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Consulter/Télécharger Sommaire | février-mars 2016 Éditorial 4 | La nouvelle bataille idéologique › Valérie Toranian Dossier | Le camp du bien 7 | Jacques Julliard. Aux origines de la gauche morale › Valérie Toranian et Marin de Viry 26 | Le tricolore, le mal et le bien › Jean Clair 34 | Rousseau, le père du politiquement correct › Robert Kopp 39 | Jean-Pierre Le Goff. « L’hégémonie du camp du bien battue en brèche » › Robert Kopp 48 | Vive la « bien-pensance » ! › Laurent Joffrin 54 | Le camp du « pas d’amalgame ». Quelques réflexions sur les « zones grises » mafieuses › Jacques de Saint Victor 67 | Une cabale des dévots › Richard Millet 74 | La bien-pensance de droite › Philippe de Villiers 78 | Tartuffe à la mosquée › Philippe Val 88 | Les nouveaux curés du progressisme n’ont ni droite ni gauche › Natacha Polony 93 | Dans Libération tout est bon › Marin de Viry Études, reportages, réflexions 100 | Les paysages italiens, émancipateurs de la peinture d’histoire › Marc Fumaroli 106 | Observations sur l’esprit terroriste : 1793 et 2015 › Lucien Jaume 117 | Giulia Sissa réhabilite la jalousie › Jean-Didier Vincent 124 | Quand la sagesse devient folle. Le bouddhisme tibétain en Occident entre mystique et mystification › Marion Dapsance 131 | La crise migratoire est-elle une chance pour l’économie européenne ? › Annick Steta 2 FÉVRIER-MARS 2016 139 | Haro sur Tony Duvert › Eryck de Rubercy 145 | La possibilité d’une messe. Le rite funéraire chrétien dans le roman contemporain › Mathias Rambaud 158 | Hommage à Marc Chagall › Dominique Gaboret-Guiselin 167 | La plume de Mr LOL › Kyrill Nikitine 171 | Eugène Green ou la constance baroque › Laurent Gayard 176 | Coucher, est-ce tromper ? › Marin de Viry 181 | Droit de réponse › Jean-Clément Martin Critiques 184 | Livres – Les combats de Sándor Márai › Michel Delon 187 | Livres – L’humble ambition d’Emmanuel Berl › Patrick Kéchichian 190 | Livres – Deux œuvres de génie › Frédéric Verger 194 | Livres – Couronne d’épines › Stéphane Guégan 198 | Livres – Louis XIV et la construction de la France › Robert Kopp 202 | Livres – Le crépuscule de l’histoire › Henri de Montety 205 | Expositions – La scène frontalière › Bertrand Raison 208 | Disques – La première Nuit du Roi-Soleil › Jean-Luc Macia Notes de lecture 212 | Michel Cantal-Dupart | Michael R. Marrus et Robert O. Paxton | Vladimir Jankélévitch | Michel Aucouturier | Rémi Brague | Nathalie Azoulai | Paul Veyne | Anthony Sattin | Judith Perrignon | Patrick Lapeyre | Jens Christian Grøndahl | Lucien Jerphagnon | Jacques de Saint Victor | Emilio Gentile FÉVRIER-MARS 2016 3 Éditorial La nouvelle bataille idéologique n 2015, on aura davantage fait la chasse aux intellectuels déviants qu’aux djihadistes, ironise Jacques Julliard dans l’entretien qu’il nous a accordé et où il explique les origines philosophiques et politiques du « camp du bien », dont la gauche morale est l’héritière. EAux yeux de l’historien, la gauche aurait dû tenir ferme sur l’édu- cation républicaine, héritière des principes de Condorcet, au service de la volonté générale, et ne pas se fourvoyer dans le piège de l’égali- tarisme. Hélas elle est tombée dedans et c’est « sa plus grande trahi- son ». Il est urgent qu’elle cesse de se vautrer dans « le pédagogisme », « la mauvaise conscience du christianisme et celle du colonialisme » et qu’elle redécouvre que l’homme est un être historique. Le politiquement correct et le relativisme culturel, rappelle Robert Kopp, sont les enfants de Rousseau, qui nous demande « d’aimer les hommes pour ce qu’ils sont et non pas ce qu’ils font ». De nos jours, le camp du bien que le philosophe et sociologue Jean-Pierre Le Goff a baptisé gauchisme culturel, est « relativiste, antiautoritaire et hédo- niste, moraliste et sentimental et exerce une police de la pensée et de la langue d’un genre nouveau. [...] Il ne coupe pas les têtes, il diabo- lise et livre ses adversaires à la vindicte en les traitant allégrement de racistes d’islamophobes, d’homophobes, de suppôts ou de complices de l’extrême droite. » 4 FÉVRIER-MARS 2016 Faux, répond Laurent Joffrin, qui dénonce une imposture du « camp réactionnaire qui avance masqué derrière la posture de l’in- tellectuel indépendant, martyrisé par un odieux complot contre la réflexion libre ». Le directeur de Libération se revendique de la bien- pensance, qui consiste à « se fonder sur des valeurs universelles d’éga- lité et de justice pour juger des situations contemporaines ». Car, fina- lement, qu’appelle-t-on le politiquement correct ? « Tout bonnement les idées progressistes. » Résumons la confrontation type de l’année 2015 : à ma gauche un « camp du bien » accusé d’être coupé du réel, plus occupé à dénoncer l’islamophobie que l’islamisme, et face à lui des anti- modernes réactionnaires « faisant le jeu du Front national » ? Pas si simple. La bien-pensance à droite existe également. Pour Philippe de Villiers, c’est « la droite no frontier » celle qui rêve de liberté éco- nomique « mais ne souhaite pas qu’on touche aux valeurs morales et familiales ». Ce qu’elle a de commun avec la gauche, c’est de réciter le même catéchisme d’un « capitalisme déterritorialisé et libertaire ». Jacques de Saint Victor s’interroge sur le fameux « pas d’amal- game » qu’agitent des humanistes « désireux de se rassurer à tout prix » et fait un rapprochement passionnant avec les « zones grises » de la mafia. N’existe-t-il pas un ordre salafiste, véritable phénomène cultu- rel, social et religieux, qui exerce la même pression dans les quartiers que l’ordre mafieux en Italie ? Ne joue-t-il pas « le même rôle d’accé- lérateur de particules ? » La bien-pensance s’attaque aussi à l’art et à la littérature. C’est même par là qu’elle a commencé, comme le rappelle brillamment l’historien de l’art Jean Clair, qui relate le procès dont il fut l’objet, il y a une vingtaine d’années, lorsqu’il entreprit d’écrire sur les trois couleurs du drapeau. « Comment avais-je osé faire l’éloge de ce bout de chiffon tricolore qu’avaient brandi les Ligues avant guerre, puis Vichy ? » Aujourd’hui les drapeaux sont de retour… Mais « com- ment redire ces paroles, remuer ces flammes, quand hier encore on ne pouvait pas, sans se faire soupçonner de crypto-nazisme… ? » Pour Richard Millet, accusé d’avoir fait l’apologie d’un tueur de FÉVRIER-MARS 2016 5 masse lors de la parution de son Éloge littéraire d’Anders Breivik en 2012, alors qu’il s’en est toujours défendu, « comme tout système totalitaire, fut-il soft, celui du bien fonctionne par l’intimidation et la propagande ; le dénoncer est une tâche sans fin ». Nous avons au moins tenté, avec ce numéro, de mieux le définir et le comprendre. Valérie Toranian 6 FÉVRIER-MARS 2016 Dossier LE CAMP DU BIEN 8 | Jacques Julliard. 54 | Le camp du « pas Aux origines de la gauche d’amalgame ». Quelques morale réflexions sur les « zones › Valérie Toranian grises » mafieuses et Marin de Viry › Jacques de Saint Victor 26 | Le tricolore, le mal et le 67 | Une cabale des dévots bien › Richard Millet › Jean Clair 74 | La bien-pensance de droite › 34 | Rousseau, le père du Philippe de Villiers politiquement correct › Robert Kopp 78 | Tartuffe à la mosquée › Philippe Val 39 | Jean-Pierre Le Goff. « L’hégémonie du camp du 88 | Les nouveaux curés du bien battue en brèche » progressisme n’ont ni droite › Robert Kopp ni gauche › Natacha Polony 48 | Vive la « bien-pensance » ! › Laurent Joffrin 93 | Dans Libération tout est bon › Marin de Viry AUX ORIGINES DE LA GAUCHE MORALE › Entretien avec Jacques Julliard réalisé par Valérie Toranian et Marin de Viry Grande figure intellectuelle de la gauche, Jacques Julliard est d’abord un esprit libre. Enfant de Bernanos, longtemps pilier idéologique de la « deuxième gauche », en rupture avec le marxisme, il n’a jamais cessé de dénoncer les erreurs et les aveuglements de son camp. Auteur d’une fondamentale histoire des gauches (les Gauches françaises : 1762-2012, Flammarion, 2012), il vient de publier L’école est finie (Flammarion), où il fustige la trahison de la République dans l’éducation. Revue des Deux Mondes – Que désigne le « camp du bien » ? Jacques Julliard Deux visions de la politique s’op- posent depuis longtemps. La première est technique ; «son symbole est Machiavel. C’est une vision en quelque sorte profession- nelle qui s’attache à définir des règles internes, à en jouer, et qui consi- dère la politique comme une activité parmi d’autres. À l’opposé, il y a eu une vision de la politique comme la recherche et l’expression du « bien public » : « le bien commun », chez saint Thomas d’Aquin par exemple, mais aussi le « bien » tout court, chez Robespierre, deux personnalités pourtant aux antipodes. L’Occident chrétien a été dominé par l’idée que le but de la politique était le bien ; toute la question étant de savoir com- 8 FÉVRIER-MARS 2016 FÉVRIER-MARS 2016 jacques julliard ment on le définissait. Naturellement, l’Église a joué un rôle très impor- tant, puisque le spirituel était justement préposé à la mission de définir ce bien, en lien avec la foi. De là l’idée que le véritable pouvoir appartient à celui qui a la légitimité de dire quand la politique va vers le bien. Quand le prince temporel prétend définir lui-même Jacques Julliard est historien, il a ce bien, c’est la querelle de la papauté et de notamment publié la Gauche et le l’empire qui se déclenche. L’empereur a-t-il le peuple (avec Jean-Claude Michéa, droit de définir ce qui est bon pour la popu- Flammarion, 2014), et L’école est finie (Flammarion, 2015). lation, sans reconnaître le pouvoir éminent du pape ? Ainsi le Moyen Âge est dominé par cette idée que la politique est le souci de gouverner dans le sens du bien, dont la définition relève d’une autorité.
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