf den Zweiten Weltkrieg (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1976), 23. 120 Michael Imort, “Planting a Forest Tall and Straight Like the German Volk”: Visualizing the Volksgemeinschaft through Advertising in German Forestry Journals, 1933–1945,” in Selling Modernity: Ad- vertising in Twentieth-Century Germany, 104. 121 Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Werbung, 187. 56 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT appropriation took place also in the case of the radio. In 1936, the number of registered radio receivers exceeded 7,500,000, by 1941 this figure reached 13,309,000, which meant 65.1% of the households.122 On 27 July 1932, the full deprivatization of the radio took place in favor of its centralization, after which the national socialist synchronization needed only some restructuring operations to be feasible.123 The radio was taken in use as a tool of propaganda in 1932; the assemblies of the Reichstag were broadcasted live from 25 February 1932 onwards. In the national socialist era, the radio as a medium was a means of exercising control (Führungsmittel).

Ideological synchronization

The national socialist methods of persuasion amalga mated every technique of the transference of volition available then and employed still today. While subordinat- ing market advertising to its agenda, the national socialist state also saw its potentials in terms of propaganda: beyond the inner structure of the advertising profession, it also regulated the scope of symbols, moods, and sensations advertising was able to use. In its 2nd announcement published on 1 November 1933, the Werberat der deutschen Wirtschaft prescribed the policy for commercial advertising to follow: the German advertisement should

122 Ross, Media and the Making of Modern Germany, 287. 123 Eva Suzanne Bressler, Von der Experimentierbühne zum Propa gandainstrument: Die Geschichte der Funkausstellung von 1924 bis 1939 (Köln: Böhlau, 2009), 36. MODERN PROPOSAL 57 be tasteful, it should avoid the distortion of buildings, places, and landscapes, it should represent the “German” characteristic both in sensations and expressions, and it should not affront the patriotic, moral, religious, or political feeling or will of the German people.124 As a result of the pressure coming from the national socialist emissaries, in 1933, the Werberat der deutschen Wirtschaft composed a list of words banned from the language of advertising for the protection of the purity of the German language. The list contained several hundred entries including primarily words and expressions of foreign origin.125 Advertising amended written and oral propaganda with images. The images of life, bodies, scenes, landscapes, buildings, etc. together with the absence of the banned elements formed a particular visual symbol system complying with the national socialist ideology, a second ideological layer within advertising.

The standardization of the corporate identity

The book called ABC des Nationalsozialismus published in 1933 also included, besides the regulations of the party, graphics standards. Later, the Deutsche Arbeits- front (DAF), the organization that was forced to replace the trade unions, was assigned responsibility for the corporate identity of the NSDAP. The DAF published the

124 Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Werbung, 190. 125 Ibid.,165. 58 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT manual with the title Organisationsbuch der NSDAP126 for the first time in 1936. The manual was edited by Robert Lay and was intended for internal institutional use. The page run of the third edition (1937) was 678, while that of the seventh edition in 1943 was already 834. The book that included Hitler’s foreword prescribed the correct use of visual signs, uniforms, signals, flags and ensigns, weapons, belts and belt buckles etc., so they should comply with the requirements of the brand. It also lay down the structure of the different sub-organizations and instructions about the right behavioral forms, for instance about how to wear the uniform and choose the suitable spouse. The Handbuch der SA127 published in 1939 details the appropriate forms of greeting and procession practices and every element necessary for the uniform appearance and propaganda. The law on the protection of national socialist brand signs effective of 19 May 1933 (Gesetz zum Schutze der nationalen Symbole) prohibited the commercial use of symbols connected to the history and state of Germany, along with those in relation to the emergence of the nation, such as, among others, Hitler’s portrait and the swastika. This measure prevented the loss of focus, the abuse of signs, and the beginning commercialization of the sign system that was considered sacred. Apart from the visual symbols, it also monopolized the use of certain words, for instance, “Propaganda,” “Rasse,” and “Führer”

126 Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter-Partei and Robert Ley, Or- ganisationsbuch der NSDAP (München: F. Eher Nachf, 1937) 127 Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, Handbuch der SA (Berlin: Verl. “Offene Worte”, 1939) MODERN PROPOSAL 59 as well. Publications containing behavioral instructions and bodily classifications were disseminated for the regulation of everyday life.128

128 Adolf Schmidt, Jugend im Reich (Berlin: Junge Generation Verlag, 1943); Friedrich Mau and Bernhard Woischnik, Freude am Kind (Berlin: Deutscher Verl. f. Politik u. Wirtschaft, 1938)

MODERN PROPOSAL 61

NSDAP CORPOREAL IDENTITY

The visual structure of the NSDAP brand was a thoroughly and thoughtfully built and realized, efficient, and unified communication of the brand also from the perspective of contemporary branding, and its handling was based on legal foundations. During the twelve years preceding the national socialist takeover, which is before the complete synchronization, the elements of branding existed alongside their economic and political rivals in a context of competition. After the national socialist takeover, the NSDAP brand appropriated the media network and by that it fulfilled the criteria of the characteristics of propaganda as listed by Bussemer: Propaganda is a technique that focuses on previously set political aims and employs specific strategies to achieve this (3.a), …, that a certain influential elite (military or political) is able to falsify the media representation of the world... (8.b), the source of propaganda is the political system or a political figure (9.a), it does not rely on the inherent logic of the media network but imposes obedience on it... (9.d), the possibilities of action set up by propaganda seem not to have alternatives, (10.a), resistance or disobedience threatens with sanctioning. (10.b) From that point on, the communication of the brand was carried out in a strictly exclusive manner involving force. The brand no longer existed and spread as an alternative, but rather as a combination of an increasing inner and outer force. Within the framework of the totalitarian state, after the institutional and ideological synchronizing, the toolkit of 62 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT inner force also became enriched. The national socialists gained power over the public and private spaces, the weekdays and the holidays, the outside and inside of the human bodies. The ideological synchronization set another layer, one that conveyed the ideological message, on commercial advertising. The national socialist model of society and the economic strategy induced by the preparations for the war changed the quality of the personal environment, and new materials, smells, tastes, and sounds appeared. The NSDAP brand grew with further sensory dimensions even though the inclusion of part of these was not yet purposeful.

THE NSDAP’S CONCEPT OF THE BODY

…Totalitarian movements often turn to the body in order to “fully” grasp the individual. They aim at reaching surfaces between the subject and the environment, nature and culture, individual and society. By this, they make an attempt at restructuring the personal sensation, the collective validation of certain images, and the reshaping of the physical capacities of the body.129

The People’s Community – Volksgemeinschaft

The German Volk includes all the (dead, living, and not yet born) members of the race. It is a timeless entity, whose quality immediately manifests itself in the living members constituting it. According to the national socialist

129 Gamper, “Nacktes Leben,” 11. MODERN PROPOSAL 63 ideology, the Volk has lost its life-force, which can be re- stored through actions carried out on the individuals by social intervention. The central element of the national socialist concept of society was the ethnic-based “true (organic) community,” the Volksgemeinschaft, a sort of binding societal utopia forced to fulfillment, a timeless unit of race controlled by the Führer empowered with a limitless sphere of action. In return for ultimate loyalty, it offered a status (Volksgenosse) that undid all previous social and religious differences and the opportunity of participation in the construction of the new Germany.

The Body of People – Volkskörper

In the Third Reich, the body served as the raw material for a social and political utopia, at the same time a target of national socialist bio-politics, the governing power’s surface of visualization, the maker and marker of gender differences, a surface for the projection of anxieties of “in- feriority,” and also for the desire for the “New Person.”130 In their means of reaching the crowd the national socialists used several methods of “embodiment;” by intro- ducing the metaphor of the body of the nation (Volkskörper) in Mein Kampf, Hitler connected the body of the individual (Volksgenosse) with the body of the state (Figure 5).131

130 Körper im Nationalsozialismus, 7. 131 Hitler, Mein Kampf, 439. 64 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

Figure 5 MODERN PROPOSAL 65

The reorganization and shaping of the “Volkskörp- er,” the creation of the pure race and the perfect “New Person” was more than a rhetorical motif: it was the genuine objective, driving force, and basis of the national socialist body politics.132

The Volkskörper is an ethnic community experienced as an organism, the body of the people to which the concepts of diagnosis and therapy apply in the bio political sense. The Volkskörper consists of “healthy” and “unhealthy” bodies, its health is threatened by “parasites,” “cancerous bodies,” and “foreign bodies” (Fremdkörper).133 The “ideal” condition of the Volkskörper is the “healthy,” organic society, the pure, endless current of warm blood clear from bodily, psychological, sexual, or any kind of “illness” and “pest” threatening the race. The manifestation of the Volkskörper is the mass event, the crowd of people vibrating together in the common physical, ideological, and multisensory (visual, acoustic, haptic, olfactory, and kinesthetic) space at a procession or festival. In National Socialism, the body was the most important medium and surface of the visualization of the first-hand experience of the Volkskörper (cf. Leni Riefenstahl’s films).

132 Körper im Nationalsozialismus, 10. 133 Boaz Neumann, “The Phenomenology of the German People’s Body (Volkskörper) and the Extermination of the Jewish Body.” New German Critique; Ngc, (January 01, 2009), 106., 149., 154. 66 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

THE ANTECEDENT – BODY IMAGE IN THE ADVERTISEMENTS OF THE WEIMAR REPUBLIC

In the realm of Weimar advertising a perfect human being existed, which Alexander Schug analyses on the basis of the iconology of the images of advertisement.134 This image corresponds at certain points to the idealized national socialist body image, and in the case of certain advertisers (e.g. Nivea) it is identical with that image. After the Great War, a range of altered bodies appeared in the advertisements, bearing the marks characteristic of the empire, such as

…the round shapes of a good citizen, the Kaiser- Wilhelm beard, the marcelled, piled-up hairstyles completed with hairpieces, long dresses with corsets and high waistlines […] the habitus characteristic of the empire, the build and stature of the body, the facial expressions, gestures and clothing had all lost their validity […] The “New Person” of the Weimar Republic moved, appeared, and dressed in a different way and had a different hair- style than the members of the monarchy. The “New Person” was shaped, among others, by the expand- ing advertisement industry and its imagery.135

The advertisers extended the possibility of creative intervention to the surface and the inside, to the whole of the human body. The body became a capital stock, the subject

134 Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Werbung, 282–310. 135 Ibid., 283–284. MODERN PROPOSAL 67 of body management, the tool of personal social position- ing, and a creative surface of self-representation. By the cultural values “writable into the body” offered by the range of available products and services, the social construction of the body became an instrument to be “freely” tuned, a possibility of beauty visualized by advertising, as well as a market act.136 The unkempt member of the Weimar Republic, who does not shape their body hair according to the accepted norm is the antithesis of the modern German consumer. The body is the “weapon in the fight of life” (Waffe im Le- benskampf),137 at the same time the source and medium of sociability. Its tolerability and pleasantness is determined by body management. For the appropriate implementation of body management several new products were necessary to use. The elegant home was complete with a bathroom equipped with a shower or a bathtub and with a Junker or Vail- lant water heater. Hair was washed with Abrador soap, which could also be used for washing the face and had a pore-cleaning effect. The cult of hair lightening products had been present in the imagery of advertising decades before the rise of the national socialist ideology to the political level: “Blondhaar bringt Chanchen!” (Blond hair brings chances) – The slogan that also has a political reading fore- shadows the Aryan female ideal. From among the tools facilitating the steady body performance and balanced

136 Ibid., 284. 137 Ibid., 287. 68 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT efficiency of the modern human being and to conceal its “animalistic” characteristics Sagrotan that “kills harmful germs” was used to disinfect female genital organs. The advertisement of Sagrotan drove an enlightening wedge between the modern woman and the previous generations that had not used such a product (mother and daughter), whereas the commercial of the Camelia reform sanitary pad communicated the promise of continuous freshness and safety. The manifestation of sweat or any kind of sexual odor “masculinized” the “New Woman,” but the use of Vasenol body powder or deodorant prevented this. The modern face was a symbol, the freshness and youthful- ness of the face, the whiteness of teeth and freshness of breath were the imperatives of body management to be achieved by the use of Mouson toothpaste, Odol and Chlo- rodont mouthwash.138 With the instrumentalization of male vanity, the manufacturers of products against greying or thinning hair and dandruff, like the Elida and Schwarzkopf shampoos and Dr. Dralle’s Birkenwasser hair water con- quered the market.139 The inside of the body, the nerves, the mood, the strength, the balanced and fresh person beautiful also on the inside was nurtured since childhood by the regular consumption of Biomalz flakes or the Blutan blood improv- ing product.140 Body management techniques altering the body structure like plastic surgery and mechanic-electronic body shaping tools were also present in the advertising

138 Ibid., 289–290. 139 Ibid., 296. 140 Ibid., 302. MODERN PROPOSAL 69 industry of the Weimar Republic. The consumers could become their own creators, the prospect to redesign the body opened up: the body became a fate that could be bypassed, one which willpower was able to reshape. In the “fight of life” Lebenskampf( ), the body became a strategy and an object of manipulation to achieve higher goals with.

SENSORY BRAND DIMENSIONS – HAPTIC/OLFACTORY SPACES OF RESONANCE: NATIONAL HYGIENE

In the Weimar Republic, hygiene became a marker of identification and segregation pertinent to social conditions and gender, and by its repeated biologization it was turned into a racist tool of the national socialist regime. The hygiene of the outer surface of the body was a personal task and a force that could create an industry, while the “inner” cleanliness, according to the ideology, was a factor that influenced the health of theVolkskörper . The human element of the Volkskörper, the Volksgenosse, the individual who is grasped by the totality of the politicized Volk and who finds their place in the society, did not have any personal freedom outside of or beyond the state.141 In 1933, the personal freedom of body management was replaced by an obligation that applied to the entire nation, and due to the ideological synchronizing, the proposal of the modern body strategy was narrowed down to race ideology and the health-political regulation of the Volkskörper. According to that, the body was no longer a

141 Ernst Rudolph Huber, Zeitschrift fur die gesamte Staatswissen- schaft (1936), 438., 440. 70 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT private tool for the “fight of life,” but the strategic surface of the state. The hygienic and sanitary regulations unified and synchronized the national socialist realms of the body: state-subsidized oral hygiene, campaigns against smoking and alcohol consumption; elements of the ideal body borrowed from modernism and further promoted, such as the shaved male face, the hairless female and the statuesque male body (although no products were offered to remove male body hair). The appearance of the German woman is supposed to be natural and healthy; she lives a life rich in physical exercise, avoids makeup and artificial fragrances. Her body is strong, tanned and fertile, she does not use cosmetic products and by no means smokes or consumes alcoholic drinks.142 The German woman is athletic but avoids mascu- line sports. According to the national socialist ideology, the woman’s task is to maintain the race, so she is primarily a mother, whose domain is the family; the “New Woman” of Weimar has lost most of her personal freedom, and her role is conserved in the traditional:

Women’s activities, summed up in the slogan Kinder, Küche, Kirche (child, kitchen, church) were to be focused largely on the family and the home. This would fulfill the woman’s natural maternal instincts and would also allow her to complete the honor- able tasks Germany had bestowed upon her.143

142 Irene Guenther, Nazi Chic?: Fashioning Women in the Third Reich (Oxford: Berg, 2004), 99. 143 Ibid., 95. MODERN PROPOSAL 71

According to Hitler the woman’s:

…world is her husband, her family, her children, and her house.144

In the Third Reich, the ideal woman returned to the traditional roles of wife and mother, but she kept the shopping habits she had made during the modern period. The “everyday economic obligations of the German woman” were “purchasing and consuming.” “Women, as ‚heads‘ of their households and housewives make 80 percent of all purchases,” thus becoming “important and recognized members of the national economy.” And as such, the Ger- man woman needed to be “instructed in the correctness and necessity of her purchases” as well as their political results, such as how they would “strengthen the health of the national economy.” “Every German woman was obligated to ‚always demand German products and, on principle, ‘avoid all dispensable foreign-made items.‘”145 The ideal German housewife’s home was equipped with an electric grill, a hotplate, a coffee machine, a water heater, a washing machine, and a refrigerator – which items at the same time promoted employment in the elec- trical industry,146 while in her aura, her Weimar perfume

144 The Speeches of Adolf Hitler, April 1922–August, 1939, vol. 1, ed. Norman H. Baynes (London: Oxford University Press, 1942), 528., 530., cited Guenther, Nazi Chic?, 93. 145 Ibid., 94. 146 Gert Selle, Geschichte des Design in Deutschland (Frankfurt, M: Campus-Verl, 2007), 196. 72 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT got replaced by the delicious smell of the dinner she made for her family.

Despite all of the polemics of the anti-cosmetics campaign and the unbending stance of some Party officials, women’s magazines, advertisements, and purchases illuminated a far different female reality in Nazi Germany. The leitmotif may have been “natural beauty,” but it was a beauty ideal that was largely achieved through artificial means. The Nazi government was fully aware of the incongruity but allowed it to continue.147

For the realization of the image of the “naturally beautiful” ideal female the German woman, led by, among others, her responsibility for the national economy, turned to certain “secret practices:” her tan could be acquired, instead of sunbathing, with the use of a sun lamp, offensive body odors resulting from physical activity were prevented by deodorants and body powders; her weapon in the fight against embarrassing body odors was still the old Sagro- tan; the hair removal cream offered her confidence at the beach, during sports, playing, or dancing; her sagging or underdeveloped breasts were treated with hormonal therapy; the face powder concealed the flaws of her skin; the aging of her skin got reversed by anti-wrinkle creams. Eva Braun’s favorite cosmetics company was Elizabeth Arden.148

147 Guenther, Nazi Chic?, 1 0 7. 148 Ibid., 104–105. MODERN PROPOSAL 73

SENSORY BRAND DIMENSIONS – THE BODY IMAGE

In the introduction to her book on body images and prac- tices149 Paula Diehl examines the effect national socialist images make on the gaze and, quoting Viktor Klemperer, she compares it to the impact national socialist language makes on thinking. The body image is able to restructure the sensing of personal reality and to address identity.150 The comparison of the inner (vision, memory etc.) and outer images and the tension emerging between them af- fects the feeling of comfort in an especially sensitive way, since the perception of the body image is never purely objective but entails feelings.

With the dispersion of images of ideals and en- emies, the image politics developed by national socialist propaganda addressed the individual’s inner images with an educational tactic. As a pri- oritized tool of education, the body image trained the eye for the “beautiful,” and promoted the division between the “inferior” and “what is valuable for the race.”151

The ideology was represented by a dual body image system: the “inferior” qualities received visual renderings that evoked negative physical sensations (repulsive appearance), whereas the body images of the Aryan ideal offering the reflection of physical completeness mobilized

149 Diehl, Körper im Nationalsozialismus 150 Ibid., 11. 151 Ibid., 12. 74 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT the identification of the target group in a positive manner.152 Cleanliness and the other characteristics of the body that were inherited from the modern and filtered through the ideology of race were presented by the images of propaganda and advertising, in the case of the Aryans with positive, and in the case of outcast bodies with negative qualities. In the latter, the metaphors of the body the visual messages conveyed manipulated the perceivers’ feelings with negative sensory resonances, with images evoking the feeling of being unwashed, untidy, and giving off a bad body odor and bodily fluids. The body images used in advertisements worked as a secondary layer. Similarly to Speer’s lightweight structure buildings or the language groomed by Goebbels, they dressed the figure to be represented in the image as a man or a woman, with an ideological aim, in the ornament of a bio political message. Due to the identity-addressing quality and the affective perception of the body images they showed, the images became the sensory channel of political propaganda.

SENSORY BRAND DIMENSIONS – A COLLECTIVE REALM OF VISIONS IN ADVERTISING: THE FOREST

The forest (Wald) and the people (Volk) analogy started to appear at the end of the 19th century in the works of völkisch authors, who used it to emphasize the German people’s rootedness in the ground (Bodenständigkeit), and that the Germans’ strong attraction to the forest

152 Ibid., 13. MODERN PROPOSAL 75 guarantees the revival of Germany. In the 1920s, the forest became the ideal for the restructuring of the German nation, the model for the structure of the Volksgemeinschaft, as represented by the metaphor of Rudolf Düesberg’s 1910 book Der Wald als Erzieher153 (The educating forest):

…that the individual tree was ephemeral, while the collective stand was eternal; that trees formed uniform strata that performed different functions within the stand, for example, dominant canopy and serving understory; and, finally, that while some layers were more valuable than others, each layer was equally important for the functioning and well-being of the collective as a whole..154

The meaning of the metaphor: the individual (tree) is a transient phenomenon and almost negligible in comparison with the nation (forest), therefore the individuals are supposed to sacrifice themselves for the sake of the public interest; people’s abilities differ, there are valuable ones among them as well as those born to serve; for the functioning of the whole system everybody is needed. These ideas were welcomed by the circle of völkisch activists disillusioned with the individualization of the German society. After 1933, this perspective came to function as practical guidelines in the realization of the Volksgemein- schaft’s social model:

153 Rudolf Maria Josef Düesberg, Der wald als erzieher. Nach den ver- hältnissen des preussischen ostens geschildert, von R. Düesberg (Berlin: P. Parey, 1910) 154 Imort, “Planting a Forest Tall and Straight Like the German Volk,” 106. 76 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

The forest is our master. Egalitarianism is not the way of nature. The strong oak tree does not refuse to form a community of life [Lebensgemeinschaft] with the simple herbs. Strong and weak belong together, each supports the other, and all subordinate themselves to the common good. That is also the way it should be in a true Volksgemein- schaft, which is a dream no longer but has now become reality.155

In the introduction of his biology textbook for schoolchil- dren, Konrad Guenther natural historian writes (1936):

The analogies that arise at every opportunity – between the community of the forest and the Volksgemeinschaft, between order in the forest and order among the Volk – are so obvious that they need not be pointed out individually.156

In his study,157 Michael Imort examines the forest–Volk/ Volksgemeinschaft analogy in the advertisement imagery of scientific forestry magazines, and finds that:

155 Forstmeister Dörr, “Der Kampstuh: Vom Werden und Vergehen des deutschen Waldes,” Der Deutsche Forstwirt 16, nos. 44–45. (1934), 454., cited Imort, “Planting a Forest Tall and Straight Like the German Volk,” 107. 156 Konrad Guenther, foreword to Hugo Keller, So lebt die Wald- gemeinschaft: Eine Bildreihe in 3 Heften, 1. Heft: Biologische Gemeinschaftskunde (Leipzig: Verlag Ernst Wunderlich, 1936), xii., cited Imort, “Planting a Forest Tall and Straight Like the German Volk,” 114. 157 Ibid.,102–126. MODERN PROPOSAL 77

…This analogy worked because, after more than a century of literary, artistic, and musical roman- ticization of the forest as German, the public was very familiar with the connotations of the forest as the symbol of Germany and Germanness. In es- sence, the forest had become accepted as what Canetti called the “crowd symbol” of the German nation long before the rise of the Nazis. […] All they needed to do to mobilize this analogy for their purposes was to extend that symbolism from Volk to Volksgemeinschaft and use the forest to provide visualizations for those concepts.158

A good example for the forest–Volk analogy used in advertisements is the endless geometric formation of the straight, tall, strong, and balanced-growing trees as the representation of the collective order and idea, or the group of flawless dominant trees (or “leaders” of the Volk) surrounded by lower “bodyguard” trees. In silvi- culture, the latter serves for the production of knot-free saw wood: smaller serving trees are used to shadow the trunks of the selected tall and healthy trees to prevent the light-induced formation of branches.159 According to forester Fuchs (1934):

158 Ibid., 123. 159 Ibid., 109. 78 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

By recognizing the importance of so-called ‚serving trees’ for the forest, we also accept the importance of this question for the life of the Volk.160

The forest was not only a metaphor of order, community, collectivity, cooperation, service and hierarchy, but the question of race could also be rendered in this visual system. The advertisement of the Pein & Pein tree nurs- ery featured, as the antithesis of German forestry, the representation of a wasteland, home to birch, juniper, or other plants unsuitable for timber production, which were therefore deemed autotelic and maleficent, along with a caption saying: “the barren land has to become a forest” (Figure 6), or with a racist overtone: “our fight for the sake of national economy cannot tolerate the sustenance of infertile areas.”161 The unproductive species, in this case those unable to contribute to the timber production, that is, the economic development of the community, with their crooked, scruffy, non-uniform specimens dominate the landscape and turn it into an unexploited no-man’s-land, a fallow, a burden to national economy, an impermissible “luxury.” As its counterpart, in another advertisement, the same firm features “the harvest of the forest,” where the barren land is being turned into a forest: a racially pure stand of trees, whose straight, uniform specimens are awaiting in a perfect geometrical order for their “masters”

160 Fuchs, ”Wald und Volk”, Der Deutsche Forstbeamte 19 (1934), 345., cited Imort, “Planting a Forest Tall and Straight Like the German Volk,” 109. 161 Ibid., 111. MODERN PROPOSAL 79

Figure 6 80 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT to come for them, so that they can at last be allowed to contribute to the growth of the German national economy. The above example illustrates the strong influence the ideological synchronizing had on the imagery of advertising. In the second directive (statement) of the Werberat der deutschen Wirtschaft issued on 1 November 1933, the practical use of ideological directives prescribed for commercial advertising created a secondary surface, a resonance space on advertising, in accordance with which the images published with the aim to sell contained, as in the case of body images, an ideological message. The forest analogy, unlike the body image, instrumentalized a collective realm of ideas. The German people’s centu- ries-old notion of the forest was mobilized by the national socialists to serve their own ends. They created a complex visual construct within the medium of market advertising, which functioned not only as an instrument of economy but also as a tool of propaganda.

SENSORY BRAND DIMENSION – STORYTELLING, THE SPACE OF REMEMBRANCE, THE HORST WESSEL SUB-BRAND

A young SA officer Horst Wessel (Figure 7) shot, most likely out of jealousy, at point-blank range on 14 January 1930, died of septicemia on 23 February1930. Goebbels, who had known Wessel since 1929 and visited him in hos- pital several times, quickly recognized the propaganda opportunities in the case. He promptly began to build MODERN PROPOSAL 81

Figure 7 82 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT the Wessel myth in order to shape the memory of the deceased into a paragon for German youth.162 The Goebbels-governed national socialist cult of remembrance distorted Wessel’s funeral into a quasi-religious station of the fight against the Weimar Republic. The funeral march was turned into the triumph march of the national socialist willpower (Triumphzug des nationalso- zialistischen Willens), the mourners gathered outside the walls, the dehumanized people (entmenschte Menschen), and the real bereaved around the grave were given a new identity in the symbol of the genuine Volksgemeinschaft.163 Making use of Wessel being apotheosized as a Christ-socialist (Christussozialist) and a martyr (Blutzeuge) and his mother, who received the role of the stylized ideal of the German mother (deutsche Mutter), Goebbels re- wrote Wessel’s story as a modern passion narrative.164 Both the construction and the canonization of the myth enjoyed his efficacious contribution, and in the issue of the Der Angriff published on 17 February 1930 he gave account of the virtualized circumstances of the national hero’s demise in a dramatized writing formulated in a regime-conform language.165

162 Joseph Goebbels and Ralf Georg Reuth, Tagebücher 1924–1945 (München: Piper, 1992): 23 February 1929: “Ein neuer Märtyrer für das Dritte Reich” 163 Daniel Siemens, Horst Wessel: Tod und Verklärung eines National- sozialisten (München: Siedler, 2009) 164 Daniel Siemens, Der Sänger des Herrenvolkes (2010) 165 Die Fahne Hoch! Der Angriff. Aufsätz aus der Kampfzeit, (Zen- tralverlag der NSDAP, 1935), 268–271. MODERN PROPOSAL 83

Via the appropriate surfaces of propaganda and with the help of the regime Goebbels’s stylized story became viral: authors of quite a few books and publications166 were interested in this sort of propagandistic ornamentation of history. The name of Horst Wessel appeared on several civilian and military scenes: among others public spaces,167 public institutions,168 a quarter of the city,169 a floodplain,170 an SS division,171 and a squadron172 received the deceased 22-year-old boy’s name as a part of their name or as an addition to it. In his life, Wessel was a talented and often employed orator, in 1929 he was the second most popular after

166 Hanns Heinz Ewers, Horst Wessel: ein deutsches Schicksal (Stutt- gart: Cotta, 1933); Karl Erhart, Horst Wessel Leben u. Sterben e. Freiheitskämpfers (Trossingen-Wttbg: [Efka-Werk] Fritz Kiehn, 1933); Max Kullak, Horst Wessel: durch Sturm und Kampf zur Un- sterblichkeit (Langensalza: Beltz, 1933); Ingeborg Wessel, Horst Wessel: Sein Lebensweg, nach Lichtbildern zusammengestellt, mit einem Geleitwort seines Corpsbruders und des Beraters seiner Hinterbliebenen, Geheimen Regierungsrat Dr. jur. Fischer-Kautz (München: F. Eher Nachf, 1933); Erich Czech-Jochberg, Das Ju- gendbuch von Horst Wessel. Mit 13 Abbildungen (Stuttgart: Union deutsche Verlagsgessellschaft, 1933); Erwin Reitmann, Horst Wessel: Leben u. Sterben (Berlin: Steuben-Verl, 1933); M. Mer- zenich, Horst Wessel: ein deutscher Freiheitskämpfer (Bochum: Kamp, 1933); Josef S. Viera, Horst Wessel; Künder und Kämpfer des Dritten Reiches (Leipzig: F. Schneider, 1933) 167 e.g. Bülowplatz / Horst-Wessel-Platz 168 e.g. Horst-Wessel-Krankenhaus, Horst-Wessel-Schule 169 e.g. Berlin Friedrichshain / Horst-Wessel-Stadt 170 Horst-Wessel-Koog 171 18th SS-Freiwilligen-Panzergrenadier-Division “Horst Wessel” 172 Zerstörergeschwader No. 26 “Horst Wessel” 84 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

Goebbels in Berlin,173 as well as an amateur poet. As part of the myth and as the auditory element of the remembrance cult Goebbels made Wessel’s musicalized poem entitled Die Fahne Hoch the national socialist anthem (Horst Wes- sel Lied), which, beside the Deutschland Über Alles, soon became an integral part of the festivities and propaganda of national socialism. The false memory of Wessel was cultivated with several devices (commemorative plates and plaques, SA Deutschland erwache Standard Horst Wessel etc.) and edifices Horst-Wessel( Haus174). On 8 October 1933, the day he would have become 26 years old, which became the day of the national song (Tag des nationalen Liedes), in Wessel’s home town Bielefeld, in the presence of his mother, sister, and another ca. 15,000 (according to the party’s propaganda 50000 (Marsch der 50,000)) participants a “heart-rending celebration” (zu Herzen gehenden Festakt) was organized on the basis of the Völkische Beob- achter, where they inaugurated the memorial of the “lost son” (verlorene Sohn).175 In the same way as the German historical and state symbols freshly introduced on 19 May 1933 and those connected to the elevation of the nation (Gesetz zum Schutze der nationalen Symbole) were protected by copyright, the national socialists also regulated the conditions and rights connected to the use of the Horst Wessel song by law, thus

173 Ingeborg Wessel, Mein Bruder, 3 7. 174 Cf. Karl-Liebknecht-Haus 175 Daniel Siemens, Der Sänger des Herrenvolkes MODERN PROPOSAL 85 creating another NS brand.176 Wessel’s mother was not idle in the fight for copyright either, and realizing the scope of the law of 19 May she claimed the registration of her copyright for the lyrics of the song (Die Fahne Hoch)177 written by her son, which by that time had been made the national socialist anthem – her act rather annoyed Goebbels.178 The Horst Wessel story is one not particularly outstand- ing element among those created by the national socialists for the use of power involving lies, withholding information, and the distortion of reality. The most characteristic example of these may be the book on the history of the party and their seizing power called Deutschland erwacht: Werden, Kampf und Sieg der NSDAP,179 an easy read illustrated with photos compiled of virtualities and fake stories, a loose montage of myths, practices, heroes, and victims. The national socialist memory politics tackled reality with the same flexibility as its political rhetorics used the Ger- man language; for them the past and memories meant a pliable material to be shaped creatively.

176 Daniel Siemens, “Ein Produkt, eine Marke der Nazis” INTERVIEW: Historiker Daniel Siemens über Tod und Verklärung des NS-Märty- rers Horst Wessels (2009) 177 Ross, Media and the Making of Modern Germany, 3 11. 178 Goebbels and Reuth, Tagebücher 1924–1945. entry on 10 June: “…A long argument with Ms Wessel. She wants Horst’s song for herself. It does, however, belong to the nation…” 179 Wilfrid Bade and Heinrich Hoffmann, Deutschland erwacht: Werden, Kampf und Sieg der NSDAP (Hamburg-Bahrenfeld: Ciga- retten-Bilderdienst, 1933) 86 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

SENSORY BRAND DIMENSION – ACOUSTIC SPACES OF RESONANCE

In the first decades of the 20th century, the sounds of large cities became, owing to industrialization, increasing settling and a denser population, the modernization of transportation, along with the techniques of communication and entertainment, louder as well as more intense and complex:

…motorized traffic, clocks and church bells, whistles, horns, carpet beating, horses and carts, food sellers, tradesmen, mechanical music, newspaper sellers, postal horns, buskers and beggars featured in most German soundscapes, often well into the 1930-s and 1940s.180

Besides the volume and intensity of the cities’ sounds, the modern forms of technology also changed the means of perception, sensation, and observation of the acoustic environment. As a result of the development of microphones, amplifiers, loudspeakers, and recording appliances of the radio and film, the transmitted sound began to spread and occupy the space:

We have split the sound from the maker of the sound. Sounds have been torn from their natural sockets and given an amplified and independent existence. Vocal sound, for instance, is no longer

180 Carolyn Birdsall, Nazi Soundscapes: Sound, Technology and Urban Space During Nazi Germany (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2012), 14. MODERN PROPOSAL 87

tied to a hole in the head but is free to issue from anywhere in the landscape.181

In resonating city spaces, the sounds reverberating from walls and other surfaces easily produce a high volume. In the 1920s and ‘30s, the national socialists employed several acoustic strategies to arouse attention and involve civilians. Examples to the political attempts for the acoustic occupation of city spaces included loud clashes/ brawls with cries of party slogans between the SA (Stur- mabteilung) and left-winged groups, the use of sound technologies and transmission channels, the standardization of songs and ritual practices, fusillades employed as acoustic symbols, and later, during festivities, the demon- strative use of aircrafts that filled the sky.182 Carolyn Birdsall183 regards body practices using sound and rhythm as factors shaping identity as well as the city space, and she introduces the notion of affirmative resonance, which refers to any event or acoustic resonance practice that reinforces and legitimates the identity pattern of any group of people.184 In her book, Birdsall analyses in detail185 the acoustic scope of the rituals festivalizing the fake memory of Leo Schlageter, a veteran sentenced to death and executed by French occupiers in May 1923. Schlageter was a right-wing

181 Murray R. Schafer, The Tuning of the World (New York: Knopf, 1977) cited Birdsall, Nazi Soundscapes, 22. 182 Ibid., 32. 183 Ibid. 184 Ibid., 34. 185 Ibid., 31–64. 88 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT activist and saboteur turned into a heroic freedom fighter and martyr, elevated to the position of a national symbol (cf. the Horst Wessel brand). The secondary surfaces covering everything, the space created by the flags and colors that filled the eyes, the thousands that marched in columns between the walls of spectators with loud cries and stomping boots performed the acoustic occupation of Düsseldorf at the three-day-long Schlageter festival in May 1933. The characteristic, distinctive salute and the synchronized march, the military discipline and rhythmic order can be understood as the sensory symbol of the antidote to the “chaos” of the Weimar Repulic.186 Affirmative resonance can be produced by collective singing, instrumental music, or the use of sound recording and acoustic transmission technology. The national socialists rented a Siemens & Halske motor vehicle equipped with a loudspeaker (Lautsprecherwagen) for the first time in 1932 in order to dominate the public space with speeches, songs, and party slogans broadcasted from it.187 The audience of the party events was drawn into a common acoustic space of resonance by a massive reflective circle as the voice of the crowd reached the microphone and being added to the voice of the orator was amplified and broadcasted, thus creating an acoustic feedback (Figure 8).188 The field of affirmative resonance was usually the city square, but due to the intensive national socialist use of the media its scope also reached the personal

186 Ibid., 40. 187 Ibid., 39. 188 Ibid., 35. MODERN PROPOSAL 89

Figure 8 90 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT spaces. Aiming at enhancing the acoustic presence, after 1928, the party started to distribute the recordings of songs of the military and the party, and from 1932 on, those of Hitler’s speech Appell an die Nation (Appeal to the Nation). The radio and television can also be understood as reso- nators extended over personal spaces. The national socialist acoustic body practices and their electronic broadcasts had a characteristic and unavoidable acoustic quality, an attention-raising force, a mobilizing purpose, and an ideological message. The national socialist acoustic strategy involved militant acoustic worlds like the marches and cries, slogans, fusillades, the roaring of military machines. It changed and replaced the acoustic character of holidays, filled the electroacoustic spaces of resonance with ideology, occupied the acoustic surfaces of urban and personal spaces, and extended the festivities over every day. It also generated a “ceaseless festival” on the radio; the acoustic presence had certain technical requirements, which it complied with by supporting the promotion of industrial developments. The above clearly shows that the national socialists used their acoustic devices intensively as tools of intimidation, mobilization, to fill events and situations with extra emotional charge, and for the production of the experience of community, as well as emotional tuning, that is, as tools to control the crowd with. A large part of their acoustic events was standardized and regulated (e.g. the Hitler salute, marches, anthems, etc.), thus this tool was reproducible, well identifiable, easy to remember, and employable as a branding element. MODERN PROPOSAL 91

SENSORY BRAND DIMENSION – KINESTHETIC SPACES OF RESONANCE: PARADE, DANCE AND GESTURES

The Hitler salute, the regime’s regularly provoked acoustic and kinesthetic marker of loyalty, entailed a bodily and sensory mobilization: the straightened arm raised high is such an acoustic sign given at the appropriate time. Its proper realization needed increased concentration: in a march it needed to be begun by five steps in advance and then to be finished within two steps, looking in the right direction and keeping the body and every limb in the required unified form that was recorded in the handbook (cf. Handbuch der SA). In his book, William H. McNeill189 examines how rhythmic dance, muscular practices exercised in processions, and other organized public actions, that is, the rhythmic muscular experience, creates emotional bonds. He introduces a term for the emotional affirmation triggered by rhythmic muscular movement: muscular bonding. Celebrations, quotidian and religious acts, military and political parades offer surfaces for the manifestation of emotionally charged rhythmic movements and gestures. He suggests that certain regular movements like a military march are, due to the rhythmic muscular experience involved in them, suitable for the enhancement of group cohesion and that of the feeling of comradeship, similarly to dance: they are able to dissolve personal boundaries.190

189 William H. McNeill, Keeping Together in Time: Dance and Drill in Human History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995) 190 Ibid.,10. 92 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

McNeill regards Hitler as a crowd technician who used muscle practices on purpose. He lists the Hitler salute, the marches of the SA and the SS, the processions of mass events, public parades and community-forming muscle practices among the techniques of muscular bonding employed by the national socialist politics.

Hitler’s belief that the shared blood was the only community that mattered prepared him to take seriously the muscular, subverbal level of human interaction. Blood, after all, manifested itself more in actions and feeling than in words and reasoning.191

Within the framework of national socialist cultural politics, body- and dance culture were also institutionalized. The German Rhythm Movement (Rhytmusbewegung) made an attempt at the Germanization of rhythm in the form of teaching motion and dance, whose aim was to prevent the Volkskörper from falling apart.192 Motion, rhythm and dance were given an emphatic role in the formation of the national motion experience (Figure 9).193 In 1935, the Imperial League for Community Dance (Reichsbund für Gemeinschaftstanz) was established, excluding from the circle of rhythm and motion characteristic of the German experience the non-national styles of dance and motion like jazz, ballet, and African dance. It was the cultic

191 Ibid., 148. 192 Inge Baxmann, Mythos, Gemeinschaft: Körper- und Tanzkulturen in der Moderne (München: Fink, 2000), 236. 193 Ibid., 232. MODERN PROPOSAL 93

Figure 9 94 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT regenerating ability of dance that was expected to revive the Volkskörper, so dance became a regular element of the events of the national liturgy. The traditional carnival was the place of “independent philosophy” and utopia, where the value system was overturned and the lower social levels could rise, and whose acoustic atmosphere was dominated by the sounds of work and play, music, laughter, complaints, and clamor.194 The festive days of the German carnival season, the “no man’s land time,” “the fifth season,” the carnival’s vernacular culture, the “unofficial culture” were outside the everyday, offering an “alternative space of living.” The new and traditional holidays proliferating after 30 January 1933 were given, for the legitimation of the new power, a national socialist character. The festival charged with ritual elements yielded a multisensory surface of access for the crowd. From 1943 onwards, the “Kraft durch Freude” (KdF – strength through joy) movement gained progressively more influence on the events of the carnival; with the pro- gressive instrumentalization of the holidays these events came to include Hitler’s photographs and the uniforms, and the national anthem also became an integral part of them along with the Hitler salute.195 The carnival turned into a regime-conform “public festival” (Volkfestival) involving every layer of the society from police officers to the SA squads and ruling out the “shameful” practices of the carnival like cross-dressing or the changing of gender

194 Birdsall, Nazi Soundscapes, 66. 195 Ibid., 73. MODERN PROPOSAL 95 roles. The personal experience of the carnival, which was traditionally tied to the market place, got already at the end of the 1920s replaced by sound recording and transmitting methods, and with the help of the radio and television programs the national socialists extended the festival over the weekdays (cf. the festivalization of the everyday). The body was the most important medium and visualization to experience the Volkskörper by, at the same time the reconstructive mass event of the nation’s body also offered, beyond the bodily experience, a surface of propaganda to the participants. The most apt medium of visualization was the film, since it was able to encompass the space of the mass event, broadcast news about its scale and, through the transmission of the movement of the bodies, mobilize the spectators. Moreover, in the modern world the film (according to Béla Balázs,1924):

…took the role in the imagination and emotional life of urban citizens that earlier was filled by myths, legends, and folk tales.196

The technical mediums made it possible to present the commonwealth as an experience and reinforce the verisi- militude of the celebrated construct:

The German Dionysiads organized at national socialist mass events were built upon the culture of

196 Béla Balázs: “Der sichtbare Mensch oder die Kultur des Films” (1924), in: Ders.,: Schriften zum Film, hrsg. von H. Diederichs, W. Gersch u. M. Nagy. Bd. I (Budapest–/München, 1982), S. 47., cited Baxmann, Mythos, Gemeinschaft: Körper- und Tanzkulturen in der Moderne, 238. 96 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

experiences that emerged from the avant-garde fused with the new mediums. With the help of technology, which in order to achieve the ideal of the immediate experience of the national community made itself invisible, politics became an ecstat- ic experience.197 …Niedecken-Gebhard’s stage direction featured the bodies in the new Volks- gemeinschaft as parts of a political choreography where the social synchronization results formed the synchronization of movement, rhythm, sound, and breathing. The identification processes of the participants necessitate the unconscious desire for social order to be achieved by a meta-communication through rhythmical vibration which evokes bodily resonances. The fictional national community becomes a living reality.198

Similarly to the acoustic gestures, the subconscious effect of the muscular experience can also trigger emotional reinforcement, and the crowd technician, like Hitler, is able to use this factor: the communal movement and its sight were synchronized and instrumentalized in Na- tional Socialism. The reformulation and geometrization of the traditional movements, groups and group for- mations along with the scope extended with the use of technical instruments, such as the Telefunken mushroom

197 Ibid., 239. 198 Ibid., 245. MODERN PROPOSAL 97 loudspeaker,199 resulted in the appearance of hitherto un- seen synchronized crowd-collectives. One of the purposes of the organization of motions was to make them possible to be recorded by mass media, and the crowd, that was supposed to embody the Volkskörper as it was streaming between the settings, the secondary surfaces, was also possible to identify with in the film. Also, with the use of complementary technical tools of the film it could be given a form that made it easily understandable and capable of conveying the message of the propaganda.

SENSORY BRAND DIMENSION – HAPTIC SPACES OF RESONANCE: MATERIALS ON THE SKIN

On 27 February 1934, the government classified the tasks of German economy in twelve categories, which encom- passed the issues of clothing and items of textiles and leather. The national socialist policies concerning raw materials aimed at diminishing the economy’s depen- dence on foreign supply and preparing the industry for war. One of the priorities regarding raw materials was the foundation of plastic manufacturing based on coal and wood. The objective was to find new industrial materials to replace the country’s import of wool, cotton, silk, and leather, which in turn had its impact on the culture of civilian clothing and articles of personal use. The developments gave rise to the production of plastics, such as Plexiglas, the lightweight and durable alternative to glass

199 Cf. Cornelia Epping-Jäger, “Dispositiv LautSprecher,” http://science. orf.at/stories/1633856 98 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT used in the cockpits of airplanes (1933), PeCe-Fasern, a PVC-based “synthetic spider silk” (1934), Zellwolle, the cellulose-based semi-synthetic thread (1936), Buna substitute for natural rubber (1937), or Perlon, a synthetic raw material for parachutes and civilian clothes (1938). In the beginning of the 1930s, the rawhide import of Germany covered 60 percent of the amount required by the leather industry, and in terms of cowhide it even reached 70 percent. The amount of German rawhide production depended on the number of slaughterhouses, thus it could only have been improved at the expense of the other agricultural activities. Hence, the shoe production needed new industrial raw materials.200 The alternatives to leather produced during the four-year plan (Vierjahresplan) that started in 1936 began to serve the shoe supply of the civilian population, since the entire stock of rawhide was earmarked to satisfy the Wehrmacht’s needs. Until 1943, the entire shoe supply of the Wehrmacht was made from natural materials.201 The raw material of the new civilian shoes was among others the Buna substitute for natural rubber, from which synthetic rubber soles were made, and the leather fiber-Buna, or the mix of leather fiber and synthetic resin. Substitutes for leather were on the market under the brand names of Alkor, Viledon, Igelit and

200 Anne Sudrow, “Vom Leder zum Kunststoff. Werkstoff-Forschung auf der »Schuhprüfstrecke« im Konzentrationslager Sachsenhau- sen 1940/1945,” in Rüstungsforschung im Nationalsozialismus: Organisation, Mobilisierung und Entgrenzung der Technikwissen- schaften, ed. Helmut Maier (Göttingen: Wallstein-Verl, 2002), 216. 201 Ibid., 214. MODERN PROPOSAL 99

Oppanol. Then, by 1944, the waning of the stock of the Buna and the synthetic resin adhesive had necessitated the development of the material for shoe uppers from leather fibre without adhesives, which was a rather pro- gressive raw material, and which, due to labor shortage, was eventually not put into production. The decrease in the amount of industrial raw materials and their appropriation by the military industry prompted the research for natural substitutes of leather, so in 1941 experiments with cattle stomach and in 1944 with cattle pericardium started.202 The most promising material to substitute natural leather with, though at first it was met with opposition on the consumer side, was fish skin, whose development started in 1938. The industrial production of fish skin began in 1939, and it was presented in January 1940 in the clothing- and shoe collection of the Frankfurt fashion institute.203 The developments seeking alternatives to natural raw materials for textile and the emergence of industrial synthetic materials resulted in a raise of Germany’s own raw material supply in the textile sector: in 1933 it was 5.2% but by 1938/39 it had reached 42.5%.204 The new synthetic materials primarily influenced the clothing opportunities of the civilian population. Men’s hats featured the highest proportion of synthetic content, and military uniforms the least of it. Just like leather substitutes, the alternatives to

202 Ibid., 240. 203 Ibid., 228. 204 Julia Bertschik, Mode und Moderne: Kleidung als Spiegel des Zeitgeistes in der deutschsprachigen Literatur (1770–1945) (Köln: Böhlau, 2005), 334. 100 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT the natural raw materials of textile were not altogether successful either: after 1939 the quality of textiles containing synthetic materials began to decline. In order to conceal the increasing synthetic content, care labels in clothing items were banned.205 The early version of Perlon did not withstand temperatures above 90 °C, which made ironing absolutely impossible. Certain materials became smelly when they became wet from rain. A new textile containing a wood-based synthetic material was intended for the production of uniforms but could not repel wet weather:

Every raindrop went through as though I’d been wearing a sieve. And would you believe it, all the color went through, too. My underclothes were bright green, and it took me two hours in the bath to get the green off myself.206

The term “Men from Mars,” widely used to denote Ger- man privates, originated in the fact that the faulty pigment and the shortage of soap and hot water resulted in their bodies turning greenish. The breakthrough in the field of industrial materials came in 1942 when, at the Budapest International Fair, I. G. Farben introduced its raw materials made from synthetic fibers, among these, Perlon, which could be ironed, steamed, and was lighter, more durable, and more elastic than silk.207

205 Guenther, Nazi Chic?, 234. 206 William Bayles, Postmarked Berlin (London: Jarrolds Publishers, 1942), 105–106., cited Guenther, Nazi Chic?, 240. 207 Ibid. MODERN PROPOSAL 101

The economic developments, which were enforced for considerations of foreign politics and warfare, the raw materials “without natural antecedents” 208 of “the age of synthesis” reached the consumers some years after the introduction of the national socialist regime. The synthetic fibers and substitutes replacing wool, cotton, silk, and leather seeped into the everyday world as subconscious elements and became part of the regular national socialist experience. The political reformation of the materials used in the clothing industry brought about a different feel of the human surfaces, a different tactile sensation, along with a different bodily experience.

SENSORY BRAND DIMENSION – GUSTATORY SPACES OF RESONANCE: VOLLKORNBROT AND VELVETA

Nutrition played an important role in national socialist thinking. A healthy and strong state required healthy and strong bodies, and proper nutrition was often the key to gaining physical strength. National socialist nutritionists launched a broad campaign against the over-consumption of meat, sweets and fat while promoting a return to more „natural” foods such as grains, fruits, and vegetables. [… ] The national socialist regime wanted tough and slim people capable of high performance.209

208 Bertschik, Mode und Moderne, 335. 209 Robert N. Proctor, Blitzkrieg gegen den Krebs: Gesundheit und Pro- paganda im Dritten Reich (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 2002), 141. 102 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

In the national socialist state, like many other things, nutrition was no private matter either; the body belonged to the German state, therefore, in the end, directly to the Führer, thus the care of each body was considered to be a governmental task. In 1939 the “health duty” (Pflicht zur Gesundheit) became an official slogan of the state. The national socialist nourishment policy had economic, ideological, and nutrition scientific elements. The economic political interests supported the curb on imported goods and the optimal use of raw materials: the cultivation of rye to replace imported wheat and the subsidization of rye production, the development of fertilizers, irrigation systems and machines for the yield capacity of wheat production, the introduction of the “German soy,” or the resuscitation of preservation methods supporting the optimal use of raw materials, such as potting, curing, salt- ing, and drying.210 The range of available food was also influenced by the political prioritizing of armament. As a response to the restrictions on consumption, the food industry introduced food substitutes e.g. Milei (milk and egg), or Velveta (cheese and butter).2 11 The ideology defined the usefulness of the individuals on the basis of the role they played in the Volkskörper. The health of the family that signified the biological building stone of the state served the health of the Volkskörper, hence the nutrients were defined as raw materials sat- isfying the biological needs of the body. The ideological

210 Jörg Melzer, “Ernährungspraxen im »Dritten Reich«,” in Diehl, Körper im Nationalsozialismus, 253. 2 11 Schug, “Deutsche Kultur” und Werbung, 231. MODERN PROPOSAL 103 nutrition also contained symbolic considerations. Eating whipped cream, for example, was associated with overin- dulgence and enervation, while the decades-old practice of butter coloring was regarded, like the artificial alteration of the human body, plastic surgery, or bleaching one’s hair blonde, negatively as cheating or fraud.212

There are people who are governed by their stom- achs. In their greed, they demand goulash and a large portion of whipped cream until they are full. But we diligent comrades of the German blood know what is at stake! We know that serious and hardworking German people do not feed on whipped cream and bananas. This is not the time for fussy connoisseurs and hysterics who hanker for different food every day.213

The national socialist nutrition science, with an ideological resonance, supported natural, low-fat food and lifestyle free from artificial coloring, preservatives, and stimulants (coffee, alcohol, tobacco), but rich in ballast components.214 For the sake of the preservation of the genetic quality of the race and the sustenance of the hereditary material the responsibilities of health politics included the reduc- tion of the harmful effects of alcohol, radiation, smoking, environmental pollution, and carcinogens. It happened during such a campaign, for instance, that butter yellow,

212 Proctor, Blitzkrieg gegen den Krebs, 143. 213 Martin Gumpert, Heil Hunger! Health under Hitler (New York: Alliance Book Corp., 1940), 81., cited Proctor, Blitzkrieg gegen den Krebs, 154. 214 Ibid., 146. 104 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

4-Dimethylaminoazobenzene, which had been used since the 19th century to lend some less valuable dairy products the golden brown color of butter made from the cream of cows pastured on spring grass was banned.215 The idea of Vollkornbrot (a whole grain seed bread) complied with all three aspects of the nutrition policy, since instead of wheat its basic material was rye, which was indigenous to Germany and offered a rich yield, and its whole grain milling permitted an excellent use of the raw material as well as serving the national socialist völkisch ideal. It was a bread that was grown on the “homeland,” came from the “German soil,” and strengthened the “Ger- man blood,” at the same time it was a nutritious food rich in B1 and B2 vitamins. In 1939, on the basis of an agreement of the party and occupational organizations, a decision was made to develop a whole rye bread.216 At the end of 1939, the bread began to be introduced in the market. Its components and their purity were monitored by the state, and for its verification the bread was equipped with a sticker featuring the rune of life. The advertisement of the Vollkornbrot used the typified elements of motherhood and peasantry (perseverance, feeding, homeland and re- production).217 The first training for bakeries Vollkornbrot( Schulung) was held in Vienna on 28th-29th November

215 Ibid., 191. 216 Jörg Melzer, Vollwerternährung: Diätetik, Naturheilkunde, National- sozialismus, sozialer Anspruch (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner 2003), 190. 217 Jörg Melzer, “Ernährungspraxen im »Dritten Reich«,” in Diehl, Körper im Nationalsozialismus, 259. MODERN PROPOSAL 105

1939.218 The Vollkornbrot was a “whole value” product of the national socialist nutrition policy, which complied with the party’s economic, ideological and health political interests, a patented, hallmarked sub-brand that fitted into the national socialist brand identity system. The nutrition politics of the national socialists, similarly to their strategies related to the other sensory organs, laid claim to the management of the human body. The total control over the body requires the supervision of food: the quantity and quality of food shapes the quality of life and the state of mind. In National Socialism ideology was present as a secondary layer on the food: in the case of Vollkornbrot the national socialist hallmark was directly attached, as a label, to the food (Figure 10), while in advertising it represented the ideology of the propaganda through imagery.

SENSORY BRAND DIMENSIONS – INTEGRATED SPACES OF RESONANCE: DIE FUNKAUSSTELLUNG

In the second half of the 1920s, Germany was overcome by radio fever, which resulted in the rapid growth of the audience, the explosive development of the electronic industry, and the emergence of broadcasting. 1923 is the birthday of the German radio; the first systematic broadcast started on 29th October, ten years later the new mass medium had 4.5 million registered receivers, and in 1941 their number reached 13.3 million, which meant 65% of German households.

218 Melzer, Vollwerternährung: Diätetik, Naturheilkunde, 192. 106 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

Figure 10 MODERN PROPOSAL 107

In 1924, two types of appliance were available: the simple crystal set that operated without any external power supply and cost 35 RM, and the improved vacuum tube radio set that provided a more stable functioning and big- ger volume, which cost 60-100 RM. In that year, the hourly pay of laborers with average wages was 0.67 RM. The significant amount of work required for the purchase of a detector receiver was the factor that fueled the boost in the amateur radio movement. In the early period, the use of self-built sets predominated. 8,000 of the first 10,000 radio sets were home-built but later, owing to the cheap mass products, the amateur movement was pushed into the background. In the first years, radioing was seen as a technical sport. In the early period of radio broadcasts, listening demanded a “full presence,” since the microphone, the transmission sound, and the bad quality of the radio sound required continuous interaction in terms of tuning as well as imagination. After 1927, the new technical appliances allowed for the division of the attention of the audience,219 and it first became possible to electronically keep the re- ception on a constant volume in 1931. In the same year, new categories of radio sets were introduced: local, com- pact, remote, European, and world receivers. In 1932, the auto radio was introduced, which cost 465 RM.220 In the beginning of the 1920s, the difficult handling and tuning, along with the continuous need for adjustment

219 Birdsall, Nazi Soundscapes, 24. 220 Bressler, Von der Experimentierbühne zum Propagandainstru ment, 7 7. 108 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT made the radio a “man’s thing.” In 1930, the Siemens company integrated the previously separate handling implements of tuning into one single button.221 Until 1925, the radio set meant a uncovered heap of electric parts, only after that time began the industry to adjust the radio receiver to the home interior. The loudspeaker-equipped radio set became the first furniture-like appliance in 1928. In 1928, 55% of the Berlin households was connected to the electric power system, in 1930 this number was 68%, and in 1932 74%. The first radio set connectable to the electric power system became available in 1927; before that, the only sources of power supply were expensive and short-life batteries or accumulators. Compared with the 6% of 1929, by 1930, those sets suitable to be connected to the electric power system had reached 92% of all sets sold.222 The explosive growth of the electronic industry gave rise to the Große Deutsche Funkausstellung (great Ger- man radio exhibition), a series of events between 1924 and 1939 starting on 4 December 1924, which began as an event promoting the popularity of the radio and over the years developed into a tool of complex communication politics. Here was, among others, the first television set shown for the first time in 1928 and the Volksempfän- ger in 1933, and this place gave home to the introduction of the first fully electric television transmission in 1931, as well as the first stereo acoustic transmission in 1935. The Funkausstellung was the promoter and stage of the

221 Ibid., 81. 222 Ibid., 83. MODERN PROPOSAL 109 presentation of the development results of the radio and television, while it also served as mouthpiece of politics; during the national socialist reign, no year passed without Joseph Goebbels’s visit.223 Between 1924 and 1932, the central stands were taken by the largest manufacturers: Siemens & Halske (1847), AEG (1882), and Telefunken (1903). During this period, the target audience included retailers, radio amateurs, the interested German people, and the public of the world.224 At the time of the Weimar Republic, the Funkausstellung already offered a wide range of complementary programs: vocational lectures, meetings, versatile programs of entertainment often broadcasted by radio; special presen- tations, and exhibitions served the public’s professional orientation and entertainment. From 1933 onwards, fairs and exhibitions became su- pervised by two organizations, the Werberat der Deutschen Wirtschaft and the Institut für Deutsche Wirtschaftspropag- anda. In 1936, the Deutsche Propaganda-Atelier joined the first two. Owing to the strict regulations, which included the requirement of cultural or political relevance and sin- gularity, from 1934 to 1939 the number of authorized fairs and exhibitions decreased by about four-fifths. In 1936, the selling of products became forbidden at these events, and their annual organization was not allowed any more either.

223 Ibid., 3. 224 Ibid., 53. 110 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

These measures left the Funkausstellung untouched,225 which also indicates the significance of the series. The standardized national socialist radio receiver, the Volksempfänger was a common product of the industry and the totalitarian state. The creation of a consortium of 28 manufacturers and 59 suppliers was enforced by the state. This consortium sold half a million pieces of the receiver available for credit purchase already before November 1933, and 12 million of different versions of it until 1939. The type number of the set, VE301W, recalls the date of the national socialists’ coming into power. Owing to the success of the Volksempfänger, the Volk- part of compounds was registered copyright for: the Volksradio, Volksgerät, Volksfunk, Volkswagen, and Volkskühlschrank became exclusive, state-possessed brand names. In 1933, in his Funkausstellung opening speech Goeb- bels pronounced the radio as the most important tool of mass influence.226 It was the radio’s political task to form the crowd into Volksgemeinschaft. Eugen Hadamovsky, director of radio productions said:

225 Bressler, Von der Experimentierbühne zum Propagandainstru- ment, 140. 226 Joseph Goebbels, Signale der neuen Zeit, 197–207. Excerpt: “What press is for the 19th century, it will be the radio for the 20th century. Applying Napoelon’s words to our days, we may call the radio the eighth world-power. It is of revolutionary importance how this invention fits into the practice of community life. Perhaps in the future it will be found that the radio is just as a novel development in the spiritual and emotional influencing of the crowds as was the art of book printing before the reformation.” MODERN PROPOSAL 111

Our listeners form a community! I am not thinking of some mechanical thing, like the countable crowd of those listening to the radio. Instead, each listener listens to us as a member of a living community. Not as individuals disaffiliated from the community, on the contrary, as members of it, who have been raised as people thinking and feeling in community, and who are bound together in an especially active and close manner while listening to the radio.227

The discoveries of the first decade of the 20th century created the electronic industry. In Germany, the first electronic mass medium, the radio, had appeared by the 1920s. In the early days, due to its unrefined state, listening to the radio was a “men’s thing”, a “performance” requiring close concentration. Thanks to the developments made by the electronic manufacturers, by the early 1930s, the radio had adapted itself, both in shape and in operability, to the other regular objects of the household, and listening to it became possible even with divided attention. The electroacoustic field opened by the explosive rise in the number of registered radio receivers had, by the time, carried strong potential. The first radio exhibition (Funkausstellung) of 1924, the forum of electronic image/ sound storage and transferring implements, immediately

227 Excerpt from Eugen Hadamovsky’s Weltkongreß für Freizeit und Erholung opening speech, Hamburg, 1936, Mitteilungen der Reichs- Rundfunk-Gesellschaft, Nr. 500, 17. August 1936, cited Bressler, Von der Experimentierbühne zum Propagandainstrument, 154. 112 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT became a sought-after series of events. From that time on, every autumn it served as the show and laboratory of the newest developments of the electronic industry, as well as an educational, entertaining, and consumerism-promoting marketing event, and later as a political podium. The re-branding of the event that was built upon the new electric mediums yielded a complex challenge of integrated brand-communication for the national socialist propaganda. Similarly to the festivalization of the everyday and the re-branding of the holidays, the Funkausstellung offered a strongly emotional and brand-centered world of experiences, whose theme was basically the Volksgemein- schaft-forming marketing of the technical appliances: the radio and later the television. After 1933, the organization of events complemented the fundamentally technology-centered network of events of the Funkausstellung with national socialist regiminal rituals. The opening included, as an integral part, the ceremonial march with the flag, the Hitler salute, the Deutschland anthem, and the Horst Wessel song. For the intellectual mobilization of the masses, besides the technical appliances that represented the main theme of the exhibition, national socialist brand elements, flags, uniforms, logos, and to ensure the theatricality of the activities and festivalize the fair in a brand-centered way, elements of community celebration such as processions, propaganda speeches, and community singing, etc. were organized.228

228 Ibid., 171. MODERN PROPOSAL 113

FINAL PROPOSAL

The trust-based relationship between consumer and seller had been, by the end of the 19th century, replaced by the brand that inserted itself between the product and its customer. In the first decades of the 20th century, the science of advertising was completed with the newest results of psychology. In the German branding processes of the 1920s the notion of brand personality emerged in the wake of Hanz Domizlaff’s activity. Modern graphic design, the endeavor to achieve unity and employ repetition as derived from psychology, and the personalized brand fundamentally changed the presentation of products. In the Weimar Republic, the electronic urban media, by way of the evolving new mediums, such as the radio, television, and movie theaters, and the surfaces of advertising underwent an explosive proliferation. From the 1920s onwards, Adolf Hitler purposefully built his own brand along with that of the national socialist party. He was well versed in the field of advertising and monitored the tendencies of his time. During the years leading to the time when he seized power, he elevated political advertising to the level of market advertising, and he built and disseminated the visual and multisensory elements of his brands with the same purposefulness as the advertising technicians of the period. When they stepped into power, the national socialists used the tool of synchronizing to expand the brand to the available surfaces, even to the surface and inside of the human body, the everyday, the holidays, community and private spaces. 114 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

Seventy-five years after Edward Bernays’ expert- based229 PR campaign (1929) popularizing the smoking of women, in 2004, scientific experts working in the field of the anatomy, physiology, and biochemistry of the neural system studied the differences of experiences that drinking Coca Cola and Pepsi created in the brains of 67 volunteers.230 Subjecting the volunteers to a functional MRI examination, the experts visualized the dimensions of consumers’ experiences in response to each brand. In the early 2000s, Daimler Chrysler was looking for the experience-reactions created in the brain by different categories of cars in a similar experiment.231 The publications of authors imparting the results of brain research for the wider public and for experts researching the ways of increasing the effectiveness of persuasion (Antonio Damasio, Wolf Singer, Manfred Spitzer, Gerhard Roth), entailed the instrumentalization of these results. Today it is neuro-marketing for the practical areas of branding and advertising what used to be psychology in Bernays’ time. MRI (Mag- netic Resonance Imaging), fMRI (Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging), NIRS (Near Infrared Spectroscopy), PET (Positron Emission Tomography), EEG (Electroen- cephalography), ERP (Event-Related Potentials), MEG (Magneto Encephalography), TMS (Transcranial Magnetic

229 Cf. youtube: Torches-031710 230 Samuel M. McClure et al., “Neural Correlates of Behavioral Prefer- ence for Culturally Familiar Drinks”. Neuron. 44, no. 2, (2004), 379–387. 231 Hans-Georg Häusel, Neuromarketing: Erkenntnisse der Hirnfor- schung für Markenführung, Werbung und Verkauf (Freiburg u.a.: Haufe, 2007), 9. MODERN PROPOSAL 115

Stimulation), and eye tracking are the new keywords that are necessary, through the visualization of mental and physical processes, for the creation of the right products and the right customers. Neuro-marketing wants to grasp the unconscious level of the decision-making process. It does not aim at consciously presenting the offer, but wants to cut short the psychological and sensory dis- tance between the product and the targeted customer. The market-focused instrumentalization of brain research has yielded the most important recognitions, such as the realization of how significant the sense/history/sign/language systems and the reasoning required for designing motivation and the emotional inclusion indispensable for decision making232 are. Neuro-marketing has dismissed the symbol of homo economicus, that of the human being relying on rational decisions.233 The strategy of the sales industry that instrumentalizes the results of brain research draws on the sensory code (seeing, hearing, smelling, tasting and touch- ing), the episodic code (storytelling), the symbolic code (hero, character, gesture, logo, etc.), and the linguistic code (pronounced and written words). It handles the uniformity of the brand, the brand code, within the coherence of these

232 Hans-Georg Häusel, “Limbic®: Die unbewussten Emotionswelten im Kundengehirn kennen und treffen,” in Neuromarketing: Er- kenntnisse der Hirnforschung für Markenführung, Werbung und Verkauf, ed. Hans-Georg Häusel (Freiburg u.a.: Haufe, 2007), 65. 233 Christian Scheier and Dirk Held, Wie Werbung wirkt: Erkenntnisse des Neuromarketing (Freiburg: Haufe Lexware Verlag, 2012), 53. 116 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT four dimensions.234 The findings of brain research indicate that no decision exists without emotional involvement, and accordingly, emotions and the design of experience, the conscious construction of worlds of experiences have become the core of contemporary marketing.235

The Construction of the Inner Force I. – The Sensory Code

In the last chapter of his 2011 book called Sensory Brand- ing: Grundlagen multisensualer Markenführung (Sensory branding: foundations of multisensory brand management) Paul Steiner published his 2011 interviews with some branding experts on their multisensory branding experiences, that is, those that involve all the five senses. In one of the answers of Dr. Hans-Georg Häusel neuro-marketing expert says:

The Church understands perfectly how to address all the five senses. Be it the visual experience on entering the church, the organ playing, the presentation of the wafer, or the smell of the incense. It is always the multisensory experience that leads to the emotional tuning. A good example of the multisensory staging is the election of the Pope. No

234 Christian Scheier, “Die Neurologik erfolgreicher Markenkommu- nikation,” in Neuromarketing: Erkenntnisse der Hirnforschung für Markenführung, Werbung und Verkauf, ed. Hans-Georg Häusel (Freiburg u.a.: Haufe, 2007), 112. 235 Häusel, “Limbic®,” 68. MODERN PROPOSAL 117

company in the world has better control over this technique than the Church.236

Dipl.-Kfm. Karsten Klepper multisensory branding expert:

A visit to the church is a perfect experience of the five senses. The optical experience is given by the cross, the acoustic by the church bells, the olfactory is provided by the incense, the gustatory by the wafer. And the haptic experience by the cold stone floor.237

As follows, branding that involves the five senses looks back on a long tradition. The branding technique of the national socialists also made use of several multisensory elements. In his 1939 book called Handbuch des deutschen Rundfunks (Handbook of German broadcasting), he calls the national socialist propaganda a “drumfire on the five senses” (Trommelfeuer auf die fünf Sinne):

The swirl of colors, pictures, posters, processions, marches, parades, flags, decorations, symbols, signs, light effects, light beams, and fireworks are to stimulate the eyes, the facial expression, and the curiosity. The music of brass instruments, singing, military songs, anthems, orchestras, marching, the hooting of sirens, whistles, tramping, clapping,

236 Paul Steiner, Sensory Branding: Grundlagen multisensualer Mark- enführung (Wiesbaden: Gabler Verlag / Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2011), 352. 237 Ibid., 358. 118 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

short harmonious and disharmonious noises should excite the hearing and the ears.238

In Mein Kampf, Hitler mentions the orator’s speech as a method of crowd manipulation which is even more effective than written propaganda to politicize the human aggregate with.239 The circumstances of the mass event, such as the mysterious dark of evening hours and the choice of the right venue greatly support the orators in their efforts to break the will of the audience,240 as he writes:241 the artificial semi-darkness employed in Catho- lic churches, the lighting, the incense serve the same aim. The mass events build the unity of the crowd and help the people experience it. The suggestive-intoxicating murmur of the events convinces the hesitant, comforts the lonely, empowers the weak, and holds the small spellbound.242 The totalitarian state’s ambition for synchronization, with which it wants to reach or monopolize the most possible surfaces of the population, consequently entails the development of individual worlds of experiences, while other sensory changes result indirectly from other measures. The economic policies of the war interferes with the trade of raw materials and products, and that appears on the level of everyday objects. The national socialist import

238 Hans-Joachim Weinbrenner, Handbuch des deutschen Rundfunks, 1939/40. (Heidelberg: K. Vowinckel, 1939), 22., cited Bressler, Von der Experimentierbühne zum Propagandainstrument, 170. 239 Hitler, Mein Kampf, 525. 240 Ibid., 531. 241 Ibid., 532. 242 Ibid., 536. MODERN PROPOSAL 119 strategy demanded the substitution of fossil oil and raw leather, and the developers of the main chemical partner, IG Farben, answered the demand with the development of carbon- and wooden-based varieties of plastic. The new materials appeared in the clothing of the population, bringing with them a new quality of tactile experience and comfort. The economic policies of the ideological synchronization and the preparation for the war together gave birth to the reform-food called Vollkornbrot, the branded and standardized gustatory brand element. The acoustic signals of the national socialist brand, the Hitler salute, or the militant acoustic elements examined by Birdsall, along with the kinesthetic, movement-connected patterns of experience listed by McNeill, and the recoding of dance are direct evidences for the multisensory expansion of the brand.

The Construction of the Inner Force II. – The Episodic Code

John F. Kennedy promised the American people that their nation would be the first to send a man to the moon. With this statement he gave life to a common vision, which then became an effective brand element of the NASA. The heroic challenge stirred the emotional and cognitive world of the employees and created a strong value system that originated innovation and creativity. By the appealing story Kennedy was able justify the enterprise that required considerable expenses in front of his political audience, and the moon landing became closely associated with 120 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT the NASA brand.243 The brand’s history carries meaning, inspires imagination, motivation, and is able to build emotional connection. In the cold war rivalry, reaching the moon signified the promise of victory without a fight of armies, and moved the clash from the battlefield to the field of ideology. After 1969, then later with the end of the cold war tension and that of the novelty of the moon landing, the brand history of NASA lost its power and needed redesigning.

Storytelling (plot making for branding purposes) is based on the assumption that the brain does not store images of objects and processes, but structures of sub-elements that appear recurrent- ly together. The magic word is “pattern.” […] If we are looking for the plot in storytelling, a glance on a short list will suffice. We are captivated by stories of: life & death, arrival & farewell, love & hate, good & evil, security & fear, truth & lies, strength & weakness, faithfulness & deceit, wisdom & stupid- ity, hope & despair. […] The basic system of every story includes the elements of message/plot/problem/characters. […] Brain researchers have not localized the “hero center” in the brain, but they

243 Klaus Fog, Christian Budtz, and Yaris Yakaboylu, Storytelling: Brand ing in Practice (Berlin: Springer, 2005), 64. MODERN PROPOSAL 121

can explain why we need heroes. In short: without heroes, the self is unsteady.244

The memory politics of the national socialist regime took the elements available in history and arranged them into brand stories that complied with the ideology, then rein- forced them with other brand elements like the anthem, logo, flag, event, holiday, etc., and channeled them in the political communication. The storytelling started concurrently with the shaping of the Hitler brand, already in Mein Kampf. Prevarication, concealment, and falsification can be observed in Hitler’s book, as early as in the part describing the shaping of the brand identity. Goebbels molded the Horst Wessel story, with minimal adherence to reality, into an ideal epic, and attached it to multisensory brand elements. The publica- tion called Deutschland erwacht: Werden, Kampf und Sieg der NSDAP is nothing short of a pseudo-historical picture book of the brand.

The Construction of the Inner Force III. – The Symbolic Code

It is possible that a brand logo is so strongly charged with content that it becomes a symbol itself, as it happened with the Nike brand. We catch sight of the “swoosh” symbol and recognize the

244 Werner T. Fuchs, “Wie hirngerechte Marketing-Geschichten auss- ehen,” in Neuromarketing: Erkenntnisse der Hirnforschung für Markenführung, Werbung und Verkauf, ed. Hans-Georg Häusel (Freiburg u.a.: Haufe, 2007), 129., 131., 132. 122 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

brand even if it is a jumping figure that embodies the symbol.245

The swastika also remained recognizable when formed by a screw propeller, a building viewed from above, when assembled from gramophone discs, small lights, or in- terlinked human arms, or when shaped by the bodies of children doing gymnastics, adults bearing torches, or athletes. It remained clearly recognizable in a tiny form, embroidered, and could not be mistaken on low resolu- tion television screens either. It could be perfectly paired with maypoles, easter eggs, or crockery; the swastika, or more precisely its modernized form created by Deffke, became a symbol.

There are four […] categories of names: descrip- tive (e.g. Lufthansa), suggestive (e.g. Lexus), random (e.g. Apple), and fictitious names (e.g. No- vartis). […] In summary, the brand name should be short, concise, unique, and at the same time self-explanatory, memorable, easily pronounce- able and attractive to an international audience.246

The Führer complies with most requirements a brand name sets, since it is short, brief, and unique, as with the legal protection it received in the law of 19 May 1933 its use was prohibited for competitors, and at the same time explanatory (leader and long awaited German Führer).

245 Scheier and Held, Wie Werbung wirkt: Erkenntnisse des Neuromar- keting, 76. 246 Steiner, Sensory Branding, 55., 58. MODERN PROPOSAL 123

Further signs taken into national socialist use include, among others, the Deutschland Erwache ensign, the imperial eagle, the Hitler salute, and the Horst Wessel song. The most elaborated surface of the national socialist brand system was, perhaps, the symbolic code system. Their visual symbols appeared new and strong for the contemporary eye and achieved the effect that the rival political actors could not do or did not even try.

The Construction of the Inner Force IV. – The Linguistic Code

Metaphors can kill. The discourse over whether we should go to war in the gulf is a panorama of metaphor. Secretary of State Baker sees Saddam as “sitting on our economic lifeline.” President Bush sees him as having a “stranglehold” on our economy. General Schwarzkopf characterizes the occupation of Kuwait as a “rape” that is ongo- ing. The President says that the US is in the gulf to “protect freedom, protect our future, and protect the innocent”, and that we must “push Saddam Hussein back.” Saddam is seen as Hitler. It is vital, literally vital, to understand just what role meta- phorical thought is playing in bringing us to the brink of war.247

247 https://georgelakoff.files.wordpress.com/2011/04/metaphor- and-war-the-metaphor-system-used-to-justify-war-in-the-gulf- lakoff-1991.pdf 124 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

In the dictionary of the “creative language” of national socialism, a nearly 700-page-long book compiled by Cornelia Schmitz-Berning with more than 500 entries, the term Asphalt served as a metaphor for the allegedly existing Jewish-democratic civilization of the Weimar Re- public and the metropolitan rootlessness caused by it.248 Schmitz-Berning quotes Victor Klemperer:

The asphalt is the artificial cover separating the inhabitants of the metropolis from the natural ground. Naturalistic poetry was the first (around 1890) to use the word metaphorically in Germany. At that time asphalt flower meant a Berlin girl. […] In Goebbels’ writing a whole flora of asphalt develops blossom, where every flower is filled with poison and all of them will surely open.

Asphaltungeheuer – asphalt monster: it is Berlin, the metropolis. Asphaltorgane – asphalt journalism: the Jewish press. In his dissertation on the relationship between national socialism and the German language Manfred Pechau, a member of the party calls the word Asphalt a “battle expression” (Kampfausdruck). Asphaltmensch: the metropolitan population alienated from nature and exposed to mixing of races, Asphaltdemokratie (asphalt democracy), Asphaltintellektualismus (asphalt intellec- tualism), Asphaltkultur (asphalt culture), Asphaltliteratur (asphalt literature) and Asphaltpresse (asphalt press) and

248 Cornelia Schmitz-Berning, Vokabular des Nationalsozialismus (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2007), 71–72. MODERN PROPOSAL 125 similar Asphalt mutations were listed in the battle dictionary. The manipulative newspeak, the secondary linguistic layer has a “valuable” ability: as its words have no actual meaning, it is the context that charges them with meaning and their use stabilizes them, the message they convey can be readily modified, tuned, and altered according to the intention of the orator or the propagandist. In 1944, when Goebbels sent his message to the urban citizens suf- fering from bomb attacks, he avoided the stigmatizing use of Asphaltmensch and instead, in order to reinforce the endurance of the citizens, he suddenly seemed to discover the vital power of the nation in the Asphaltmensch.249 The national socialist layer of the language presented itself with a similarly aggressive flexibility as Speer’s mobile structures did. Its words, like the imagery of advertising, were synchronized with the ideology and attacked with a politicized metaphor system. The national socialist vocabulary was one built upon the “real” language: an emotionally charged “set of battle metaphors.”

Repeatable proposal

The national socialist communication, the visual crowd-influencing and crowd- organizing methods can be approached from the aspect of current technologies of branding and marketing. Arranging the elements of the Third Reich’s realms of experience according to these aspects and following the lines of sensing and

249 Ibid., 73. 126 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT communication directed towards the actors of everyday situations let us recognize a very dense network of influence. Between 1920 and 1933, the national socialist methods of persuasion were focused on its central aim: seizing power by gaining the votes of the electors of the Weimar Republic. The product whose “purchase” these methods convincingly advertised was the Hitler brand which the electors could get, in the political contest, with their votes for the NSDAP. After January 1933, after the different synchronizing and unifying operations, Hitler’s promise embodied itself and thus began the shaping of the Volkskörper, the racially clean, organic community. The advertising techniques were worth their value in the totalitarian state also, and their experts supported the plan. The German citizens who identified themselves with the target group were expected to mobilize in themselves the bodily and psychological features characteristic of the Volkska- merad and suppress those traits regarded by the ideology as unworthy. The racially clean, endless, warm directable current of life – that is what the German people had to coalesce into, excluding those elements that the channels of propaganda, advertising and communication marked as inappropriate. Everything changed: the body, the street, the city, the room, and the garden, the dance, the holidays, the music, the bread, the clothes, the smell, the form, the history and the heroes. Some of them consciously, a part of them by the branding techniques, others assumed their new shapes as a result of political decisions, by implication. MODERN PROPOSAL 127

The recognitions of neuro-marketing, today’s em- phases of influencing techniques and the methods of decision-making mechanisms revealed by brain research can be paralleled with the major part of national socialist methods. The national socialists elevated influencing to a high-tech level, and completed the most recent knowledge derived from human science with the wildest visions of media technology. The radio, the television, the projec- tor, the closed circuit system, the URH broadcast and the gramophone disc, the car radio, the video telephone, the tape recorder, the HD television transmission, and the TV- controlled bomb – their development had an aim, mainly the intent of war. They served partly the change of the German people, and partly the drastic or even fatal trans- formation of the population of foreign countries. The advertising experts of the Weimar Republic developed a revolutionary form for the modern proposal. Hitler paid attention to it, and then presented his proposal to the people partly with the tools of advertising. “Mod- ern” means contemporary, novel and up-to-date, and the modern proposal can also mean a novel, state-of-the-art proposal, a renewed, maintained or continuously revised proposal. The transference of volition or a technique of influencing – the methods signified by these terms may in themselves feel awkwardly exaggerated, but they repeatedly materialize themselves in contemporary, so- phisticated forms. The innovations of the transference of volition and influencing do not represent some neutral knowledge. They state that they want to change people’s opinion, intention, and will without, if possible, using 128 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT external force, which would entail breaking the rules of democracy. They likewise wish to avoid the possibility that the target may recognize their manipulation, since in this way the method is sustainable, and their activity remains less expensive. If the national socialist technique of influencing can be demonstrated through a current marketing method, it is possible that the latter should also be worth approaching form the direction of the forms of violence and the perspective of human rights. MODERN PROPOSAL 129

LITERATURE

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Berliner Illustrirte Zeitung 38.49. (December 8, 1929): 2232. © Stadtbibliothek Berlin. Published: Ward, Janet. Weimar Surfaces: Urban Visual Culture in 1920s Germany. Berkeley: University of Cali- fornia Press, 2001. p. 46.

Figure 2: Breuer, Gerda. Wilhelm Deffke, Pionier Des Modernen Lo- gos. Zürich: Scheidegger et Spiess, 2014. pp. 166–167.

Figure 3: picture-alliance.

Figure 4: Ulric of E., and Otto Spronk. Deutschland Erwache: The His- tory and Development of the Nazi Party and the „Germany Awake” Standards. San Jose, Calif.: R. J. Bender Publ., 1997. p. 23.

Figure 5: Der Körper – ein Staatswesen im Kleinen, (Deutschen Hy- giene-Museum) Ewiges Volk / Fotodokumentation der Wanderauss- tellung (225 Motive); Bild 24., 1937–1939. Published: Neumann, Boaz. (January 01, 2009) The Phenomenology of the German People’s Body (Volkskörper) and the Extermination of the Jewish Body. New Ger- man Critique; Ngc. pp. 106, 169. 138 COLLECTIVE ORNAMENT

Figure 6: Der Deutsche Forstwirt 18, no. 16, 1936, 204. Published: Swett, Pamela E., S. Jonathan Wiesen, and Jonathan R. Zatlin. Selling Mo- dernity: Advertising in Twentieth-Century Germany. Durham: Duke University Press, 2007. p. 110.

Figure 7: Siemens, Daniel. Horst Wessel: Tod und Verklärung eines Nationalsozialisten. München: Siedler. 2009.

Figure 8: Wigge, H. Technisches Hilfsbuch für Gemeinschaftsemp fang, Hörerberatung und Funkschutz. Stuttgart: Franckh, 1934. Pub- lished: http://www.medienstimmen.de/chronik/1931–1935/1934-tele funken-pilzlautsprecher-zur-massenbeschallung/

Figure 9: Surén, Hans. Suren-Atemgymnastik: Die Schule der Atmung für Körper und Geist für alle Leibesübungen und Berufe. Stuttgart: Franckh, 1941.

Figure 10: http://generalgouvernement.de/Buecher/h67.pdf

The photos of the following chapter belong to the collection of The Zala County Archives

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Art as research

Publisher The Hungarian University of Fine Arts (1062 Budapest, Andrássy út 69–71.), Balatonfüred Városért Közalapítvány (8230 Balatonfüred, Szent István tér 1.)

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Sed ut perspiciatis unde omnis iste natus error sit voluptatem accusantium doloremque laudantium, totam rem aperiam, eaque ipsa quae ab illo inventore veritatis et quasi architecto beatae vitae dicta sunt explicabo. Nemo enim ipsam voluptatem quia voluptas sit aspernatur aut odit aut fugit, sed quia consequuntur magni dolores eos qui ratione voluptatem sequi nesciunt. Neque porro quisquam est, qui dolorem ipsum quia dolor sit amet, consectetur, adipisci velit, sed quia non numquam eius modi tempora incidunt ut labore et do- lore magnam aliquam quaerat voluptatem. Ut enim ad minima veniam, quis nostrum exercitationem ullam cor- poris suscipit laboriosam, nisi ut aliquid ex ea commodi consequatur?