81 Origin of the Ijaw of the Freshwater Swamp Of

Australian Journal of Arts and Scientific Research Vol.21, No 2, pp.87-94, May 2016 Published by Centre for Research and Development, CQ University Queensland Australia (www.gubdjournals.org) ORIGIN OF THE IJAW OF THE FRESHWATER SWAMP OF BAYELSA AND DELTA STATES BY Okeremeta, Matthew Eruotor Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Rivers State University of Education, Rumuolumeni Abstract The freshwater swamps origin of indigenous gin distillation is substantiated with ethnographic data of clay pot production and uses as domestic and industrial equipment in the area which dates back to 4000 BC. The “still pot” distillation of gin from raphia palm wine must have been in practice before the fifteenth century. This paper is on the origin of the Ijaws of the freshwaters Swamp of Bayelsa State. Introduction The Ijaw societies preserved their history in oral sources due to insufficient written materials that covered their socio-cultural and economic activities; hence oral traditions, archaeology, anthropology, and ethnography were used for this study. But the elders, who are the main sources of information on gin distillation among the Ijaw people are passing away through old age and death, so there is the urgent need to solve this problem before its source materials become extinct. This consideration informed the choice of this research study on indigenous gin industry among the Ijaw of Bayelsa and Delta States of Nigeria, 1850-1960 [Fig 1.1, page 7). Indigenous technology is an aspect of indigenous knowledge (Rohama, 1993) that exists in every society; but it is observed that such knowledge systems are dynamic and they represent a veritable part of a people’s heritage. Indigenous knowledge systems are carried on through a variety of cultural modes, and agencies such as proverbs, material culture, production systems, value systems and institutions. “Local knowledge is unique to a given culture or society”, and the truth is that indigenous knowledge is influenced by internal and external stimuli (Derefaka, 1999). The indigenous technology used in the gin industry among the Ijaw of Bayelsa and Delta States were not an exception as innovations in technology and changes in techniques of gin distillation were driven from within and outside considerations. The Ijaw, over the years, have understood their ecosystem in which they live and maintain a balance between resource available and its exploitation; among the Ijaw indigenous knowledge is the wealth of the poor who have limited access to the basic needs of modern living this accounts for the need to harness indigenous knowledge for sustainable and equitable development (Derefaka, 1999). Ijaw knowledge of the freshwater swamps ecosystem and its resources on both sides of the River Niger has given rise to indigenous gin distillation among the people. The present paper is on the origin of the Ijaw of the freshwater swamp of Bayelsa and Delta states. Theories of origin of the Ijaw of the Niger Delta The theories of origin of the Ijaw of the Niger Delta, has been a matter of great concern to historians, scholars, explorers, traders and administrators over the years. In the words of Barkindo and Layers (1986:15) “most people and states have legends of origins which seek to explain how this or that community came into existence”, Ijaw people, like others all over the world have developed such explanations concerning their origins. The Ijaw of Bayelsa and Delta States like other parts of pre- colonial West Africa, has always had much awareness about their past and its relevance to the current experiences and future aspirations. The origin of the Ijaw in the freshwater swamp was precipitated by external influences occasioned by migrations from centralised monarchical states of the Ile-Ife and 81 Australian Journal of Arts and Scientific Research Vol.21, No 2, pp.87-94, May 2016 Published by Centre for Research and Development, CQ University Queensland Australia (www.gubdjournals.org) Benin/Aboh Kingdom as posited by Owonaro (1949) and Alagoa (1972). Both scholars state that “Ijaw”, the progenitor of the Ijaw tribe was the first son of Oduduwa - the son of Lamarudu - described as a strong and brave man who was impatient to succeed his father - the king. His fervent and impatient desire to rule is said to have resulted in an order of banishment from Ile-Ife. This order was in form of an instruction to him to go and guard the mouth of the River Niger in order to prevent it from being seized and possessed by foreigner(s). Ijaw left Ife sometime in 990A.D for Lagos; from Lagos to Benin and reached Rivers Escravos Forcados, and proceeded to Burutu from where he moved southeastwards to Aboh to a point where the river split into the Forcados, Nun and Ofonitoru rivers respectively. This simple explanation of origin and migrations of the Ijaw is not substantiated by chronological evidence due to absence of genealogies, priests or king lists dating far into their historic past. The Izon language Linguistic studies show that Ijaw is a distinctive language that has spanned over seven thousand years. Williamson (1988) and Horton (1995) affirm that the homeland of the Niger Congo language comprising Ijaw is the south-western highland watershed of Senegal, Gambia and Niger Rivers. As a result, the Ijaw people dispersed through the River Niger into the Niger Delta which accounts for lack of oral traditions among the Ijaw on places of origin outside the Bayelsa State (Alagoa, 1999). The Izon language spoken in Bayelsa and Delta States portrays the diversity of ethnic communities living side by side; with the predominance of the Ijaw nationality that shows diversity of dialects. A total of nineteen dialects has been identified namely Bumo (Buma, Bomo), Tarakiri (East), Tarakiri (West), Oporomo (Oporoma), Olodiama (East), Bassam (Bassan), Apoi (East), Ogboin, Ekpetiama, Gbarain (Gbaran), Kolokuma, Tungbo, Oyakiri, Kabowei, Kubowei, Mein and Ekeremo (Alagoa, 2005). The traditions of origin of the Ijaw as postulated by Alagoa sheds some light on the origin of the Ijaw who settled in Akpoi creek between Sagbama and Igbedi in the area of Ikibiri, Oporoma, Ogobiri and Obiama as their ancestral homes (Alagoa, 1999). The oral traditions of the Ijaw groups of the Niger Delta suggests that the period of Ijaw possible entry into the Niger Delta is so remote that they cannot be remembered in their traditions. The movements that can be remembered and are recounted are mainly traditions of migration within the Niger Delta hence it is possible to identify a number of primary and secondary centres out of which migrations took place from Igbedi – Ogobiri around Wilberforce Island in Bayelsa State (Derefaka, 2003). The Study of Ijaw in the Freshwater Swamp. Alagoa’s use of oral traditions and ethnography provided the only source for the study of Ijaw in the freshwater swamp. Apo Ibe has been accepted as the dispersal centre of other villages who were sons of Kalasuo namely Kemeebiama, Kolokologbene, Ogboinbiri Sampou and Azama. Oloidiama Ibe migrated from Oporoma; the traditions say that Olodi was the son of Ijo - the founders of Ondewari, Olugbobiri, Ikeinghabiri. Ogboin Ibe’s ancestor - Ogboin - had a son Oboro who founded Amassoma on a swampy site “ama-suma” (suma-swamp). His other sons Otuanowei and Ogboin founded Otuan and Ogboin. His grandson, Amatolowei founded Amatolo. Amassoma traditions says that Ogboin left his father Izon (Ijaw) to settle at Orubiribaubolou which is the centre of dispersal in the Central Delta located north of Otuan in the area of Ikibiri (Seimbiri). All Ogboin descendants accept (Ogboin) Mango tree as a symbol of their national god and all villages observed annual festival when the Ogboin tree would be shedding its leaves (Ogboin tu fiti) fiti Biri fiti fiti to commemorate their common ancestry (Alagoa, 2005:100). Tradition of origin of Boma (Bumo) clan says that Boma came from Obiama and his sons founded Ekowe and Peremabiri with several wards or polo. Oral testimonies obtained from Chief Levi Morgan and His Majesty King Joshua Igbugburu at Ikianbiri and Ekowe support the assertion that Peremabiri is the son of 82 Australian Journal of Arts and Scientific Research Vol.21, No 2, pp.87-94, May 2016 Published by Centre for Research and Development, CQ University Queensland Australia (www.gubdjournals.org) Okoroma-Okoromabiri. An assertion also supported in their talking drum. Similarly, Amassoma claimed that Ikianbiri in Boma clan have migrated from Ogboin-Ibe. The use of ethnographic data as necessary part of history writing give credence to Ijaw settlement in the freshwater swamps before contact with the Europeans in the fifteenth and sixteenth century’s voyages of discovery (Derefaka, 2003). The Ijaw occupation of the Bayelsa State is of great antiquity as studies of language, archaeology and ethnographic data have provided substantial evidence. For example, archaeological excavations carried out at Agadagbagbou reveal that subsistence agricultural activities were practised by the early Ijaw settlers. Using material culture, Derefaka posits that oral tradition is a valid guide for the reconstruction of Ijaw theories of origin (Derefaka, 2003:55). In fact, there are concrete material evidences of Ijaw communities creating political, economic and cultural institutions spanning thousands of years. These include art works in fixed clay, bronze, pottery and smoking pipes of pre-European contact period for 4000 BC to 1000 AD while Ijaw migration to wester and eastern Niger Delta occurred from A.D. 1000 (Derefaka, 2003). Researches on origin of the Ijaw as well as some ethnographic works debunked Dike’s assertion that the Niger Delta was “practically uninhabited” prior to the Portuguese voyages of discovery. Dike, in his book “Trade and Politics of the Niger Delta 1830-1885, had assigned Ijaw origins to migrations of external tribes like “Ibo, Bini, Semi-Bantu, Ijaw, Efik and Ibibio” who peopled the immediate hinterland (Dike, 1956:21-22).

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