The "Code Noir" (1685) the Black Code
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Empire, Racial Capitalism and International Law: the Case of Manumitted Haiti and the Recognition Debt
Leiden Journal of International Law (2018), 31, pp. 597–615 C Foundation of the Leiden Journal of International Law 2018 doi:10.1017/S0922156518000225 INTERNATIONAL LEGAL THEORY Empire, Racial Capitalism and International Law: The Case of Manumitted Haiti and the Recognition Debt ∗ LILIANA OBREGON´ Abstract Before 1492, European feudal practices racialized subjects in order to dispossess, enslave and colonize them. Enslavement of different peoples was a centuries old custom authorized by the lawofnationsandfundamentaltotheeconomiesofempire.Manumission,thoughexceptional, helped to sustain slavery because it created an expectation of freedom, despite the fact that the freed received punitive consequences. In the sixteenth century, as European empires searched for cheaper and more abundant sources of labour with which to exploit their colonies, the Atlantic slave trade grew exponentially as slaves became equated with racialized subjects. This article presents the case of Haiti as an example of continued imperial practices sustained by racial capitalism and the law of nations. In 1789, half a million slaves overthrew their French masters from the colony of Saint Domingue. After decades of defeating recolonization efforts and the loss of almost half their population and resources, Haitian leaders believed their declared independence of 1804 was insufficient, so in 1825 they reluctantly accepted recognition by France while being forced to pay an onerous indemnity debt. Though Haiti was manumitted through the promise of a debt payment, at the same time the new state was re-enslaved as France’s commercial colony. The indemnity debt had consequences for Haiti well into the current century, as today Haiti is one of the poorest and most dependent nations in the world. -
Questioning Whiteness: “Who Is White?”
人間生活文化研究 Int J Hum Cult Stud. No. 29 2019 Questioning Whiteness: “Who is white?” ―A case study of Barbados and Trinidad― Michiru Ito1 1International Center, Otsuma Women’s University 12 Sanban-cho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo, Japan 102-8357 Key words:Whiteness, Caribbean, Barbados, Trinidad, Oral history Abstract This paper seeks to produce knowledge of identity as European-descended white in the Caribbean islands of Barbados and Trinidad, where the white populations account for 2.7% and 0.7% respectively, of the total population. Face-to-face individual interviews were conducted with 29 participants who are subjectively and objectively white, in August 2016 and February 2017 in order to obtain primary data, as a means of creating oral history. Many of the whites in Barbados recognise their interracial family background, and possess no reluctance for having interracial marriage and interracial children. They have very weak attachment to white hegemony. On contrary, white Trinidadians insist on their racial purity as white and show their disagreement towards interracial marriage and interracial children. The younger generations in both islands say white supremacy does not work anymore, yet admit they take advantage of whiteness in everyday life. The elder generation in Barbados say being white is somewhat disadvantageous, but their Trinidadian counterparts are very proud of being white which is superior form of racial identity. The paper revealed the sense of colonial superiority is rooted in the minds of whites in Barbados and Trinidad, yet the younger generations in both islands tend to deny the existence of white privilege and racism in order to assimilate into the majority of the society, which is non-white. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science the New
The London School of Economics and Political Science The New Industrial Order: Vichy, Steel, and the Origins of the Monnet Plan, 1940-1946 Luc-André Brunet A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, July 2014 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 87,402 words. 2 Abstract Following the Fall of France in 1940, the nation’s industry was fundamentally reorganised under the Vichy regime. This thesis traces the history of the keystones of this New Industrial Order, the Organisation Committees, by focusing on the organisation of the French steel industry between the end of the Third Republic in 1940 and the establishment of the Fourth Republic in 1946. It challenges traditional views by showing that the Committees were created largely to facilitate economic collaboration with Nazi Germany. -
French Ambition and Acadian Labor in the Caribbean, 1762-1767”
401 “Empire Ex Nihilo: French Ambition and Acadian Labor in the Caribbean, 1762-1767” Christopher Hodson, Northwestern University “Lost Colonies” Conference, March 26-27, 2004 (Please do not cite, quote, or circulate without written permission from the author) At the conclusion of the Seven Years’ War in 1763, geopolitical equilibrium gave way to grotesque imbalance. Great Britain had become a leviathan, acquiring Canada, several key islands in the West Indies, Senegal in Africa, French possessions in the Mediterranean, India, and on the East Indian island of Sumatra, while crushing Gallic pretensions to the Ohio Valley. For Louis XV and his cast of ministers, utter defeat had raised the stakes of the imperial contest; Britain’s near-global dominance demanded a rapid, thorough response. The integration of France’s remaining overseas territories into a militant, economically competitive polity became the penultimate projet in a kingdom bursting with les hommes à projets.1 Draped in the rhetoric of progress, the plans that emerged from this hothouse of patriotism and personal ambition marked an extension of imperial authority unlike any France had ever seen.2 Mercifully, few of these bizarre proposals ever came to fruition. This essay, however, examines two that did. The first, a colony along the Kourou River in Guiana, failed in spectacular fashion only months after its foundation. Thousands of migrants died, and destitute survivors scattered throughout Europe and the Caribbean. The second, a smaller settlement on the northern coast of Saint Domingue, commenced early in 1764. It proved a disappointment, lapsing into obscurity over the next two years. Settlers died or filtered to greener, if equally fetid pastures in Louisiana. -
French Legal and Regulatory Update – February 2016
French Legal and Regulatory Update – February 2016 Contact The Paris office of Hogan Lovells is pleased to provide this English language edition of our monthly e-newsletter, which offers a legal and regulatory update covering France and Europe for February 2016. Bruno Knadjian Avocat à la Cour, Partner Please note that French legal concepts are translated into English for information only and not as legal advice. The concepts expressed in English may not exactly reflect or correspond to similar concepts existing under the laws of the jurisdictions of the Hogan Lovells (Paris) LLP readers. 17, Avenue Matignon CS 60021 If you would like to consult this newsletter from past months, please click here. 75008 Paris Tél. : +33 1 53 67 47 47 Please send an e-mail to [email protected] if you wish to subscribe to this publication. Fax : +33 1 53 67 47 48 For additional information, please speak to your usual contact. Hoganlovells.com Summary of miscellaneous French draft legislation Draft constitutional law to amend the Environment Chart to specify the scope of the precautionary principle, filed at the Senate on December 3, 2013 – Adopted in first reading by the Senate on May 27, 2014. Draft law on class actions for discrimination and fight against inequalities, n°1699, filed before the National Assembly on January 14, 2014 – Adopted in first reading by the National Assembly on June 10, 2015. Draft law relating to biodiversity, n°1847, filed on March 26, 2014 – Adopted in first reading by the National Assembly on March 24, 2015 and by the Senate on January 26, 2016 – Under examination in new reading by the National Assembly from March 15, 2016. -
How Race Counts for Hispanic Americans
How Race Counts for Hispanic Americans John R. Logan Lewis Mumford Center University at Albany July 14, 2003 Mumford Center research assistants Hyoung-jin Shin and Jacob Stowell contributed to the analyses reported here. Hispanics are now the largest minority group in the U.S. They are also quite diverse. A previous Mumford Center report analyzed differences among Hispanics by national origin. This report assesses racial differences among Hispanics. Census data do not allow us to measure how people are actually perceived in the neighborhoods where they live and work and go to school. They do enable us to count Hispanics with different racial identifications, compare them in terms of social and economic background, evaluate their residential integration with whites, blacks, and other Hispanics, and assess whether other characteristics of their neighborhoods are more similar to the neighborhoods where whites, blacks or other Hispanics live. Since 1970 the U.S. Census has asked all Americans to identify their race and, separately, whether they are Hispanic. This means Hispanics can be of any race. It is widely understood that there is a small black minority among Hispanics. Less well known is that only about half of Hispanics in Census 2000 identified themselves in standard racial categories such as white, black, or Asian on their census form. Nearly as many people instead wrote in their own term, most often “Latino,” “Hispanic,” or a similar word. Many of these people might be perceived by non-Hispanics as “white” – but apparently they do not see themselves in that way. In this report they are referred to as “Hispanic Hispanics.” We find substantial differences among these Hispanic racial groups: • Hispanic Hispanics are the fastest growing segment, and very likely they will soon be an absolute majority of Hispanic Americans. -
The Development of Literary Blackness in the Dominican Republic
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 8-2001 The development of literary blackness in the Dominican Republic Dawn F. Stinchcomb University of Tennessee Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Recommended Citation Stinchcomb, Dawn F., "The development of literary blackness in the Dominican Republic. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2001. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/6440 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Dawn F. Stinchcomb entitled "The development of literary blackness in the Dominican Republic." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Modern Foreign Languages. Michael Handelsman, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Oscar Rivera-Rodas, Carolyn R. Hodges, LaVinia Jennings Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by Dawn Stinchcomb entitled, "The Development of Literary Blackness in the Dominican Republic." I have examined the final copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Modem Foreign Languages. -
Louisiana's Code Noir (1724) BLACK CODE of LOUISIANA I. Decrees
Louisiana’s Code Noir (1724) BLACK CODE OF LOUISIANA I. Decrees the expulsion of Jews from the colony. II. Makes it imperative on masters to impart religious instruction to their slaves. III. Permits the exercise of the Roman Catholic creed only. Every other mode of worship is prohibited. IV. Negroes placed under the direction or supervision of any other person than a Catholic, are liable to confiscation. V. Sundays and holidays are to be strictly observed. All negroes found at work on these days are to be confiscated. VI. We forbid our white subjects, of both sexes, to marry with the blacks, under the penalty of being fined and subjected to some other arbitrary punishment. We forbid all curates, priests, or missionaries of our secular or regular clergy, and even our chaplains in our navy to sanction such marriages. We also forbid all our white subjects, and even the manumitted or free-born blacks, to live in a state of concubinage with blacks. Should there be any issue from this kind of intercourse, it is our will that the person so offending, and the master of the slave, should pay each a fine of three hundred livres. Should said issue be the result of the concubinage of the master with his slave, said master shall not only pay the fine, but be deprived of the slave and of the children, who shall be adjudged to the hospital of the locality, and said slaves shall be forever incapable of being set free. But should this illicit intercourse have existed between a free black and his slave, when said free black had no legitimate wife, and should said black marry said slave according to the forms prescribed by the church, said slave shall be thereby set free, and the children shall also become free and legitimate ; and in such a case, there shall be no application of the penalties mentioned in the present article. -
Vichy Against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État Français from 1940 to the Present
Vichy against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present Audrey Mallet A Thesis In the Department of History Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada, and Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne December 2016 © Audrey Mallet, 2016 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Audrey Mallet Entitled: Vichy against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: Chair Dr. G. LeBlanc External Examiner Dr. E. Jennings External to Program Dr. F. Chalk Examiner Dr. D. Peschanski Examiner Dr. C. Claveau Thesis Co-Supervisor Dr. N. Ingram Thesis Co-Supervisor Dr. H. Rousso Approved by: Dr. B. Lorenzkowski, Graduate Program Director December 5, 2016 Dr. A. Roy, Dean, Faculty of Arts & Science Abstract Vichy against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present Audrey Mallet, Ph.D. Concordia University & Paris I Panthéon Sorbonne, 2016 Following the June 22, 1940 armistice and the subsequent occupation of northern France by the Germans, the French government left Paris and eventually established itself in the city of Vichy. -
Why Do Are Algerian Immigrants in France Contentious, While Mexican Immigrants in the U
Immigrant Political Voice in a Comparative Perspective: New York, Paris and Barcelona Ernesto Castañeda [email protected] To be presented at: Comparing Past and Present, Mini-Conference of the Comparative and Historical Section of the American Sociological Association Berkeley, CA August 12, 2009 Why are Muslim immigrants in Europe commonly perceived as contentious, while Latino immigrants in the United States are often perceived as passive? What explains these different perceptions? This project uses surveys and multi-sited ethnography to study the avenues for political voice and integration of immigrants and their offspring. It takes into account the role of the sending community in individual meaning-making, as well as the socialization and institutional practices of the receiving community. It compares the transnational circuits between Latin America and New York, North Africa and Paris, Morocco and Barcelona. The results point to the importance of the state in fostering processes of belonging and exclusion that get translated into different forms of everyday citizenship, contentious politics, and pathways of inclusion. Research Questions Why are Muslim immigrants in Europe seen as contentious while Latino immigrants in the United States are seen as passive? Is this empirically true? How can we explain these perceptions in a systematic way, beyond clichés about the ―radicalization of Islam‖ or the ―humility of Mexican workers‖? What role do religious views play in drawing real and imagined boundaries between immigrants and locals? -
Slavery in Haiti
Africa Enslaved A Curriculum Unit on Comparative Slave Systems for Grades 9-12 Developed by: Natalie Arsenault, Teresa Lozano Long Institute of Latin American Studies Christopher Rose, Center for Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Texas at Austin About the Authors Natalie Arsenault is Outreach Coordinator at the Teresa Lozano Long Institute of Latin American Studies at the University of Texas at Austin. She holds an M.A. in Latin American Studies from the University of Florida. She has worked extensively on Latin American content-based activities with educators at all levels; has present- ed on her own research at regional and national educator conferences; and has developed multiple standards- aligned curriculum units related to Latin America. She can be reached at [email protected] Christopher Rose is Outreach Coordinator at the Center for Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, where he obtained his M.A. in Middle Eastern Studies. He is responsible for educational outreach to classrooms, business, the media, and community groups to increase awareness on matters related to the Middle East and its many diverse cultures. He is a frequent guest speaker in schools throughout the Austin area, and he has developed many curriculum resources to supplement K-12 curricula in world studies. He can be reached at [email protected] Africa Enslaved: A Curriculum Unit on Comparative Slave Systems for Grades 9 -12 Compilation date: March 2006 Permission is granted to reproduce this unit for classroom use only. Please do not redistribute this unit without prior permission. For more information, please see: http://inic.utexas.edu/hemispheres/ Cover photo: The slave monument, Stone Town, Zanzibar, Tanzania © 2003, Christopher Rose 3 Haiti CIA World Factbook, 1988. -
Policing in National Parliaments How Parliaments Organise Their Security
BRIEFING Policing in national parliaments How parliaments organise their security SUMMARY National parliaments organise their security in a variety of ways. Whereas in some cases the principles of separation of powers or of parliamentary autonomy prevent police forces from entering parliamentary premises − meaning that these legislative chambers rely on in-house security services – in others the security of parliaments is ensured exclusively by the police or other state forces with responsibilities in the area of security, defence or civil protection. Other national parliaments exhibit a mixed model, whereby parliamentary security departments are supplemented by national police or military units. This briefing provides an overview of the structures responsible for maintaining security and order in and around the parliaments of 11 EU Member States, namely Belgium, Germany, Spain, Estonia, France, Italy, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia and Finland, and also 3 non-EU countries − Canada, the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States (US). It focuses on the competences and tasks assigned to the services responsible for the security of each national parliament and highlights modes of cooperation with other external state forces. Furthermore, the briefing indicates, for each parliament, the ultimate authority in charge of the services responsible for maintaining order and security on and off the premises. IN THIS BRIEFING Introduction Situation in selected Member States and non-EU countries Annex − Overview of security in the selected national parliaments EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Carmen-Cristina Cîrlig Members' Research Service PE 679.072 – February 2021 EN EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Introduction Security in the parliaments of the EU Member States is organised in various ways.