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Archaeology in the Shadow of Apartheid: Race, Science and Prehistory

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Archaeology in the Shadow of Apartheid: Race, Science and Prehistory South African Archaeological Society Goodwin Series 12: 13–21, 2019 13 ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE SHADOW OF APARTHEID: RACE, SCIENCE AND PREHISTORY NICK SHEPHERD Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark, and University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT from various points around the country to converge on What was the relationship between archaeology and apartheid in Pretoria and Blood River. Stopping at towns along the route, South Africa? How did South African archaeologists navigate the they ignited the imagination of Afrikaans-speaking white relationship between science and state under apartheid? This paper South Africans, and provided a point of focus for a nascent makes two arguments: the first is that the nature of this relationship Afrikaner national identity. The historian Dunbar Moodie was less about the goals, beliefs and attitudes of individual archaeolo- writes: “Passionate enthusiasm seized Afrikaans-speaking gists, than it was about the structural relationship between the disci- South Africa”. Men grew their beards, women donned pline of archaeology and the apartheid state, evidenced in matters of Voortrekker dress, street after street in town after town was political economy, the availability of funding, the influence of theory named after Voortrekker heroes, babies were baptised, and from the disciplinary metropoles in the global north, and the local couples married in the shadow of the wagons. These events social and political contexts in which archaeologists practised. The acted as a unifying force and were instrumental in overcoming second is that describing this relationship is less a matter of choosing the factionalism which had characterised Afrikaner politics. between binary terms of resistance and collusion, than it is about Moodie writes: “The memory of the ‘ox-wagon unity’ would assaying a more complex and ambiguous middle ground, made up of constitute a potent political force during the next decade” compromises, accommodations, strategic silences, and minor failures (1975: 180). On a hill outside Pretoria the trek re-enactments of will and vision. In the case of South African archaeology, the edges of culminated with the laying of the foundation stone of the this relationship were sharpened by three factors: first, the discipline Voortrekker Monument, a site that was to become the central was largely state funded through the apartheid museum and univer- symbolic and memorial site of the apartheid state. Although in- sity system; second, the subject matter of archaeology is so centrally terrupted by the war, these developments culminated in the concerned with black history and experience; and third, the need by election of a Herenigde Nasionale Party (HNP, or Reunited archaeologists to access material cultures, human remains, and sites National Party) government in 1948, a date generally taken to on the landscape. South African archaeology was a material benefi- mark the beginning of institutional apartheid. ciary of apartheid, in the sense that the years of greatest political Two other sets of events in the 1930s played a role in the repression were arguably its years of greatest achievement. However, ascendancy of Afrikaner nationalism as a political force. The more marked than this was the manner in which the totalitarian first was the consolidation of Afrikaner capital, and its organi- politics of apartheid freed archaeologists from public accountability. sation in terms of the notion of volkskapitalisme (‘people’s capi- Apartheid delivered up archaeological sites, sacred places, and human talism’ or ‘capitalism for the people’). In a widely influential and cultural remains, for collection, representation, and display, with study, Dan O’Meara writes of the period 1934–1948 that little possibility of popular dissent. The legacies of this history of unac- Afrikaner nationalism “was fundamentally shaped by the countable practice may prove to be among the most lasting legacies of imperatives and contradictions of, and struggles around, the the decades of archaeology in the shadow of apartheid. accumulation of capital” (1983: 248). The second was the return from doctoral study in Europe of a group of young Afrikaner Key words: archaeology, apartheid, South Africa, World Archaeo- intellectuals. Inspired in some cases by first-hand experience of logical Congress, Black Consciousness, African nationalism, National Socialism (commonly known as Nazism) in Germany, contract archaeology, complicities their published work was to lay the doctrinal foundation of apartheid (Coetzee 1991). AN AFRIKANER CENTENARY For South African archaeology,too, the decades of the 1930s The opening frames of the flickering black-and-white film and 1940s were a formative period. Goodwin and Van Riet fill the screen. We see the ox-wagons straining over mountain Lowe published The Stone Age Cultures of South Africa in 1929. passes, or crossing the open veld. They look like toys against Van Riet Lowe became the first Director of the Bureau of the immensity of the surrounding landscape. Men on horse- Archaeology on its founding in 1935. The Cape Archaeological back ride in tight formation. Women wear sun-bonnets and Society was founded in August 1944, and soon became the long dresses. The processional nature of this movement of South African Archaeological Society which held its first meet- people and wagons is impressed upon us. The wagons enter a ing in June 1945. The first edition of its journal, the South African town, cheering crowds line the streets. The scene changes: it Archaeological Bulletin (SAAB), appeared in December of that is journey’s end and a great throng is gathered. There is an year (Shepherd 2015a). In 1947, Jan Smuts, then Prime Minister air of expectancy. From afar, we watch the speeches. A small, of the Union of South Africa, chartered a South African Air emphatic figure mounts the platform. We sense rather than Force flight to take a delegation of scientists to the first meeting hear the barked syllables, the answering sigh from the rapt of the Pan-African Congress on Prehistory held in Nairobi, crowd. Kenya. In many ways, the high point of a settler archaeological The year is 1938. The scenes documented in the film are tradition in the first part of the last century, it marked the part of the Eeufees celebration, the centenary re-enactment of explicit recognition of its pre-eminence as a South African the Great Trek, and the covenant made at Blood River on science. As a knowledge project, archaeology signified in December 16, 18381. Nine wagons drawn by oxen departed two senses: first, in writing back to a metropolitan scientific 14 South African Archaeological Society Goodwin Series 12: 13–21, 2019 establishment which could imagine little of value emerging and apartheid is offered by the South African archaeologist from the colonies; and second, in linking South Africa to other Janette Deacon, in refutation of a statement by Bruce Trigger. territories and parts of Africa via the transnationalism of In his afterword to Peter Robertshaw’s A History of African Empire. Along with their suitcases, the South African delega- Archaeology, Trigger described South African archaeology as tion carried an invitation from Smuts to hold the next Congress the “most colonialist” archaeology in Africa (Trigger 1990: 310). in South Africa in 1951 (Shepherd 2002a, 2003). He was writing shortly after the events around the first World Two events intervened to cancel this vision and to devalue Archaeological Congress. In a landmark earlier paper, Trigger the status of archaeology in South Africa. The first was the had divided archaeology into three types: nationalist, colonial- apartheid election of 1948. The second was the death of Smuts ist and imperialist archaeologies (Trigger 1984). In her own in 1950. The second Pan-African Congress on Prehistory was essay in Robertshaw’s volume, Deacon rejects Trigger’s charac- shifted to Algiers at short notice. Neither Berry Malan nor Van terisation of South African archaeology. Of archaeology under Riet Lowe, assistant secretary and vice president, respectively, apartheid, she writes: were able to attend at Algiers, and no other South African [the] dichotomy between the goals and beliefs of professional delegates participated. For the next 40 years the development archaeologists and the beliefs of other members of society of South African archaeology would take place in the shadow in which they work must be recognised. To stamp it all as of apartheid (Shepherd 2002a, 2003). ‘colonial’ [as Trigger has done] is to overlook the significant differences in attitudes that have developed between those COMPLICITIES involved directly in archaeological research and the more varied community of the country as a whole (Deacon 1990: There are a number of versions of the relationship between 40). archaeology and apartheid, none of them particularly satisfac- tory. Events around the formation of the World Archaeological A starting point for my own account of the relations Congress (WAC) in the mid-1980s, themselves precipitated by between archaeology and apartheid is the notion that this the question of this relationship, produced a number of state- relationship was less about individual goals, beliefs and atti- ments. In his foreword to Academic Freedom and Apartheid, Peter tudes, than it was about a set of structural relationships, and Ucko’s account of the formation of WAC, Neal Ascherson politically and economically defined contexts. A remarkable describes South African
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