Slavery in Haiti
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African Traditional Plant Knowledge in the Circum-Caribbean Region
Journal of Ethnobiology 23(2): 167-185 Fall/Winter 2003 AFRICAN TRADITIONAL PLANT KNOWLEDGE IN THE CIRCUM-CARIBBEAN REGION JUDITH A. CARNEY Department of Geography, University of California, Los Angeles, Los Angeles, CA 90095 ABSTRACT.—The African diaspora to the Americas was one of plants as well as people. European slavers provisioned their human cargoes with African and other Old World useful plants, which enabled their enslaved work force and free ma- roons to establish them in their gardens. Africans were additionally familiar with many Asian plants from earlier crop exchanges with the Indian subcontinent. Their efforts established these plants in the contemporary Caribbean plant corpus. The recognition of pantropical genera of value for food, medicine, and in the practice of syncretic religions also appears to have played an important role in survival, as they share similar uses among black populations in the Caribbean as well as tropical Africa. This paper, which focuses on the plants of the Old World tropics that became established with slavery in the Caribbean, seeks to illuminate the botanical legacy of Africans in the circum-Caribbean region. Key words: African diaspora, Caribbean, ethnobotany, slaves, plant introductions. RESUME.—La diaspora africaine aux Ameriques ne s'est pas limitee aux person- nes, elle a egalement affecte les plantes. Les traiteurs d'esclaves ajoutaient a leur cargaison humaine des plantes exploitables dAfrique et du vieux monde pour les faire cultiver dans leurs jardins par les esclaves ou les marrons libres. En outre les Africains connaissaient beaucoup de plantes dAsie grace a de precedents echanges de cultures avec le sous-continent indien. -
The Dominican Republic
INTRODUCTION: The Dominican Republic (D.R), part of the Hispaniola island alongside the nation of Haiti, is the second largest island of the Greater Antilles; it’s total area, including adjacent islands, is 48,670 km ². The coastline extends some 1,668 km. and has an exclusive economic zone covering 238,000 km ². The littoral zone is defined as a public asset, and includes a strip of 60 meters from high tide. In the D.R. there is a close relationship between the socio-economic aspect and the coastal marine area. Historically, coastal areas have been the primary focus of urban development and tourism. These areas are the most populous and economically productive of the country; 70% of Dominican cities with over 10,000 inhabitants, and 75% of industries are located in coastal marine areas. Out of the 31 provinces, including the National District, 17 have coasts. Since the mid-60's D.R. has focused the economic and social development towards the use of their coasts for the development of the tourism industry, which is the most important economic activity of the country. Clearly, the future of D.R depends on the conservation and rational management of natural resources in these areas. The Dominican coasts are characterized by the high biodiversity that is offered by the different coastal marine ecosystems. These diverse ecosystems generate goods, and services that upkeep the socio-economic activities of the respective coastal communities, and therefore it is essential that they are carefully managed. The National System of Protected Areas (SINAP) is governed by the Protected Areas Sector Act of 2004 (law 202-04). -
A Deductive Thematic Analysis of Jamaican Maroons
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Sinclair-Maragh, Gaunette; Simpson, Shaniel Bernard Article — Published Version Heritage tourism and ethnic identity: A deductive thematic analysis of Jamaican Maroons Journal of Tourism, Heritage & Services Marketing Suggested Citation: Sinclair-Maragh, Gaunette; Simpson, Shaniel Bernard (2021) : Heritage tourism and ethnic identity: A deductive thematic analysis of Jamaican Maroons, Journal of Tourism, Heritage & Services Marketing, ISSN 2529-1947, International Hellenic University, Thessaloniki, Vol. 7, Iss. 1, pp. 64-75, http://dx.doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4521331 , https://www.jthsm.gr/?page_id=5317 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/230516 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ www.econstor.eu Journal of Tourism, Heritage & Services Marketing, Vol. -
Empire, Racial Capitalism and International Law: the Case of Manumitted Haiti and the Recognition Debt
Leiden Journal of International Law (2018), 31, pp. 597–615 C Foundation of the Leiden Journal of International Law 2018 doi:10.1017/S0922156518000225 INTERNATIONAL LEGAL THEORY Empire, Racial Capitalism and International Law: The Case of Manumitted Haiti and the Recognition Debt ∗ LILIANA OBREGON´ Abstract Before 1492, European feudal practices racialized subjects in order to dispossess, enslave and colonize them. Enslavement of different peoples was a centuries old custom authorized by the lawofnationsandfundamentaltotheeconomiesofempire.Manumission,thoughexceptional, helped to sustain slavery because it created an expectation of freedom, despite the fact that the freed received punitive consequences. In the sixteenth century, as European empires searched for cheaper and more abundant sources of labour with which to exploit their colonies, the Atlantic slave trade grew exponentially as slaves became equated with racialized subjects. This article presents the case of Haiti as an example of continued imperial practices sustained by racial capitalism and the law of nations. In 1789, half a million slaves overthrew their French masters from the colony of Saint Domingue. After decades of defeating recolonization efforts and the loss of almost half their population and resources, Haitian leaders believed their declared independence of 1804 was insufficient, so in 1825 they reluctantly accepted recognition by France while being forced to pay an onerous indemnity debt. Though Haiti was manumitted through the promise of a debt payment, at the same time the new state was re-enslaved as France’s commercial colony. The indemnity debt had consequences for Haiti well into the current century, as today Haiti is one of the poorest and most dependent nations in the world. -
Solon Communal Section, St. Louis Du Sud Commune Imagery Analysis:28 April 2017 | Published 02 May 2017 FL20170424HTI
HAITI AÆ Flood Solon Communal Section, St. Louis du Sud Commune Imagery analysis:28 April 2017 | Published 02 May 2017 FL20170424HTI 73°36'30"W 73°36'0"W 73°35'30"W INSET : 28 April 2017 Saturated wet soil N " N 0 ' " 7 0 ' 1 7 ° 1 8 ° 1 8 1 H A I T I P¥¦¬ort-au-Prince Map location Satellite Detected Water and/or Sucrerie Henry N " N Saturated Wet Soil Extent in 0 " 3 ' 0 6 3 ' 1 6 Solon Communal Section, Haiti ° 1 8 ° 1 8 1 See inset for close-up view of This map illustrates the satellite-detected an affected area water and/or saturated wet soil extent in Solon Communal Section, St. Louis du Sud Commune in Sud Department located in the southwestern part of Haiti. The UNITAR- UNOSAT analysis used a WorldView-2 satellite image acquired on the 28 April 2017 Solon and could observe areas with standing River waters and saturated wet soil mainly affecting agricultural fields. The UNITAR- N " UNOSAT analysis identified 118 ha of those N St. Louis du Sud 0 ' " 6 0 ' Sud 1 6 ° 1 8 areas, which cover 8.50% of this map's ° 1 8 extent of 1385 ha of land. This is a 1 preliminary analysis and has not yet been validated in the field. Please send ground feedback to UNITAR-UNOSAT. Legend Village Primary road Secondary road N " N 0 " 3 ' Local road 0 5 3 ' 1 5 ° 1 8 ° 1 River 8 1 Baie Dumerle Commune boundary Communal section boundary Cloud mask Satellite detected water and saturated wet soil : 28 April 2017 Saturated wet soil N " N 0 ' " 5 0 ' R i v i e r e M o m b i n 1 5 ° 1 8 ° 1 8 1 River Map Scale for A3: 1:12,500 I! Meters 0 125 250 375 500 73°36'30"W 73°36'0"W 73°35'30"W Analysis conducted with ArcGIS v10.4 Satellite Data: WorldView-2 Baseline Data : CNIGS - Open Street Map The depiction and use of boundaries, geographic names and related data shown here are not warranted Imagery Date: 28 April 2017 Analysis : UNITAR - UNOSAT to be error-free nor do they imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations. -
Culture Haiti
\. / '• ,-') HHHaitiHaaaiiitttiii # l~- ~~- J;,4' ). ~ History ' • The native Taino Amerindians inhabited the island of Hispaniola when discovered by Columbus in 1492 and were virtually annihilated by Spanish settlers within 25 years. • In the early 17th century, the French established a presence on Hispaniola, and in 1697, Spain ceded the western third of the island to the French which later became Haiti. • The French colony, based on forestry and sugar-related industries, became one of the wealthiest in the Caribbean, but only through the heavy importation of African slaves and considerable environmental degradation. • In the late 18th century, Haiti's nearly half million slaves revolted under Toussaint L'Ouverture. After a prolonged struggle, Haiti became the first black republic to declare its independence in 1804. The poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, Haiti has been plagued by political violence for most of its history. • After an armed rebellion led to the departure of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in February 2004, an interim government took office to organize new elections under the auspices of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). Continued violence and technical delays prompted repeated postponements, • Haiti inaugurated a democratically elected president and parliament in May of 2006. • Immigration: Immigrants to the US encounter the problems and difficulties common to many new arrivals, compounded by the fact that the Haitians are "triple minorities": they are foreigners, they speak Haitian Creole that no one else does, and they are black. • Results from Census 2000 show 419,317 foreign-born from Haiti live in the U.S., representing 1.3 percent of the total foreign-born population of 31.1 million and 0.1 percent of the total population of 281.4 million. -
When the One Who Bears the Scars Is the One Who Strikes the Blow: History, Human Rights, and Haiti’S Restavèks
WHEN THE ONE WHO BEARS THE SCARS IS THE ONE WHO STRIKES THE BLOW: HISTORY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND HAITI’S RESTAVÈKS Laura Rose Wagner A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology. Chapel Hill 2008 Approved by: Michele Rivkin-Fish Peter Redfield Karla Slocum ©2008 Laura Rose Wagner ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT LAURA WAGNER : When the One Who Bears the Scars is the One Who Strikes the Blow: History, Human Rights, and Haiti’s Restavèks (Under the direction of Michele Rivkin-Fish and Peter Redfield) The practice of keeping restavèks , or unpaid domestic child laborers, in Haiti has come under scrutiny by both human rights activists and journalists, many of whom describe it as a form of slavery. While this description is not entirely inaccurate and may also be useful, it fails to reflect the variability of treatment of restavèks , the complex ways in which power is exercised, the ways in which people occupy “oppressor” and “oppressed” roles simultaneously, the various local understandings of restavèk relationships and human rights, and the particular historical meanings and memories attached to slavery in Haiti. By critically examining descriptions of restavèks in activist and journalistic discourse, and analyzing the data collected during my fieldwork in the Haitian community in South Florida, I point to more syncretic and inclusive ways of understanding and reforming the practice of keeping restavèk s. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thanks first of all to my committee members, Michele Rivkin-Fish, Karla Slocum, and Peter Redfield, for their time, patience, advice, good humor, transcendence of geographical distance, and above all their insightful readings of my work. -
Haitian Revolution
The Haitian Revolution The Haitian Revolution was a social and political upheaval in the French colony of Saint-Domingue (which shared the island of Hispaniola with the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo) during the period from 1791 to 1804. In 1791, slaves and gens de couleur libres (“free people of color”) rebelled against French rule, and in 1804 declared their country’s independence under the original Arawak name of Haiti. The Haitian Revolution was, along with the American Revolution, one of the most significant and dramatic challenges to European colonialism in the New World, and historians widely regard it as a milestone in the history of Africans in the Americas. The Haitian Revolution is, in fact, the only successful large-scale slave insurrection in history, and it is often seen as initiating the decline of the slave trade. Causes of the Haitian Revolution The colonial economy was export driven, dominated by agriculture and trade. Saint- Domingue, with its tropical climate, was developed as a coffee- and sugar-producing colony, and sustained many large and profitable plantations. By the second half of the 18th century, sugar and coffee were two of the world’s most traded commodities, and Saint-Domingue produced over 60 percent of the world’s coffee and 40 percent of the world’s sugar. This made Saint-Domingue France’s most profitable plantation colony. To meet the growing needs of this plantation system, Saint-Domingue’s colonists continuously expanded the number of slaves. Thus, the colonial economy fueled the social imbalance that led to the revolution. Colonial society, a racist society, was at fault, in part through its own rigidity. -
“I Wait for Me”: Visualizing the Absence of the Haitian Revolution in Cinematic Text by Jude Ulysse a Thesis Submitted in C
“I wait for me”: Visualizing the Absence of the Haitian Revolution in Cinematic Text By Jude Ulysse A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Social Justice Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto 2017 ABSTRACT “I wait for me” Visualizing the Absence of the Haitian Revolution in Cinematic Text Doctor of Philosophy Department of Social Justice Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto 2017 In this thesis I explore the memory of the Haitian Revolution in film. I expose the colonialist traditions of selective memory, the ones that determine which histories deserve the attention of professional historians, philosophers, novelists, artists and filmmakers. In addition to their capacity to comfort and entertain, films also serve to inform, shape and influence public consciousness. Central to the thesis, therefore, is an analysis of contemporary filmic representations and denials of Haiti and the Haitian Revolution. I employ a research design that examines the relationship between depictions of Haiti and the country’s colonial experience, as well as the revolution that reshaped that experience. I address two main questions related to the revolution and its connection to the age of modernity. The first concerns an examination of how Haiti has contributed to the production of modernity while the second investigates what it means to remove Haiti from this production of modernity. I aim to unsettle the hegemonic understanding of modernity as the sole creation of the West. The thrust of my argument is that the Haitian Revolution created the space where a re-articulation of the human could be possible. -
Antebellum Free Persons of Color in Postbellum Louisiana By
Antebellum Free Persons of Color in Postbellum Louisiana By: Loren Schweninger Schweninger, L. "Antebellum Free Persons of Color in Postbellum Louisiana," Louisiana History 30 (Fall 1989):345-64. Made available courtesy of Louisiana Historical Society: http://lahistory.org/site17.php ***Note: Figures may be missing from this format of the document It all seemed as if it were a dream, the arrival of the sheriff, the gathering of friends and neighbors, the high pitched voice of the auctioneer, the shouts and greedy excitement of the bidders. But for Josephine Decuir it was not a dream, but a harsh reality. Only a decade before she and her husband, Antoine Decuir, Jr., had been among the wealthiest free people of color in the South. They had owned more than a thousand acres of fertile land along a river in Pointe Coupée Parish, raised sugarcane, corn, and rice, and produced wool and molasses. Their total estate, including real property, machinery, livestock, and 112 slaves, had been worth in excess of $150,000.1 After Antoine had died during the last year of the Civil War, Josephine had taken over as mistress of this once great plantation. But now, at dusk on the second day of spring in 1871, she listened as the final bids were recorded for her plantation house, stables, cabins, machinery, sugar- house, and the remaining 840 acres of her plantation. In a single day the accumulations of a lifetime had disappeared before the auctioneer's gavel. When the final tally was made, she received only $25,752 for her land and other holdings, an amount which failed even to cover the estate's outstanding debts.2 The difficulties experienced by Josephine Decuir were by no means unique. -
Captivity Among the Maroons of Jamaica in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries: a Comparative Analysis
International Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies (IJHCS) ISSN 2356-5926 Vol.1, Issue.3, December, 2014 Captivity among the Maroons of Jamaica in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries: A Comparative Analysis Amy M. Johnson Elon University, USA Abstract This article examines the practices of captivity among the Maroons of Jamaica during the early colonial period. In this paper, I argue that the practice of holding people in bondage in Maroon communities, which was strongly influenced by the West African customs of their ancestors, had much in common with the southern Native American nations in the United States before the mid-1800s. Through a comparative analysis, I draw conclusions about the nature of captivity among the Jamaican Maroons almost a century before the first slave was documented in the Maroon census records. I conclude that captives in Maroon villages experienced a range of rights and obligations and even those held in chattel-like servitude had mechanisms for social inclusion. Key words: Jamaica, Maroon, bondage, captivity, Akan, Native American 1 International Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies (IJHCS) ISSN 2356-5926 Vol.1, Issue.3, December, 2014 Introduction The term „Maroons‟ first appears in 1626 in reference to the enslaved blacks who fled from their Spanish captors in Jamaica and created strongholds in the dense forests of island. These runaways established autonomous communities from which they withstood Spanish, and later English, attempts to re-enslave them.1 On May 10, 1655, the English finally conquered the island of Jamaica from Spanish after a protracted and costly war though they never succeed in subduing the Spanish Maroons. -
French Ambition and Acadian Labor in the Caribbean, 1762-1767”
401 “Empire Ex Nihilo: French Ambition and Acadian Labor in the Caribbean, 1762-1767” Christopher Hodson, Northwestern University “Lost Colonies” Conference, March 26-27, 2004 (Please do not cite, quote, or circulate without written permission from the author) At the conclusion of the Seven Years’ War in 1763, geopolitical equilibrium gave way to grotesque imbalance. Great Britain had become a leviathan, acquiring Canada, several key islands in the West Indies, Senegal in Africa, French possessions in the Mediterranean, India, and on the East Indian island of Sumatra, while crushing Gallic pretensions to the Ohio Valley. For Louis XV and his cast of ministers, utter defeat had raised the stakes of the imperial contest; Britain’s near-global dominance demanded a rapid, thorough response. The integration of France’s remaining overseas territories into a militant, economically competitive polity became the penultimate projet in a kingdom bursting with les hommes à projets.1 Draped in the rhetoric of progress, the plans that emerged from this hothouse of patriotism and personal ambition marked an extension of imperial authority unlike any France had ever seen.2 Mercifully, few of these bizarre proposals ever came to fruition. This essay, however, examines two that did. The first, a colony along the Kourou River in Guiana, failed in spectacular fashion only months after its foundation. Thousands of migrants died, and destitute survivors scattered throughout Europe and the Caribbean. The second, a smaller settlement on the northern coast of Saint Domingue, commenced early in 1764. It proved a disappointment, lapsing into obscurity over the next two years. Settlers died or filtered to greener, if equally fetid pastures in Louisiana.