SHROVETIDE in LITHUANIA Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context

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Lina Laurinavičiūtė-Petrošienė

SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context

Monograph

Klaipėda University

Lina Laurinavičiūtė-Petrošienė

SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context

Monograph

Klaipėda 2019 Leidinio bibliografinė informacija pateikiama Lietuvos nacionalinės Martyno Mažvydo bibliotekos Nacionalinės bibliografijos duomenų banke (NBDB)

Recommended for publishing by: The Editorial Board of the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Klaipėda University (Minutes No. 1, 19 December 2018) The Department of Baltic Linguistics of the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Klaipėda University (Minutes No. 4, 14 November 2018)

Reviewers: Dr. Marina M. Valentsova The Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow Dr. Mariyanka Borisova Zhekova Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Studies with Ethnographic Museum, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia

The translation and publishing of the monograph was funded by the Lithuanian Council of Culture (Contract No. SIETN-82(6.21)/2018)

For the design of the book, photos of masks made by A. Mončys and A. Viluckis as well as a drawing from the Diena newspaper (1930) were used

ISBN 978-609-481-039-8 Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 5

Content

Introduction / 7 On Some Aspects of the Shrovetide Origin and Development / 14 The Ratio of the Ritual and Entertainment Functions of the Shrovetide Customs / 24

SONGS OF THE SHROVETIDE CHARACTERS (‘BEGGARS’, ‘JEWS’, AND ‘GYPSIES’) / 35 Noise and Music in the Shrovetide Carnival / 36 The Issue of the Genre / 38 The Christmas – Shrovetide Season Entertainments / 42 The Features of Melodics / 45 Anthropomorphic Characters of the Shrovetide Carnival (‘Beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’): the Relationship of the Songs and the Ethnosocial Reality / 52 Begging, the ‘Žemaitijan Beggar’, and the Shrovetide ‘Beggars’ / 53 The Content and Music of the Shrovide ‘Beggar’ Songs/Hymns / 58 The Jews in Lithuania and the Shrovetide ‘Jews’ / 86 The Content and Music of the Shrovetide ‘Jew’ Songs / 88 The Romani and the Shrovetide ‘Gypsies’ / 99 The Content and Music of the Shrovetide ‘Gypsy’ Songs / 101 Lašininis [Porky, Fatso] and Kanapinis [Hempen Man, Hemper] / 104

LATVIAN SONGS OF THE AUTUMN AND WINTER CALENDRICAL FESTIVALS / 111 An Overview of the Customs Associated with the Carnival Characters of Calendrical Festivals / 116 An Overview of the Carnival Character Songs During the Autumn-Winter Calendrical Festivals / 123 Shrovetide (Metenis, Vastlāvis) and Tenis’ Day (Teņa diena) Songs / 127 The Costumed A‘ wakener’ (Bubuļi, Budēļi, Buduļi) Songs / 133 The Costumed ‘Stilt Walker’ (Ķekatas, Ķekatnieki) Songs / 140 The Costumed ‘Gypsy’ Songs / 144 The Christmas Songs / 151 The Carnival Songs of Autumn Festivals / 158 6 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

SHROVETIDE IN THE WRITTEN SOURCES OF THE 15TH THROUGH THE 18TH CENTURY / 167 Theatrical Events and Shrovetide in the Noblemen’s Palaces of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania / 169 Shrovetide Performances of the Jesuit School Theatres and Paratheatrical Events / 173 Music in Theatrical and Paratheatrical Events: Contacts of Ecclesiastical and Folk Music / 181

URBAN SHROVETIDE IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY: REFLECTIONS ON CELEBRATION IN THE LITHUANIAN PRESS / 185 The First Publications on Shrovetide in Lithuanian Periodicals / 190 An Overview of Ethnographic Contributions / 193 Forms, Organisers, and Aspirations of the Urban Shrovetide Celebration / 203 The Shrovetide Events’ Programmes / 211 Meals and Drinks of the Urban Shrovetide / 222 Echoes of the Wedding Season in the Urban Shrovetide Celebration / 226 The Press on the Carnivals Around the World / 227

THE SHROVETIDE, OR THE USHERING-OUT OF WINTER, FESTIVAL IN THE SOVIET ERA / 239 Name Change from the Shrovetide to the Ushering-out of Winter Festival Dissemination and Limitations / 249 Levelling or Transformation of Traditions? / 256 Changes in the Structure and Characters of the Shrovetide Festival / 261 Music in the Soviet-Era Shrovetide / 269 Festival Organisation Problems, Recommendations, and Criticism / 287 Border Markers of the Soviet Era / 290

SUMMARY / 293

Literature / 297 Sources / 307 Index of Personal Names / 320 Index of Place Names / 326 Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 7

INTRODUCTION

The book Shrovetide in Lithuania focuses on the description and analysis of the genre of calendrical Shrovetide songs or, more specifically, the songs of the costumed Shrovetide characters (‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’) considered as the calendrical folklore of Žemaitija, the ethnographic region of Northwestern Lithuania.1 The characteristics of the melodics of the songs, the content of their lyrics, and the prerequisites for the formation and evolution of the genre predetermined by the historical, social, Shrovetide customs and other contexts are discussed. Given the fact that the songs are believed to be rather late, the study concentrates on the so far little investigated Shrovetide celebration customs of Lithuanian nobility in the 15th through the 18th century and the urban communities in the 20th century with the aim of revealing their impact on the rural Shrovetide celebration and simultaneously on the songs in question. The study shows their links with the Lithuanian nobility and the urban environments which fostered European traditions as well as the interrelationship between the folk and ecclesiastical festivals. Carnival in Europe and other Christian countries around the world, as evidenced by abundant written sources and its extensive celebration to date, is one, if not the only one, calendrical festival of an agrarian nature whose vitality is predetermined by the ability of the festival concepts to adapt to the modernisation of the community lifestyle in different historical epochs, and the diversity of the forms of its celebration, by local features. The rural celebration of Shrovetide in Lithuania in the 19th to the 21st century was described in literary works of Lithuanian classic authors and in ethnographic studies and investigated by ethnologists, 1 In literature, the Latin form Samogitia is sometimes used to name Žemaitija. 8 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

primarily by Pranė Dundulienė, Stasys Skrodenis, Arūnas Vaicekaus- kas, and Žilvytis Bernardas Šaknys, in the 20th century. The ethnographic material, accumulated in museums and archives, has lately been published increasingly intensively. The musical expression of the Shrovetide tradition, consisting of combinations of folk songs, instrumental, or mixed – song and verbal – folklore, has been so far scarcely analysed from the scientific viewpoint. The totality of the published Lithuanian calendrical folk songs clearly demonstrates that the greatest attention of researchers and the compilers of publications has been devoted to the calendrical, including Shrovetide, songs of the ethnographic regions of Southern and Eastern Lithuania, i.e. Dzūkija and Aukštaitija (LLD 2007; AKPT 2000; SJPT 2003; VRLP 2007; LPBS 2009). In those regions, the Shrovetide celebration traditions slightly differ from those of Žemaitija, the northwestern ethnographic region of Lithuania. The musical Žemaitijan Shrovetide folklore, i.e. the songs performed by the costumed procession characters, such as ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’, or the songs about them performed by other characters, is playful and original, however, for different reasons, not investigated comprehensively and for a long period of time published just in a fragmentary way (Kriščiūnienė 1992; ČČ 1998; KD 1998; MR 2008; LPBS 2009). In 2010, the first collection of authentic folklore songs performed in Žemaitija during Shrovetide, Žemaičių kalendorinė tautosaka: Užgavėnių dainos [Žemaitijan Calendrical Folklore: Shrovetide Songs] (ŽKT 2010), was published, while in 2011, the Folk Music Band Sutaras released a CD Ubagų karalystės monai [The Wonders of the Beggars’ Kingdom] on the basis of archival materials (Sutaras 2011). Those were the first attempts to identify the problematic aspects of the genre of folk songs and, in a way, to rehabilitate folklore that for a long time had been considered as a marginal phenomenon. The preparation of the songs for publishing revealed some never before examined aspects of the Shrovetide Festival and encouraged its deeper studies. The monograph Žanro virsmas: Žemaitijos Užgavėnių dainos [Transformation of the Genre: Samogitian Shrovetide Songs], Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 9 published in Lithuanian in 2015 (Laurinavičiūtė-Petrošienė 2015), slightly revised and supplemented, became the basis of the present book in English. As mentioned above, the study aims to reveal the traits of that to a certain extent marginal genre of folk songs (the Shrovetide costumed character songs), the prerequisites for their formation, and the development. At first glance, the research object seems to be distant from the major cultural research issues; however, its content, transformation, and the trends and stages of the development are closely related to the political, social, and cultural events that have been taking place both in Western Europe and Lithuania. The broad contextualisation of the research object as a cultural phenomenon takes it beyond the boundaries of the traditional and narrowish field of the rural culture alone, characteristic of the ethnological and folklore research, and shows the impact of the urban and Western culture on the rural environment as well their interaction. The specificity of the genre of folk songs and its contextualisation predetermined the objectives of the study and the objectives-based structure of the book. As the songs of that genre are believed to be rather late (most folklorists would call them ‘non-ritual’), attention is focused not on their ritual function, but rather on their musical structure, regional distribution, and the socio-cultural environment suggested by the lyrics. Shrovetide celebration in the urban environment during different epochs is described and analysed in a chronological sequence, keeping in mind the main research object, i.e. the songs of the Shrovetide costumed characters: ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’ , and ‘Gypsies’. Contextual relations are important not only for the development of the object, but also for the multicultural world or, as Geertz would put it, the world of multiple epistemologies (Geertz 2005: 67). The main research object consists of 104 ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gyp- sy’ songs, recorded with melodies. The material is stored in the folklore archives of Klaipėda University (35), the Institute of Lithuanian Literature and Folklore (39), and the Lithuanian Academy of Mu- sic and Theatre (31), including 65 songs recorded in Žemaitija, 27 10 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

in Aukštaitija, nine in Dzūkija, two in Su- valkija, one in Klaipėda Region, and one in an unidentified region. People of Žemaitija tended to mainly remember the songs of the costumed ‘beggars’: as many as 45 variants were found Fig. 1. Lithuanian ethnographic regions. in the archives. Those The number of ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’ , and ‘Gypsy’ songs were also wide- songs, recorded with melodies spread in Aukštaitija; in other regions, where few Shrovetide songs were found, they also belonged to the ‘beggar’ songs. The numbers of the costumed ‘Jew’ and ‘Gypsy’ songs were much smaller: 15 and 5, respectively. The couplet of usually non-singing characters Lašininis [Porky, Fatso] and Kanapinis [Hempen Man, Hemper], seldom found with a recorded melody, is also discussed. In Žemaitija, the majority of the songs were recorded in the Northern Žemaitijan dialect area, and much fewer, in the Southern Žemaitijan one. In the presentation of the research object, attention must be paid to the material selection principles. Considering a song to be the unity of a text (lyrics) and a melody, only the fully recorded examples were analysed. The author of the book has to admit that, for various subjective and objective reasons, she was more interested in the musical component of the song. Even though the songs were presented and grouped by lyrics, and their content and the sociocultural information were taken into consideration, they were not analysed as poetic structures. On the one hand, that has already been done (see Anglickienė 2006; Vengrytė-Janavičienė 2004), on the other hand, the task re- quires philological training and will one day be done by other authors. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 11

The same applies to the Latvian material of autumn-winter calendrical songs. The intentional formula “the main research object” implies a question: which research objects in the present study are secondary? Next to the song analysis, another aspect is very important and obvious here, viz., attention to the reality of life and the cultural artefacts that make an impact on man’s behaviour. The choice was predetermined by the questions raised over centuries by human evolution researchers and evolutionary psychology theorists: “nature or culture?”, “inborn or learned?” and the answers to them; ultimately, the decision was made that both nature and culture were integral parts of human being. Hu- man behaviour has been influenced by two main elements: the abilities emerging in the process of evolution and the environment enabling the manifestation and the improvement of those abilities (Dortier 2012: 84–85). The view was supported and supplemented by culture theorist Clifford Geertz: he argued that, when looking at simple things that ocurred in unusual forms, it was usually not the free choice characteristic of human behaviour that surfaced <...> but how its meaning varied in accordance with the model of life regulating it (Geertz 2005: 15). In that way, the so-called secondary research object of the three “non- musical” chapters of the book evolved: the Shrovetide celebration customs in non-rural environments during various historical periods. It was specifically the content of theS hrovetide songs in question, their musical structure, and the primary environment of their formation and existence that made the author work in the direction, formulated by, and based on, the latest synthetic research by Auksuolė Čepaitienė to the effect that “the peasant culture and community left the rural space for the urban one and kept changing” (Čepaitienė 2013: 15). The research just identified somewhat earlier time of the peasant culture and rural community leaving village for town: in Lithuania, the process was taking place as early as in the 19th century, it accelerated in the first half of the 20th century, and continued in the Soviet era. The Soviet era was a stage in the cultural and social development of Lithuania that still has contemporaries able to witness it. That complicated period can 12 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

be characterised both by its disastrous ramifications for Lithuanian culture and by the efforts to “save” and “preserve” the rural, or folk, culture. In general, the movement of cultural forms and structures along certain trajectories is endless. When examining a cultural phenomenon or an artefact, researchers are interested in their reasonable classification, in the formulation of precise definitions, and in the provision of accurate conclusions, however, they are aware of the fact that they cannot cover everything. When ethnographers record a short-lived event which exists merely at that specific moment, they turn it into a story surviving in the notes, a song, a piece of music, or a scene that can be viewed again. From ethnographic texts of different periods, an interpretation is constructed that lays no claim to one absolute truth, because quite a few unknown things remain in the margins of the discourse. That becomes evident when one observes the environment or reads contradictory opinions of the informants telling about the same thing, due to which even the best-considered theoretical systems may become undermined. In our case, that is the classification of the genre of Lithuanian folk songs and the research in the ritual-based customs of Shrovetide (rural as the only genuine and Lithuanian ones). The specificity of culture cognition articulated by Geertz tends to remove doubts and give courage: “our knowledge of culture... cultures... a culture... grows: in spurts. Rather than following a rising curve of cumulative findings, cultural analysis breaks up into a discon- nected yet coherent sequence of bolder and bolder sorties” (Geertz 1973: 25). Learning in fits and starts supports the idea of the illusion of full understanding. Mind philosophers and psychologists believe that human-perceived reality reveals not the actual world, but rather the world in accordance with our likings, our possibilities of percep- tion, desires, knowledge, and the mind-identified categories (Dortier 2012: 100). The illusion of understanding cannot be escaped either by ethnographers recording facts and experience or by ethnologists interpreting the accumulated knowledge and creating their own interpretations. Who knows whether an observer who once recorded the Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 13 information perceived what he saw, heard, and recorded in a correct way? Did the ethnologist have a sufficient “power of scientific imagination” to open the recordings of old times for the reader?2 When travelling to countries untouched by Western civilization, anthropolo- gists of the Western world have to master the indigenous language and to get to understand their lifestyle and customs. When one inves- tigates the custom of Lithuanian ancestors having lived on the eastern Baltic shore, far in the past and frequently recorded by foreigners, one occurs in a similar situation – they are very complicated to understand and even more complicated to interpret in a good, correct way. Or, according to famous Austrian philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein quoted in Geertz, we read what is written, however, we are not always able to perceive it (Geertz 2005: 14). Fragmentary cognition preconditioned by the shortage of knowledge and data, the perceived illusion of universal understanding, and the refusal from the criterion of consistency as the main description of culture predetermined the choice of the theoretical approach. The most suitable one for the present research seemed to be the cultural relativism of Geertz and his views on ethnography and the studies of cultural anthropology: together with Max Weber, Geertz believed that “man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he himself has spun. I take culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law but an interpretive one in search of meanings” (Geertz 1973: 5). Anthropological, ethnological, or any other texts used in the research are interpretations of the second or third order themselves: “they are, thus, fictions; fictions, in the sense that they are ‘something made’, ‘something fash- ioned’ – the original meaning of fictiō – not that they are false, un- factual, or merely ‘as if ’ thought experiments” (Geertz 1973: 15). His views were supported by James Clifford who believed that ethnography was an interpretive, and not an explanatory, process (Clifford

2 Geertz wrote about “the lives of strange peoples”, recorded and analysed by an anthropologist (Geertz 2005: 17–18). 14 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

2006: 40). However, interpretive explanation and its outcomes meant systemic expansion of the conceptual world (Geertz 2005: 55).

On Some Aspects of the Shrovetide Origin and Development

The origin and development of Shrovetide have been discussed by Lithuanian ethnologists more than once, and the summarising statements seem to have been formulated. In compliance with the data of ethnologist Arūnas Vaicekauskas, the most significant festivals in the Lithuanian calendar were Christmas and Shrovetide. Christmas was attached the meaning of the end of yearly agricultural activities. Shrovetide, in accordance with the structure of the performed rituals, was akin to Christmas, while in the traditional agrarian calendar it possessed all the characteristics of a big annual festival. Both festivals shared certain ritual actions: costumed processions, pulling of a log, ritual food sharing, etc. (Vaicekauskas 2005: 11). It is obvious that the festival was viewed from the pre-Christian agrarian or rural culture perspective. In terms of the origin of the festival, the view is acceptable both in the Lithuanian and European context.3 However, it is only part of that cultural phenomenon. How did it develop in the context of changes in the religious system, world outlook, lifestyle, etc.? One can say that the ethnological research into the Shrovetide celebration in Lithuania poorly reveals the interactions between the Christian religious and the folk festivals and the celebration in the village and the manor4 or in the village and the city. Aspects emerge that should be discussed more thoroughly. That is also important be- 3 According to Peter Burke, in the Early Modern Period in Europe, folk (named by the author ‘popular’, or ‘little’) culture was discovered, with peasants accounting for 80 to 90% of the European population (Burke 1994: 29). 4 As aptly summarised by Auksuolė Čepaitienė, peasant culture was the most extensively studied aspect in the 20th century Lithuanian ethnography. Manor farming-based economies and lifestyles were also part of the peasant context (Čepaitienė 2013: 11–12). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 15 cause the origin of the ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’ , and ‘Gypsy’ songs, analysed in our research, is not related to the calendrical rituals (the issue of the genre is dicussed in Chapter 1 in more detail). The songs are rather late, and they are related not merely to the rural, but also to the urban and church environment. The songs had integrated into the Shrove- tide carnival costumed character tradition together with the roles of those characters, which in the long run were increasingly getting based on the lifestyles of social and ethnic groups. The archetypes of the characters, even if they acted in the rural environment, did not belong to the class of peasant farmers. One has to acknowledge that, when analysing culture and its individual phenomena, it is important not to lose touch with the political, economic, and social class reality that man cannot escape from as well as with the biological and physical needs underlying those levels of life (Geertz 1973: 30). The changes in religious systems are recognised to have influenced the cosmological aspects of agrarian festivals. However, the Catholic Church liturgics is believed to have not fundamentally changed the ritual behaviour of Lithuanian farmers formed in pre-Christian times (Vaicekauskas 2005: 11). That behaviour was predetermined by the cycles of nature and the wish to win the forces of nature over to the farmers’ side in the hope of a good harvest in the coming year. Pre-Christian festivals of different countries, such as ancient Egyp- tian festivals devoted to Isis, goddess of fertility and motherhood, the ancient Roman Saturnalia, the Greek Dionysia and Bacchanalia, and the Celtic late winter rites with masks and wooden sculptures, were expected to make spring come. The Shrovetide rituals allegedly reached the beginning of the 20th century without experiencing any significant influence of Christianity (Vaicekauskas 2014: 55). The latter statements led to contradictory ideas. According to Vaicekauskas, Shrovetide did not have a festival status in the Catholic liturgical calendar, therefore, there were no special religious rites devoted to that day that could have somehow affected the rites of the Shrovetide Festival. However, one cannot agree with another statement of his: we have to admit that the Shrovetide 16 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Festival in Lithuania experienced the impact of Christian religions. That is primarily seen in external, but rather important things. Into the Lithuanian name of Shrovetide (Užgavėnės), the name of Lent (Gavėnia)5, i.e. the Catholic period of calm and fasting, is integrated. Lent in Lithuania is believed to have been introduced, and in the long run established, by Jesuits in the 16th century (Puzinas 1983: 479). True, there are some other weakly and confusingly justified explana- tions of the name of Shrovetide. The date of the Shrovetide celebration is also related to the Catholic liturgical calendar: the culmination (the carnival and costumed processions) takes place on the Tuesday before Ash Wednesday which introduces the period of fasting that lasts till Easter. That means that Catholicism eventually stabilised the name and the date of that pre-Christian agrarian festival. The first somewhat more detailed information about the character of the Shrovetide celebration in the rural environment of Lithu- ania appeared only in the first half of the 19th century. It is worth noting that the ancient Žemaitijan calendrical festivals in the chapter of Festivals of the Žemaičių vyskupystės istorija [A History of the Žemaitijan Diocese] were described by Bishop Motiejus Valančius (1801–1875) in the first half of the 19th century, however, he did not include Shrovetide in the list. One could think that the Catholic cler- gyman was concerned only with the festivals in the church calendar, however, it was not the case, because Valančius discussed festivals and dates related to pagan Balt gods, such as Ganyklis, Žemininkas, etc. (Valančius II 1972: 40–41). Teodoras Narbutas (1784–1864), a controversially evaluated author of a Lithuanian history and cultural researcher, in the first book of a nine-volume work on history published in the early 19th century described Messedrines (the period from Christmas to Lent) which he

5 The origin of Lent is related to pre-Christian religions: the rite is associated with the restoration to life of a dying and resurrecting God (Osiris in Egypt, Adonis in Phoenicia, Ati in Asia Minor, and Dionysus in Greece). Before the festival, people fasted, performed different rites, wept, flogged themselves, and germinated herbs. The actions meant sorrow for God’s death and efforts to secure abundant harvest. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 17 called the Ragutis [literally: an animal horn suitable for drinking] Festival (Swięto Raguta, Bachanalie). Ragutis was a god of mead and vodka makers, beekeepers, and brewers. In his honour, people would hold celebrations for eight days and drink abundantly; they engaged in different games, commemorations, and sacrifices. His idol or a pro- cessed log was transported from village to village on a sleigh, drawn by piebald oxen and followed by a crowd of drunken women called Ra- gutienie, feasting priests (Potinikow), and a number of various masks (Narbutt 1835: 16, 17, 318). Narbutas is believed to have meant the festival presently called Shrovetide, and his information about Ragutis (Ruguczis, Rauguzemepati, Raugu-patis), the Lithuanian equivalent of the Greek and Roman gods Dionysus or Bacchus, the gods of wine, feasts, the recovering spring vegetation, and ecstasy, was testified to (compilation?) in some previous sources of the Balt religion and mythology (Laurinkienė 2012: 22–24). At about the same time, the work Wspomnienia Žmudzi [Reminis- cences of the Žemaitijan Land] by another Lithuanian-Polish author, priest Liudvikas Adomas Jucevičius (1813–1846), published in Polish, presented much more specific information about the Shrovetide carnivals taking place in the village reality. “During Shrovetide,6 games take place, similar to the masquerade balls in towns where people mainly dress up as Jews, Germans, Gypsies, or soldiers. Everyone tries to be as witty as possible in accordance with their roles. All the group walks from house to house, and sometimes calls on the lord of the manor. I remember that, when I was a child, such a company visited my parents’ house. I best remember a Jew and a German”. Further the author described the actions of those characters. In Žemaitija, on Ash Wednesday, an effigy was taken from house to house in a cart. The custom was called “a visit of old Mrs. Kuniszki”. Jucevičius did not explain the meaning of the custom, he only believed that it “dated back to ancient times” (Jucevičius [1842] 1959: 448, 536; Jucewicz 1842: 132–133).

6 In the text of Jucevičius, a Polish term Zapust is used. 18 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The trend of tracing folk culture – songs, fairy tales, beliefs, festivals, etc., “discovered” by Western European Enlighteners – to an un- defined ‘primitive’ pre-Christian era and believing that they reached us in an unchanged shape originated from a theoretical hypothesis, formulated by Herder and the brothers Grimm and still alive in Eu- rope. British historian Peter Burke admitted that some traditions were really very old, e.g., the Italian carnival could have evolved from the Roman Saturnalia, and commedia dell’arte, from classical farces. Si- multaneously, he emphasised that those ideas could not be proved because what was more or less documented in the period of 1500 through 1800 showed that folk traditions were subject to multidi- mensional change. The misleading aspect of the early 19th century intellectual ideas was that they, when summarising cultural phenomena, did not distinguish (or they did not distinguish sharply enough) between the primitive and the medieval, the urban and the rural, or the peasant and the whole nation (Burke 1994: 20–21). Therefore, the belief that “the Shrovetide rituals reached the beginning of the 20th century without any significant influence of Christianity” (Vaicekaus- kas 2014: 55) is a huge misunderstanding. Another questionable statement is that, “before the introduction of Christianity, they [customs and rites] apparently existed as a unified system, which was substantially destroyed by traditions introduced by the Church” (Skrodenis 1989: 67–75; 2010: 71–72). That or other similar statements, formulated on the basis of secondary and poorly verified sources of mythology and folklore, cannot be either confirmed or denied. It is impossible to confirm them due to the absence of reliable records, let alone a “unified system” that ethnologists try to reconstruct or imagine to have reconstructed. The impact of Western European culture and Christia- nity has been evident from the first information about the Shrovetide costumed characters in the Balt-inhabited territories in the 15th century. Despite some doubts, there is almost unanimous agreement that the Carnival tradition in Western Europe evolved from festivals com- memorating the end of agricultural activities and celebrated before Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 19 the birth of Christ in Egypt, Persia, Greece, and Rome (Carnival; Valantasis 2000: 378; Burke 1994: 21, 209). Romans worshipped Sa- turn, a god of fertility, at the end of December, when Christmas is presently celebrated. Saturnalia was the time of relax and unbridled joy when everyone, having completed their work, adorned themselves with masks and had fun in the streets. Stasys Skrodenis, researcher of Lithuanian calendrical customs and folklore, thought that cross-dressing can have originated from the erotic solstice ceremonies in which impudent behaviour had to ensure fertility. Latvian folklorists of the first half of the 20th century Andrejs Jurjāns and Jānis Alberts Jansons also saw certain parallels between Latvian customs and ancient Greek and Roman Dionysias and Saturnalias (Vītoliņš 1973: 39; Jansons [1933] 2010: 103–208). The first reports about the actors of the carnival processions in the Balt calendrical festivals – costumed characters and their inappropriate actions – came from the ecclesiastical sources of the 15th through the 19th century. In them, the clergy called for the abandonment of those traditions or even strictly prohibited them. The aspiration of constraining folk culture existed from the very beginning of Christia- nity, however, the repeated prohibitions testified to the extraordinarily vitality of folk customs. The relationship between the Reformation ideology and the folk culture in a broad sense across Western Europe over the period of the 15th through the 17th century was rather complicated and multi-fa- ceted. It could be defined as an open conflict between the two lifestyles and the desire to fundamentally change folk beliefs and the shapes of lifestyles. Peasants and craftsmen were oriented towards the transfer from the natural forms of faith towards Catholicism and Protestan- tism. However, at least in the early Reformation period (1500–1650), the upper literate social classes were affected much stronger and faster. The views of different religions and their branches, and in many cases also of influential clergy, on folk culture and the measures taken to change it were different. In Burke’s opinion, “Catholic reformers of popular culture were less radical than the Protestant ones. Luther, it 20 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

is true, was relatively sympathetic to popular traditions but Lutherans were stricter than Luther. Zwingli, Calvin, and their respective followers went much further than Luther in their opposition to popular traditions” (Burke 1994: 216). So far, little is known about the content of the lower class culture all over Western Europe in the period of the 15th through the 17th century, and just because the available information came mainly from the stories of foreign travellers or from official governmental documents. They reflected the efforts to control or improve the lives of peasants and craftsmen. Against the background of the Reformation, the number of bans increased, and the purification of popular culture intensified. Mass festivals, most of them including carnival elements or their combinations, were sought to be replaced in the direction that was not dangerous, or was even favourable, to the upper classes. The first reports on Shrovetide in the Balt-inhabited lands came from Prussia in the 15th century. In 1428, Heinrich Beringer (?–1444), the head of a Carthusian Monastery, wrote in his memorial about the Prussians dancing devil dances during Shrovetide and weddings and about women dressing up as men. In 1444, in their circulars, the Prussian Bishops of Semba and Warmia forbade dressing up as kings, chiefs, men, and women during Shrovetide, and the students of ecclesiatical schools were forbidded to dress up as bishops and to give false blessings (Fischer 1937: 28, 48). Martynas Mažvydas (1520–1563), priest of a parish in Prussian Lithuania, in a 1551 letter to his patron Albrecht, Duke of Prussia, wrote that the people of his parish behaved in a godless way during the festivals of Christmas, New Year, Epipha- ny, Candlemas, the Feast of the Annunciation, and Easter (Mažvydas 1974: 278). Multiple subsequent bans, combined with the Reforma- tion-inspired rise of literacy, eventually affected the Prussians, Sam- bians, Notangians, and Scalvians living in the Lutheran part of East Prussia (Lithuania Minor). Compared to the Catholic Lithuania Ma- jor, the folk customs of Shrovetide there were suppressed earlier. Not only the clergy, but also the secular government of Prussia made efforts to regulate the lifestyle of the lower social clases. From Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 21 multiple ordinances we learn how Shrovetide was celebrated by the 17th century Lutherans of Prussian Brandenburg. The town craftsmen and other festival participants walked along the streets in processions with music, cracked all kinds of jokes, and had fun. Elector of Prussia Friedrich Wilhelm called it “fooling of townspeople and cadging of money and fodstuffs”. On 4 February 1659, he issued a decree banning that kind of the Shrovetide celebration. The decree seems to have been of little effect, since a document with a similar content was re-issued on 8 February 1670. On May 18 1730, King of Prussia Friedrich Wilhelm I issued a document directed against Shrovetide, which proved that Shrovetide was still alive. However, at the time, pietism had already spread in the Kingdom of Prussia, which was much more effective than the ordinances of the Electors or Kings of Prussia and which put an end to the “theatrical traditions” of Shrovetide, since pietists considered theatre to be one of the deadly sins (Sonnek 1903: 18). The 18th century Pietist movement was fatal for the Prussian Lithuanian folk culture forms, including the celebration of Shrove- tide, and affected the deep layers of folk culture (Lukšaitė 1999: 578). The Herrnhuttian pietism, which from 1730 was active and effective in Livonia, had a similar effect on Latvian folk traditions. The Catholic lands of Europe also fought against folk carnival traditions (Burke 1994: 205–243). The performances given on the occasion of Shrovetide on the stage of the Jesuit Academy of Vilnius’ school theatre over the 16th through the 18th century were rather strictly controlled by the authorities (for more details, see Chapter 3). Thus, e.g., a resolution of Claudio Acquaviva contained a motivated restriction on cross-dressing. “Question. Are actors allowed to appear on the stage dressed up as women? Answer. It is allowed in some cases, however, rarely and only to serious people, not to awaken the lust and things that are unsuitable for serious religiosity” (MR 1987: 193–194). In the early 19th century, Žemaitijan Bishop Juozapas Ar- nulfas Giedraitis (1754–1838), priest Jurgis Pabrėža (1771–1849), and others in their writings and sermons resented their parishioners’ 22 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

dressing up and performances during the most important calendrical church festivals of Christmas and Easter. Researchers in Lithuanian customs believe that, in the 19th through the early 20th century, when the first descriptions of the Lithuanian rural Shrovetide appeared, the carnival dressing up no longer had the pre-Christian ritual meaning. Just a game allegedly remained, related to the ancient customs only through impudent behaviour in speech and actions (Skrodenis 2009: 11; 1966: 285–297; 2010: 122). Hence, in the 21st century studies of the Shrovetide customs, based on the empirical material collected in the second half of the 20th through the 21st century, we can merely speak about the rudiments of the pre- Christian customs that may have survived due to the psychophysical human traits and needs, the interaction of the cycles of nature and economic activities, the intertwining of pre-Christian and Christian festivals, etc. When considering the interaction of Christian and folk festivals, one can argue that the bans on customs or an aspiration to control the mindset and behaviour of the lower social classes account for the most tangible aspect of the influence of Christian religion on the content of Shrovetide. It is precisely because the Shrovetide carnival processions, their characters, and the actions performed by the latter have, up to the present day, caused worry and disatisfaction of the church and state ideologists, national or ethnic groups, or even individuals, that the oldest records in written sources about the festival and its customs, and especially about the most outwardly visible custom of dressing up, survived. Due to the differences between the pre-Christian, or mythological, and the contemporary way of thinking, the changed meanings, and the actualities of reality, even nowadays we face curious evaluations of folklore texts and customs. In the first decade of the 21st century, articles appeared, indignant about Lithuanian Shrovetide customs both in the Lithuanian (Delfi 2010;VE 2010; VE 2008) and foreign press (Delfi 2008). For contemporary people, the ritual function and meaning of the carnival procession characters and masks were alien, and they accepted that as brutal mocking Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 23 at ethnic minorities. Based on the theoretical insights of foreign an- thropologists, some authoritative Lithuanian ethnologists and folklorists Jonas Balys, Pranė Dundulienė, Stasys Skrodenis, Norbertas Vėlius, and Libertas Klimka argued that the aliens – ‘Jews’, ‘Gypsies’, or ‘Hungarians’– were to be seen as mythological images of ancestors related to earthly or underground deities. For connoisseur of Lithu- anian mythology Vėlius, “the most popular hook-nosed, humpbacked, pot-bellied, lame, and crooked buyers of ‘barren’ women were clearly chthonic beings” (Vėlius 1983: 148). Their appearance, actions, and looks were meant to highlight the opposition between “our own” and “other”, but by no means not to mock at ethnic minorities (Skrodenis 2009: 39; Klimka 2009: 61). However, Balys brought everybody to reality by an explanation that eventually the ancient meaning of masks- demons was forgotten, while the ‘beggars’ and ‘Gypsies’ were a specific form of Shrovetide cadgers with nothing mythological about them. In other countries, during Shrovetide, people also liked to go about and beg for food (Balys 1993: 57, 59). Laima Anglickienė, who had more comprehensively studied the image of foreigners in Lithuanian folklore, argued that Jew and Gypsy were the most popular characters not only in Lithuanian folklore. All over Europe, people dressed up as foreigners (frequently also Jews, Gypsies, Turks, or just representatives of the neighbouring nations) were personages of carnival processions (Anglickienė 2006: 36, 87). Burke assumed that “perhaps the mocking of outsiders ( Jews at the Roman Carnival, peasants in Nurem- berg) was, among other things, a dramatic expression of community solidarity” (Burke 1994: 200). In recent years, the views on the Lithuanian Shrovetide customs have been changing. The wish to ban the traditional participation of the characters of ethnic minorities in the festival was predetermined by the fact that they were viewed through the prism of terrible and in no way justifiable historical events of the 20th century. According to historian Vygantas Vareikis, “the evaluation of Lithuanian–Jewish relations has been revised by the 1940–1944 experience of the Holo- caust in Lithuania and the discussions of the issue which post factum 24 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

interfere with the historical discourse and distort the history of the relationships between Jews and Lithuanians” (Vareikis 2000: 27). Such an approach writes off a centuries-long narrative of living and getting on in a close neighbourhood and of the routine of economic and human relations. It is not fair to treat and interpret folklore texts in the same way as historical documents. The principles of folklore composing and existence are either forgotten or even unknown. The Shrovetive costumed character songs contain some caricatured and hyperbolized fragments of the rural environment routine, however, the songs or actions of the costumed characters do not call for ill- treatment of the characters of the festival – the Romani, Jews, Hun- garians, or representatives of any other ethnic minorities.

The Ratio of the Ritual and Entertainment Functions of the Shrovetide Customs

The Shrovetide processions of costumed characters are believed to be one of the most communal traditions of the Lithuanian village. Given the available descriptions of the urban and rural celebration, it is important to emphasise that, in the context of Lithuanian calendrical festivals, they are also one of the merriest festival segments. Due to the totality of the performed actions (dressing up, acting, music, and dancing), in accordance with the contemporary understanding, they are considered to be a leisure-time custom or an entertainment. “For peasants, the time of rest and entertainment comes: relatives are visited, weddings are celebrated, or parties are given. Especially young people travel to show themselves and to see others” (Katkus 1949: 195). As established by the contemporary research in human psychology and sociology, entertainment affects individuals, their social activity and productivity: on experiencing the joy of entertainment, human beings restore their work capacity, relax, and get ready for new work Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 25

(Pruskus 2013: 9). In the agrarian lifestyle, the period from Christmas to Lent and the crowning Shrovetide celebration meant rest before the hard field works in the seasons of spring, summer, and autumn. European city carnivals also performed an entertaining function, making people relax after the everyday hard work routine (Burke 1994: 199–200). Arūnas Vaicekauskas, who analysed the changes in the functions of the winter calendrical festival rites both at the theoretical and empirical levels, argued that increasingly abundant sources of the second half of the 19th century through the early 20th century testified to the development of the dressing up custom in a definite direction. In the 20th century, the decline in the ritual functions of those customs and the establishment of the function of entertainment was identified. The transformation was accounted for by the changes in the worldview, predetermined by the totality of economic, social, and cultural relationships. The developments of the winter calendrical customs in Lithuania in the 19th century are to be related to the manor environment and the penetration of the commodity economy into the village. Still, the most distinct changes in the rural customs, associated with the mythological thinking-formed agrarian customs, allegedly took place in the first half of the 20th century. As for the specific anthropomorphic costumed characters, it was argued that “in the second quarter of the 20th century, individual interpretations reached an unprecedented level” (Vaicekauskas 2005: 20, 40–48, 79). The writings of the 19th through the early 20th century abounded in regrets about the declining customs and their development “in the wrong direction” (for more detail, see Chapter 4). Partially in agreeement with Vaicekauskas’ ideas, some points remain to be debated, viz., 1) the predomination of the entertaining function in the Shrovetide Festival; 2) a closer and much earlier than the 19th century interaction between the manor and the village and the urban and rural lifestyles; and 3) the consideration of the first half of the 20th century as an abrupt or extremely rapid time of the customs decline. 26 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Looking into the sources of the 15th through the 18th century in which the Shrovetide celebration in the environments of the nobility palaces, manors, and Jesuit educational institutions was recorded or into much older descriptions of the Antiquity calendrical festivals (Saturnalia, Dionysia, and Bacchanalia) in other European countries, unbridled merriment, or the function of entertainment, seems to have been the main idea of those festivals. Therefore, a rather negative view of Vaicekauskas on the predomination of the function of entertainment in the early 20th century seems unacceptable. The said function of entertainment allegedly could for a certain period of time maintain the vitality of communal customs, however, it could not ensure the stability of the manifestation of those forms (Vaicekauskas 2005: 53). The impression arises that the function of entertainment is considered to be less valuable than the never recorded, just constructed from secondary sources, ritual functions of the customs, serious and with positive connotations. However, the author contradicts himself when he states that communal entertainment was one of the most important functions of the ritual as early as in the most archaic festivals, while the medieval urban carnival, a relatively new form of culture and “something more” than mass dressing up, “retained very important traits of archaic festivals, such as a mass character and universal entertainment” (Vaicekauskas 2002: 265, 268). Fun and entertainment, providing various psychophysiologal sen- sations, is a natural human need. Susceptibility to entertainment comes from inherent human biology, sociology, and educational so- cialisation. Scholars from different fields – psychologists, sociologists, philosophers, and culturologists – who explored that multifaceted phenomenon through scientific research methods formulated their own conceptions of entertainment; however, researchers from all fields agreed that entertainment was a form of having fun and emotional relaxation, providing one with an opportunity of having a good time and experiencing good emotions and feelings. The purpose of entertainment was defined as physical, emotional, and intellectual recreation of an individual, while the principal objective of entertaining Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 27 activities was to tone one up and to boost one’s mood. One’s emotional reaction to what was fun and funny reduced nervous tension and fatique (Pruskus 2013: 7–8). Due to the absence of reliable, older than the early 19th century descriptions of the rural Shrovetide celebration, it is rather difficult to establish the ratio of the ritual and entertaining functions and to state exactly which function predominated in the festival or was more important in various stages of the human community development. Vaicekauskas mentioned that the 19th through the early 20th century authors Liudvikas Adomas Jucevičius, Motiejus Valančius, Žemaitė, and Mikalojus Katkus described “the funny side of the costumed characters’ behaviour, saying nothing of the rites” (Vaicekauskas 2002: 269). It is difficult to believe that all of them could have ignored the rites. Valančius would have surely found things to criticise or to praise. Or possibly the rites did not exist any more? One thing is clear: ancient man, in comparison with the contemporary one, had to devote much more time to physical work in order to survive, hence less time was left for leisure, recreation, and entertainment. In the early 20th century, famous French archaeologist and cultural historian Salomon Reinach (1858–1932), when writing about a source of food of the Ice Age people, i.e. hunting and the rites performed to ensure its success – noted that art7 was not pleasure or entertainment, but the manifestation of a rather ‘primitive’ religion. Sacred rites had an only purpose: to help to hunt animals and provide people with food. Researchers in pre-history also thought that primeval art was a trace of fertility rites. The hypotheses of art being an expression of archaic religions became prevalent in the late 19th through the early 20th century anthropology. The works of Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) and his followers were particularly important for that theory (Dortier 2012: 239–241). From the last decade of the 20th century until the present time, the theory has been accepted and exploited by Lithuanian ethnologists.

7 Material, i.e., physically surviving till the present time, forms of visual art are meant. 28 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Probably due to the fact that rites and ritual actions were associated with religion which by itself (and also due to the dogmatism of Christianity) created an impression of gravity and austerity and had a positive connotation, the function of entertainment occurred in opposition. Even though, according to Durkheim himself, the cult of religion actually pursued other goals (e.g., to contribute to the morality and unity of the community), simultaneously it was a kind of entertainment for people. In addition, ritual performances brought out important elements of religion: the entertaining and aesthetic ones, which, however, as Durkheim warned, should not be overestimated. In the analysis of a complicated issue of the ratio between ritual actions and entertainment, fun and serious life, and religious rites and secular festivals, Durkheim nonetheless noted that having a good time during religious festivals was one of the forms of spiritual recovery, which was the main goal of the positive cult. Even folk entertainments, seeking to amuse people and to cheer them up and having nothing in common with religion, were a kind of ancient rituals having changed their character. Incidentally, Durkheim believed that there probably were not entertainments that would not have any resonance in serious life (Durkheim 1999: 411–425). We again have to go back to the previously analysed issue of the meaning of customs. It is also difficult to understand because it is no longer possible to find out the views of the people who used to perform the rites. The 20th century providers of ethnographic information, as noted by the authors interested in the issue, were very re- luctant to discuss the purpose of specific customs. They usually could not explain why things were done in one or another way, and maybe they never knew or considered that, just acted in a certain way and thus continued the tradition. In general, interpreters of the meaning of rituals, as Durkheim sarcastically put it, were “at risk of disappointment” if they believed that each gesture (keeping in mind such movement-including forms of art as dance, song, etc.) ought to be assigned “a specific aim and a definite meaning”. The rites included Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 29 numerous elements that had no particular purpose and just met the need of believers to act, move, and gesticulate (Durkheim 1999: 423). On the other hand, cases occurred when the activities of Shrove- tide called by ethnologists “ritual going on a spree” – such as placing a heavy object against the door, lifting up a ram on the roof, pouring water over people, or wallowing in snow – and related to the fertility of newlyweds were defined by a 20th century respondent as mild hooliganism with the aim of joking.8 There are more similar opinions. Morover, when processing a larger amount of ethnographic information about the object presented at about the same time, different types of respondents were identified. Some of them possessed rich imagination and the gift of narrators; they could tell a lot of valuable things and sometimes tried to explain the meanings of the customs. Some others presented just the gist, verified cautiously and rationally, or altogether avoided talking about meanings. The identification of stages in the development of customs is a tricky thing. It would be inaccurate to believe that the Shrovetide ethnographic customs in Lithuania changed abruptly, or even became extinct, only in the early 20th century. At that time, those customs had already declined and acquired, or were acquiring, the character of an urban festival, as witnesed by articles in the periodical press of the 20th century (for more details, see Chapter 4). In the 70s of the 20th century, a similar situation and the loss of the feeling of authenticity because of the essence-destroying modernity was discussed by Raymond Henry Williams, noting that “it was a repeating, pastoral ‘structure of the feeling’ ”. When discussing the processes taking place on the American continents, he said that, in the early 20s [of the 20th

8 “That is like hooliganism – but it was not hooliganism, just fun. Everybody cracked jokes as well as they could” (Pskov I 2002: 52). When considering a broader context of the Shrovetide customs, the customs and their explanation recorded in the Region of Pskov, Russian Federation, were found to be very similar to (common with) the Lithuanian Shrovetide customs. Among the folk songs of different genres recorded in that region, quite a few were identified by Russian folklorists as being of Lithuanian origin (Pskov 2003). 30 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

century], one could already speak of a truly global space of the emergence and decline of cultural relations (Clifford 2006: 15). In the first half of the 20th century, when building an independent State of Lithuania, rural culture was consciously chosen as the ideological basis of the Lithuanian identity. Lithuanian intellectuals who had studied or had otherwise developed in Western Europe were active participants of the process. They seem to have opted for one of the two opposite views on the traditional peasant lifestyle: either conservative idealism or modern criticism. In the 19th and 20th century German, French, Italian, and English literature and ethnographic works, as argued by Werner Rösener, the peasant lifestyle was idealised and depicted as more humane than that of the urban workmen. European peasantry was believed to have substantial political power (Rösener 2000: 10–11). It was that ideological direction that in the early 20th century was taken over and supported by the state leaders and the academic community of Lithuania. The periodical press was publishing articles on rural customs, and their number kept increasing in the period of 1929 through 1939. That was the period of rule of President Antanas Smetona when favourable views on ethnic culture were evident and kept growing. Quite a few articles in the press used to end in forewarnings about the decline of rural customs. Urban or borrowed foreign festivals, fashions, and customs were criticised, and people were encouraged to foster, protect, and revive the rural culture which allegedly embodied authenticity, seriousness, and spirituality. Ethnographers of the early 20th century, and later ethnologists who accepted their views, contrasted the theoretically constructed ultra-serious rituals of infinitely ancient times with the unrestrained festive entertainments typical of the human nature. Therefore, the Lithuanian ethnic culture acquired a serious, and sometimes even sorrowful, character. The ethnologists of the second half of the 20th century followed the position of the clergy and the ethnographers of the early 20th century that promoted a negative view on hedonistic inclinations such as pleasant emotions or entertainments resulting in Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 31 satisfaction and relaxation.9 A similar trend in ethnological research can still be felt. Another important and previously mentioned thing is that, in ethnological works, the village and peasantry and the manor and gentry as well as urban culture were especially frequently explored separately, and sometimes even contrasted.10 That, in fact, distorted the totality of the phenomenon. Thus, e.g., if we accept the view that “the Lithu- anian village was for a long time isolated from the direct impact of the cosmopolitan urban culture”, a logical conclusion follows: “as late as in the first part of the 20th century, the custom of dressing up still preserved its ritual forms” (Vaicekauskas 2002: 265). The peasantry of remote rural settlements, living far away from big towns, may have failed to feel the direct impact of the town, however, the Lithuanian manor culture, permeated with Western European customs and fashions, and monasteries, considered to be cultural and religious centres of Western Europe, existed side by side. Therefore, the isolation of

9 The progressive clergy with good theological education worked hard to explain the meaning of the virtue of entertainment: “When it comes to human perfection, holiness, and morality, it is often repeated that one has to be serious, should not attend all kinds of entertainments, and should not be distracted but should live in concentration. Therefore, some people say that our religion is the enemy of joy and fun. If you want to be holy – be grim and sad; and if you are merry, if you like to play games, to go in for sports, or to joke, you are far from holiness. That is completely wrong. Only people who know nothing either about holiness or joy and fun can speak so. St. Thomas Aquinas, our greatest authority in theology, in his major work Summa Theologica dealt with different subjects and touched upon almost every issue of interest to us. He extensively discussed the issues of perfection, holiness, and virtues. Among other virtues, he named one very interesting virtue, called eutrapelia in Greek, i.e. the virtue of entertainment. Who entertains himself moderately does not sin against virtue and acquires a new virtue of entertainment” (Vaišnys 1954). 10 Research in manors in Lithuania and Poland were resumed in the late 20th century, when both countries regained independence. The topic of the “damned” nobility had been taboo for a long time. The manors and their traditions in the Soviet era were consciously debased and removed from the official politics, textbooks of history, or research programmes. The buildings of manors and the property in them were ravaged or decayed due to neglect. Some manor owners were deported to Siberia, others fled to the West or got lost in cities (Baranowski 1998: 74–75). 32 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Lithuanian rural culture from the impact of urban culture is probably overstimated and unconvincing. In reality, rural and manor as well as rural and urban cultures in a general sense could not exist in isolation: they kept interacting in one or another way. That was confirmed by researchers in the Western European rural lifestyle who recognised that, before the liberation in the late 18th and the early 19th century, from the economic and political worldview, rural family and village communities, even if partially autonomous, were dependent on the feudal government. At the beginning of the Modern Age, in Poland and Lithuania peasants lost their independence and became an integral part of the holdings of large landowners.11 When discussing the interaction of the city and the village, Werner Rösener emphasised the im- possibility of separating the two worlds which evolved parallely: the city grew from the village and, in turn, affected the life of the village (Rösener 2000: 16–17, 69, 120). The coexistence of the two worlds, or of two cultural traditions, the great and the little, was defined by American anthropologist Robert Redfield: “The great tradition was cultivated in schools or temples; the little tradition worked itself out and kept itself going in the lives of the unlettered in their village communities. The two traditions were interdependent. Great tradition and little tradition have long affected each other and continue to do so” (Redfield 1956: 41–42). The idea that Shrovetide in Lithuania was allegedly neglected until

the early 19th century (Vaicekauskas 2005: 20) may have been caused

11 In the early 18th century, the differentiation of Lithuanian bajorai [nobility] was really high. The concept of bajoras embraced both a landowner who possessed several dozens of manors and vast areas of lands and a small owner of a plot of a dozen hectares that he farmed himself. Large landowners accounted for about 1% of the noblemen, minor ones, for about 75%, and the rest were medium landowners. The elite focused on the cosmopolitan values of European culture, while the small and medium landowners, on the centuries-long local traditions. However, small landowners did not have peasants and had to work the land themselves, while the medium ones hired people. When in the early 19th century the Government of Russia assigned the major part of the Žemaitijan nobility to the peasantry, the cultures of the nobility and of peasants intertwined (Puodžiukienė 1998: 38, 42). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 33 by the fact that the urban culture was mainly ignored and researchers made use merely of the descriptions of the rural celebration of Shrovetide.12 Otherwise, it is necessary to remember that the first information about the Shrovetide celebration in the Balt-inhabited lands came from the 15th century Prussia and the 16th and later centuries nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (hereinafter referred to as GDL) as well as the academic Jesuit college environments. True, they did not reflect any agrarian rites or customs, however, the most vital elements of the festival, surviving till the present time – dressing up and entertainments – were expressed very vividly. Thus, the comprehensive impact of the manor as the carrier of urban European culture must have been much more significant and 13 much earlier than the second half of the 19th century. Manors as cultural centres of the feudal elite enjoyed great cultural power in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The network of manors formed a rather unanimously functioning cultural mechanism which left traces in the material and spiritual culture. The 16th through the 18th century Lithuanian nobility culture was, even if greatly modified, part of the European feudal elite culture, linked with it in various ways. It must have accepted the changes in style and worldviews coming from Western Europe. With the start of broader exploration of the cultural heritage, new facts kept emerging testifying to the specific interaction

12 It is evidently a conscious choice and dissociation, as in the paper Karnavalas Li- etuvoje [Carnival in Lithuania] in 2002, Vaicekauskas discused the interaction of urban and rural festivals (Vaicekauskas 2002: 263–276). 13 The concept of bajoras [nobleman] in Lithuania and Poland formed in the early 17th century. For at least two centuries, manors were major economic and national cultural centres. In the 19th century, the legend of the manor as a fortress of patriotism and freedom emerged. After the defeat of the uprising of 1863, the need to create centres of national relics, traditions, and culture in manors became especially strong. The turn of the 20th century meant the Renaissance of an interest in manor residences. The “legend” of the manor acquired great importance and became the basis for the values that contributed to a new liberation movement in the years of the First World War, and later, to the restoration of Independence in 1918 (Baranowski 1998: 74–75). 34 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

of Lithuanian manors with folk culture, especially when the latter experienced a kind of “nobilitation” in the 19th century (Berenis 1998: 3). Coming back to the research object and the discussed “function of entertainment”, a fact of the Shrovetide celebration, recorded in the book of income and expenditure of the Salantai Manor in the second half of the 18th century should be noted. On 8 February 1769, Zabie- la was paid 10 timpas for playing violin on Shrovetide and for strings, while on 27 February 1781, Grūšlaukė violinists for their assistance during the visit of His Grace Elder of Viekšniai on Shrovetide received 3 timpas, 2 šeštokas and 2 pusantrokis (SDK 2001: 426, 440).14 In that case, we learned about the existence of the custom accidentally, from the bookkeeping entries. The Shrovetide celebration was mentioned just because of its characteristic and mandatory element – music and music-related fun, the so-called “function of entertainment”.

14 Timpa is a kind of auksinas, the most popular monetary unit in the GDL and Poland in the 16th through the 18th century, which was first minted in the 17th century specifically for debt repayment; šeštokas and pusantrokis are silver coins of 6 and 1,5 groschen of the GDL (Terleckas). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 35 36 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Noise and Music in the Shrovetide Carnival

In the descriptions of the Shrove Tuesday carnival processions in Žemaitija during the 19th through the 20th century, the bands of costumed characters were described in a rather similar manner: “If the morning (before midday) in the village was silent and mysterious, things would start happening in the afternoon, as the “visitors” (‘Jews’, ‘Ape’, ‘Heron’, ‘Goat’, ‘Horse’, ‘Beggars’, Kanapinis, Lašininis, ‘Grim Reaper’, ‘Devil’, ‘Angel’), walking door-to-door, would start their activities, frequently accompanied by shouting, singing, speaking, laughing – with hubbub” (Trinka 1935: 210). The costumed characters made a great noise in the village by means of different things, their own voices, and musical instruments. In quite a few cultures of the world, noise making, as, based on foreign authors, was indicated by connoisseur of the Lithuanian folklore studies dr. Jonas Balys, was considered to be the best way of driving evil spirits away (Balys 1993: 76). Musicians, usually dressed like “the Bremen Town Musicians in Grimms’ Fairy Tales” (Puzinas 1983: 477), were the indispensable at- tendants of the noisy costumed characters. From ancient times, music had been, and remained, one of the fundamental parts of the ritual. Moreover, the studies of animal behaviour enabled scientists to hypothesise that music and dance as the forms of art preceded painting in caves, however, they were impossible “to restore”. Allegedly man started speaking and humming simultaneously, and musicality developed both as a form of communication and as a means for the community to experience the same feelings and, through them, to feel united (Dortier 2012: 229–230). In accordance with the widely supported statement of Western (e.g., David Émile Durkheim, etc.) and Eastern (e.g., Alexander Ves- elovsky, etc.) scholars formulated in the first half of the 20th century, games and the major forms of arts originated from religion (Dur- kheim 1999: 422), and the ritual covered the word, music, dance, image, movement/pantomime, costume/tattoo, and the material envi- Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 37 ronment. In the millennia-old Chinese culture, and especially in the philosophy of Confucianism, music was as important as the ritual itself (Pallito 2013). Noise, music, singing, and dancing are important elements in the Shrove Tuesday rituals, however, compared to the costumes and specific customs of the carnival procession, they are secondary. However, when a never singing and no-longer-young man on a Shrove Tuesday bursts into song, he as if indicates that he is going to refrain from it soon: over a long period of serious-mindedness and fasting, one has to refrain not only from food, but also from entertainments: singing, dancing, music making, card playing, games, etc. (Katkus 1949: 198). If Shrove Tuesday is considered to be a calendrical festival, and the custom of dressing up in costumes and the related activities of the costumed characters a ritual, then the humorous songs of the ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’ performed on that day ought to be considered as ritual calendrical songs. Still, in the genre classification of the Lithu- anian folk songs, they do not belong to calendrical songs. Moreover, next to the aspects of the origins, existence, and development of the said songs, the relativity of the sacrum and profanum of folk songs, or their consideration as ritual and non-ritual, becomes evident. Sacrum is usually considered to be something that we find hardly comprehen- sible or what is culturally distanced from us.15 When in the second half of the 20th century the ethnocultural movement became active in Lithuania, the folklorists themselves formulated the provision that (allegedly) singing in a slow tempo and in a low and subdued voice related to sacrum, while loud singing associated with an unholy, everyday

15 E. Velička: “When in folklore we encounter very archaic refrains, or mythological plots, or the remote language of music (multi-part songs sutartinės), we automatically experience it as sacrum, a phenomenon of another state and another world. Meanwhile, A Black Dress with Red Buttons (a late romance) does not seem sacrum to us, although it was equally relevant to the people of that time and made them experience the same feelings as experienced by the singers of polyphonic songs. From the postmodern viewpoint, we can argue that each culture, a cultural community, or a subculture have their own codes for the cognition of the sacrum” (Pociutė 2007). 38 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

life, i.e. profanum. In the ethnic traditions of Lithuanians, like in the case of many other nations, in order to communicate with supernatu- ral powers, a powerful and intense voice was required.16 The approach has been supported by the ethnomusicological research in Lithuanian folk songs in the global context of cultures: in all the cultures of the world, ethnic music is performed loudly and very loudly – by chanting, shouting, and screaming. Thus, e.g., the most archaic layer of Lithu- anian ethnic music, i.e. multi-part songs sutartinės, were characterised by the loud, shrill, and shrieking performance before its extinction in the mid-20th century (Apanavičius 2007: 39).

The Issue of the Genre

One of the most interesting things in a comprehensive analysis of the songs of the costumed Shrove Tuesday ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’ and the context of their existence is the issue of the genre identification and transformation. In the Catalogue of Lithu- anian Folk Songs (hereinafter referred to as Catalogue) of the In- stitute of Lithuanian Literature and Folkore (hereinafter referred to as LLTI), the songs of ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’ sung in Žemaitija on Shrove Tuesday as well as songs/parodies of sacred hymns were assigned not to the calendrical songs,17 but to the

16 R. Ambrazevičius: “Singing in a low voice is understood as fleeing from the contact with the sacred in many traditional cultures. However, should the supporters of hushed chanting be advised to go to the village and listen to the singing of old women, they would say that the old women no longer had the feeling of sacrum. They believe they are the only ones able to understand what true sacrum is. Thus, a lot depends on the tradition you have grown up in. Very often, what is sacrum to one is profanum to another” (Pociutė 2007). 17 Calendrical songs were performed during certain festivals or festive seasons (such as Advent or the period between the first day of Christmas (December 25) and Epiphany ( January 6). As an integral part of the festivals, they were closely related to certain customs and often performed certain functions. A specific part of the Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 39 didactic18 or humorous ones19 (sometimes considered to be one genre of humorous-didactic songs) (Sadauskienė 2006: 15; LLD 2002), or else to the fields of games, circle dances, or dances. Nonetheless, those sections of the Catalogue still await the attention of folklorists who also have doubts about the assigning of the songs performed by the costumed ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’ of the Carnival to the calendrical folklore. Two collections of calendrical songs published in the period of 2009 through 2010 – Lingu palingu balti suoleliai [The White Benches were Swaying] (LPBS 2009) and Žemaičių kalendorinė tautosaka: Užgavėnių dainos [Žemaitijan Calendrical Folklore: Shrovetide Songs] (ŽKT 2010) – made public the discussion on their classification and their assigning to calendrical songs (Račiūnaitė-Vyčinienė 2011: 286–292; Balsys 2011: 60–62). Moreover, that encouraged me to examine the issue more comprehensively and in-depth. In the Catalogue, the calendrical ritual songs, including the Shrovetide ones, were classified primarily in accordance with their functional belonging and themes, and in individual cases, in accordance with other features: the genre, the time of their singing, etc. The above mentioned Catalogue contains five groups of Shrovetide songs. The first group includes songs perfomed while riding in the fields during Shrovetide and believing that the further the riding people go, the taller the flax will grow. In the songs of the group, the image of a steed predominates. Other groups assigned to Shrovetide songs are calendrical rituals and poetry consists of the songs of Lent (ballad-type songs about tragic events, disasters, and death) and Advent and Christmas songs, not related to specific rituals (Daugirdaitė). 18 Didactic songs are pieces of vocal folklore, distinguished by their didactic character, irony, and moralistic content (Ūsaitytė 2004). 19 Humorous folklore songs are characterised by emphatic comicality. Their themes are diverse, with the predomination of everyday issues. The songs expose the vices of people to be eliminated and make fun of the features of their characters, behaviour, and appearance. Often the objects of such songs are representatives of a certain status, class, profession, nationality, and individual places or dialects. Joyful songs about animal adventures also belong to the genre. Humorous songs are performed during various gatherings or entertainments, however, they are not related to any rituals or everyday life traditions (Ūsaitytė 2004 a). 40 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

wedding and military ones (LLDK I 1972: 7; 284–288). No songs of the Shrovetide costumed characters are included in that section of the Catalogue. The nature of the Shrove Tuesday ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs complies with the definitions of didactic, and particularly of humorous, songs. From the viewpoint of melodics and poetics, that is a late layer of the musical folklore, influenced by the tradition of written literature and European secular or ecclesiastical music. The processions of calendrical festivals integrated into Lithuanian rural culture and the processions of costumed characters walking door-to-door with greetings and compliments are to be related to the cultural traditions of townspeople and noblemen as well as the performances of church theatres held by Jesuits in the 16th through the 18th century (Sadauskienė 2006: 60–62). However, ethnologists relate the processions of the costumed and anthropomorphic characters to much older times of mythical thinking. The costumes are considered to be the dramatised recreation of mythological images, while the masks allegedly represent the generalised features of mythological characters. The mask is treated as an image of an ancestor or the patron of agriculture (Skrodenis 2009: 38; Klimka 2009: 61; Rekašius 1991: 12–13). The above mentioned songs also comply with the concept of calendrical songs. They used to be performed during certain festivals of a year or a festive season, were an integral part of the ritual, and perfomed a certain function. Nonetheless, part of the songs sung during calendrical festivals (Lent, Christmas, etc.) did not have to be obligatorily related to the rituals, yet were considered to be calendrical ones. Similar situations can be observed in other countries in which the ritual calendrical songs did not survive, but the existing customs still call for the corresponding musical accompaniment. Thus, e.g., in the Pskov Region (Russian Federation), where in the late 20th century numerous Lent and other ritual calendrical songs were recorded, none of such songs for certain periods of the year had survived. Previously, in the central part of the Pskov Region, talalinės (chastushki in Russian, Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 41 humorous or satirical folk songs, cf. the English doggerel)20 devoted to Shrove Tuesday were sung, and scholars explained their assigning to calendrical songs by the circumstances and the nature of their performance. Those ‘non-calendrical’ songs, similarly to the ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs in Žemaitija, were performed by people in the village streets when burning the effigy of Maslenitsa, the symbol of a cold and severe winter. Some of the texts of those songs could be just loudly chanted, i.e. the form of their performance was similar to ritual chants (Pskov I 2002: 408–409). Some similarities with the text Mes žydeliai iš Leckavos [We Young Jews from Leckava], more often chanted than sung during Shrove Tuesday, can be noted. In the folklore archives of the Faculty of Social Sciences and Hu- manities at Klaipėda University, the collected songs of ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’ recorded in Žemaitija were performed by their presenters together with stories about Shrove Tuesday. Thus, e.g., a respondent spoke about the song Kad aš ejau ī Šidlava [When I was walking to Šidlava]: “And we would walk and look forward to the Pancake Day <...> There were all kinds of compliments, jokes, and a lot of those hymns. One of them I memorised so well, still remember it today, and shall sing it.” Or in another situation, “the ‘Jews’ would ask for eggs on the Pancake Day, to be given immediately. They would come in and sing: Žīds, žīds žīdiejė [A Jew was Blooming]“ (KUTRF 994, KUTR 180). The syncretism of the songs and ethnographic stories about the Shrovetide customs is a weighty argument in favour of considering and calling them calendrical songs. The songs sung in Žemaitija on Shrove Tuesday and recorded in the late 20th through the early 21st century reveal several things, and primarily the concentration of the genre and of certain types of songs in rather clearly defined areas. The data basically coincide with the research carried out by ethnologist Vaicekauskas on the participants of costumed processions during the winter festival all over Lithuania.

20 Talalinės are short verses (mainly one to three stanzas with four lines in each) in the couplet form, easy rhythm, and simple tune of a later origin (Ūsaitytė 2004 b). 42 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The maps of the procession characters’ distribution (Vaicekauskas 2005: 101–102) also testify to the direct relationship of that genre of songs with the custom, thus providing another significant argument in support of assigning Shrovetide songs to calendrical ones. However, it should be said that the Catalogue contains a consider- able amount of versions of the songs in question (and especially of the ‘beggar’ songs) recorded all over Lithuania in the 20th century; they can also be found published in song collections of the 19th century, in ethnographic descriptions, or in classic Lithuanian literature. From them, the songs could spread all over Lithuania. The establishment (or destruction) of the specific repertoire of the Shrove Tuesday songs was affected by the activities of cultural institutions developed from the second half of the 20th to the early 21st century whose orientation was predetermined by the cultural policies of the Soviet era and, after 1990, of independent Lithuania. The issue was discussed by scholars21 and some presenters who remembered that, in their opinion, certain specific characters of Shrove Tuesday, or even the whole festival with a carnival procession itself, emerged in a definite specified period.

The Christmas – Shrovetide Season Entertainments

Some ‘Jew’ or ‘Gypsy’ songs are accompanied by choreographic movements; they include circle or pair dancing. Ethnographic mate-

21 Stasys Skrodenis wrote that, in the Soviet years, the regional traditions of costumed processions were partly destroyed. Both the dwellers of, e.g., Žemaitija (Western Lithuania) and Dzūkija (Southeastern Lithuania) were provided with uniform scenarios of the winter festivals and instructed to use uniform masks. While people in Žemaitija found them natural, for those in Dzūkija they were not quite clear. Moreover, the disapearance of the traditional Žemaitijan masks was accelerated by the scrupulousness of the atheistically inclined heads of some districts who saw the influence of the Christian Church in the costumed characters of Shrove Tuesday and hooliganism in their processions (Skrodenis 2009: 45). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 43 rials contain information that people used to dance during the winter calendrical festival. In winter – the period from Christmas to Lent – young people of the countryside would get together for winter evening entertainments at weekends, less frequently on weekdays. Comprehensive research in youth evening entertainments in the late 19th – early 20th century was conducted by Žilvytis Bernardas Šaknys. The Lent evening entertainments were as intense as the entertainments held during the major calendrical festivals, such as Christmas, Easter, or Pentecost. In winter, young people of Žemaitija and Western Aukštaitija would get together for a costumed procession and evening entertainments afterwards (Šaknys 2001: 49–53, 82–83). The works of ethnographic and ethnological literature described in a quite extensive way what and how young people used to do during the entertainments in the period from Christmas to Lent. Before Lent, with the onset of night, young people would get together in one home: they would dance a lot, sing, make jokes, and sometimes role- play a wedding. The costumed procession on the last day before Lent would end up in a potluck party, called a ‘Jewish party’, a ‘Jewish wedding’, or a ‘beggar party’. The culmination was reached when everyone and all of them were dancing with all their might; the moment was sometimes called the Šambaras’ talka22 (Katkus 1949: 196–199). In the literary works and ethnographic descriptions of the 19th through the 20th century, the names of dances, circle dances, and games were presented. Probably the oldest recordings of the 19th century can be found in Palanga Juzė [ Juzė from Palanga] by Motiejus Valančius.23 On Saturday before Lent, young people danced to Juzė’s 22 Šambaras is a personal name known in Lithuania. Talka is defined as voluntary unpaid work performed collectively. 23 The most famous work of literature of the 19th century Lithuanian author, educator, historian, initiator of a temperance movement, and the Bishop of Žemaitija (1849–1875) Motiejus Valančius (1801–1875) is the story Palanga Juzė (1869). It contains the stories of a travelling village tailor Juzė Viskanta, who comes back to his native home after a long tour of Žemaitija and Aukštaitija, about the visited places and their residents. Juzė is telling his stories for 13 evenings, and the literary 44 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

music: they danced Šienas [Hay], Anglėzas [English Dance], Marcelės tancė [Marcelė’s Dance], Spilga [Hairpin], Žydelkėlė [A Jewish Girl], Žirklės [Scissors], and Podušečka [Cushion]. On Tuesday, the Pancake Day, everybody was eating their fill: pancakes and šiupinys [pease pudding], while Juzė played the violin: he played Blusa [The Flea], Svirplys [The Cricket], Valcius [Waltz], and made his folks dance (Valančius I 1972 b: 252–253). In the Žemaitijan dance parties described in the 20th century, young people danced Žyds jouds [A Dark Jew], Kiaulė žila [A Gray Pig], Kirvis kaplis [An Axe, a Pick], Žyde žyde kum kum kum [ Jew, oh Jew, kum kum kum], Sėd senis jauje [An Old Man Sits in a Drying Barn] (Končius 1996: 364). In the analysis of the songs of costumed ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gyp- sies’ of Shrove Tuesday, attention is drawn to the dances and games presented in works of literature and ethnographic descriptions in which ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’ are named, which testifies to their links with Shrovetide. True, the dances and circle dances could be also danced in parties at ordinary weekends or other calendrical festivals of the winter season, e.g., during Christmas. Juzė from Palanga held a dance party on the third day of Christmas, and one of the circle dances was Žyds degė degutą [A Jew was Making Tar] (Valančius I 1972 b: 240). In the late 20th – early 21st century, respondents from Žemaitija demonstrated almost all of the above mentioned ‘Jew’ and ‘Gypsy’ dances and circle dances when asked questions about Shrove- tide.

work has 13 chapters. Each chapter deals with an individual region of Lithuania and the everyday life and customs of its people. The book contains abundant ethnographic and folklore materials. The Palanga Juzė is a kind of the first textbook of Lithuania’s geography and culture written as a fiction book (see Valančius). Peripatetic tailors in Europe of the 16th through the 18th century represented a widespread phenomenon; simultaneously they were creators and transmitters of popular culture (cf. Burke 1994: 105). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 45

The Features of Melodics

From the musical point of view, the melodies of the costumed ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’ are rather late compositions. Such kind of melodics is typical of the talalinė, humorous and feast songs as well as of the tunes of circle dances. The songs/hymns of ‘beggars’ present a mix of the elements of folk songs and Christian hymns. The songs of the costumed characters demonstrate the typical features of Žemaitijan melodies: a homophonic style, a major scale, and specific incipits and cadences. Some of the melodies are of a common Lithu- anian or, to be more precise, of a European origin. The ‘square’ form melodies are related to instrumental music and small choirs that used to accompany the Shrove Tuesday costumed processions as well as favourite folk dances, such as polkas and quadrilles. The style. A distinctive feature of the Žemaitija Region musical dialect is their polyphonic character. From that viewpoint, Shrovetide songs are not different: almost all of them can, and are, performed in parts, the melody being accompanied in a traditional way: Fig. 2. I was Born a Beggar (ŽKT 2010: 3)24

24 At the examples of melodies, the number of the song in the collection is usually indicated. Whenever the melodies are not numbered, the page is indicated. 46 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

I was born a beggar, And grew up into a poor man, I am wandering in misery, Praising good days.

In some songs – Aš užgėmiau prasčiuokeliu [I Came from Humble Origins] and Aš obagas labai štarkus [I am a Brave Beggar] (ŽKT 2010: 22) – the melodies could be also perceived as a supporting second voice: Fig. 3. I Came from Humble Origins (ŽKT 2010: 4)

I came from humble origins As soon as I meet a rich man, And grew up into a beggar. I immediately become lame. I am wandering in misery, Extolling my benefactors.

In the natural environment of folk singing, singers, based on their vocal range and the distribution of the voices established in the singing group, either lead the melody or pick it up. The melody presented in Fig. 2 is the part of a supporting voice. In some songs, the melodic line is developed less and sometimes transforms into reciting. Thus, e.g., in the song Aš užaugau ubagielis [I grew up into a Beggar], a hymn of the ‘beggars’ and a parody of Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 47 a folklore genre – a short saying accompanying the sign of crossing oneself – are intertwined.25 Upon singing a promise of securing a place in the heaven in exchange for a piece of fat bacon, the text of one’s crossing oneself follows. The combination of the genres is also evident in the melodics: the stanzas of the hymn are performed in a primitive varying motif in an interval of the minor third which, as soon as the crossing oneself starts, is recited: Fig. 4. I Grew up into a Beggar (ŽKT 2010: 6)

I grew up into a beggar, As I was born a beggar, And was a commoner. I am wandering in misery, Extolling my benefactors.

Polyphonic singing of Shrove Tuesday songs in a homophonic style is inseparable from the circumstances of their performance: as the groups of costumed characters were walking through the village, township, or settlement, they sang in the yard of the homestead or, if the hosts allowed it, inside the house. Moreover, the singing was frequently accompanied by the accompaniment of the diatonic-button accordion or a village band (e.g., the violin or clarinet, the accordion, 25 Žegnõnė means making the sign of the cross (crossing oneself ). Short-sayings-parodies (e.g., a parody of the text accompanying the action of crossing oneself ) are humorous sayings imitating serious texts of a religious or ritual content (Zaikauskienė 2004). 48 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

and the drum). That partly predetermined the structure of the melodic line of the songs, conducive to polyphonic singing. Mode. All the Shrove Tuesday songs recorded in Žemaitija are based on the major scale, no features of the minor or modal scales were observed. In some songs, changes in tonality are heard, and modulations to the dominant tonality take place (G1-D1): Obags un tėlta siediejo [A Beggar was Sitting on the Bridge], Mes, obageliai, jumis aplankom [We Beggars are Visiting you] (ŽKT 2010: 12, 23), and Žīds mėltus mala [A Jew Mills Grain]: Fig. 5. A Jew Mills Grain (ŽKT 2010: 39)

A Jew mills grain, His eyes get white. As soon as he finishes, He sits down at the table.

The above mentioned modal features are also related to the previously mentioned stylistics of the polyphonic performance of songs, the singing being accompanied with musical instruments. It is possible that tonal modulations, such as those in the song A Jew Mills Grain and frequently met in Žemaitijan songs of other genres, can be related to the technical ability of the diatonic-button accordeon to play the tune in another tonality, viz., that of the dominant. The melodics in a major key are characteristic not only of the Shrovetide songs, but also of the whole Žemaitijan traditional music. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 49

The increasing predominance of the major key in melodics is characteristic of all the regions of Lithuania, even of those where the unique monodic melodics prevailed in the 19th century and before it. The range. The range of the melodies of the songs in question varies from the minor third to the major ninth (minor third, perfect fourth, perfect fifth, minor sixth, major sixth, minor seventh, perfect eighth, major ninth), however, as is usual in the Žemaitijan melodies, the intervals of the sixth and the fifth predominate or, slightly less frequently, those of the fourth and the minor seventh. The initial, final, and basic tones of melodies. Those things in the melodic movement are significant as the characteristics of a specific genre and as recognisable features of the melodics of a regional musical dialect. The predominating initial tones of the Shrovetide melody tones are 5 and 1, less frequently, but quite often the melodies start with the 3rd scale degree. The melodies of the costumed ‘beggar’ songs quite often start with the 4th degree, however, frequently the initial intonation of the melodies of that type songs changes. That is more likely to occur in the ‘beggar’ hymns starting with the 3rd degree, in which the second and the following stanzas start with the 1st, 4th, and 5th degrees as, e.g., in the song I Came from Humble Origins: in it, the second and the fourth stanzas start with the fourth degree and are sung in accordance with the melody of the second stanza (see Fig. 6): Fig. 6. I Came from Humble Origins (ŽKT 2010: 8) 50 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

1. I came from humble origins 2. When people do not see me, And grew up into a beggar. I enjoy good health. I am wandering and praying, But when I meet somebody, Extolling my benefactors. I immediately become lame.

As is usual in the case of Žemaitijan songs, over half of the Shrove- tide song melodies end in the 3rd, and one third, in the 1st degree. A tonic triad predominates not merely at the beginning and the end of the melodies. Melodic line movements, based on longer or shorter fragments of the tonic triad sounds (e.g., 5-3-5, 1-3-5, 1-V-5-3-5, 1-3- 5-3-1-3), are typical of nearly half of the melodies. Thus, e.g., in the song Obags sienis besergos [An Old Beggar is Ill], the first half of the melody and a substantial part of the second part is sung in the sounds of the tonic triad: Fig. 7. An Old Beggar is Ill (ŽKT 2010: 16)

An old beggar is ill, Lying at the stove. And what was his surname? Black-bearded Jurgulis. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 51

The metro-rhythmical structure. The circumstances of the performance of Shrovetide songs (in a costumed procession, they are sung when communicating with people either visited or met on the way) predetermined their improvisational character. Even if the model of the texts (especially of the costumed ‘beggars’) seemed to have been established, in their live performance, different melodic and rhythmic variations were created. That became evident when transcribing melodies, dividing them into bars, analysing their metro-rhythmic structure, and comparing them with one another. The spontaneity of situations, the musical memory of presenters, and the content of the texts were the factors that accounted for the metro-rhythmical variety. About two thirds of the Shrovetide song melodies tended to change metre. Among them, probably the most common metric variations in one melody were 6/8, 5/8, 7/8, 4/8, and one melody had five different metres: 3/8, 4/8, 5/8, 6/8, 7/8. Such a metro-rhythmic structure was more typical of the costumed ‘beggar’ hymns which, in comparison with other songs of the costumed characters, were closer to the traditional Žemaitijan songs. Melodies with regular metre were fewer, the 2/4 time being more frequent. Those were melodies with recurring rhythmic accents and a rather fast tempo, or sometimes dance melodies used in the performance of humorous songs of the costumed ‘Jews’ and ‘Gypsies’. Form. The form of the melodies varied, however, over half of them had a 4-part form aabc, aabb, and abcd, while a three-part form abc was less frequent. Some more complex structures occurred, such as ab- cbdef, aa1a2baabb, etc. Melodies of more sophisticated (more diverse) forms were created, based on the lyrics of the song or its improvisational context. Individual examples of more elaborated melody forms were to be related to the structure of the initial part of the song and its refrain, typical of later authorial songs. 52 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Anthropomorphic Characters of the Shrovetide Carnival (‘Beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’): the Relationship of the Songs and the Ethnosocial Reality

As argued by ethnologist Vaicekauskas, the anthropomorphic characters of the Shrove Tuesday procession – ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’ – due to similar ritual acts, clothing, appearance, and an imaginary relationship with the afterlife world of ancestors were semantically close. He indicated that, between the 20s and 30s of the 20th century, the appearance of each of them and the performed actions started drastically changing and more accurately representing the real life. The actions of the character bearing “a mythologically meaningful name of a beggar” allegedly changed in the context of the Shrovetide customs and much less corresponded to the behaviour of a beggar in the actual environment. That was elementary, customary mimicking of a village beggar: ‘beggars’ would ask for alms, tell fictitious funny stories of their lives, babble parody prayers, etc. The usual actions of beggars allegedly fell out of the ritual context of the costumed character activities. Therefore, the archaic character of the ‘beggar’ was questionable (Vaicekauskas 2005: 46–47, 96, 135–138). Ethnologist Jonas Balys thought in a similar way and wrote that the ‘beggars’ and ‘Gyp- sies’ were a specific form of melstuvininkai26 [cadgers] of Shrovetide with nothing mythological about them (Balys 1993: 59). Nevertheless, it would be wrong to believe that changes in the behaviour of the “ancient” characters of ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’ or their maximum adaptation to everyday life took place in the first half of the 20th century. In the early 19th century, Jucevičius described

26 Melstùvės [cadging]: 1. a shepherd’s feast during Pentecost. On the first day of Pentecost, shepherds would hold a feast, the food being cadged from the mistresses of the house. 2. Food gifts of the mistresses of the houses to shepherds. Either all or only the more courageous and eloquent shepherds would go to cadge food. If the cows came home from pastures decorated with birch wreaths, the shepherd would get a gift of a cheese (ŽLt). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 53 the actions of the ‘Jew’ and the ‘German’ during Shrovetide (see p. 17) that proved the aspirations to reveal the stereotypical features of the behaviour and appearance of those foreign characters in a funny way ( Jucewicz 1842: 132–133). The information of Jucevičius contradicted the conclusion of Vaicekauskas that allegedly the late tradition of the second quarter of the 20th century differed from the previous one in the depth of the “specialisation of actions” rather than in obvious changes in their nature (Vaicekauskas 2005: 47). It is difficult to grasp how the depth of the action specialisation was measured, since the descriptions of the appearance and the actions of the Shrovetide characters of the 19th century, compared to the information of informants of the 20th century recorded by the author in field expeditions from 1988 to 1994, were very poor. In fact, all the above mentioned characters could have been presented in a similar way: old, lame, ugly, “of a different complexion” (a different anthropological type), and wearing fur coats inside out, since the people of the said social class or nationality mostly looked like that in the rural reality. Fur coats turned inside out could have been the most suitable costume for two reasons. First of all, the costumed procession of Shrove Tuesday took part in the cold season. Second, cloth, paper, and other materials needed for colourful masquerade costumes typical of the time were too expensive for rural dwellers of the 19th through the early 20th century and were saved for more important things, or were simply inaccessible.

Begging, the ‘Žemaitijan Beggar’, and the Shrovetide ‘Beggars’

The genesis of the songs/hymns of the Shrove Tuesday costumed ‘beggars’, which became part of the calendrical folklore, is directly related to begging as a social phenomenon, mentioned as early as in the medieval written sources. The lifestyle of the marginal groups (beggars, vagabonds, and robbers) in the late 18th through the early 19th 54 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

century in the social environment of Lithuania was in detail analysed by historian Rima Praspaliauskienė (Praspaliauskienė 2000). In the 16th century Lithuania, in a špitolė (a medieval shelter, pre- decessor of hospital), the life of the needy was regulated by certain rules and requirements. Next to other compulsory duties of the residents of those shelters, one of the most important was hymn singing before or after the Holy Mass, as well as at home or during funerals. As stipulated in the 1st Synod Decree of the Žemaitijan Bishop Jur gis Tiškevičius in 1636, the permission to ask for alms at churches was only granted after the beggars had mastered the basics of the Catechism and provided they sang Catholic hymns when collecting alms. When travelling in the surrounding areas and dropping in at farmsteads, beggars would also sing some hymns (Motuzas 2010: 18). In Western Europe, travelling entertainers were frequently mistaken for beggars. Sometimes it was difficult to distinguish between professional singers and beggars who also made their living by singing and playing musical instruments. Some vagabonds-entertainers were blind, and others just pretended to be blind. Therefore, as early as in the 16th century, the activities of vagabonds-entertainers were first regulated. They were forbidden to wander far and wide or to do their business without licences in the prescribed form (Burke 1994: 99). The analysis of the character of the Shrovetide ‘beggar’ and the parodies of songs/hymns performed by him sought to highlight the aspects related to the phenomenon of begging in reality and a beggar as a representative of a social group whose external features and the model of behaviour were embodied in a ‘beggar’, one of the main anthropomorphic characters of the Shrovetide carnival, especially typical of Žemaitija. That was a beggar, a pious hymn singer who, due to his specific abilities, was able of earning a substantial financial reward, and sometimes even an important position and respect in the village or township community. In exclusive cases, such beggars were entrusted with the performance of important duties and certain organisational tasks in funerals or weddings (Valančius I 1972 a: 127). The negative features of the beggars’ lifestyle and behaviour included greed, impu- Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 55 dence, aggression, drunkenness, and laziness which occasionally were quite strongly pronounced, therefore, at all times, attempts were made to control the life of that segment of the marginal society and provide them with somewhat more stable support. In 1775, the Shelter House Committee of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was set up, and later, different charity organisations emerged. In the early 19th century, the tsarist government took repres- sive measures to control begging through the police. However, at least two things basically interfered with the eradication of the begging system. Christianity supported begging through its dogmas, while the society needed beggars to maintain its integrity and morals. Only due to the ideology of Reformation beggars became to be considered as a dangerous class. Moreover, the years of economic crises or crop failures would push poorer members of the society into poverty and beggarhood. However, it was not the economic reasons that were de- cisive in the case: an important role was played by the moral decline of people, debauchery, drunkenness, idleness, etc. (Praspaliauskienė 2000: 21–37, 50–51). For a long time, and partly even at present, the Church has been the institution that took care of the relief for the needy. As Valančius wrote, “The bishops of Žemaitija as patrons of beggars more than once wanted to arrange their affairs. <....> All the ideas were good, however, nothing happened, as priests did not want to work too hard and to take a good care of beggars” (Valančius II 1972: 398). In the early 20th century, just before the First World War, beggars were remembered again. Parish almshouses were set up. People were not allowed to go around begging: those unable to take care of themselves had to stay in almshouses and would get food there. In that way, no wandering beggars were left (Končius 1996: 233–234), even if the phenomenon of begging existed for some time even after the Second World War,27

27 A personal talk with A. D. (female), born in 1938. Since 1955, she has been living in Klaipėda district. Recorded by Lina Petrošienė in 2012. 56 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

later in the Soviet years28 and in the late 20th and the early 21st century.29 Unfortunately, begging is still alive today. Both the positive and negative features of the actual lifestyle of beggars were exploited in the role of the Shrovetide costumed ‘beggar’. At all times, more frequent and easily observable negative things were the reason why the priests of quite a few parishes critised the costumed processions of Shrove Tuesdays and tried to ban them. The image of the ‘Žemaitijan beggar’ in Lithuanian ethnographic literature and fiction was first created by Catholic priests Jucevičius and Valančius. According to them, a Žemaitijan beggar differed from beggars in other regions of Lithuania by their physical and mental features, moreover, they were better off. A ‘Žemaitijan beggar’ was a “special type of humans: always in a good physical shape, with a healthy complexion, sad when asking for money and merry when chatting with friends” (Jucevičius [1840] 1959: 538). In the dialogue of six Žemaitijan and Lithuanian beggars, written by Valančius, the Žemaitijan beggars were depicted as brave and boasting better clothes and belongings than the Lithuanian beggars; Žemaitijan people in general were presented as rich and generous (Valančius I 1972 a: 123– 125). It is difficult to decide whether the above mentioned differences reflected the actual situation or whether it was just positive, spirit- enhancing literature, exciting pride in one’s origin and the native land, typical of Valančius’ activity and literary works. Žemaitijans, including also Žemaitijan beggars, according to Valančius, were extremely pious and, starting with the early 16th century, “were able to attend Church feasts”. In the 17th century, Bishop Antanas Tiškevičius encouraged people to attend Church feasts and 28 In the 70s and 80s of the 20th century, in a small town of Central Lithuania, the author saw begging Romani women with children who, in the warm season, would knock at the door of the homes at least once every fortnight and ask for money, food, and clothes. 29 More than once, the author saw beggars in Klaipėda in the early 21st century and experienced their aggression. At the beginning of 2014, the Klaipėda Municipal- ity took measures to “tame” the beggars who flooded the Old City (VE 2014; ELTA 2014). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 57 even imposed it on them as a duty (Valančius II 1972: 358), which led to long-term results, including the present. That was confirmed by the 19th century writings of priest Jucevičius: the author argued that Žemaitijans were exceptionally pious, as testified to by numerous Church feasts and celebrations. The most prominent ones were held in Žemaičių Kalvarija, Tytuvėnai, and Šiluva. Lots of people, including beggars, gathered there, and everyone had their interests and motives. Beggars, of course, expected generous alms and tried to wan- gle money by asking or hymn-singing, seeking compassion through genuine or simulated lameness ( Jucevičius [1840] 1959: 538). “Some were praying with outstretched hands, some others, cringing, greeted and extolled their benefactors, the mute rang the bells, and the strongest ones sang hymns and shouted with all their might” (Valančius II 1972: 398). Valančius portrayed a picture of a physically healthy professional beggar, a gifted manager, and an admirable hymn singer who lived in the mid-19th century. “Throughout his youth, he acted as a guide for his blind father and got used to begging so much that found this way of life to be best of all; therefore, when the father died, he stayed in the profession. He got for himself a bag and other stuff and wandered wherever he chose. He had a good singing voice, therefore, in church festivals and in markets, by singing throughout the day, he would collect quite a lot of food and money. One year he travelled to the Great Samogitian Calvary Feast, sang throughout all of its days, and made a small fortune”. A beggar able to sing “earned” much more than the rest: he would collect 30 rubles, while the rest of them would get just 11 or 9,5 rubles. However, that was not always the case. On ordinary days, by walking from village to village, they would collect much less, and would seldom receive money. Therefore, when getting little and not what they expected, beggars would behave insolently, and then they would be beaten and driven away (Valančius I 1972 a: 123–127). The authors who wrote about Žemaitijan beggars named several varieties of them. Hymn singers were the most favoured, but they were few. “We had a former cantor of the church of Plungė coming to us, 58 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

a gray-headed handsome man with a beautiful voice. My late mother was fond of singing songs and hymns and had a good voice. She used to sing half a day with that beggar and learn tunes from him”. Some- times a beggar would possess a diatonic-button accordion and bring it to the churchyard during church festivals: “Hymn singers [financially] succeeded best, and especially hymn singers with guides,30 and people were always surrounding beggars with a diatonic-button accordion (there were few of them, and they did not have any competition” (Končius 1996: 231–232). Another musical instrument was labanoro dūda (a kind of a bagpipe), which was also an important ‘working tool’ of beggars; true, more frequently and for a longer period of time it was used in the eastern part of Lithuania. The instrument is believed to have been played in Žemaitija, too, however, it disappeared early, presumably in the 18th century. In the mid-19th century, its functions were taken over by the brass and diatonic-button accordion-type instruments. Probably due to that the labanoro dūda in Žemaitija did not experience the decline from a fashionable and favourite musical instrument to becoming ubagų kulinė “a beggars’ bagpipe” (Žarskienė 2011: 208–209, 217–219).

The Content and Music of the Shrovetide ‘Beggar’ Songs/Hymns

One of the first recordings of the ‘beggar’ hymns goes back to the mid-19th century. The repertoire of the costumed ‘beggars’, compared to that of the ‘Jews’ and ‘Gypsies’, was the richest. The ethnologists who studied the characters of the Shrovetide carnival processions indicated that the ‘beggars’ were more typical of Western Lithuania

30 The blind person would walk guided by a boy who would sing together with the beggar, stanza by stanza. The child sang in a thin voice, and the old man performed his stanza in a deeper voice. Their singing together was interesting and sounded well (Končius 1996: 231–232). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 59

(Vaicekauskas 2009: 96). The findings of both ethnological and ethnomusicological studies confirmed the syncretism of the customs and the songs, therefore, those songs/hymns can be considered to be Žemaitijan calendrical folk songs. The songs of the costumed ‘beggars’ were called both songs and hymns by their presenters. When remembering the behaviour of the ‘beggar’ procession inside her home, the presenter said: “Well, and that song (Kad aš ejau ī Šidlava [As I was walking to Šidlava]), we called it a Shrove Tuesday hymn. And all of us would get down on our knees, and no jokes, no tricks. <...> We sang so beautifully, like hymns are sung in church” (ŽKT 2010: 53). As claimed by Vaicekauskas, Lithuanian costumed characters, differently from Eastern Slavs, when visiting homesteads during the winter calendrical festival and being invited inside, did not sing ritual songs extolling the hosts. Such kind of songs in Lithuania were performed by the Easter lalautojai (Easter singers walking from door to door, singing, and collecting presents). As those customs are considered to be “functionally close”, extolling songs may have once been also perfomed by the costumed characters of the winter calendrical festival (Vaicekauskas 2005: 106). The hypothesis is indirectly supported by a semantically close custom expressed by other folklore genres. In Žemaitija, the costumed characters visiting homesteads during the winter calendrical festival would start with the host-praising orations, preceded by a Catholic hymn. As reported by Valančius in his Palanga Juzė, the Christmas blukvilkininkai,31 having knocked on a respectable farmer’s window, first of all asked whether they could sing a Christmas hymn. When the host agreed, the men would come inside and sing Hail, Infant Jesus (Valančius I 1972 b: 237).

31 Blukis, blukvilkis is an ancient ritual performed during the Christmas season. Blukis is a block, a log, or a tree stump, a symbol of the old year, old troubles, an- ger, mortification, envy, or misery. A Christmas blukis was a kind of a symbol, the incarnation of evil which had to be burnt. 60 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

In the late 20th century, Žemaitijan presenters were remembering the important moment of entering the host’s home: “Well, now I shall tell you how we walked around as ‘Jews’ and ‘beggars’ on Shrove Tuesday <...> So we shall walk, and sing songs and the like, and we had a diatonic-button accordion and played it. As we would come in, we would sing the Shrovetide hymn which was known by all. And if you did not know the hymn, the door would be closed on you and you would be asked to leave if you did not know the hymn” (ŽKT 2010: 42). Not all the hosts of the homesteads favoured the Shrove Tuesday processions, but the kind ones invited their participants in, even large groups, showing respect for them: “It would hurt me when some hosts did not let us in. And some others were very kind, they will let us in and get down on knees themselves. At our neighbour Dapšys’ place, both the hosts and their daughters, those were already big girls, would kneel down. And there were about fifteen or twenty of us, and as we entered, the house was full. And then I started the song (we called it it a Shrove Tuesday hymn). And all of us got down on our knees, and no jokes, no screaming” (ŽKT 2010: 51). One can assume that the parody of a Catholic hymn sung by costumed ‘beggars’ was a kind of a substitute for once-sung ritual calendrical songs. Folk singing of Catholic hymns has always been popular in Žemaitija: from the time of the baptism of Žemaitija, it filled in the void of the sacred moment. When Merkelis Giedraitis started his duties as Bishop in Medininkai (Varniai) in the late 16th century, in the spring of 1576, he brought from Vilnius the experience in the liturgy and hymn singing (Valančius II 1972: 161).32 A later Bishop of Žemaitija Jurgis Tiškevičius in the years of his work in Žemaitija

32 Giedraitis used to take the choir trained by himself wherever he had to celebrate the Mass. In the absence of the Bishop in Vilnius (1592–1600), Giedraitis had to go to the capital city to celebrate various liturgical rites, and he would take his Žemaitijan choir with him. The prelates of Vilnius who had a choir at the Cathe- dral did not like it; however, Bishop Giedraitis was evidently so much used to his own choir that would take them even to places which had their own hymn singers (Ivinskis 1954). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 61

(1633–1649) initiated the establishment of St. Nicodemus fraterni- ties. Their members had to take care that the deceased be sent off for the afterlife with the Žemaitija Calvary Hills prayers, hymns, and music. The tradition introduced by BishopT iškevičius has lasted for centuries and is still practiced both during the funerals and commemorations of the deceased and during calendrical and church festivals. The tradition of singing Catholic church songs in Žemaitija was inculcated not only by the clergy, but also by travelling Vilnius Uni- versity students-hymn singers. As recorded in the book of income and expenditure of the Salantai Manor on 6 February 1776, “travelling Vilnius University students cantors [hymn singers] were paid 8 timpas (1 timpa = 30 groszes) and one šeštokas (= 6 groszes)” for hymn singing (SDK 2001: 432). Therefore, the idea of Jonas Balys about the emergence and spread of the Shrove Tuesday ‘beggar’ hymns being predetermined by the increasing number of monasteries in Lithuania in the 17th century and monks earning their living by teaching faith and begging seems to be justified and reasonable (LDA 1977: 256–258). The motifs of the ‘beggar’ songs/hymns are common to all the group and sometimes are transferred from one type of songs to another.33As mentioned before, all those things in the catalogues of the LLTI are referred to as humourous-didactic, describing the beggar’s profession. Over the 19th through the early 21st century, the songs of the type I Came from Humble Origins,34 the most abundant in the Catalogue, were recorded all over Lithuania. In the texts of the parodies of ‘beggar’ songs/hymns, one of the repeating themes is begging for alms (food or money) and promising through prayers to get the benefactor a better place in the Kingdom of Heaven. That was directly related to the beliefs, customs, and the realities of everyday life – the mutual assistance and relief in the com-

33 On the problems of classification due to contamination and the “wandering” motifs in didactic songs, see Sadauskienė (Sadauskienė 2006: 17). 34 The types of didactic, humorous, game, dance, and circle dance songs have not been numbered in the LLTI Catalogue yet, therefore, we indicate merely the name of the type. 62 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

munity. Ethnological literature contains a widespread claim that, during the major calendrical holidays, a custom was observed to take food to one’s deprived neighbours or to take it to church and share out to beggars. The food was given to beggars in the hope that they would pray for the deceased of the family: beggars were asked to sing hymns, to say prayers, or to pray the Rosary (Končius 1996: 237–238). They were believed to have a transcendental relationship with the spiritual world. By observing the superstition and supporting the Christian duty of charity, local landowners would donate certain sums of money to the deprived, local beggars, and tramps during calendrical holidays (and not only then).35 That was attested by the recordings in the 18th century book of income and expenditure of the Salantai Manor: as recorded on 26 December 1768, “the organist, the verger, and brass players: 3 timpas and a šeštokas; the deprived of the špitolė: 3 timpas and a šeštokas; local beggars and vagrants: 2 timpas and 2 šeštokas” (SDK 2001: 426). A song group Aš užgimiau prasčiokėlis [I Came from Humble Origins] (33 melodies and texts): hereinafter, at the name of the group of songs, the number of the versions with melodies recorded in Žemaitija will be indicated.36 One of the oldest printed texts of the hymn I Came from Humble Origins appeared in the mid-19th century. In the story Palanga Juzė, published by M. Valančius in 1863 (Valančius 1863), a song of beggars I Came from Humble Origins appeared with the indication that “the tune is of the [hymn] Vardan Tėvo galingiausio [In the Name of Powerful Lord our God]”:

35 24 January 1776: “donated to begging Mr. Jankauskas, fire victim from the Kur- tuvėnai parish, 6 timpas and 2 šeštokas”; on 3 March 1776, “donated to begging Mr. Perskaudas by the will of her Grace benefactor: 2 timpas” (SDK 2001: 432). 36 The darker font indicates the analysed groups of songs (sometimes individual songs). The group of songs consists of all the versions that have recorded melodies. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 63

A Song of Beggars (The tune as in In the Name of Powerful Lord our God) 37 I came from humble origins As a really strong guy And became a beggar. I yell loud in the markets: I wander in the world praying, „Put at least a chunk of bread Extolling my benefactors. Into my leather sack“. When people do not see me, I get abundant alms I enjoy good health. And fill all my sacks. All the joints are strong, I feed my horse on bread I could even do work. And fatten up my pig. As soon as I meet a man, As I come to some house I immediately become lame. Or get a slice of fat pork, I have a poor coarse homespun overcoat I cook delicious dumpling soup And bow as low as I can. Or sour potato soup. Using two sticks to support myself, And when I slaughter a pig, I take a whip with myself I make thick pease pudding That I beat dogs with And invite lots of beggars When they attack me walking on the path. For that fat meal. I put on my nagines,37 After meal I can lie down, And sometimes I obtain boots. I don‘t care about ploughing or thrashing. I have a nice cap, I can sleep to my heart‘s content Made of a piece of an old sheepskin. And nobody tries to wake me up. I have a lot of beggar‘s sacks, Things are getting on well, Five old ones and one new. And girls like me. The old ones are from sackcloth, I am going to get me a wife, And the new one is from tough leather. A red-cheeked beautiful Agatha. My belts are also from leather, Let great lords put on airs And rich men are envious of me. As well as people who have homes. Copper buckles shine from afar Even though I am more humble, Like a general‘s stars. I am much happier than they. Amen. (Valančius 1863) I now have a small cart, A good horse, and a pig. When I no longer want to walk, I can have a nice ride.

37 Sandals made of a single piece of leather. 64 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

From the content of the story, one can understand that Juzė from Palanga knew the Song of Beggars very well and once sang it during the after-funeral meal, after he had lost patience with the bad singing of the beggars who had come to the meal. In that context, the performance of the Song of Beggars was in no way related to Shrove Tuesday. The song close to the stylistics of an authorial song must have been widespread in Lithuania as early as in the 19th century, since in 1880 the lyrics of the Song of Beggars was published in one of the first solid collections of the 19th century, i.e. Lietuviškos dainos [Lithuanian Songs] by Antanas Juška (1819–1880) and Jonas Juška (1815–1886) ( JLD I 1954: 177–181). The variants of the song were later more than once published in the song collections of other editors. An interesting question arises: Did in the 19th century the text spread by word of mouth, characteristic of folklore, or was the process also already affected by written literature? Its dissemination seemed to have progressed in both ways, as attested by hints on what and in what way rural people of the late 19th through the early 20th century were doing during the period from Christmas to Shrovetide. Prose writer and ethnographer Mikalojus Katkus (1852–1944) in his Ba- lanos gadynė [TheT imes of Splinter] wrote that, at weekends, Rosary was sung, and in the evenings, karunka [a type of a hymn]. Afterwards, a violinist would come, and young people would take to work: they would prepare the room for dancing and playing cards; people were talking, sharing news, and reading the calendar of Vilnius Zavackis Publishing House or books by Bishop Valančius (Katkus 1949: 196). To come back to the early publications of the song/parody in fiction and ethnographic literature, two cases of its relationship with the context can be clearly seen: unrelated to Shrove Tuesday (as in the above mentioned Palanga Juzė by Valančius) and in the Shrove Tuesday environment. The first one is continued by the phrases of the song included in the description of Žemaitijan beggars by Ignas Končius (1886–1975), when he talks about the famous painful whip of a beggar “that I whip dogs with when they attack me, walking along the path” and the behaviour of a beggar: “when he comes inside (and Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 65 in the summer, in the yard), he gets down on his knees: ‘I walk around in misery, praising my benefactors’ ”. According to Končius, the Song of Beggars expressly portrayed a free lifestyle and the character of a beggar. The author said he remembered the text of 11 stanzas that he offered to his readers (Končius 1996: 230, 236–237). The text of women beggars – “one blind, one lame, and one hunchbacked”– of the hymn I Came from Humble Origins was probably first included in a work of literature on the subject of Shrovetide in 1919: it was the story Shrovetide by Žemaitė (1845–1921), rich in details of an ethnographic character (Žemaitė [1919] 2004: 222–223). In the ethnographic material which was first systematically and purposefully collected in the first half of the 20th century, one can find reliable evidence that the song/hymn was performed by costumed characters on Shrove Tuesday: “Shrove Tuesday ‘beggars’ were walking from door to door and singing funny songs, extolling hosts of the homesteads and asking for alms. They were funny creatures, and their “hymns” were even funnier”. The ‘beggars’ would sing:

I was born an orphan I put on nagines, And grew up into a beggar. And sometimes obtain boots. I am walking in misery, When nobody sees me, Making dogs bark everywhere. I enjoy good health.

As soon as I meet somebody, I become lame immediately (Tryškiai, 1937) (Balys 1993: 57)

As for the examples of the folk song group I Came from Humble Origins recorded in the 20th century, one can say that some texts are more, and some others are less developed, however, they consist of similar motifs: the ‘beggar’s’ introduction of himself, fake lameness, working tools, the declaration of the possessed “property”, begging for alms, organisation of the ‘beggars’ ball’, the advantages of the status of a beggar, and the motif of flirtation or an imaginary marriage. A large part of the texts are slightly shorter and, after the beggar sings about his possessions, the text ends with a specific request: do not give 66 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

me bread, or groats, or flour, just give me some fat pork. The fat pork is promised to be repaid by a holy, good, warm place in the Heaven. In one version of the song I Grew up into a Beggar (ŽKT 2010: 6), the ‘beggar’ hymn and a parody of a short item of the verbal folklore genre, crossing oneself, are combined. After the ‘beggar’ sings a wish to the benefactor to get a good place in the heaven in exchange for fat pork, the text of crossing oneself folows. The combination of the genres is also evident in the melodics: the stanzas of the hymn are performed in a primitive varying motif in the interval of the minor third, which, when the crossing himself starts, is recited. A comment on the performance of the song to the tune of the hymn In the Name of the Lord our God in Palanga Juzė by Valančius should be discussed separately. It is impossible to say exactly which melody Valančius had in mind. Upon comparing one version of the melody of the hymn Vardon Tievo to Praamžeus [In the Name of God Praamžius], published in the Gismiu lobynas [Thesaurus Lietuvanorum Hymnorum] compiled by priest Kazimieras Ambrozaitis (Ambrozai tis 1924: 405), some similarities of the melodic line and metrorhythmical structure (varying triple or quadruple meter) were identified. The melodies of the song group I Came from Humble Origins, as noted before, are very close, and certain regularities of melodics can be seen. To identify them, the initial tones of the phrases in Parts 1 and 2 of the melodies and the melodic lines of the phrases were analysed (see Table 1). In Žemaitija, model 4-1 of the beginning of the melodic phrases was recorded in nine melodies. In Aukštaitija, model 4-1 of the beginning of the melodic phrases was recorded in three melodies. In Žemaitija and Aukštaitija, the group of model 4-1 consisted of 12 melodies. Model 4-5 of the beginning of the melodic phrases in Žemaitija was recorded in nine melodies, in Aukštaitija, in five melodies, and in Klaipėda Region, in one melody. Altogether, the group of model 4-5 in Žemaitija, Klaipėda Region, and Aukštaitija consists of 15 melodies. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 67

Table 1. Initial tones of the phrases in Parts 1 and 2 of the melodies38

zūkija on-indicated ukštaiti ja otal (number uvalkija nitial tones in I nitial tones 1 and 2 Parts Žemaitija (number of melodies) A (number of melodies) D (number of melodies) S (number of melodies) Klaipėda R e - (number gion. of melodies) N - of recor place ding (number of melodies) T of melodies)

1-III 1 1 1-VI 1 1 1(4)-1 1 (1) 1+(1)=2 1-3 1 1 1(4)-5 (2) 1 1 1 (2)+3=5 2-1 3 3 3(4)-3 (1)+2 1 (1)+3=4 3-5 3 1 1 5 3-6 1 1 4-VI 1 1 4-1(4) 7+(1) 2 9+(1)=10 4-2 1 1 4-3(5) 1+(1) 2 3+(1)=4 4-5 6 5 1 12 5(4)-1 (1)+1 (1)+1=2 5-3 2 2 5-4 1 1 5-5 1 1 2 Total 33 18 4 1 1 1 58

38 The table presents the initial segments of the melodic phrases of songs. Thus, e.g., 1-1 means that the first and the second melodic phrases start with the 1st degree scale. The number in the brackets in the column indicating degrees shows the degree that changes in other stanzas. 1(4)-1 means that the first phrase of the second and other stanzas of X song starts with the 4th degree. The number in the brackets in the column of the number of the songs recorded in the regions indicates the number of the songs with the changing beginnings of the phrases. In the case of 1(4)-1, in one song in Žemaitija, the phrases begin with degrees 1-1 and do not change, therefore, number 1 at it is written without brackets. In Aukštaitija, in the case of 1(4)-1, in one of the songs, the first phrase in the 1st stanza starts with the first degree, and in the second and other stanzas, with the 4th degree, therefore, the number (1) at it is written in brackets. 68 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

One can argue that in Žemaitija both models 4-1 and 4-5 of the beginning of the melodic phrases were equally popular, however, model 4-1 was more stable. In Aukštaitija, the diversity of the initial tones in the melodic phrases of Parts 1 and 2 was greater, however, the predominating model was 4-5. In terms of quantity, it was the most popular model all over Lithuania, except for Dzūkija and Suvalkija (true, the numbers of the compared melodies in the regions were unequal, and therefore the statement may be imprecise). Calculations of the initial tones of the formally separated Parts 1 and 2 were made, and their data are presented in Tables 2 and 3. Table 2. Initial tone of Part 1 of the phrase zūkija on-indicated ukštaiti ja otal (number uvalkija nitial tones I nitial tones 1 of Part Žemaitija (number of melodies) A (number of melodies) D (number of melodies) S (number of melodies) Klaipėda R egi - (number of on. melodies) N - of recor place ding (number of melodies) T of melodies)

1 4 3 1 1 0 1 10 2 3 0 0 0 0 0 3 3 6 3 1 0 0 0 10 4 16 11 0 0 1 0 28 5 4 1 2 0 0 0 7

Table 3. Initial tone of Part 2 of the phrase zūkija on-indicated ukštaiti ja otal (number uvalkija nitial tones of I nitial tones 2 Part Žemaitija (number of melodies) A (number of melodies) D (number of melodies) S (number of melodies) Klaipėda R egi - (number of on. melodies) N - of recor place ding (number of melodies) T of melodies)

VI 0 1 1 0 0 0 2 1 14 3 0 0 0 0 17 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 3 6 4 1 0 0 0 11 4 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 5 12 8 1 1 1 1 24 6 0 1 1 0 0 0 2 Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 69

The data presented in the tables correlated with the previously indicated findings about the phrase of Part 1 in Žemaitija most often starting with the 4th degree, and of Part 2, with the 1st and the 5th degrees (models 4-1 and 4-5 in Žemaitija being of equal frequency). In Aukštaitija, the phrase of Part 1 also most frequently started with the 4th degree, and Part 2, with the 5th degree. In Aukštaitija, model 4-5 prevailed. In the regions of Lithuania in general, Part 1 of the song I was Born a Beggar most frequently started with the 4th, and quite frequently, with the 1st and the 3rd degrees. The prevailing initial tone of Part 2 was the 5th degree, and the 1st and 3rd degrees were quite frequent. The melodic models of the phrases were also analysed. In Žemaitija and Aukštaitija, the first melodic phrase was usually sung to the tune presented below (with variations): Fig. 8. The most popular tune of Part 1 of the melodies:

The second part of the melodies had two rather stable established tunes (with variations). The first was more frequent in Žemaitija, while the second was frequent both in Žemaitija and in other regions of Lithuania: Fig. 9. A very frequent initial tune of Part 2 of the melodies:

Fig. 10. A very frequent initial tune of Part 2 of the melodies:

To summarise the analysis of the structures of the melodies, the most typical melodies of the song I was Born a Beggar can be presented: 70 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 11. I was Born a Beggar (LTR 658 (76), 2872 (197), 179 (10) (recorded in Žemaitija, model 4-1)

Fig. 12. I Came from Humble Origins (ŽKT 2010: 1) (recorded in Žemaitija, model 4-5)

Fig. 13. I Came from Humble Origins (LTR 1029 (3) (recorded in Aukštaitija, model 4-1) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 71

Fig. 14. I was Born a Beggar (Kriščiūnienė 1992: 73) (recorded in Aukštaitija, model 4-5)

Melodies occurred which, after adapting the rhythmics to the text, were sung in a different sequence, i.e. the first and second parts of the melody changed places: Fig. 15. I was Born a Beggar (LTR 3497 (237)

A small group included the melodies which can be considered as the part of the second supporting voice or which sometimes mingled with the leading voice. That can be related to the vocal tessitura of the singer, his musical memory, or the usual for him supporting role when singing in a group (see Fig. 3). In the batch of all the melodies of that group, the ones recorded in Dzūkija, even if not numerous, were exclusive. In that material, there was nothing similar to the typical melodies of I Came from Humble Origins recorded in Žemaitija and Aukštaitija. The musical intonations were typical of the melodics of the Dzūkija songs. In the exclusive example, one can hear a short modal deviation to a parallel minor tonality: 72 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 16. I Came from Humble Origins (KTR 75 (44)

The two melodies from Dzūkija (Fig. 17 and 18) seemed to be very close, and the essential difference in sound was predetermined by different key signatures: Fig. 17. I Came from Humble Origins (LTR 1218 (13), 2937 (183), 705 (4)

Fig. 18. I Came from Humble Origins (LTR 2043 (32), 1944 (37)

Individual versions of those songs recorded in Suvalkija and the Klaipėda Region were close to the melodies typical of that type of songs in Aukštaitija and Žemaitija. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 73

To summarise the analysis of the melodies of the song group I Came from Humble Origins, one could say that the area of their distribution was the zone of polyphonic singing in Lithuania (the ethnographic regions of Žemaitija and Aukštaitija). The versions of the song group Ubagas ant tilto sėdėjo [A Beggar was Sitting on the Bridge] (4) are considered to be humourous-didactic songs on the subject of the beggar’s profession. The type is not numerous, with most of the songs recorded in Žemaitija. The songs performed in Aukštaitija usually started with I was Sitting on the River Bank/Edge, I was Sitting on the Coast, or I was Sitting on the Danube. The makers of the Catalogue of Lithuanian Folk Songs defined some of them as talalinė. In Žemaitija, the song/parody of a prayer was sung on Shrove Tuesday: “Where the grown ups would go, they would disguise themselves as ‘Jews’, and we as ‘beggars’. Well, I do not know whether the practice still exists or not, but we would walk door-to-door as ‘beggars’. On coming inside, we would get down on our knees. And then we would say such a ‘prayer’ ”: Fig. 19. A Beggar was Sitting on the Bridge (ŽKT 2010: 24)

A beggar was sitting on the bridge And looking down at the water. It would make a nice meal If I were able to catch it.

The singer added: “We had other songs as well, but that was our main one” (ŽKT 2010: 67). 74 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The versions of the song group A Beggar was Sitting on the Bridge were rather similar: a ‘beggar’, or just an old man, was sitting on the bridge and looking at the fish/white flounder/white swans in the water or trying to catch them. They would make a delicious meal if he were able to catch them. That was the content of one stanza, and most of the versions of the song were just that long. The versions of that type of song often contained contamination. The stanza with the lyrics A Beggar was Sitting on the Bridge (ŽKT 2010: 14) was followed by another stanza of the above mentioned song I Came from Humble Origins. In another version of A Beggar was Sitting on the Bridge, to the usual stanza of the Shrove Tuesday song, the presenter spontaneously added a talalinė An Old Man is Sitting in a Drying Barn. Both stanzas were sung to different melodies and in one breath, in the process of telling a story about Shrove Tuesday. Fig. 20. A Beggar was Sitting on the Bridge (ŽKT 2010: 12) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 75

1. A beggar was sitting on the bridge And looking at white swans. They would make a nice meal If I were able to catch them.

2. An old man is sitting in a drying barn, Tobacco in his hand. Old man, take some tobacco – The old man did not want it. Old man, here is a young girl – The old man jumped up.

All the melodies of the song group A Beggar was Sitting on the Bridge recorded in Žemaitija were rather similar in some formal features (the mode, the melody movement direction, the final tone – the third degree, and the repeated melodic motif ), however, some other characteristics – the scope, the metrorhythmical structure, the initial tone – varied both due to the improvisational nature typical of the genre and to the individual performance of the presenters. In Aukštaitija, A Beggar was Sitting on the Bridge was also performed to the popular tune of the song I Came from Humble Origins: Fig. 21. A Beggar was Sitting on the Bridge (LTR 1407 (7), 2944 (242), 805 (3)

A beggar was sitting on the bridge And looking at white flounder. They would make a nice meal If I were able to catch them. 76 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Individual versions of the songs Ėjo ubagas per skiedryną [A Beg- gar Walked past the Wood Chopping Place] (2), Ėjo ubagas per alksnyną [A Beggar Walked through the Alder Grove] (2), Kad aš ėjau į Šidlavą [As I was walking to Šidlava] (1), Ubagas senis besergąs [An Old Beggar is Ill] (1), Daugel buvo tokių dienų [Many Were the Days] (1), and Mes, ubagėliai, jumis aplankom [We, Poor Beggars, are Visiting You] (1) are also considered to be humorous-didactic songs on the subject of the beggar’s profession. The group of the songs Ėjo ubagas per alksnyną [A Beggar Walked through the Alder Grove] (2) offered two versions. The plots of the lyrics were identical: When walking through an alder grove, the beggar met a nice young girl and grabbed her by the arm, but she started “shouting in a loud voice”. An old biddy came running and gave him a sound beating, so that all his belongings were scattered, and he no longer wanted the girl. The differences manifested themselves in the melodics and the form of the lyrics. The melody of the song A Beggar Walked through a Thick Alder Grove was typical of folk dances, talalinė, humorous, or feast songs. Such songs often had refrains of onomatopoeic words of the type rampa drīlia lia, o lia līlia, lia lia: Fig. 22. A Beggar Walked through a Thick Alder Grove (ŽKT 2010: 29) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 77

A beggar walked through a thick alder wood, And he met a beautiful girl walking alone. Ram-pa dri-lia-lia, o lia li-lia, lia lia, And he met a beautiful girl walking alone.

In the lyrics of another version of the song A Beggar Walked through an Alder Grove, the onomatopoeic refrain was absent. The melody was also different and similar to that of the song When I was walking to Šidlava: Fig. 23. A Beggar Walked through an Alder Grove (ŽKT 2010: 30)

A beggar was walking through an alder grove, And he met a beautiful girl walking alone

Fig. 24. When I was walking to Šidlava (ŽKT 2010: 10)

When I was walking to Šidlava, I sat down at the ditch. 78 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The song Kad aš ėjau į Šidlavą [When I was walking to Šidlava] was recorded in a single version. The only sample of the song presented an obvious combination of the melodies and lyrics of other songs, such as I Came from Humble Origins, A Beggar was Walking through an Alder Grove, and When I was walking to Šidlava. From Stanza 6 of the song When I was walking to Šidlava, the begging for fat pork typical of the versions of the song I Came from Humble Origins started, promising a good place in the heaven as a reward. The same motifs were typical of the lyrics of the song Kad aš ėjau į Kuršėnus [When I was walking to Kuršėnai], assigned to another group. Fig. 25. When I was walking to Kuršėnai (LTR 2608 (27)

When I was walking to Kuršėnai, I lay down to rest.

Fig. 26. When I was walking to Kuršėnai (LTR 3136 (47), 2926 (47)

When I was walking to Kuršėnai, I sat down to rest.

In Aukštaitija, the songs/hymns of the group I was Born a Beggar were sung to the tune of When I was Walking to Šidlava: Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 79

Fig. 27. I Came from Humble Origins (LTR 3442 (32)

The ‘Jew’ song Maušuveinē gera žmona [Moishe’s Wife is a Good Woman] was sung to the same tune: Fig. 28. Moishe’s Wife is a Good Woman (LTR 631 (263)

Moishe’s wife is a good woman, She is kind to drunkards.

In general, that melodic type was very popular, and various songs of other genres – wedding, young love, family, etc. – were sung to that tune. Those included Gale lauko ežerėlis [There’s a Lake at the End of the Field] (Molėtai), Atvažiavo Rygos kupčiai [Riga’s Merchants Have Arrived] (Anykščiai), Žydž mergelė kaip roželė [A Maiden is Blooming like a Rose], O tėvuti tėvutėli [Oh Dad, Dear Daddy], Du karveliai klane gėrė [Two Doves were Drinking from a Pool] (Ukmergė), Pa- kelk galvą ar neaušta [Raise your Eyes, is it Dawning] (Trakai), Pagal žemaičių gronyčią [At the Žemaitian Border] (Pakruojis), Šventa pana Rozalija, Pulkim visi į armiją [Saint Virgin Rosalia, Let us All Rush to the Army] (Kaunas), Aš turėjau arklį seną [I Had an Old Horse] (the place of the recording was not indicated), Baravedė drūta drūta [The Lead Harvester is Stout] (Linkuva): 80 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 29. The Lead Harvester is Stout (LTR 2838 (119), 2838 a (133)

The lead harvester is stout, Like a green rue in the garden.

The texts and melodies of the song group Ėjo ubagas per skiedryną [A Beggar Walked past the Wood Chopping Place] (2) were rather different. They were united by the initial motif of an axe found there, while the further content consisted of episodes of a beggar’s life, typical of the ‘beggar’ songs/hymns, and his “riches” – occasionally received boots, a coarse homespun overcoat, his bags, a horse and a pig fed on the food collected by him, or the cadged fat pork and the Kingdom of Heaven promised in return. The melodies were united purely by the harmonic major scale; the other characteristics were different. Fig. 30. A Beggar Walked past the Wood Chopping Place (LTR 928 (83), 2927 (14), 513 (6) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 81

Fig. 31. A Beggar Walked past the Wood Chopping Place (LTR 2691 (5)

A beggar walked past the wood chopping place And found an axe there. Oh father, father, and oh mother mine, You are not going to see it ever again.

In Aukštaitija, Sėdi senis ant skiedryno [An Old Man is Sitting at the Wood Chopping Place] was also sung to the tune of I was Born a Beggar: Fig. 32. An Old Man is Sitting at the Wood Chopping Place (LTR 207 (296)

An old man is sitting at the wood chopping place. What is he doing? He is weaving bast shoes, Weaving bast shoes, smartening up, And going to join young people.

Versions of that song were recorded all over Lithuania, however, the greatest part came from Žemaitija. The song is believed to have some characteristics of an authorial song: it is related to the song by poet-priest of the early 19th century Antanas Strazdas (1760–1833) Gaspadorius žabus kirto [The Farm Owner was Cutting Brushwood]. The version under the title Ateit ubags pavargelis [A Poor Beggar is Coming] was included in the manuscripts of the 19th century Lithuanian historian, author, and educator Simonas Daukantas (1793–1864) (Daukantas 1983: 82 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

447–448, 552) and published in the most outstanding 19th century collection of Lithuanian folk songs Lietuviškos dainos [Lithuanian Songs] compiled by brothers Antanas and Jonas Juška ( JLD I 1954: 169). The song Ubagas senis besergąs [An Old Beggar is Ill] (1) was extended and covered the ‘beggar’s’ behaviour, appearance, needs, other people’s behaviour towards him, etc. It should be noted that once, before singing the song, a well-known Žemaitian singer Valerija Mizinienė spoke about the tradition of begging without relating it to Shrove Tues- day, and another time, she presented it in the context of the customs of Shrove Tuesday. The homophonic style melody in a major key and an interval of the fifth is simple, performed in prevailing sounds of the tonic triad composed with the sounds of the dominant (see Fig. 7). As found out, the lyrics of the song Daugel buvo tokių dienų [Nu- merous Were the Days] (1) was authorial and belonged to Vaiguva priest, translator, and poet Karolis Brunas Rimavičius (1801–1874). Initially it was a poem The Klovainiai Beggars’ Ball; educator Laurynas Ivinskis (1810–1881) slightly edited it, changed the title to The Beg- gars’ Ball, and in 1858 published it in the calendar Kalendorius, arba Metskajtlus ukiszkasis (Ivinskis 1858). Rimavičius knew the lifestyle of that class from his experience in the Kolainiai (Kelmė district) Carmelite Monastery, where the brethren shared their bread with serfs, beggars, travellers, or visitors of the monastery. Bishop Valančius himself praised them for that (Bukauskas 2010: 25). Fig. 33. Numerous Were the Days (ŽKT 2010: 11) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 83

Numerous were the days when beggars gave balls And drank their glasses of vodka to the bottom. And you, lasses, our loves, empty your glasses, Enjoy the taste, and do not waste vodka.

On comparing the poem of Rimavičius with the folklore version of Numerous Were the Days, we see that, of the 15 stanzas of the original poem, the presenter of the folklore remembered and freely interpreted the first three ones. It is difficult to say whether the song was popular. It is more likely that the reality of the beggars’ ball described by the author coincided with a potluck party39, called a ‘beggars’ ball’ or a ‘Jewish wedding’. The presenter was talking about the entertainment held following the Shrove Tuesday procession in the evening. “Well, and then you are invited to a ‘Jewish wedding’. You will be told where that wedding will take place in the evening, in which house. And then after all that fun, we shall go to that ‘Jewish wedding’ ” (KUTRF 1029, KUTR 188).

39 “As Shrove Tuesday would come to an end, we would get together in one home and all the received pancakes, and the doughnuts, and the onions we would share, examine, and eat. And finally we would wash ourselves, drop all those costumes, all those masks, and would join the party to complete all the fun. Because we knew that soon we would not be able to have fun” (KUTRF 747, KUTR 128). “Well, and then we would come home, would wash ourselves, take off those costumes, and get together in one place; the people who had a large house, who were farm owners, would let us in one room. Either the hosts or their neighbours would find an accordion, and then we would have a Shrove Tuesday party and dance. It was a great fun to dance, to frolic, and then go home. Those were good people, and if you had to walk five kilometres to get home, they would harness a horse and in a sleigh would take all those dancers to their parents” (KUTRF 968, KUTR 176). 84 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

An episode very similar to the ‘beggars’ ball’ as described in the song Numerous Were the Days was presented in the story Vargdieniai [The Miserables] by author and playright Aleksandras Fromas-Gužutis (1822–1900), published in 1893 (Fromas-Gužutis 1955: 103–112). The vivid description of the annual beggars’ ball in the forest at Šiluva after the church feast, the characters and their dialogues, the jargon, and folklore texts (the songs A Beggar was Walking past the Wood Chop- ping Place, Ar tai našliai, ar ženoti [Whether Widowers or Married]) revealed a lifelike picture of that social group. We failed to identify who and when wrote the melody of the song Numerous Were the Days. However, the characteristics of the melody – a wide range, a leaping melodic line, the form (two parts: the initial phrase and the refrain), cadences, and sequential movements – led to the conclusion of a non-folk nature of the melody and the origin of individual creation. Moreover, another sample of Numerous Were the Days recorded in Aukštaitija was rather close to the Žemaitijan one: the major scale harmony and identical first part cadences. As we compared the existing melodies of the song, we assumed that, in the memory of the presenter, the part of the supporting voice “got confused” with the melody. Fig. 34. Numerous Were the Days (KTR 52 (41), 1238) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 85

Numerous were the days And you, wives, our loves, When beggars had balls, Empty your glasses, And drank their glasses of vodka Enjoy the taste, To the bottom. As the vodka is delicious.

The song was rather widely spread all over Lithuania. It was among the manuscripts of Simonas Daukantas (Daukantas 1983: 355–357, 541–542), while Vincas Krėvė-Mickevičius (1882–1954) published it in his Dainavos krašto liaudies dainos [Folk Songs of the Dainava Land] (DKLD 1924: 285). The lyrics and the melody of the song Mes, ubagėliai, jumis aplankom [We Beggars are Visiting you] (1) also resemble an authorial work. The song could have been written “on demand”, given the importance and meaning of the obligatory best wishes when the Shrove Tuesday carnival procession was visiting homesteads. More- over, the song was recorded in Grūšlaukė, in Žemaitija, where the Shrove Tuesday traditions were still very much alive in the second half of the 20th century. The stylistics of the lyrics, and particularly of the melodics, complied with the customs-reviving activities carried out by Lithuanian cultural workers in the middle and the second half of the 20th century and the demand for songs of a similar nature. The melody contained tone modulations, anacruses, and sequential movements, i.e. the features characteristic of professional music. Fig. 35. We Beggars are Visiting you (ŽKT 2010: 23) 86 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

1. We beggars are visiting you 2. And now good-bye, farewell, And wishing happiness And we are going to visit other people. And good health to the old, And the young, to everybody.

The Jews in Lithuania and the Shrovetide ‘Jews’

In the Shrove Tuesday costumed processions in Žemaitija, the ‘Jews’ were among the main characters, as attested by the distribution area of the mask/character (Vaicekauskas 2005: 130–132), by the name of the ‘Shrovetide Jews’ given to the whole group of masked people and their procession,40 and the relative abundance of the costumed ‘Jew’ songs. True, in comparison with the ‘beggar’ songs, fewer ‘Jew’ songs, and especially with melodies, were recorded, however, there was quite a number of recited short texts. The ‘Jew’ was the most popular foreign character in Lithuanian folklore (Anglickienė 2006: 130). In humorous songs and talalinė about people of other nationalities, he was represented in as many as 80% of them (Vengrytė-Janavičienė 2004: 63). The lyrics of the songs revealed the anthropological physical and cultural features of the Jewish people that, due to the long-term neighbourhood and contacts of various kinds, got established in the Lithuanian mentality and became stereotypes. A tolerant, as compared to other European states, view of the rulers of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania on Jews resulted in a rapid growth of 40 Towards the evening, preparations are made to go out as Shrovetide ‘Jew’ (Balys 1993: 53). A story of Žemaitė portrays Shrove Tuesday merrymaking in a manor: “Everyone is going to disguise themselves as ‘Jews’ ” (Žemaitė [1919] 2004: 216–217). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 87 the Jewish community in Lithuania since the 14th century. In the Mid- dle Ages, Lithuania became a new homeland for Jews, and in the early 16th century, the economic life of Lithuania without Jews was almost impossible. In 1529, the First Lithuanian Statute enacted the privileges of the Jews in the LGD (Atamukas 2007: 23, 26, 27). However, even if Jews were legally allowed to live and develop business in the cities of Lithuania, because of commercial competition, Catholic merchants and craftsmen did not want Jews to enter their territories. Before the Great Northern War (1700–1721), no Jews lived in the towns of the Diocese of Žemaitija. After the war had come to an end, the state again took care of them. Since then, they started settling down in Lithuanian towns and settlements (Kryževičius 1981: 104–106). They moved to the townships of Žemaitija in the 30s to 50s of the 18th century, and in the 19th century, they already prevailed in almost all the townships of the Diocese of Žemaitija: they were tenants, craftsmen, small shopkeepers, coachmen, or inn keepers (Vareikis 2002: 91, 93). The facts were testified to by contemporaries. In the early 19th century, as stated by Jucevičius, the dwellers of the township of Plungė were almost exclusively Jews trading with Prussia ( Jucevičius [1840] 1959: 514). The writings ofV alančius provided abundant information about Jews in the townships of Žemaitija and both the positive and negative views on their activities (Valančius I 1972: 116).41 In the late 19th to the 20th century, the landscape and the everyday life of remote rural villages, seldom disturbed in winter, were sometimes enlivened by a Jewish merchant having come to buy foodstuffs or raw materials or a peddler selling haberdeshary – small items for female wardrobe. Sometimes the places were visited by nomadic Gypsies – horse traders or by Gypsy women – fortune tellers (Puzinas 1983: 473). 41 To quote V. Vareikis, “The views of Bishop Valančius reflect the elements of both Christian tolerance and of exclusion”. The criticism of Jews’ behaviour and activity in the teachings of Valančius was based on the desire to protect Lithuanian peasants from financial machinations and to see Lithuanians gaining economic weight in crafts and trade where Jews predominated. Jewish shopkeepers and innkeepers were not evil in itself for Valančius; his warnings were directed against the spying of Jews for the tsarist government, the promotion of drunkenness, deceit, etc. (Vareikis 2002: 97; 2000: 34). 88 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

In 1804, the authorities of the tsarist Russia published the first systemic legal document Položenie dlia evreev [ Jewish Regulations], prescribing the banishment of Jews from the villages of the Western Region and forbidding them to keep inns, to sell vodka, etc. (Atamu- kas 2007: 46; Vareikis 2002: 93). The document further accelerated the concentration of Jewish people in Lithuanian towns and townships. In the late 19th century, a significant proportion (39,6%) of the Jewish population lived there, while in the first half of the 20th century, Jews were the most numerous ethnic minority in Lithuania (8,3% of the entire population) (Anglickienė 2006: 42–43).42

The Content and Music of the Shrovetide ‘Jew’ Songs

A short historical digression will contribute to the understanding why the character of the ‘Jew’ was so popular in foklore. The means of perpetuation of the image of the ‘Jew’ and the ‘Gypsy’ in oral folklore and folk songs was analysed by Anglickienė (Anglickienė 2006), in talalinė, by Vengrytė-Janavičienė (Vengrytė-Janavičienė 2004), while the content of the costumed ‘Jew’and ‘Gypsy’ songs on Shrove Tues- day was discussed by Petrošienė (ŽKT 2010). In humorous songs, talalinė, and circle dances, performed on different occasions including Shrove Tuesday carnival processions and the entertainments afterwards, Jews were characterised by their “otherness”. Lithuanians noticed and recorded in folklore the differences in religion, customs, and eating habits, and they considered Jewish professions and businesses, particularly innkeeping and selling alcohol to rural communities, to be dishonourable. Lithuanian peasants found 42 More detailed statistics indicates that, in accordance with the 1897 census data, Vilnius Governorate had 12,72% of Jewish population, Kaunas Governorate, 13,73%, Grodno Governorate, 17,49%, and Suwalki Governorate, 14%. A particularly high concentration of Jews could be found in cities: in Panevėžys, 50,5%, in Ukmergė, 53,8%, in Vilnius the numbers fluctuated between 43 and 47% , in Kaunas, about 35%, and in industrial Šiauliai, 43% (Vareikis 2000: 28). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 89 the inability of Jews to engage in agriculture and their more liberal views on sexuality unacceptable. Their incomprehensible language and a specific style of speaking as well as their specific appearance – a large, hooked nose, dark skin and eyes, and especially long beards became the object of caricatures. The lyrics of the songs also perpetuated some historical facts, such as, e.g., forced recruitment of deprived Jews to the tsarist army. Sometimes the Jew was portrayed as a rich lord who harmed a Lithuanian peasant. An opinion on the issue of mixed marriages was expressed: a Jew was thought to be an inappropriate partner for a Lithuanian girl. In the texts of folk songs, foreign “alien” characters – ‘Gypsies’, ‘Hun- garians’, and particularly ‘Jews’ – stereotypically, under the influence of historical circumstances and ideological propaganda, were considered as characters with negative connotations. As noted in the studies of historians, the cultural and religious confrontation between Catholicism and Judaism was formed almost everywhere where Jews lived. How- ever, in each country and each social environment confrontations were of different intensity: no special social confrontation existed between a Lithuanian villager and a shtetl Jew. Moreover, in Lithuania, Jewish communities lived in the poor environment of the Pale of Settlement, in small towns suffering from economic depression. The stratum of the high Jewish bourgeoisie in Lithuania was relatively small, and the stratum of the poor lower class existing on irregular income predominated (Vareikis 2000: 37–39) Probably the weightiest stimulus for creating a horrible mask of a Shrovetide ‘Jew’ was the fact that the 19th century priest sermons and prayer books hinted at Jews having crucified Jesus Christ (the sin of deicide). This is how the image of the eternal Jew, living in accordance with the Talmud, full of evil, was formed (Vareikis 2002: 99). Bishop Valančius, whose books were read in the village gatherings in winter evenings, depicted a “nasty Jew” in one of his preachings: “the hair is like pig bristles, the eyes as big as plates, the lips as thick as a horse collar, the nose as hooked as a hawk’s beak, and the teeth as long as those of a wolf ” (Valančius I 1972 c: 352). Nevertheless, Vareikis, who 90 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

studied the views of Valančius on Jews in his writings, believed that Valančius “did not have any special aversion to Jewish activities. <...> In Valančius’ writings, Jews were not the source of primeval evil as in some anti-Jewish works of religiously oriented German or French authors of the 19th century” (Vareikis 2002: 102). In her story Žydai [The Jews] of the early 20th century, a classic author of Lithuanian literature Julija Žymantienė-Žemaitė rather positively characterised Jews because of the assistance and relief provided by them (not only to their compatriots, but also to people of other nationalities). A positive image of Jews as charitable donors in a case of distress was opposed to the stinginess and hard-heartedness of Lithuanian Christian nationalists, even though the background of the narrated stories revealed the negative experience of Lithuanian farmers and common people in dealing with Jews (Žemaitė [1917] 2004: 109–114). In the ethnographic descriptions of the Shrove Tuesday festival, collected by Jonas Balys in the first half of the 20th century, the following actions of the costumed ‘Jews’ were recorded: they walked in groups from door to door, carrying a diatonic-button accordion; on coming to the front yard, they played the accordion, danced, delivered orations, and sang Par susieda kluojimą žyds barzdą kratina [At the Neighbour’s Barn, a Jew is Shaking his Beard] (a 5-stanza lyrics of the song was presented). Upon coming inside, some of them played music, others danced, still others were courting girls and “buying” the unmarried ones (Balys 1993: 54–55). In the Shrove Tuesday ceremonies, the ‘Jews’, like the ‘Gypsies’, were garrulous, and the speech of both the ‘Gypsies’ and ‘Jews’ was imitated and distorted. Such talks, called hocus-pocus, were recorded in the village of Padubysis, Kelmė district (a shtetl before the Sec- ond World War): “The costumed ‘Jews’ played with their whips <...> some were playing the strings, while one [was talking]: Pirlim kum kum kum (fast); ei šnei, ei šnei... (slowly); another one: To Sauguliai, the road is good... kybar vybar mak mak mak; šurum burum close-far... ” (Balys 1993: 77). The roles of the ‘Jews’ demanded resourcefulness and Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 91 artistic and improvisational skills, therefore, where the tradition of the Shrove Tuesday festival was established and continued for a long time, the same people used to play the roles all their lives (Skrodenis 1966: 285–297; Puzinas 1983: 478). As mentioned above, the songs or the recited texts of the ‘Jews’ are assigned to humorous-didactic songs, games, circle dances, or dances. Folklore items are diverse and different and do not make up abundant thematic groups; frequently those are just individual versions. In the songs of the Shrove Tuesday costumed characters, just as in Lithu- anian folklore in general, Jews are mocked, and their otherness is emphasised. The lyrics of the songs describe the anthropological type of Jews and their lifestyle. All the collected songs describing the costumed ‘Jews’ are characterised by the major scale-based harmony, a homophonic structure, and the couplet form. The melodies are made of repeating, rather simple musical motives of the interval of the fourth or the fifth. In the case of two melodies – A Jew Mills Grain (Fig. 5) and A Hook-Nosed Jew will Come – a broader interval of the minor seventh is formed in one case due to the tone modulation, and in the other case, due to a leaping melodic line matching the humorous text. Fig. 36. A Hook-Nosed Jew will Come (ŽKT 2010: 48) 92 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

A hook-nosed Jew will come He will put it on the table And find out all about the hen: And have a look: When it will lay an egg, If it is addled, there will be a bottle, Tomorrow or on Easter Saturday. And if there is a bottle, There will be an addled egg, too.

The recurring rhytmic accents of the melody and rather fast tem- pos are also related to the metrorhythmic structure, i.e. the melodies contain equal amounts of varying and non-varying simple duple and triple metres. The 6/8 or 3/8 metres, characteristic of the ‘beggar’ songs, do not appear in the ‘Jew’ songs. Specific onomatopoeic refrains, unusual for the traditional, old folk songs, and the imitation of an incomprehensible language are quite frequent. The group of songs Mes žydeliai iš Leckavos [We are Young Jews from Leckava] (2) is the only one from among all the ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs whose versions have been recognised and considered to be the calendrical songs of Shrovetide. In the descriptions of the Shrovetide customs stored in the Folklore Archives of Klaipėda University, those songs were frequent, however, all the presenters simply recited them. Whenever asked what they most frequently sang on Shrove Tuesday when walking door-to-door, they mostly remembered those specific texts or their fragments. However, the four-line stanza was more often recited or chanted, especially when it became the only stanza, remembered and recited on Shrove Tuesday by children in cities and towns of the late 20th – early 21st century, when they scurried round apartment houses and cadged money (pancakes did not make them happy). Vaicekauskas believed that the item – a rhymed gift-cadging formula We are Young Jews from Leckava – first became popular in Northern Žemaitija, and then, in the 20s-30s of the 20th century, in other places of Lithuania (Vaicekauskas 2005: 133). As we view the totality of the versions of that folklore item, it does not seem appropriate to define all those four-line stanzas as songs. However, the sung examples in the LLTI Catalogue and phonoteque Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 93 and the comments of the presenters justify their inclusion in the category of the Shrove Tuesday songs. The melodies feature the major keys, a homophonic structure, a stable simple duple meter, and can be sung in parts. They remind melodies of circle dances and games. Fig. 37. We are Young Jews from Leckava (LTR 4060(49) LTRF 884(11)

We are young Jews from Leckava, W want pancakes and cocoa, Lady, do not be angry And do not turn us out of the house.

The melody of the song We are Young Jews from Leckava is almost identical to the first part of a widely performed (danced and sung) popular circle dance Skrido žvirblis per ulyčią [A Sparrow Flew through the Village]: Fig. 38. We are Young Jews from Leckava (LPBS 2009: 165)

We are young Jews from Leckava, We want pancakes and cocoa, If you have not baked pancakes, Then you must give us some money. 94 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The content of the versions in the song group We are young Jews from Leckava is almost identical. The stanza starts with an introduction: We are young Jews from Leckava/Rietavas/Renavas/Seda/Mos- cow/Poltava, followed by a request (or demand) for pancakes, cocoa, coffee, or money. If the hosts have nothing to give, they are “threat- ened” to be turned out of home. The versions of the Žydas miltus malė [A Jew Mills Grain] song group (3) are assigned to humorous-didactic songs dealing with nationalities. The majority of the existing versions in a rather short list were recorded in Žemaitija. All the three versions of the song A Jew Mills Grain (ŽKT 2010: 37, 39; KTR 14 (63), from the viewpoint of the text structure and the principle of composing, are close to a talalinė. The content is humorous: Jews and the “intricacies” of their lifestyle are mocked in a rather hyper- bolised, harsh way. The features unifying the melodies of all the songs on ‘Jews’ are the same: major keys, a homophonic structure, the repetition of rather simple musical motifs, and recurring rthythmic accents. The primary melodic motif in A Jew Mills Grain is repeated in the subdominant tonality (schematically, G1-D1), i.e. tone modulation takes place. Modulations of that type are a frequent phenomenon in the late Žemaitijan humorous and feast songs as well as in talalinė. The song A Jew Mills Grain performed by a famous Žemaitijan singer Valerija Mizinienė creates the impression of improvisation at the moment of performance, typical of chastushkas: Fig. 39. A Jew Mills Grain (ŽKT 2010: 37) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 95

A Jew mills grain, his eyes get white; He was sitting at the table and looking at his children. His young son was sitting on the stove, Nobody saw when the cat jumped there. The Jew was beating the cat, but it was his wife who got it hot. The Jew became ashamed: he was in trouble. He sent [somebody] to the rabbi to bring the liver of a billy goat. The medicine was too much for her, and the Jew’s wife died. 96 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

She needs to be buried, but nobody wants to sing hymns. The Jew harnessed a cat and took his wife [to be buried]. The Jew was crying, and his beard was jumping.

The versions of the song group Padainuosiu dainą apie žydų vainą [I’ll Sing a Song about the War of Jews] (2) were also assigned to humorous-didactic songs dealing with nationalities. Two songs, I’ll Sing a Song about the War of Jews (ŽKT 2010: 32) and Žīdeli, žīdeli [Oh Jew, oh Jew] (ŽKT 2010: 41) were recorded in Žemaitija with melodies. The content of the first song is rather fragmentary, encoding everyday actualities of the Jewish people. The major part of the text consists of an onomatopoeic refrain with no clear meaning, however, emotionally effective: Gvalts, gvalts, tėi žīdaitē, Gvalts, gvalts, gvalts. Ne, ne, ne, ne, lec, pac, pac, pac, Zig, zig, zig, zig, oi, oi, gvalts. Fig. 40. I’ll Sing a Song about the War of Jews (ŽKT 2010: 32)

Onomatopoeic refrains are typical not only of the above mentioned song, but also of other songs dealing with ‘Jews’ or ‘Gypsies’: Uoi, žīdieli, nabagieli [Oh you Poor Jew] (ŽKT 2010: 33), Trīs žīdai važiavo [Three Jews were Riding] (ŽKT 2010: 49), Mes – čigonai, didi ponai [We Gyp- sies are Great Lords] (ŽKT 2010: 51), or Tu, čiguonė, čiūramara [Oh you Gypsy Woman, Churamara] (ŽKT 2010: 52). Their melodies are rather simple, fast, with recurring rthythmic accents. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 97

The text model of the song I’ll Sing a Song about the War of Jews and the nature of its melodics bears some similarity to the type of songs about nature: Padainuosim gražią dainą – paukščių vainą [We’ll Sing a Nice Song about the War of Birds]. That is a song with a plot. The category of songs about nature is believed to be an outcome of anony- mous poetry, most probably a plot of a fairy tale recreated as a poem (LLD 2000: 25). The plot of the Shrovetide song I’ll Sing a Song about the War of Jews is not really well developed, however, the principles of its composing and the motifs, when in each stanza some specific action is performed (cf. brings a bag and brings a message) and a summons to war is received as a written message (cf. The newpapers write that Jews are summoned to the war and I’ll write a letter and summon all the birds), are similar to those of the songs about nature. The melody of one of the songs about nature Pagiedosim gražią dainą [We’ll Sing a Nice Song] is very similar to the ‘Gypsy’ song Aukštai dangus ir debesis [The Skies and Clouds are High Above] (ŽKT 2010: 53): Fig. 41. We’ll Sing a Nice Song (LLD 2000: 262)

We’ll sing a nice song, a nice song Of the war of birds imposed upon wildlife.

A rather large group of the ‘Jew’ songs (7) consists of single songs or songs-circle dances which, as mentioned above, are assigned to the genre of humorous-didactic songs or belong to the category of games, circle dances, and dances. Their melodics is characterised by the features typical of other ‘Jew’ songs. 98 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The song Uzė, uzė naktis [Uzė, Uzė Night] stands out from among other songs. The song (the melody) was recorded in Žemaitija, and the lyrics is an imitation of the Yiddish language43 or a mixture of several languages. Folklorists define such “multi-lingual” songs as “macaronic”.44 The song was composed ofY iddish, Lithuanian, Ger- man, and Russian words. The presenter believed the song was written in Yiddish: “It is a dialect of the Jewish language, somewhat wheezing. One has to know it” (KUTRF 430, KUTR 73): Fig. 42. Uzė, uzė Night (ŽKT 2010: 44)

The song-circle dance Ont žilvītė šakuota [On a Branched Wil- low Tree] was assigned to the thematic group of ‘Foreigners’ in the division of ‘Games, Circle Dances, and Dances’ of the LLTI Catalogue.

43 Yiddish is a language that emerged about 1,000 years ago among Jews in Germa- ny. In the course of time and the process of its spreading among Ashkenazi Jews, Yiddish formed as a complex alloy consisting of the elements of different dialects of medieval German, Hebrew, Aramaic (20%), and some Slavic languages. Yid- dish belongs to the Germanic group of languages, and the script was taken from Hebrew. Yiddish was geographically widespread. It is not exactly known when it came to Lithuania, however, the ‘Lithuanian Yiddish’, i.e. the literary variant standardised in the early 20th century, was the Yiddish dialect spoken by Litvaks. In the early 20th century, 99,3% of the Lithuanian Jews considered Yiddish to be their native language (Yiddish). 44 Macaronic (Old It. maccaroni – pasta) is a form of literature that emerged in Italy in the late 15th century, a Latin (usually rhymed) piece with incorporated elements of the national language. There are two kinds of macaronic: 1) when the fragments of different languages are combined without modifying the characteristics of those languages; or 2) when the forms of one language are modified according to the model of another language (EOLD). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 99

Žemaitijan Valerija Mizinienė presented it as danced and sung on Shrove Tuesday (ŽKT 2010: 38). Although it was performed all over Lithuania, slightly more of its versions were recorded in Aukštaitija. Moreover, it could be danced in different entertainment events. In Palanga Juzė by Valančius, there is an episode of Juzė holding dance party on the third day of Christmas: “An hour later, while playing music and dancing myself, I shouted: The Jew was Making Tar! Im- mediately everyone was singing and dancing. As all of them broke out in a sweat, we sat down” (Valančius I 1972 b: 240).

The Romani and the Shrovetide ‘Gypsies’

The Shrovetide ‘Gypsy’ character was found out to be more widespread in the eastern part of Lithuania, and it was more active there during the Christmas Season and up to Lent. In Aukštaitija, the period between Christmas and Lent was called a ‘Gypsy market’ (Balys 1993: 58–59). In Žemaitija, the songs of Shrovetide ‘Gypsies’ accounted for the smallest segment of all the Shrove Tuesday songs performed by costumed characters: merely five samples with melodies were found. Vaicekauskas supported Balys and considered the ‘Gypsy’ mask/ character to be of a later origin, taken from the peasant environment and definitely not characterised by the “abundance of semantically meaningful characters”. The characters of the ‘Gypsy’and the ‘Jew’ were found to be close in terms of the actions performed by them, while in terms of appearance, the ‘beggar’ could also be assigned to that anthropomorphic group (Vaicekauskas 2005: 131–132). Both the ‘Gypsy’ and the ‘beggar’, according to their position in the social hier- archy, belonged to the lowest class, as they did not have the main kinds of property: a house or land (Anglickienė 2006: 170). Ethnographic descriptions confirmed the insights of different authors about all of them being closely related anthropomorphic characters, since even in 100 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Žemaitija, the Shrove Tuesday costumed procession was called both the ‘beggars’, the ‘Gypsies’, or the ‘Jews’. According to historical data, the first traces of Romani people in Europe go back to Constantinople in the 11th century. In the 14th through the 16th century, they spread all over Europe, and in the early 15th century, the Romani from Poland through Gudija (Belarus) came to Lithuania. They were skillful at blacksmithing, fortune telling, and trading horses, and that was what they mainly engaged in. The authorities and the public took a positive view of them for a period of time. However, the nomadic way of life and poverty made the Romani earn their living through criminal means, and in the long run the attitude towards them changed. In the countries of Western Europe, the Romani were persecuted and eventually banished from them, while in Lithuania, the conditions both for the Romani and the Jews were more favourable, especially due to the humane policies of the Radvila (Radziwill) family of Lithuanian noblemen (Griškaitė 1998: 48–54, 63). By more consistent or more drastic actions, the authorities tried to make the nomadic people settle down and, unfortunately, failed. The Romani life in Lithuania was described by Bishop Valančius: “From the Polish period45 to 1836, there were a lot of Gypsies in Žemaitija. Some lived in farmer homesteads as lodgers, while others had small huts at the bushes. Their main occupation was fraud and theft”. The author vividly depicted the Gypsies’ going from farmstead to farmstead and begging, and he quoted the host-extolling or cadging texts, similar to the Shrove Tuesday orations in their content and stylistics (Valančius I 1972: 129–139). In 1836, the police tried to suppress the increasing thefts by the Romani, vagrancy, etc. Illiterate people, not included in the census and having no home, were seated in horse-drawn carts and taken to the To- bolsk Province (Tyumen Region, Western Siberia). Quite a few tried to hide in the Curonian woods, but when they started stealing there as well, they suffered the same destiny (Valančius I 1972: 139–140).

45 The Union of Lublin in 1569 is considered to be the beginning of the Polish Period. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 101

The Content and Music of the Shrovetide ‘Gypsy’ Songs

The above presented fragments of the historical context got undoubtedly integrated into folklore. In Lithuanian folklore, a Gypsy was also a popular foreign character, probably just to a somewhat smaller extent than a Jew. As aptly summarised by Vengrytė-Janavičienė, in the Shrove Tuesday talalinė all the foreigners were homogenised due to their otherness, a different religion and language, unusual appearance, and untypical behaviour. The main features of the Gypsies recorded in songs included their nomadic way of life and dishonest habits (Vengrytė-Janavičienė 2004: 62). Gypsies often appeared in humorous wedding songs. As explained by Anglickienė, the choice of the character was predetermined by the encounter of the two families and the “alienness of the other family”, the custom of disguising onself, and the “lies” ascribed to the “other party”. It was often emphasised that a Gypsy, like a Jew, was an unfit spouse for a Lithuanian girl. In work songs, the Gypsy character was usually associated with poor work outcomes. In ballads with a tragic content, Gypsies used to predict a sad future (Anglickienė 2006: 177–181). The songs of the costumed Shrovetide ‘Gypsies’ described the lifestyle and stereotypical behaviour of those people: their nomadic nature and the craving for freedom, their joyful and lively characters, and their typical ways of earning a living: horse trading, fortune telling, begging or stealing (ŽKT 2010: 33). The songs of the ‘Gypsies’ have plots; they are characterised by a couplet form, a rather fast tempo, an unchanging metre, and simple major keys. In terms of music, they share a number of similarities with the ‘Jew’ songs. It would seem that, in the context of the custom, the text in both the ‘Gypsy’ and ‘Jew’ songs was a more important element, while the melodies used to “wander” from one song to another or were created by the procession participants on the spot. 102 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The songs of the thematic groups Mes – čigonai, didi ponai [We Gypsies are Great Lords] (3), Aukštai dangus ir debesis [The Skies and Clouds are High Above] (1), and Tu, čigone, čiuramara [Oh, you Gypsy Woman, Churamara] (1) were performed all over Lithuania. Their versions belong to a thematic group of nomads/vagrants, the subdividion of ‘Social Class’ in the division of ‘Humorous – Didactic Songs’. Similar versions can be found among the songs of the type Aukšti kalnai, dirvonai [High Hills and Wastelands] in the thematic group of ‘Beggars’ of the subdivision of ‘Profession’. In written sources, the texts of the songs We Gypsies are Great Lords (ŽKT 2010: 51) and The Skies and Clouds are High Above (ŽKT 2010: 53) (or, rather, both texts as a single song) were recorded in the Daines žemaičių [Žemaitijan Songs] (1846) by Simonas Daukantas. Among the songs and poems of literary origin, one finds the texts of two songs: Mes esam didi ponai [We are Great Lords] and Kas aš esmu slaunas ponas [A Famous Lord], followed by the notes and the comment that the songs could have been performed by the Shrovetide or wedding parties’ costumed people (Daukantas 1983: 463–465, 554). The melodies are noticeably different. Fig. 43. The Skies and Clouds are High Above (ŽKT 2010: 53)

Skies and clouds high above Are a canopy for the Gypsy, Ravines and shrubs Are a home of the Gypsy. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 103

Fig. 44. We Have Trouble Everywhere (Daukantas 1983: 441)

We are in trouble everywhere, Nobody gives us clothing, We are turned out of the village, What else can we say.

In the collection of Lithuania Minor of Vilius Kalvaitis (1848– 1914), published in the early 20th century, the song was recorded as Mes Cigonai dabnus ponai [We Gypsies are Smart Lords] (Kalvaitis [1905] 1998: 140–141). In the second half of the 20th century, several songs of that type were recorded with melodies. The Žemaitian Tu, čigone, čiuramara [Oh, you Gypsy Woman, Churamara] (1) belongs to a small group of songs recorded all over Lithuania, more frequently in Dzūkija and Suvalkija. From the musical viewpoint – the harmony, the basic tones, the development of the melodic line of the first part, and the recurring rhythmic accents – a version of Turiu gražią kumelaitę [I Have a Nice Filly], recorded in Marijampolė in 1936, was very close to it. Fig. 45. Oh, you Gypsy Woman, Churamara (ŽKT 2010: 52) 104 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

A Gypsy woman, churamara, She inspected my larder.

Fig.46. I Have a Nice Filly (SDM 2003: 13)

I have a nice filly And am going to ride to my girl.

The song is likely to have come to Žemaitija from the southeastern part of Lithuania or must have spread in the written format. In the Shrove Tuesday carnival procession, not merely the songs of, or about, costumed characters were performed. The songs of other genres, instrumental music, and texts of oral folklore, such as parodies of prayers or of the text acompanying the crossing of oneself, orations, and wishes of good luck were performed as well. Their content was related to the actions of the costumed group in the yard of the homestead or inside the house when cadging food and drinks and promising to drive the winter away. Both the texts of the songs and the melodies are late and do not have the motifs extolling the hosts of the homesteads, typical of the old typical calendar ritual songs.

Lašininis [Porky, Fatso] and Kanapinis [Hempen Man, Hemper]

Lašininis and Kanapinis, in comparison to ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’, are not “singing” characters. In the ethnographic narratives Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 105 of the Folklore Archives of Klaipėda University, those characters of the carnival procession were very seldom mentioned. The only recitative fragment Jīmkit, karkit Gavienini [Grab and Hang Gavieninis] was recorded in Southeastern Žemaitija, bordering on Aukštaitija:

Grab and hang Gavieninis Since he does away with Lašininis. Beat and flog Kanapinis Since he does away with Lašininis. (ŽKT 2010: 54)

Lašininis and Kanapinis are considered to be among the latest characters of the Shrove Tuesday procession, having got established in the tradition about the 20s to 30s of the 20th century. However, in the above quoted rhymed text, first of all the name of Gavieninis is mentioned: that is the Shrovetide effigy Gavėnas, best known in a small area of Northeastern Aukštaitija. Gavėnas, like a more popular female Shrovetide effigy Morė, is believed to be one of the old mythological characters of Shrovetide (Vaicekauskas 2005: 79, 82–82, 124). We can only partly agree with the opinion on the “lateness” of Lašininis and Kanapinis and their increased popularity in the first half of the 20th century. They probably became popular due to the articles of an ethnographic content published in the Lithuanian periodicals of the first half of the 20th century and the conscious revival of those characters; the hypothesis was also supported by Vaicekauskas. In 1936, in the first public Shrove Tuesday carnival procession held by students of Vytautas Magnus University in Kaunas, the then capital city of Lithuania, a “battle” between two groups – that of Lašininis and that of Kanapinis – took place. However, the concept of lateness is not quite precise, since almost all the Shrovetide anthropomorphic characters were recorded in written sources almost simultaneously – in rare cases, in the late 18th century, and most frequently, in the 19th century. Any other considerations concerning the ‘oldness’ or ‘archaic- ness’ going back to the times of mythological thinking are just hypo- thetical. 106 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

In the carnival tradition of Western Europe, and especially of its southern part, the characters of the ‘Carnival’ and ‘Fast’, analogous to Lašininis and Kanapinis, were recorded as early as in the 16th century (in Bologna in 1506, and in Venice in 1572). The ‘Carnival’ was a fat, hung all over with sausages, young, cheerful, and sexy man, fond of eating and drinking. The ‘Fast’ was a thin woman, dressed in black and hung over with fish. They had a fight in the city squares, and the approaching time of fasting had to defeat and kill the ‘Carnival’. In the last act of the drama, a trial of the ‘Carnival’ took place, the will was read, and the ‘Carnival’ was either burnt, drowned, or buried (Burke 1994: 185). Jonas Balys explained the meaning of the characters of Lašininis and Kanapinis and the battles between them in a dualistic way: “before” and “presently”. “Before” allegedly could have meant the battle of the winter demon against the spring and the victory of the latter, and “presently” meant just fun and children’s cheating. Pranas Dovydaitis assigned Lašininis and Kanapinis to the “deities that used to guard Lithuanian cornbins” which were transformed merely into the names used just for fun and supplied with “the Polish ending” (GK 1935: 207). Balys also noted the influence of the Polish language on the names of those characters and even saw the implied “nobiliarity”: “The Polish suffix “-ski” of the surnames (Lašinskis, Kanapinskis) may have been added in order to consciously emphasise the nobiliarity of those characters, i.e. the fact that the fighting parties were not commoners” (Balys 1993: 82). That form of the surname was not used by all who had written about Lašininis and Kanapinis; however, in the manors of Žemaitija and Lithuania in general, the Polish language and Polish surnames were a common thing. Nonetheless, the idea of Balys that Lašininis and Kanapinis as if embodied representatives of the nobility and the ethnographic stories about their fighting on Shrove Tuesday created an associative parallel with the public theatrical events, held by Jesuits in the manors of noblemen or in monk-operated colleges in the 16th through the 18th century, and with the genre of a sideshow, considered to be the most Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 107 realistic and the most popular one.46 Almost all the anthropomorphic characters of the Shrove Tuesday procession – a ‘beggar’, a ‘Jew’, a ‘Gypsy’, Lašininis, and Kanapinis, believed by ethnologists to be the latest ones – had some kinds of equivalents among the comic characters of the sideshows of the period. Those were the above mentioned ‘Peasant’, a ‘Jew’, a thieving ‘Gypsy’, a greedy ‘Nobleman’, a hungry and deep-in-debt ‘Town Dweller’, and a roguish ‘Servant’ who performed certain dialogues and fought with sticks in the street shows (Zaborskaitė 1981: 166). In Lithuanian ethnographic literature and in the first archival ethnographic recordings, Lašininis and Kanapinis were vivid characters of “common Lithuanians”, unlike the ‘beggar’ or the ‘Jew’, more popular in Žemaitija, or the ‘Gypsy’, more frequent in Aukštaitija. In the ethnographic texts recorded in different Lithuanian regions about the fighting between Lašininis and Kanapinis, two spaces – open and closed – can be seen. In Suvalkija, Lašininis and Kanapinis, as presented by story tellers, fought in the barn, where fat pork and other other foodstuffs were stored. Brothers Pranas Dovydaitis (GK 1935: 206–210) and Jurgis Dovydaitis (K 1966 a: 130–131) included such plots in their ethnographic stories. In Suvalkija, the Pre-Lent period was celebrated from Fat Thursday until Shrove Tuesday. Every day, increasingly more meals were allegedly served, fat and filling, while the last Pre-Lent evening, the housewife would tell all the members of the household: “Now we shall stop eating for seven weeks: Kanapinis and Lašininis will come and fight where the fat bacon hangs. Kanapinis will bite off the rope, the fat bacon will drop and will not be there for us as long as three weeks” (K 1966 a: 130–131; Puzinas 1983: 474). Elsewhere in Lithuania, according to available texts, Lašininis and Kanapinis would fight in the open air. Končius described “public games” taking place in Žemaitija on Shrove Tuesday in the late 46 A sideshow is a short play, performed between the acts of a comedy or tragedy, made up of funny words, things, or persons <...> Latin words or phrases are put into peasant mouths, etc. (Zaborskaitė 1981: 117–118). 108 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

19th through the early 20th century: “a fatal fight between the meat- eater and the fast-keeper”. Those were the fights between the gangs of Lašininis and Kanapinis that revealed the smartness of the village: “smart funny dialogues, songs, and weird weapons” (Končius 1996: 378). The fight between Lašininis and Kanapinis in the early 20th century was in detail described by a respondent from Žemaitija (Balys 1993: 80). Katkus presented a “bloody” fight between Lašininis and Kanapinis through a dialogue between a girl, who on the first day of Lent came to the neighbour to borrow a sieve, and a household member:

– Oh, that was some fight; they were beating each other with sticks, head or no head, bleeding terribly... Did you hear? – Who were they? – Oh, Lašinskis and Kanapinskis. – Oh, why don’t you just drop dead? You frightened me so much! You did cheat me. – And then Kanapinskis won, and Lašinskis rushed to April; he will return with April and then will take revenge on Kanapinskis, – said the girl (Katkus 1949: 199–200)

Professor Jonas Puzinas (1905–1978), historian who came from Ukmergė district and whose ethnographic activities covered the first half of the 20th century, in his essay Užgavėnių ir gavėnios papročiai [Shrovetide and Lent Customs] considered the fight between Lašininis and Kanapinis as “one of the most interesting scenes of the Shrove Tuesday carnival” and presented details of the appearance and actions of those characters. All the texts presented more or less information about the appearance of Lašininis and Kanapinis and their actions, however, they were seldom described as singing characters or the ones being sung about. Probably there was only one story of Puzinas containing the text of the song of Kanapinis, its style typical of authorial creation:

We are happy and well here, We shall eat herring, my friends, Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 109

The hostess is kind, And she will bring us a jar of water. Tralia lia o lia lia, We are happy and well here (Puzinas 1983: 478)

*** The formal musical features of the melodies of the ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs recorded in Žemaitija as well as the trends of con- structing the prevailing melodic line, on the one hand, indicate the lateness of melodics and the impact of individual creation, of professional, instrumental and, in some cases, church and dance music on the songs of that genre. On the other hand, the most important features – the major key, the homophonic structure, the vocal range, and the metrorhythmical freedom – are also typical of the traditional Žemaitijan songs. Thus, even though the melodics of the songs performed on Shrove Tuesday is considered to be rather late, due to the specificity of its structure, it easily merged with the Žemaitijan singing tradition. It is also worth evaluating the impact of the carnival procession, singing in a group, the moment of improvisation, and the plots of the texts on the melodics. The latter seems to have been less important than the content of the lyrics of the songs. In the ethnographic materials on the Shrovetide customs collected in Žemaitija in the late 20th through the early 21st century, the ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs, related by their presenters to the above mentioned customs, were recorded. The repertoire, as proved by the data of the major archives of Lithuanian folklore, was widespread all over Lithuania, however, their abundance and diversity were more pronounced in Žemaitija and Aukštaitija, the regions where the carnival processions (judging merely by the available written sources) seemed to have been more popular. In Dzūkija, Suvalkija, and the Klaipėda Region, few songs had been recorded; either Shrove Tuesday carnivals did not exist there or the tradition had disappeared before the recording began. 110 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs lived a “double life”. The “lateness” of their texts and melodies indicated that they could have been created and sung separately from any rituals and customs, however, under favourable circumstances, e.g., on Shrove Tuesday, when disguising themselves and hiding behind a mask, they could have been adapted to the role-play situations. Based on the written sources of the 19th to the 21st century, we can hypothesise that they existed in the repertoire of Shrove Tuesday celebrated in the rural environment throughout the 20th century, and possibly even earlier. They became popular and got established in mass Shrove Tuesday festivals officially organised in the late 20th century, after 1990. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 111 112 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

When reflecting on the issues of the genre, origin, and development of the songs sung in Žemaitija on Shrove Tuesday, I made up my mind to study the closest Baltic environment in order to see whether those songs had anything in common with the analogous Latvian ones. A narrow approch to the genre would result in the conclusion that few Latvian Shrovetide songs survived: in an academic Latvian song collection Gadskārtu ieražu dziesmas [Calendrical Songs], among others, six Shrovetide (Metenis, Vastlāvis) songs with melodies were published.47 The Dainu skapis [The Chest of Songs] by Krišjaņis Bar- ons contained 99 texts of Metenis songs (including variants) (Dai- nuskapis). Shrovetide itself, according to Latvian folklorists Valdis Muktupāvels and Māra Vīksna, was not very popular48 in comparison with other calendrical festivals of Latvia and was celebrated on a smaller scale than Christmas or St. John’s (Midsummer) Day. The issue of the links between Lithuanian and Latvian Shrovetide songs was discussed by the author with connoisseur of Latvian song melodies, musicologist Vilis Bendorfs. His colleagues folklorists and his school- fellow musicologist Arnolds Klotiņš characterised him [Vilis Bendorfs] as a “unique living copy” of the catalogue of Latvian folk melodies (Bendorfs). Ben- dorfs said two important things about Latvian and Lithuanian folk songs. First, according to him, only 5% of Latvian song Fig. 47. Vilis Bendorfs in melodies bore a resemblance to Lithuani- the Folklore Archives of an songs, and those were mainly Kurzeme the Institute of Literature, (Courland) songs. On overviewing the Folklore, and Art, Univer- melodies of the Shrovetide ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, sity of Latvia, Riga. and ‘Gypsy’ songs performed in Žemaitija 5 March 2013 (ŽKT 2010), Bendorfs found nothing in 47 Songs No. 230–235 in the collection (Vītoliņš 1973: 156–158). 48 From personal talks with dr. Valdis Muktupāvels in Vilnius on 5 October 2012 and in Riga on 5–7 March 2013, and with dr. Māra Vīksna, in Riga on 3–7 March 2013. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 113

Fig. 48. V. Bendorfs and L. Petrošienė in the Folklore Archives of the Institute of Literature, Folklore, and Art, Uni- versity of Latvia, Riga. 5 March 2013 common either with the melodies of Latvian calendrical songs or with Latvian songs in general.49 At that point, the comparison of Lithuanian and Latvian calendrical songs could have come to an end, however, the author’s attention was attracted by rather similar ethnographic customs and masks of the costumed characters in Latvian autumn and winter carnival processions. The similarity between the customs of dressing up in costumes and wearing masks during Lithuanian and Latvian calendrical festivals encouraged an overview of the melodics of the costumed character songs, even if we knew in advance that, in comparison with the songs of the Lithuanian Shrovetide costumed ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’, it was going to be something completely different. The introduction of Latvian musical material and the conducted research was important for the theme under investigation, moreover, Latvian calendrical customs were not that well known in Lithuania. The definition and analysis of the differences, or otherness, on the one hand, were expected to result in better justified arguments when summarising the origin and evolution of the costumed characters songs performed in Žemaitija on Shrove Tuesday. On the other hand, the comparison was to reveal the problematicity of the genre of Lithuanian Shrovetide calendrical 49 Lina Petrošienė’s interview with Vilis Bendorfs in the Folklore Archives of the Insti- tute of Literature, Folklore, and Art, University of Latvia, in Riga on 5 March 2013. 114 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

songs: basically, the ritual group of calendrical songs in the majority of Lithuania’s regions, except for Southeastern Lithuania, either had been failed to record before they disappeared or became extinct due to a puristic approach to folklore. The first thing that attracted the eye when comparing the Latvian and Lithuanian calendrical folk songs was the fact that, in Latvia, it was relatively abundant and diverse, covering all the seasons of the year and almost the entire agrarian calendar. The Renaissance of folklore in the 19th century, manifested by intense recording of folklore in the late 19th through the first half of the 20th century, the Protestant culture predominating in Latvia, and the intellectual potential resulted in the timely recording of the calendrical folklore and customs and in substantial scientific research. The first scientific publication on the melodies of Latvian calendrical songs was prepared by Andrejs Jurjāns in 1903 ( Jurjānu Andrejs 1903). In his analysis of the winter period songs, he compared the customs of the Latvian and Slavic costumed characters and supported the idea of Paul Einhorn, presented in the 17th century and seconded by later researchers, about the links with the cult of Dionysus, the ancient Greek god of grapes, wine-making, and ecstasy ( Jansons [1933] 2010: 60). Among other folklore works of the late 19th through the first half of the 20th century, the dissertation Die lettischen Maskenumzüge [The Latvian Masked Processions] by Jānis Alberts Jansons written at the University of Cologne in 1933 was exclusive by its theme. It provided a thorough analysis of the masks of the Latvian costumed characters during the autumn and winter calendrical festivals and the traditions of dressing up for the carnival in a wide global context. Based on the worldwide research, the processions, dances, and mask theatres were recognised to have been one of the oldest traditions of mankind. Jansons focused on the functions of masks, their types, and kinds of actions, the time of carnival processions, etc. He made numerous references to authentic empirical material, i.e. the descriptions of calendrical festival customs and folk songs, moreover, discussed the musical characteristics of songs ( Janson 1933). It was the precise and Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 115 specific information about the autumn-winter costumed processions, the characters, and their songs that allowed us to get a picture of the Latvian Shrovetide songs, as on that day, like during other autumn and winter seasonal festivals, the songs of costumed ‘awakeners’, ‘stilt walkers’ as well as some ‘Gypsy’ songs were sung. The classification of those songs and their ethnomusicological analysis, referred to in the present research, was carried out by Jēkabs Vītoliņš in the 70s of the 20th century (Vītoliņš 1973: 38–76). In the song collections published in the 20th and the 21st centuries (LD 1915; LTD 1952–1956; LMFM 1951–1953; GIDz 1973; GG 2004; LTD 2006; ZDz 2011) and the online databases (Dainuskapis; LTD 1952–1956 a), one can find quite a few of Latvian folk songs; true, collections with melodies are fewer in number. In the 20th century, Latvian calendrical customs, including the ones of Shrovetide, based on the research of previous authors and ethnographic archival materials, were described by Osvalds Līdeks (Līdeks [1940] 1991) and Edīta Olupe (Olupe 1982). In the early 21st century, the masks of Latvian costumed characters, their dressing up traditions, and their evolution were reconsidered and actualised by Aīda Rancāne (Rancāne 2009). Latvian and Lithuanian costumed processions during winter festival celebrations were compared by Rūta Muktupāvela (Muktupāvela 2000). When discussing the specificity of the Shrovetide/Fastnacht carnival in Latvia as well as in Lithuania, urban celebrations were not studied by ethnologists. Non-peasant celebrations of Shrovetide in Latvia, some of them recorded in rather exhaustive descriptions, were two or three hundred years younger. The gentry of Riga – members of a wealthy guild of merchants – were celebrating Shrovetide in the House of the Blackheads (La. Melngalvju nams) as early as in 1354. As is known, in 1416, special rules for the preparation and organisation of the Shrovetide celebration were drafted, with a new regulation following in 1500. The demand for such a regulation was testified by the fact that, in the 17th century, it was revised and suplemented. 116 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The Shrovetide celebration in Riga would start with the festival of lights and beer tasting on a Monday or Tuesday before Lent. For that occasion, the House of the Blackheads would decorate their walls with Flemish carpets and paintings. The culmination of the celebration was reached on Wednesday. Grand banquets with lots of guests, music, tournaments in the market square, dances, songs, noise, debauchery and orgies would last for eight days. Revels and dances would take place both in the market square and in the House of the Blackheads. Written sources provided some data on the amount of money that the House of the Blackheads would on average spend on the Shrovetide celebration: over 11 barrels of beer and mead, made of five pots of honey, would be consumed; to cook meat, expensive imported spices were used: two pounds of both ginger and nutmeg and four pounds of African (black) pepper; moreover, huge amounts of bread, meat, fish, vegetables, fruit, and two pounds of sweatmeat would be eaten. A parallel with the Shrovetide celebrations in the nobility manors of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and with the festivities in the European cities is obvious. It is worth remembering that Riga, the present capital city of Latvia, has been an important European commercial centre that used to belong to the Hanseatic League, a trade and political union, since the late 13th century (Scheel 2002: 221–222; Mänd 2002: 36–76). Alongside commercial relations and migrating people, West- ern European culture spread from Riga to the provinces of Latvia.

An Overview of the Customs Associated with the Carnival Characters of Calendrical Festivals

Latvians, like many other nations of the world, used to arrange their life events and works in accordance with the calendar of the nature, the winter and summer solstices and the autumn and spring equinoxes considered as the reference points. The autumn-winter season began on Michaelmas (the Feast of Saint Michael and All Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 117

Angels) on September 29 and ended up with the Shrovetide season. When celebrating spring festivals, people expressed their hopes and concerns about the future harvest and fertility. The autumn season was intended for joy, the thanks for the harvest, and requests for the assistance and strength in the future. To gain favour of the forces of nature, Latvians would kill and sacrifice a rooster both in autumn and in spring (Līdeks [1940] 1991: 256–257). St. Michael’s Day would mean the beginning of the fun time of the autumn-winter calendrical carnival processions that ended with Shrovetide. The first information about the costumed characters of the Latvian calendrical festivals in the rural environment was recorded, typically for the Baltic countries, in the writings of disseminators and guard- ians of Christianity in 1636 (Einhorn [1636] 1848: 622–623). The noisy costumed processions were inconsistent with solemn ecclesiastical festivals. The Evangelical Lutheran Church, as well as the Catholic Church in Lithuania, made every effort to eliminate the pre-Christian customs and songs by different means: the prohibitions by the clergy addressed to rural communities, regulations, and letters. On the other hand, only because the “inappropriate” calendrical customs were recorded in the decrees and writings of the German priests in the 17th century, written evidence of their existence at the time survived. Paul Einhorn, superintendant of the Duchy of Kurzeme (Cour- land) and Zemgale (Semigallia) of German descent, born and raised in Iecava, was proficient in Latvian and had a great influence on the activity of the Church and priests. In his studies and writings, he re- peatedly attacked the traditional Latvian winter solstice celebration in Kurzeme and the so-called Bluķa vakars [Log’s Evening] in it (Einhorn [1636] 1848: 622–623; Jansons [1933] 2010: 49; Vītoliņš 1973: 40–41). Upon writing Historia Lettica [A History of Latvians] in 1642, Einhorn concluded that Latvians adopted the celebration from the ancient profane pagan Greeks and others who in December used to have a similar shameless celebration in honour of Comus, the god of festivity, revels, and nocturnal dalliances. As mentioned above, Einhorn’s work was the first written source that recorded the Latvian 118 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

custom of dressing up during calendrical festivals as well as the information about sacrificing a sheep to a wolf, widespread inV idzeme (Livonia, literally meaning ‘the Middle Land’) and in Latgale (Latga- lia, Eastern Latvia), and a Christmas song-circle dance The Wolf and the Goat, symbolising the battle of darkness and light (Einhorn 1649; Vītoliņš 1973: 41). Shrovetide has different names in different places of Latvia: Metenis, Meteņi, Metiņdiena, Miezmežu diena, Miesmetis, Vastlāvis, Vastlāvji, Vasatalāvis, Vastlāvu diena, Lastavāgis50, Aizgavēnis, Budēļi, Buduļdiena, Budēļu vakars, Skulduru vakars51, Pīrāgu diena, Pīrāgi, Ķuļu vakars, Kurmju vakars (Olupe 1982: 75), while in the seaside settlements around Ventspils, it is called Zvejas diena, Stūrmaņu diena (Ventspils 2013). Once it was the most important festival of the Lat- vian agrarian calendar between Christmas and Easter, the borderline between winter and spring. Contrary to songs, Latvian and Lithuanian Shrovetide customs had a lot in common. Like in Lithuania, people in Latvia visited one another, rode in horse-drawn carriages and sleighs, and went sleighing and sledding downhill or skated on the ice, believing that riding and skating would result in the good growth of flax. When coming down the hill, people competed who would go the farthest, and then sang the traditional Shrovetide songs and boasted: “My Dad’s flax is the longest!”, “My Dad’s is even longer, with golden buttons at the ends!” Everybody believed that, the farther they would go, the taller the flax would grow (Olupe 1982: 77). Some people were sledding downhill, while some other made fires and burnt straw, drank beer, and ate pigs’ feet. Pigs’ offal, such as feet or head, were made use of in almost all rituals of winter holidays. They were cooked, specially kept until the cru- cial moment of the festival, then used in ritual actions and eaten, and their remains were buried. The bones of the pigs’ feet were collected

50 The name of Vastlāvis comes from the German die Fastnacht/Fastelauendt, the evening before Lent. 51 From La. skulduris – part of a boiled pig leg (a knuckle), a traditional Shrovetide dish (ME III: 903). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 119 and taken outside, so that the pigs would be calm and fat all the year. Pigs’ head was cooked with flour and field beans, i.e. a dish was made similar to the Lithuanian šiupinys52 [pease pudding]. The snout would be given to children with the wishes for them to succeed in learning. The pigs’ head was related to one of the Shrovetide customs – driving out of Metenis, an evil spirit. A similar tradition was observed on the day of Tenis, the patron of pigs, celebrated on January 17. Children were lured to keep a sack into which gifts from Metenis were to come. Afterwards, some things were thrown into the sack, followed by a pig head, and then cold water was splashed on those involved in the game. Shrove Tuesday could not do without pastries and pies, therefore, in some places, the festival was called a ‘Pie Day’. A savoury pie was made from dough, ground hemp, roasted meat, and onions. In the evening, both the costumed people and other participants of the festival would get together at some farmer’s place, enjoy the traditional Shrove Tuesday dishes, and have a good time. Shrovetide, as mentioned before, meant the end of the merry time of dressing up. On the last day, the tradition of dressing up was practiced especially intensely.53 The costumed characters were walk-

52 Šiupinys [a pease pudding] is a fatty dish made of different cereals (usually barley), field beans, peas, chopped or mashed potatoes, and pork offal (ears, legs, heads, and tails); sometimes flour was added. It used to be made on Shrovetide, Christ- mas, or on the completion of some hard work. 53 In the Lutheran part of Latvia, the Ash Day (La. Pelnu diena) – the first day of Lent – little differed from Shrove Tuesday. Only Latgale, the Catholic part of Latvia, observed peace and fasting. In other places, festivities continued. In some places of Latvia, the Ash Day was the day of moving to another place of residence. Farm hands or young people, who were leaving large families behind, would take some ash from the fireplace as a kind of blessing. Those staying behind were throwing ash after those leaving the place, expecting misfortunes and laziness to leave together with the person. Most of the Ash Day practices were related to fertility. On that day, neighbours wished one another to enjoy tall flax and to have the cabbage protected from pests. Ash was scattered in fields and kitchen gardens, so that insects would not harm the plants and the crops would be good. Ash was also scattered on animals to protect them against mosquito and other insect bites. In the evening, when going to 120 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

ing door-to-door to ensure fertility through songs and dances and to drive away evil spirits through making a lot of noise (Līdeks [1940] 1991: 257). The costumed processions were associated with the so- called productive magic: farmers believed that magic actions could ensure good crops, affluence, and prosperity at home. The costumed processions in Latvia involved people of different age. They were coming in a mixed group, led by a ‘father’ (’father stilt walker’, ‘father awakener’), while other participants were called ‘children’ (‘Mārtiņš’s children’, ‘children-dancers’, ‘Gypsy children’). In comparison with Lithuanian costumed characters of the winter calendrical holidays, Latvian ones had many more different names: bubuļi, budēļi, buduļi, buki, būzgaļi, buzuļi, čigāni, danča berni, joku Pēteri, kaiti, kaladnieki, kaļadi, kaļadnieki, ķekatas, ķekatnieki, ķikuti, ķiņķēziņi, maskarati, maski54, miežvilki55, nabagi, ubagi, skutelnieki56, talderi, ķēmi, spokstiņi, vecīši.57 The dressed up people made efforts to be unrecog- nised, they would put on either human masks or masks imitating animals or inanimate things (e.g., ‘Broom’, ‘Rye Sheaf ’, or ‘Haystack’).58 Everyone tried to change their voices or shapes, to smudge or cover the face, or cross-dress. Although the present research is not devoted to the discussion or analysis of masks,59 the studies of the costumed character songs

the inn, men would take a bag of ash with them. The innkeeper then would treat them to vodka and beer (Līdeks [1940] 1991: 258). 54 Mask, an internationally-known term of a European origin, came to Latvia rather late and was distributed only in some regions (Rancāne 2009: 47). 55 From German Roggenwolf or Kornwolf, La. rudzu-ruņģis, interpreted by Jānis Alberts Jansons as a demon of vegetation (Olupe 1982: 16). 56 From La. skutele [a louse]. 57 Etymologically, vecīši are associated with souls, the cult of the dead (Olupe 1982: 17). 58 Rancāne, based on the beliefs and intepretations of other authors, related the masks representing those specific objects to winter festivals celebrated for 12 days (from Christmas to Epiphany) and to twelve months of a year. Thus, e.g., a haystack was a symbol of July, while a bear symbolised March (Rancāne 2009: 40–41). 59 Jansons divided the masks of the Latvian costumed characters and the characters themselves into anthropomorphic (i.e., having human characteristics) and non-anthropomorphic (having no human characteristics). In the case of anthropomorphic Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 121 are inseparable from their performers or just participants of the costumed processions. The anthropomorphic characters of the ‘beggar’ and the ‘Jew’, popular in Lithuania and particularly in Žemaitija, existed in Latvia as well, however, they were rare (Rancāne 2009: 44). In the 20th century, Latvians disguised themselves as ‘Jews’ merely in Kurzeme and Zemgale, along the border with Lithuania. Their appearance fully corresponded to the image of a Jewish merchant, with the features of the anthropological type slightly exaggerated, however, the masks of the Latvian ‘Jews’ never had the terrible countenance that the Lithuanian ‘Jews’ did. Their actions, just like in Lithuania, were related to their businesses, crafts, occupations, or character traits, as demonstrated by a four-line verse: Spice, mice, adatine, knope, diege, krinoline, skīve, glāze, kofetase, apakštase, galda naze [Lace, cap, needle, button, thread, crinoline, plate, glass, coffee mug, plate, knife] ( Jan- sons [1933] 2010: 146, 152, 184).

A Jew took his Jewish woman For a drive in a tub. A Gypsy with a whip Made his Gypsy woman dance. A German was enticing his housewife With an apple, While a beggar man was tempting his woman With a crust of bread. (Jelgava district) (LTD 1952–1956 a)

Latvian folklore reflected a multitude of images of the Jews, and the images were mainly the same as in Lithuania: an itinerant peddler

masks, the most important part was the face. In accordance with their activities, masks with human features were classified into: 1) the bridegroom and the bride; 2) those representing nationalities; and 3) those indicating crafts. Masks with non- human characteristics were classified into: 1) animals and birds; 2) various shapes and mystical creatures. More interesting masks, having no equivalents or only vague equivalents, included (La.) Garā Grieta [Long Greta], Garā Sieva [Long Crone], Brīvais Gigants [Free Giant], Mazais Vīriņš [Small Guy], ‘Haystack’, ‘Broom’, ‘Sieve’, ‘Rye Sheaf ’, ‘Musician on a Haystack’, ‘Death Cap’, ‘Living Corpse’, ‘Good Luck and Bad Luck’, etc. (Jansons [1933] 2010: 148–168, 151, 154–168). 122 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

or a peripatetic tailor, yet none of them was inimical or hateful (Dreif- elds 1996: 37). Latvian songs more often disparaged Germans and Russians, while Jews were commonly treated either in a good-natured way or, at worst, with indifference. The stereotypical image of Jews in Latvian folkore demonstrated a benign but condescending attitude. Pity, not hostility, more often than not characterized Latvian attitudes toward Jews. Some references to Jews were less than flattering, even deprecatingly anti-Semitic, but seldom hostile. To quote a Jewish observer, who was remembering the first year of Latvian Independence in the first half of the 20th century, a glass wall of anti-Semitism separated them from the Latvian majority of the population (Lumans 2006: 221). In Latvia, like in Lithuania, the Jewish population was concentrated in the cities, especially in Latgala. They had closer contacts with the Russian and German communities than with Latvi- ans. Incidentally, community relations, and especially in the provinces, were also peaceful, yet the differences in traditions and religions created a certain distance. The Latvian ‘beggar’ character in his appearance and actions little differed from a similar figure widespread in Lithuania and all over Europe ( Jansons [1933] 2010: 153). In the latest Rancāne’s research in Latvian calendrical festivals, the masks of ‘beggars’ and ‘Jews’ were assigned to those the information about which was limited (Rancāne 2009: 73). On looking through the latest illustrated Lithuanian and Latvian publications on the costumed characters of calendrical festivals published at the very end of the 20th century and in the early 21st century (Rancāne 2009; UK 2009; Vaicekauskas 2014), or when watching video recordings of their processions on the Internet, at first glance, both the Lithuanian and Latvian ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, or ‘Gypsies’ looked very similar. The costumed ‘Gypsies’ of Latvia participated in almost all autumn–winter festivals, especially in the Christmas and the New Year processions, and the entire costumed procession was called ‘Gypsies’. In the lyrics of the songs, ‘Gypsies’ were frequent characters, and their songs had a typical refrain totari and its variations. In Lithuania, peo- Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 123 ple dressed up as ‘Gypsies’ in Aukštaitija, along the border with Lat- vian Augšžeme (Selonia, literally ‘the Highland’) and Latgale, more often during Christmas than during Shrovetide (Vaicekauskas 2005: 102). One could assume that the Lithuanian and Latvian costumed ‘Gypsies’ shared a common area of the character distribution; true, that did not apply to calendrical songs. In Žemaitija, costumed ‘Gyp- sies’ would also appear, however, only in rare cases. In the late 20th and early 21st century, the ‘Gypsy’ character was very popular throughout Lithuania, and especially with children, mainly girls, sometimes accompanied by boys – ‘devils’, their faces covered in soot. Girls in bright Gypsy dresses (colourful scarves and long wide skirts), with make-up on their faces, knocked on the doors of apartment buildings, chanting We are Young Jews from Rietavas.

An Overview of the Carnival Character Songs During the Autumn-Winter Calendrical Festivals

The agricultural year and the solstice formed not only the calendrical customs, but also accounted for a diverse, extended cycle of Latvi- an calendrical songs. Folk songs are likely to have developed from the agrarian magic and beliefs, the cult of the Sun, and the fertility rituals. Agrarian customs predetermined two types of Latvian songs. One type was related to field and house works, and the other included festive calendrical songs performed on certain calendar days or in certain seasons, especially in the winter and summer solstices. The latter songs had nothing to do with the processes of work, even though they originated from the peasant agrarian environment. Based on the functional and stylistic features, calendrical-ritual songs were divided into two large groups: 1) the autumn and winter songs performed in the costumed processions and containing distinct dance elements, and 2) the spring and summer songs with their elevated lyricism and free and poetic sound in the natural environment (Vītoliņš 1973: 38–39). 124 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

In the first scientific study of Latvian calendrical songs published in the early 20th century, Andrejs Jurjāns categorised them into the autumn and winter ’Christmas’ ones, the ‘rotāšanas’ sung in spring, and the ‘līgo’ sung in summer. Among the autumn songs, Jurjāns named work songs (those of milling, weaving, spinning, etc.), which were also sung in winter while engaging in the said activities. In winter, from Christmas to Metenis, alms-collecting songs with typical refrains were performed. Jurjāns believed that collecting alms survived only in the memories of individual old people and exclusively in eastern Latvia, where people lived in relative isolation, i.e. in individual farmsteads. In Central Latvia, according to Jurjāns, Christmas songs were altogether unknown. He justified his viewpoint by comparing Latvian winter calendrical songs to Slavic Christmas songs and customs. Latvian songs, performed by Latvians dressed up as ‘Gypsies’ or ‘Goats’, had the same meaning as in the case of the Slavs. As mentioned above, Jurjāns saw links between the Latvian songs and customs and the ancient Greek Dyonysia ( Jurjānu Andrejs 1903: 7, 25–26). In any case, the Latvian Christmas songs belonged to the common area of Eastern European nations, and especially the Slavs, as well as Romanians, Lithuanians, Estonians, etc. Just several songs among the Latvian Christmas ones were related to the Christian theme of the birth of God, and they had originated in monasteries in the 15th through the 16th centuries. Merely in some of the Christmas songs of Latgale, those developing the themes of the birth of God, one could feel the impact of the church liturgy. In general, the content of the majority of the Latvian Christ- mas songs was of a secular character (Vītoliņš 1973: 41–42). The Latvian Shrovetide songs belonged to the group of autumn and winter calendrical songs performed by costumed characters. The autumn-winter songs were first sung in autumn: on St. Michael’s Day (Michaelmas, or Miķeļa diena, September 29), on St. Martin’s Day (Martinmas, or Martiņa diena, November 11), on St. Catherine’s Day (Katrīnas diena, November 25), and on St. Andrew’s Day (Andreja diena, November 30), however, they were most widely performed in honour of the return of the Sun, the victory of the Sun, and its rebirth Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 125 in the period of the winter solstice during Christmas and the New Year (La. Ziemassvētki). After the New Year, the costumed characters participated in the mid-winter celebration devoted to the patron of pigs Tenis (Teņa diena, St. Anthony’s, January 17). The costumed processions ended up with Shrovetide (the most popular names of the period were Metenis and Vastlāvis; in some places, they were indicated as being celebrated on February 23, in other places, 46 days prior to Christmas), the switch from winter to spring. From the names given to the above mentioned costumed processions, the names of the winter calendrical songs originated: ‘Christ- mas cadger’, ‘stilt walker’, ‘awakener’, ‘Gypsy’, ‘beggar’, and other songs. The differences in the names of processions revealed the general regional character and the uniqueness of local customs and songs. Local differences in the customs and songs were obvious. The musical material of melodies outlined the area of the Christmas songs in Lat- gale and Eastern Vidzeme; ‘stilt walker’ songs were performed in Nica and Barta in Kurzeme, those of ‘awakeners’, in Western Zemgale and Kurzeme, and the late period ‘Gypsy’ songs, in Kurzeme and in some locations in Vidzeme. Not very numerous songs of the autumn festivals – those of St. Martin, St. Michael, St. Catherine, and St. Andrew – were performed to commemorate those specific days. The songs of ‘stilt walkers’, ‘awakeners’, or ‘Gypsies’ were considered to be Christmas songs (ziemas svētki dziesmas), however, they could be sung all throughout the period of the autumn-winter calendrical festivals.The comparison of those calendrical songs and the costumed characters and customs ( Jansons [1933] 2010: 135) revealed obvious syncretism. Just like in Lithuania, the costumed characters walked from homestead to homestead in a noisy group (Vītoliņš 1973: 39), singing, jumping, dancing, and playing pranks. Songs and noise made with various household items as well as the music of wind and other instruments were an integral part of the procession. The most interesting and the wittiest part would start when the crowd would get inside. The eldest women who led the singing would beat the rhythm by 126 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 49. Distribution of costumed character songs during the autumn and winter holidays in Latvia. 1 – Songs of St. Martin, St. Michael, St. Catherine, and St. Andrew Days; 2 – winter solstice songs with the refrains kalado!, kaladū!, kolando!, kolada!, koledō!, or kaledō!; 3 – winter solstice songs with the refrain totari!; 4 – winter solstice songs with other refrains; 5 – ‘stilt walker’ songs; 6 – ‘awakener’ songs; 7 – ‘Gypsy’ songs; 8 – other songs of winter festivals; 9 – Shrove Tuesday songs; 10 – ‘Tenis day’ songs (GIDz 1973: 591)

knocking on the floor with a special musical instrument ērkulis60 or with a fir tree stick, because the songs of the costumed procession were characterised by the rhythmics of dance, and the melodics was exclusively simple, syllabic, of a narrow range, and relatively primitive. The symbolic meaning of the costumed character actions lay in the fact that, in agrarian magic, they were regarded as the good spirits of the house, bringing the well wishes of prosperity, success, and fertility. The fertility wishes accounted for the elements of sexuality, expressed in the customs and songs of the carnival procession. The songs of the carnival procession were performed collectively, without dividing them into men and women’s songs. Different texts were often sung to the same tune. However, from the melodic view- 60 Ērkulis: Latvian folk percussion instrument (LLŽ). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 127 point, the songs differed stylistically both in terms of the locality and the customs. In Latgale, the Christmas songs were more solemn than the fast ‘awakener’ songs accompanied by sharp cries, or than the light ‘stilt walker’ songs popular in Nica, or the humorous ‘Gypsy’ songs. Most of the carnival refrain song melodies (86%) featured narrow tetrachord and terzchord intonational modal combinations. The remaining part reached an ambitus of the fifth or even wider. Lat- vian ethnomusicologists believed that those characteristics testified to an ancient character of those songs and the archaism of the carnival singing tradition; they were not regarded as ‘primitivism’ or just the specificity of the genre. In the context of the custom, carnival songs called for simple recitative and for clear and expressive, but not sophisticated, melodics, which survived to the present day. Over 60% melodies of the songs recorded after the Second World War testified to the statement (Vītoliņš 1973: 46).

Shrovetide (Metenis, Vastlāvis) and Tenis’ Day (Teņa diena) Songs

Jēkabs Vītoliņš, editor of the collection of Latvian calendrical ritual songs, argued that the content of folk songs and the comments of informants led to the identification of a relatively small number of Latvi- an Shrovetide songs. A solid song collection Gadskārtu ieražu dziesmas [Calendrical Songs] included six Metenis/Vastlāvis songs with melodies (GIDz 1973: 156–158), and another collection, Ziemassvētku dziesmas [Christmas Carols], one Vastlāvis circle dance Tupi lāci, tupi lāci [Sit, Bear, Sit, Bear] (ZDz 2011 a: 72). However, the motifs of Shrovetide could be found in some other winter calendrical songs, those of ‘stilt walkers’, ‘awakeners’, ‘Gypsies’, and ‘Tenis’. The Latvian Shrovetide songs did not stand out from other autumn-winter calendrical songs by any special musical expression. From that viewpoint, they were close to other refrain and non-refrain winter carnival procession songs. They 128 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

differed from others due to Shrovetide being mentioned in the texts: Metenis, Vastlāvis, and Ash Wednesday, through references to riding and sledding downhill as well as the expressed hopes for tall flax and large cabbage heads the next year. Metenis, coming over the hill, was supposed to bring a pig’s ear, barley flour, etc. Shrovetide songs were also characterised by refrains Paņudis, paņudis! or Ē, vastalāvi!, untypical of other seasonal festivals (Vītoliņš 1973: 48). Fig. 50. Metenis is Wiggling in the Corner (GIDz 1973: 231)

Metenis is wiggling in the corner, Waiting for Ash Wednesday.

Fig. 51. Come, Come, Metenitis (GIDz 1973: 232)

Come, come, Metenitis, So many people are waiting for you.

Fig. 52. Swish-swish, Metenitis (GIDz 1973: 233) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 129

Swish-swish,61 Metenitis, move, move !62 Down the hill move, move!

Let the flax grow long, move, move! With gilded buds, move, move!

Fig. 53. Jump, Stilt Walkers, Jump (GIDz 1973: 234)

Jump, stilt walkers, jump, E, vastalāvi!

Fig. 54. Dance, Mistress of the House, on the Metenitis Evening (GIDz 1973: 235)

Dance, mistress of the house, On the Metenitis evening! Let the cows and bulls dance In the meadow in the spring!

61 La. vizu, vizu imitates the Latvian vizināt [to cart]. 62 La. Paņudis, paņudis! – Move, move. La. ņudēt [to swarm, to seethe]. 130 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 55. Sit, Bear, Sit, Bear (ZDz 2011: 69)

Sit, bear, sit, bear, The mistress of the house will pay. Five hams of tomcat’s meat, Three dough-balls of ground bread.

Meanwhile, in the lyrics of the Žemaitijan and generally in Lith- uanian Shrovetide songs, the very name of Shrovetide was seldom mentioned. Dovydaitis recorded a text in Mosėdis which used to be sung by young people, swinging on the swings installed in the barn:

On Shrove Tuesday, A billy goat was mowing hay, He built himself a cabin And met Stabūda. The billy goat moved fast And crashed into Stabūda (UD 2014: 25)

As demonstrated by the examples of the Latvian song melodies, most of them featured a recurring musical motif based on an ambitus of the fourth (which was sometimes expanded to the minor seventh by a leap to the sub-fifth). The songsPadejoi, saiminiece [Dance, Mistress of the House] and Tupi lāci, tupi lāci [Sit, Bear, Sit, Bear] stood out by their melodic and rhythmical pattern and the form of the melody of the former: the first phrase of the song – a refrain. They belonged to the layer of late songs and could be seen as relatively close to the circle dances and the dances of ‘Gypsies’ or ‘Jews’ performed in Lithuania. Not really plentiful Shrovetide songs were interesting from the modal viewpoint. The recitative type melody Metens kaktā sukājāsi [Metenis is Wiggling in the Corner] contained the 4th degree altera- Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 131 tion that caused the tonal centre to shift for a short time to the fifth scale degree: a deviation was created. Even if the number of the melodies was not large, attention was attracted by three songs in a minor harmonic scale that could be regarded as versions of one melody performed with three different texts. Rare Latvian Tenis’ songs (Teņa, or St. Anthony’s, Day, was celebrated on January 17) had a common semantic field with Shrove- tide songs: Ak tu, cūku Tenisiņ [Oh You Pigs’ Tenytis] or Paldies cūku tunītimi [Thanks to Pigs’ Tunytis] (GIDz 1973: 156) were sung in a pigpen, with the celebrating people dancing round the stall (Vītoliņš 1973: 48). Fig. 56. Oh You Pigs’ Tenytis (GIDz 1973: 228)

Oh You Pigs’ Tenytis, You graceful pig!

Fig. 57. Thanks to Pigs’ Tunytis (GIDz 1973: 229)

Thanks to Pigs’ Tunytis For tending my pigs.

The Day of Tenis, the patron of pigs, marked mid-winter and was intended to ensure the welfare of pigs. Tenis was imagined by people as 132 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

a dwarf, disgusting in his appearance, who lived in a pig stall or in the attic under the beams. On Tenis’ Day (as well as during Shrovetide), the following game was played: a child or someone who did not know the custom was handed a sack to be kept open. Some people hiding in the attic would make noise as if trying to turn somebody out. The person with the sack was instructed not to miss the turned out dwarf and to catch it in the sack. Half of a pig’s head was thrown into the sack, and the holder of the sack had cold water splashed over him. If the pig’s head landed in the sack, and the sack holder got drenched to the skin, it meant that the next year pigs were to breed and fatten well. Then the head would be cooked with flour and field beans. The gnawed bones were thrown to the pigs’ stall in order to have many healthy piglets the next year. The head of the household had to eat the snout so that things would go well in the coming year. Swineherds were given the cartilages of the snout to be burried outside so that pigs would root the ground less frequently or more peacefully. On Tenis’ Day, just like during Shrovetide, people were sleighing and sledding down the hill in the hope to have the flax grow tall. Usu- ally the celebration would end in shepherd dancing. Everyone went to to the nearest inn and indulged in drinking – that allegedly ensured fat piglets and good fattening of the pigs. Children would also be taken to the inn; they had to dance so that the next year piglets would be nimble. The customs similar to those of the Lithuanian Shrovetide were observed in Latvia during Candlemas, or the Candle Day (Sveču diena, February 2). On that day, candles were moulded, expecting them to shine more brightly and to burn longer. Just like on Tenis’ Day, people cooked a pig’s head with flour and field beans (pease pudding) and porridge. Into the bowls with the porridge, small candles were inserted, to prevent flax from being beaten down. A widespread belief prescribed a lot of laughing on Candlemas, so that all the year would be joyful and happy (Līdeks [1940] 1991: 256–257). Lithuanians had to behave in a similar way on Shrove Tuesday. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 133

The melodics and metrorythmics of theT enis’ Day songs basically did not differ from the Shrovetide Metenis and Vastlāvis songs. The Latvian Shrovetide and Tenis’ Day songs had actually little in common with the songs of the costumed ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, or ‘Gyp- sies’ sung in Žemaitija. They were somewhat related through abstract things, e.g., due to some Žemaitijan ‘Jew’ or ‘Gypsy’ songs and circle dances being of a dance character, like the Latvian ones. Certain similarities with Lithuanian songs can only be found in the late-layer Latvian songs, e.g., Dance, Mistress of the House, on the Metenitis Eve- ning, which, like the Lithuanian songs of the same type, even if they acquired local colour, had been affected by, or even may have originated from, the common European musical tradition. The lyrics of the songs also differed, especially because of the fact that the Latvian texts named and rather openly presented folk beliefs and the causal relations of the performed ritual acts. That did not apply to Lithuanian texts, or only minimal rudiments of beliefs could be traced there, however, a different nature of those songs was more evident. Thus, e.g., pork was mentioned in the songs of both nations, yet a slice of fat pork cadged in ‘beggar’ songs and a good place in the Kingdom of Heaven promised to the benefactor in exchange for it had a different meaning than the pig’s ear brought by Latvian Metenis.

The Costumed ‘Awakener’ (Bubuli, Budēļi, Buduļi) Songs63

The songs of Latvian costumed ‘awakeners’, or budēļi, were sung in Western Zemgale and Kurzeme (especially in the districts of Saldus, Tukums, Talsi, Dobele), but not in Vidzeme, Latgale, or in Zemgale east of Jelgava. In the living tradition of singing poetry, they survived till as late as the 50s to 60s of the 20th century. The texts of the ‘awakener’ songs were closely related to the carnival traditions. Those were the songs of the ‘awakener’ procession coming 63 The name is traced to Lith. budinti [to awaken, wake up] (Olupe 1982: 15). 134 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

and greeting the master of the house and his family during Christmas season, the songs about them, the songs of masks and characters, and finally, the farewell songs. Frequently several songs were sung to the same tune. The songs of ‘awakeners’ were performed fast and loud, they contained threatening cries, such as “bū”, “ū”, “urr”, or “br” that those songs often ended with. Some of the descriptions of the performance and stylistics of the texts were accompanied by the informants’ comments: in the course of singing, the singers would sometimes shout “Bū!” and sometimes yell an angry “Brrr!”, or one of the woman would recite the text, while others would circle around and growl “Bb!Vv!” (GIDz 1973: 138–142). The metrorythmic structure of the ‘awakener’ songs was very stable, i.e., duple metres with recitative syllabic rhythmics. In the intonations of the melodic line, the intervalics of the fourths stood out, and frequently two intonations of the fourths were combined, e.g., d1-g1-c2. A static melody was performed at a fast tempo, in an accentuated way, and the rhythm was beaten with a stick. Fig. 58. A Brown Goat, Horns of Bronze (GIDz 1973: 178)

A brown goat, horns of bronze, All its four feet shoed. Guys will ride on it To church on Sundays. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 135

A special melodic case was minor chord of the sixth with an acen- tuated low intonation of the third: Fig. 59. I know, I know (GIDz 1973: 186)

I know, I know Where the meat is stored. On the shelf in the pantry, A small cross above it.

The arrangement of the melody within the boundaries of a major triad, especially in the position of the six-four chord, was rather typical. It produced certain so-called ‘flourishing’ sound that could have got into the melody of the song from the instrumental music which used to be played in the procession. Fig. 60. Oh Old Awakener (ZDz 2011: 9)

Oh old awakener, Lash my daughter-in-law, For lashing her, I shall give you a pair of gloves. Hop-hop, lambs, hop-hop, small kids, I am also jumping on an awakener evening. 136 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 61. Oh Old Awakener (GIDz 1973: 174)

Oh old awakener, Lash my daughter-in-law, For lashing her, I shall give you a pair of gloves.

Fig. 62. Good Evening, Mistress of the House (ZDz 2011: 36)

Good evening, mistress of the house, Did you wait for awakeners? If you waited for awakeners, Open the door wide.

The ambitus of the melodies ranged from the fifth to the octave, however, most frequently, it fitted in the boundaries of the sixth and the seventh. The exceptions were ‘awakener’ melodies in the interval of the major second and melodic structures of the fourth falling down from the tonic. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 137

Fig. 63. Where Have the Children Gone (GIDz 1973: 188)

Where have the children gone With their bare tummies? They have eaten all the meat, Only bones are left! Urrr!

Fig. 64. Oh Old Awakener (GIDz 1973: 189)

1. Oh old awakener, Let me in your house! I’ll treat you to the meat of lamb With all the ribs.

2. She is a good mistress And fed us well. She gave us mushroom soup And silver spoons.

Among the ‘awakener’ as well as the Shrovetide songs, one could find rather expanded melodious tunes, considered to be examples of the melodics of a late layer (Vītoliņš 1973: 46–47). 138 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 65. Chigu chagu a Hare was Leaping (GIDz 1973: 184)

Chigu chagu a hare was leaping From a bush to a bush. The awakener was chigging From yard to yard.

An exclusive element of the costume of an ‘awakener’ was a high hat. In Lithuania, similar hats were worn by the inviters to a wedding, or sometimes by the non-singing characters Lašininis and Kanapinis.

Fig. 66. Costumed ‘awakeners’ in Latvia (Budeli; Budeli 2012) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 139

Fig. 67. An inviter to the wedding in Kupiškis (Lithuania) (Sekundė 2013)

Fig. 68. Lašininis and Kanapinis Fig. 69. Kanapinis. Shrove Tues- (VE 2013). Photo by E. Jankauskas day in Klaipėda 2013. Photo by L. Petrošienė 140 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The Costumed ‘Stilt Walker’ (Ķekatas, Ķekatnieki) Songs64

‘To go as ķekatas, to dress up in ķekatas’ is a rather common name for an alms collector procession, best known in Liepaja district: ‘stilt walker’ songs were mainly performed in the vicinity of Nica and Barta and seldom travelled beyond the said small area. In that region, costumed characters were rarely referred to as ‘Gypsies’, although Gyp- sies were mentioned in the lyrics of the ‘stilt walker’ songs ( Jansons [1933] 2010: 83). In terms of content, the ‘stilt walker’ songs, just like the songs of other costumed characters, were related to fertility, however, they were also characterised by specific themes and style. ‘Stilt walkers’ brought affluence to homes, drove “bay horses” to the stable and “speckled hens” to the hen house, trampled down weeds in the flax field, jumped in the garden to make “swede and cabbage – round heads” grow large, praised the food and drinks and the ‘stilt walkers’ themselves – ‘father stilt walker’ and ‘mother stilt walker’ as well as the generosity of the mistress of the house ( Jansons [1933] 2010: 95–97). In the corpus of the melodies, two or three melodic types predominated, followed by a number of their versions. The metrorhythmic structure of the ‘stilt walker’ melodies stood out from other calendrical refrain songs by the changing 2/4 and 3/8 metres, which was un- characteristic of the costumed character songs in other regions. Those musical traits provided the ‘stilt walker’ songs with a light, flexible, and nimble character. Melodeclamation, similar to the ‘awakener’ songs, was syllabic, without any melodic embellishments. The songs were performed at a fast tempo and related to the movement of the ‘stilt walker’ jumping. Sometimes the characters actually had stilts (Rancāne 2009: 198) or performed springing movements in the circle dances of the procession (Kekatas 2012). The character of the performance of those songs presupposed clearly expressed rhythmic accents, emphasised by the knocking with an erkulis, or a fir tree stick, on the floor. 64 Ķekatas [stilts] (Kekatas). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 141

Fig. 70. Latvian costumed ‘stilt walkers’ (ķekatas) (Gunta 2012)

The use of stilts in Žemaitija during Shrovetide was not recorded in the ethnographic materials of the 19th through the 20th centuries, or such materials have not been discovered yet. However, in the contemporary artistic interpretations of folklore, the element was already used. In 2014, during the Song Festival Here is My Home, in the Ensemble Evening programme, the Žemaitijan representives were performing a Shrove Tuesday procession. The main focus of that artistic episode was traditional wooden and contemporary metal stilts with steel coil springs. On those stilts, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic characters, such as ‘Heron’, ‘Goat’, ‘Morė’ (an effigy of winter), Lašininis, Kanapinis, and ‘Gypsy’, imitated the actions of a carnival procession, while the male participants of dance groups performed folk dances not in clogs, bast-shoes, or nagines (sandals made of a single piece of leather), but standing on stilts (VK 2014). On Shrove Tuesday in 2015, in some places of Lithuania – in Kernavė and in Rastinėnai – stilts were already included in the community seasonal 142 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 71. Miners’ Shrovetide in No- vokuznetsk in 1984 (NVK 1984)

programmes. It is interesting to note that stilt walkers were also recorded in Southwestern Siberia in Russia, in Novokuznetsk (Kemero- vo Oblast). The intonational boundaries of the Latvian ‘stilt walker’ melodies, contrary to those of the ‘awakeners’ or ‘Gypsies’, were narrow-range recitatives. A major third interval predominated, extended by a lower basic tone, however, minor versions existed as well. Fig. 72. Ķekatā, ļekatā (GIDz 1973: 164)

1. Kekata, lekata, We’ll jump into a swede garden plot. 2. Let swede and cabbage G Grow with lush leaves! 3. The lamb wool was lush, 4. Let the mistress of the house thrive, too! Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 143

Fig. 73. Watch over your awls (GIDz 1973: 167)

Watch over your awls, Watch over your brushes! There are thieves Among the stilt walkers.

Some narrow range melodies were composed of the repetition of the first musical sentence a fourth or a third lower, thus forming a kind of a two-tonality space, and sometimes a pentatonic structure. Fig. 74. Open the Door, Open the Door (GIDz 1973: 166)

Open the door, open the door, Mistress of the house, Stilt-walkers arrived In their carts!

‘Stilt walker’ songs were also performed in bourdon, a part-singing manner typical of Latvian folk songs. 144 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 75. Please, Mother (ZDz 2011: 39)

Please, Mother, Let the children in!

Lyrical tunes, even if sometimes employed in ‘stilt walker’ songs, were not typical of the performances of those costumed characters (Vītoliņš 1973: 46). Fig. 76. I have not Seen or Heard (GIDz 1973: 171)

For a long time, I have not seen or heard The New Year steed.

The Costumed ‘Gypsy’ Songs

The custom of ‘dressing up as Gypsies’, ‘going as Gypsies’ during the autumn-winter calendrical festivals was known, and survived till the present time, all over Latvia (Rancāne 2009: 52–58). In Latgale, Christmas carnival processions, in spite of the characters being called Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 145 different names (‘kaļadi’, ‘kaiti’, ‘talderi’, ‘čigāni’, etc.), had a general name of ‘Gypsies’, and their procession was called ‘going as Gypsies’ ( Jansons [1933] 2010: 133). The ‘Gypsies’ would cover their faces with masks made of birch bark, glue a beard and moustache of the hards of flax, and put on a fur coat inside out. The overall image of a ‘Gypsy’ man, as a rule, did not have any anthropological features typical of a Romani male and was very similar to the Lithuanian costumed ‘Jews’ or ‘beggars’. The ‘Gypsy’ women by their outfit, appearance, and actions imitated the women of the Roma ethnic group: they wore colourful clothes, had colourful shawls over their heads and shoulders and around their waists, painted their lips bright red, and darkened their eyebrows.65 Sometimes ‘Gypsy’ males walked a bear or a horse and brandished a whip dzhin-dzhal-lā. Women would wear a rag doll – ‘a baby’ or a tambourine (GIDz 1973: 145; Rancāne 2009: 8–9, 22, 28, 33, 252). The Latvian ‘Gypsies’, just like the Lithuanian ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, or ‘Gypsies’, asked to be let inside and, if they were invited, the mistress of the house treated them to baked goods: scones, pancakes, and during Christmas, also to peas, while the master of the house would bring beer. The ‘Gypsies’ spoke ‘their own, Gypsy’ language, i.e., a mix of Latvian, Russian, and Polish, wished affluence to the dwellers of the house, cracked jokes, danced, played music, and sang their songs (Rancāne 2009: 53). The costumed ‘Gypsy’, as well as the Latvian Christmas, songs (to be dealt with in another section) were of a refrain type, just the semantics and the structure of their refrains differed. In Christmas songs, the refrains had formed historically in the context of the customs, and their place in the text and the form were strictly defined. The refrains were short and were repeated at the end of the second and the fourth lines. The refrains of the ‘Gypsy’ songs, called ‘modern songs’ already by Jansons ( Jansons [1933] 2010: 173), originated from the practice of dressing up as Gypsies. Their refrains were long, mak-

65 ‘Gypsies’ from Līvāni (Rancāne 2009: 22, 33, 124, 227, 252). 146 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

ing up the second half of the stanza, they were repeated twice, and sometimes the entire melody was sung to the refrain texts. Most of the late, or modern, ‘Gypsy’ songs were recorded in Kurzeme, in some places in Vidzeme and Western Zemgale, however, they were not typical of Latgale. The songs revealed the ‘Gypsy’ character which, as mentioned above, was illustrated by long, meaningless refrains mimicking the Gypsy language:

I have been a Gypsy’s wife, And my mother-in-law is a Gypsy Refrain: aidai dula, aidai dula. aidai rūdi rallallā! Jaha ziha, folda risa, Fitta risa aidai dula, aidai dula, aidai dula, aidai rūdi rallallā! (GIDz 1973: 146)

From that viewpoint, the Latvian costumed ‘Gypsy’ songs had things in common with the Lithuanian ‘Gypsy’, and especially with the ‘Jew’, songs. The most typical motifs of the late period ‘Gypsy’ songs included: My Good Mother, I’ll be a Gypsy, I am a Gypsy’s Daughter, I am a Gypsy’s Wife, Gypsy is my Dad, Gypsy is my Hubby, and Gypsy Taught me All his Crafts (Vītoliņš 1973: 47). With the song Laiž, māmiņa, istubāi [Let us in, Mum], into your sitting room, there are few of us! Five, six, but not more than three dozens (GIDz 1973: 150) or other similar songs, the ‘Gypsies’ would burst into the room. The ‘Gypsy’ songs in question were sung in major and minor late- layer melodies in the sixth, seventh, and octave ambituses. From the metrorhythmic viewpoint, the 2/4 metre ‘Gypsy’ song melodies were rather simple songs of dances or circle dances. Some melodies featured syncopated rhythm. It was those formal musical features (except for the minor mode) that were common both to the melodics of the ‘Gypsy’, ‘awakener’, and ‘stilt walker’ songs of the late layer of Lat- vian autumn-winter calendrical festivals and to that of the Lithuanian Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 147

Shrovetide costumed ‘Gypsy’ and ‘Jew’ songs. The argument (without looking for the similarity of the melodic line) could be illustrated by the songs I Have Been a Gypsy’s Girl, Oh, you Gypsy Woman, Chura- mara, and Three Jews Went to Jerusalem. Fig. 77. I have been a Gypsy’s Girl (GIDz 1973: 203)

I have been a Gypsy’s girl And walked around like a lady, Aaidū, tidrallā, aidū, tidrallā, Ā idlid lidadā, dailalā!

Fig. 78. Oh you Gypsy Woman, Churamara (ŽKT 2010: 52)

Oh you Gypsy woman, churamara, Churamara, churamara, She inspected my larder. Ei, dichi dani, chiura, China ana, ina na. 148 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 79. Three Jews Went to Jerusalem (ŽKT 2010: 49)

1. Three Jews were going to Jeruzalem, lem, lem, Je je je, ru, ru, rū, za, za za, lem, lem, lem. They all were going to Jerusalem, lem, lem. 2. The first was Isaac, the second was Abraham, And the third was Methuselah, Ma ma ma, tu, tu, tū, ze, ze, ze, lis, lis, lis.

The same group includes the changing duple and triple metre minor melodies, sounding exotic in the context of the melodics of ‘Gypsy’ songs. No minor melodies were found among the recorded Žemaitijan Shrovetide songs. Fig. 80. I have been a Gypsy’s Girl (GIDz 1973: 213) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 149

I have been a Gypsy’s girl And walked around like a lady, Aija fidriallā, aija ļirļir ļittatā! Taka allā dallalā!

Some narrow range Latvian ‘Gypsy’ melodies were closer to the old Latvian tetrachord (Čigāns mani iemācīja [A Gypsy Taught me]) or the ‘awakener’ type melodies (Dui, dui čigānini dieva bērni [Dui dui Young Gypsies, God’s Children]); they did not have refrains typical of the ‘Gypsy’ songs. Fig. 81. A Gypsy Taught me (GIDz 1973: 198)

1. A gypsy taught me Three-nine crafts.

2. To steal horses, to swap mares, And to lie with girls.

Fig. 82. Dui, dui, Young Gypsies (GIDz 1973: 210) 150 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

1. Dui dui young gypsies, God’s children, Where shall we cook porridge? There are bushes behind the hill, And we’ll cook porridge there.

2. Dui dui young gypsies, Where shall we sleep tonight? Some under a pine tree, some under a fir tree, And some under a birch or an oak tree.

Those going as ‘Gypsies’ during Shrovetide would also sing other songs, genre-free and with no clear specificity. Thus, e.g., humorous greetings and farewells bidden to the ‘Gypsies’ or cadgers, represented by the songs Labvakaru, saimeniece [Good Evening, Mistress] (ZDz 2011: 37), Prūjom, prūjom, vysi dīdeļnīki [Away with you, Vile Beggars], Danco, lāci, danco, lāci [Dance, Bear, Dance, Bear], Vecais āzis kruķos lēca [The Old Goat Gallops on Crutches] (GIDz: 153–154), were close to the songs of ‘stilt walkers’ and ‘awakeners’ (Vītoliņš 1973: 48). Fig. 83. Good Evening, Mistress (ZDz 2011: 37)

Good evening, mistress, Did you wait for us? Rai rai rai... Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 151

Fig. 84. Dance, Bear, Dance, Bear (ZDz 2011: 17)

Dance, bear, dance, bear, The mistress will pay. A bowl of butter, a piece of bread, And two handfuls of dollars. The lyrics of some texts had remote meaningful links with the Lithuanian (Žemaitijan) costumed characters’ songs. The links were predetermined by the similarity of customs and ritual actions: a carnival procession visiting homesteads, presenting themselves, greeting the master and mistress of the house, asking for food or gifts, and extending well wishes. In his song, a Latvian Gypsy complained being a homeless poor man and offered thanks for the received food and drink: Es nabaga čigāns, man dzimtenes nav! Paldies, tev, saimeniec, par pīrādziņu! Paldies, tev, saimeniek, par alutiņu! [I am a poor Gypsy, I have no home! Thank you, Mistress, for the wheat bread! Thank you, Master, for beer!] ( Jansons [1933] 2010: 123). Similar stages existed in the Lithuanian (Žemaitijan) costumed character songs, e.g., in the ‘Gypsy’ song The Skies and Clouds are High Above, in the ‘Jew’ song We are Young Jews from Leckava, and in a ‘beggar’ song/hymn parody I Grew up a Beggar (ŽKT 2010: 53, 34, 6).

The Christmas Songs

The songs of the winter solstice or of Christmas make up the largest and the most diverse group of the autumn-winter calendrical songs. The majority of them have specific refrains which serve as a basis for 152 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

the identification of the genre of a song. Thus, e.g., diverse, however, semantically synonymous refrains kaladu/kalado/kolado/kolando/ kolada/kaledo/koliada and ladu belong to the Christmas songs sung in Latgale and Eastern Vidzeme. Those songs have been identified as typical of exclusively those regions; when appearing in other places of Latvia, the songs are regarded as non-autochthonous, adopted, i.e. the consequence of the folklore migration. They are believed to have been transferred by Latgale farm hands who were hired by richer farmers of Vidzeme, Kurzeme, or Zemgale. The songs with the refrain totari/tondaro/toldara/toldera/toldaro/ dalderu are attributed to the Christmas songs of Eastern Vidzeme and Southeastern Latgale. The refrain is believed to have originated from the word totari, meaning Gypsy. The refrains duido, olilo were found in the calendrical songs recorded in the vicinity of Jekabpils. Andrejs Jurjāns related the refrain olilo to Lithuanian songs. In Latgale, some songs also have other refrains: udobru, dobulu, tabaro, nu-ka kamudze, ruduku, kučio, etc., which are said to have been formed accidentally, on impulse, and which have no meaning; the words of a foreign Gypsy language were specially inserted (Vītoliņš 1973: 43–44). The most typical motifs in the lyrics of the Christmas carnival songs and circle dances include seeing St. Christmas in, magic fertility rituals that mark the end of the old year and the beginning of the new one, and ‘Gypsy’ processions. Some Christmas songs contain elements of Christianity, expressed through the image of God to be assigned to naïve primitivism: Dīveņš stōvēj’ aiz vōrteņu [Good God Stood at the Gate], Laidit dīvu ustobāi! [Let God inside!], Dievs ienāca istabāi [God Came into the Sitting Room], Jezeņš taki paceleņu bosajomi kōjeņomi [ Jesus Went along the Road Barefoot] (GIDz 1973: 85, 103, 116), etc. Fig. 85. Ignite a Splinter, Strike Fire (ZDz 2011: 19)

Ignite a splinter, strike fire, And let God into the house! Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 153

A large part of the Christmas refrain songs belong to the songs of the costumed ‘Gypsy’ processions whose participants sang them when walking from door to door, greeting the mistress of the house, and asking for gifts: Īsim, bārni, čigōnūsi, zīmas svātku vokorāi! [Guys, Let’s Go as Gypsies on Christmas Evening!], Ejma, bērni, čigānosi, čigānosi laba dzīve [Guys, Let’s Go as Gypsies, Gypsies Lead a Good Life], Čigānosi taisotiesi, trīs kulītes salāpīju [When Preparing to Go as Gyp- sies, I Patched Three Sacks], Kaladnīki sabraukuši, prosa cymdu, prosa zeķu [Cadgers Came Together, Asking for Gloves, Asking for Socks], Labvakari, saiminiece, vai gaidīji čigāniņus? [Good Evening, Mistress, did you Wait for Gypsies?], Čigāniņi, totariņi/pagāniņi, kur šo nakti gulējāt? [Pagan Gypsy Girls, where did you Spend the Night?] (GIDz 1973: 115–117, 121), etc. A specific group of Christmas songs was about a mouse, (e.g., Kur tu skrīņ(i), dūru pele? [Where are you Running, Mouse of the Hollow of a Tree?] (GIDz 1973: 104), etc.) which in the Christmas evening was expected to bring peas, field beans, and a pig’s snout. From the viewpoint of genre, those songs were intertwined with children’s songs and lullabies; sometimes, because of the refrains līgo, ruto/ruta, they were assigned to the midsummer līgo songs. Elder women would sing them when asked about the līgo songs, and their tunes also belonged to the līgo song melodic types. In the collection Latvju Dainas [Latvian Songs], Krišjānis Barons included several songs about a little mouse together with different‘ awakener’ songs. Fig. 86. Where are you Running, Brown Mouse? (ZDz 2011: 34)

Where are you running, Brown mouse, rota, rota?

One of the Christmas songs most widely spread in Latgale was a refrain song-circle dance A She-Goat and a Wolf and its versions (Vītoliņš 1973: 44). 154 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Latvian Christmas songs were performed with energy and power, at a moderate tempo. The melodics of the songs was rather stable in many ways. The prevailing metrorhythmic structure was 2/4, and the main rhythmic pattern was the following: four quavers/four quavers/ two quavers and a crotchet/two quavers and a crotchet. The melody was performed strictly syllabically, very rarely something changed, and then extensions occured, etc. Refrains had to be repeated twice. More developed forms of melodies were rare, however, they occured in the type of songs Vylks dora olu [A Wolf is Brewing Beer] (GIDz 1973: 90) Fig. 87. A Wolf is Brewing Beer (ZDz 2011: 70)

A wolf is brewing beer in the reeds And inviting a goat to taste the beer. The wolf and the goat made an agreement, kalado! For nine summers, kalado! On the third day, the wolf is waiting for the goat, kalado! And he jumps on its back, kalado!

Like all carnival songs, the Christmas refrain songs were sung by a group of people, usually in unison. However, different types of part- singing also occurred. Mainly that was harmonic polyphonic singing, when the tune was picked up in parallel thirds which came together Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 155 in unison, in fourths and fifths. Sometimes the tune was picked up at a high pitch. Fig. 88. Christmas Arrived (ZDz 2011: 55)

Christmas arrived In a beautiful sleigh Tidralla, tidralla, In a beautiful sleigh.

Fig. 89. Good Evening, Mum of the Girls! (GIDz 1973: 145)

1. Good evening, mum of the girls! Kalado, kalado! Will you give me your daughter-miller? Kalado, kalado!

2. I shall not, I shall not? Kalado, kalado! Only when you come for the second time. Kalado, kalado! 156 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The refrain Christmas songs were also performed in a bourdon style, their texture had dissonances (the seconds). Fig. 90. The Gypsy Scolded his own Woman (GIDz 1973: 107)

The leading singer: 1. The Gypsy scolded his own woman Every evening. Singers picking up the tune: Kolado, kolado...

2. Because she did not get up every morning, And did not patch the sacks. Singers picking up the tune: Kolado, kolado...

Fig. 91. Blow, Blow, North Wind (ZDz 2011: 46)

Blow, blow, north wind, kaladū, kaladū. E..... Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 157

Fig. 92. Gypsies, Brothers (ZDz 2011: 11)

Gypsies, brothers, Where shall we sleep tonight? Kalado, kalado, Where shall we sleep tonight? The melodics and stylistics of the Latvian Christmas songs had nothing in common with the Shrovetide tunes sung in Žemaitija. The Latvian songs bore some resemblance to the thematic group of the Dzūkija Christmas cadger songs Lads and Girls Go Cadging (LLD 2007: 612–623), e.g., Aisim, bernai, kalėdoc, kalėda [Lads, Let’s Go Christmas Cadging, kalėda] (LLD 2007: 613) and Īsim, bārni, čigonūsi, Haladū, haladū! [Lads, Let’s Go Cadging, Haladū, haladū!] (GIDz 1973: 116); Labas vakaras, kalėda [Good Evening, kalėda] (LLD 2007: 633) and Labvakari, saiminiece [Good Evening, Mis- tress] (GIDz 1973: 116), etc. One could find formal and informal similarities in the melodics of the Dzūkija and Latgale songs, e.g., in the tunes sung in the boundaries of the major tetrachord Vai ir atvažiavo penki nežanoci [Oh, Five Unmarried Lads Have Arrived] or Aisim, sasula, mes kalėdocie [Sister, Let’s Go Cadging] (AK 2000) and Kačeišami tāvs nūmyra [Your Kitten Died]. Fig. 93. Sister, Let’s Go Christmas Cadging (AK 2000: 72)

Sister, let’s go cadging, Ei kalėda, kalėdica. 158 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 94. Oh, Five Unmarried Lads Have Arrived (AK 2000: 55)

Oh, five unmarried lads Have arrived, Mother, don’t give me away To any of them.

Fig. 95. Your Kitten Died (ZDz 2011: 24)

Your kitten died, Kalado, kalado, On Christmas morning, Kalado, kalado!

Probably one could find more similar examples, however, the greater part of the musical material, just as the Latvian and Lithuanian Christmas songs, demonstrate more differences than similarities. That is an object for further research.

The Carnival Songs of Autumn Festivals

The picture of the Latvian autumn-winter calendrical festivals would be incomplete without discussing the songs sung by costumed characters on St. Michael, St. Martin, St. Catherine, and St. Andrew’s Days. They were first recorded in the 70s of the 19th century and sung Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 159 till at least the 70s of the 20th century. Most of them were recorded in Vidzeme, in some places in Kurzeme, and in Zemgale. The songs were about autumn works, however, Michaelmas meant the beginning of carnival processions with their own topics and a folklore repertoire. In Lithuania, the days of the above mentioned saints were also known and commemorated; some of them had additional names extending the meanings of those days. Thus, Michaelmas was called ‘the Heat’, and Martin’s Day, ‘the Billy-Goat’s Day’. The days of the saints commemorated in autumn marked the beginning or the end of certain agricultural works, the beginning of the school year for school- age children, or the start of Advent, i.e. of fasting and abstention from merriment. When comparing the Lithuanian customs of commemoration of the saints with the Latvian ones, the latter seemed to have been more public and lively,66 perhaps with the exception of St. Mar- tin’s Day in Lithuania Minor. In Lithuania, no carnival processions took place in the autumn season. The Lithuanian St. Martin’s festival and the afore mentioned Latvian practices seemed to have been united by their links with the German or Scandinavian traditions of celebration of those days. There were not many melodies of the autumn carnival songs, however, during the processions, other songs of the winter festivals’ costumed characters – ‘stilt walkers’, ‘awakeners’, and ‘Gypsies’ – were performed (Vītoliņš 1973: 43). The melodies of the autumn festival songs were also distinguished by a dance character and a rather fast tempo, duple meter, and a non-sohisticated melodic line. Those formal musical features were also typical of the Shrovetide ‘Jew’ and ‘Gypsy’ songs in Žemaitija. 66 In Lithuania, on the days of saints’ celebration in the autumn season, judging by the folk customs, of special importance were the beliefs covering and affecting the personal space, fortelling future, and spells. To quote Irena Regina Merkienė, “During the analysis of the customs of different calendrical festivals, we noticed that, at the nights before the major festivals or with the winter or summer solstices approaching, in the transition from spring to summer (on Pentecost and on St. John’s Eve) and from autumn to winter (on St. Andrew’s and Christmas Eve), young people’s behaviour most clearly implied marital hints” (Merkienė 2001: 99–121). 160 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Michaelmas both in Latvia and Lithuania was a harvest celebration; it would end field works and pasturage. As mentioned above, it opened up the period of costumed processions. The previously named musical features of the autumn festival songs can be illustrated by the melody of the song Miķelītis, surp nākdamis [Miķelītis, when Coming here]: Fig. 96. Mikelitis, when Coming here (GIDz 1973: 1)

1. Mikelitis, when coming here, Had a short coat made for him.

2. So that he could jump over the fence And to kiss a Gypsy girl.

In Latvia, the majority of the autumn calendrical carnival songs were devoted to St. Martin’s Day. The very carnival procession inV idzeme had the name of ‘Martin’s children’; in other places, the costumed characters were referred to as ‘Martin’s paupers’ or ‘Martin’s beggars’ ( Jansons [1933] 2010: 129). They behaved in the same way as the Shrove Tuesday characters in Lithuania: they greeted the mistress of the house and asked for presents, the master and mistress of the house invited them inside, treated to food and drinks, gave presents, and saw them off. If the procession participants were rejected, they behaved in an aggressive way. The model of the behaviour and the customs were characteristic of the more extended customs of the Christmas cadging processions spread throughout the larger part of the territory of Latvia (Vītoliņš 1973: 41). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 161

The costumed characters of the Latvian calendrical festivals seldom sang lyrical melodies. However, St. Martin’s evening song Kas dimd, kas rīb [What is Rumbling, What is Rattling] (GIDz 1973: 81–82) was an expressive, lyrical tune. In Zemgale, it was known as a ‘goat’s horn’ melody or a shepherd’s song. In children’s singing folklore, a Billy Goat was probably the most popular character. That might be related to St. Martin’s Day, also called the Billy Goat’s day,67 and regarded as the end of pasturage, welcomed by shepherds. In some of the Billy Goat-theme songs, presently considered to be children’s songs, folklorists tended to find the meanings of eroticism, associated with fertility, and characteristic both of the Lithuanian and Latvian carnival procession characters and their behaviour (Balsys 2014; Vyčinienė 2014). In the last decade of the 20th century, the Centre of Ethnic Cul- ture of the Municipality of Klaipėda was one of the first in Lithu- ania that started to reconstruct, create, and revive St. Martin’s Fes- tival, once celebrated in Lithuania Minor. In the Riflemen’s Hall of the City of Klaipėda, Martin’s fairs were held; their participants included the schools of the city, the Society of Lietuvninkai, and folklore groups. Around 2003, St. Martin’s Day was first celebrated by Klaipėda Herman Zuderman Gymnasium with intensive teaching of the German language which maintained close ties with German educational institutions and fostered German culture. Later, after Simon 67 “As people would say, St. Martin closed the doors of cattle sheds. Then senior children could start preparing for school, unless warm days, like this autumn, extended the pasturage time. The shepherds wanted to get into a warm classroom and sit at the school desks as soon as possible. To have frost and snow sooner, they undertook magic acts: they would take a white goat around a birch tree at the edge of the wood. That meant calling the winter to come. A white birch tree, a white goat – soon white snow will cover everything around... The children also organised an ingenious procession with birch bark lanterns following the white goat. The playful ritual was of an interest for ethnologists: what we see as a children’s game was once a very important ritual of the ancient Baltic religion. The goat was an ancient grateful offering to the pagan gods of the Earth for the crops, i.e. a ‘scapegoat’. There is some information about autumnal offerings from the historiographic sources of Lithuania Minor of the 16th century” (Klimka 2014). 162 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Dach House of the German speaking community in Klaipėda had become involved in the organisation of that celebration, St. Martin’s Laternelaufen [Walking with Lanterns] was held on a citywide scale (Miuller 2013). Due to the efforts of the ethnic culture professionals and school teachers, public celebration of St. Martin’s Day spread all over Lithuania (Čeponytė 2014). Therefore, it is natural that there are no calendrical songs related to the days of the above mentioned saints in Lithuanian folk songs. St. Catherine’s Day (November 25) was considered to be a day of domestic animals. On that day, sheep allegedly had ‘to go to God’, so they had to be washed to be white. In folk songs, Catherine was called a ‘hungry pig’: that was associated with the approaching Advent fasting (Vītoliņš 1973: 261). In the evening of St. Catherine’s Day, homesteads were visited by costumed processions. Their songs, differently from other songs of the autumnal costumed characters, had a refrain ‘Katrī, katrī!’ typical of calendrical songs. Fig. 97. Dappled Horses (GIDz 1973: 11)

1. Dappled horses, green carts, 2. Bitter radish for breakfast, Katri, Katri! Katri, Katri! Coachmen are also handsome, Sour soup for dinner, Katri, Katri! Katri, Katri! Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 163

In Lithuanian folk songs, the above mentioned saints’ days were not directly reflected. Only in children’s songs could one find one or another teasing formula including nicknames invented for the names of Mykolas, Mikas, Martynas, Kotryna, and Andriejus; however, these can only conditionally be considered as calendrical folklore. Thus, e.g., in the texts of the children songs of the type Varna – Veronė [A Crow Veronica], an animal or a bird were called some names: Kot- ryna, Kotrynė, Katriutė was the name for the fox, and Andriejus, In- driejus, or Motiejus, for the wolf (LLD 1980: 580). True, the song Varna – Katriutė [A Crow Catherine] (LLD 1980: 580) was followed by the singer’s comment: “Of a wedding. When the daughter-in-law is brought home” (LLD 1980: 320–321). In banters including children’s names, based on rhyming words, the names of Martynas, Mikas (Mykolas) occured: Martyns papartyns gani uožius po karklyns [Mar- tin was pasturing goats in willow thickets] or Kas liko, tai Miko, kas išsmuko, tai Simuko [What remained, that’s for Mike, what was lost, that’s for Simukas] (LLD 1980: 915).

*** The folk songs of the autumn-winter calendrical festivals in Latvia are much more diverse than in Lithuania. Carnival songs were sung all over Latvia, and unique, local song types, closely related to the customs and the behaviour of the costumed characters, existed. In Lithu- ania, a specific repertoire of the Shrovetide costumed characters was practiced only in Žemaitija. From the musical point of view, the songs of ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, or ‘Gypsies’, sung in Žemaitija on Shrovetide, differed from the songs of costumed characters of the autumn-winter calendrical festivals in Latvia. The differences and similarities were discussed when presenting each group of the Latvian calendrical songs. The available examples of Latvian melodies supported Latvian musicologist Bendorf ’s arguments about a small degree of similarity between the melodics of the investigated songs and between Lithuanian and Latvian songs in general. 164 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The investigated songs of the Žemaitijan costumed ‘Jews’ and ‘Gypsies’ had something in common, such as the melodics of the common European stylistics, the metrorhythmics of dances, the form of an initial phrase-refrain, a parallel multi-voiced character, and the content and structure of the texts, with the late layer Latvian carnival ‘Gypsy’ songs and some ‘awakener’ and ‘stilt walker’ melodies of the same stylistics. Most of the Latvian carnival songs were syllabic melodies of a narrow range, rather static, sometimes of a recitative character, considered archaic by ethnomusicologists. In the content of the Latvian autumn-winter calendrical songs, more information can be found about the beliefs and customs, the wishes of well-being and affluence, and a clearer statement of what was expected of the performed ritual actions. The texts of the Lithu- anian Žemaitijan costumed character songs were simple and literal, revealing the social or ethnical prototype embodied in a character. The prosody of the texts differed as well. In Latvia, there were many ancient refrain songs,which predetermined the structure of the melodies. The new songs of Latvian ‘Gypsies’ and Lithuanian ‘Gypsies’ and ‘Jews’, from the viewpoint or the refrain origin and struture, were of the same nature. The calendrical customs revealed much greater commonality between Lithuanians and Latvians, while music demonstrated the differences between them. Latvian historian, academician Janis Stradiņš had made a pithy statement about “the Latvians’ blood and soul being incompatible”, because “genetically Latvians belonged to Finno-Ugri- ans, i.e., they were Estonians, and everything else was Lithuanian”.68 The latest research in the historical and cultural context of the emergence of the Latvian and Estonian written languages and the formation and development of their writings also testified to Latvians being much closer to their northern neighbours Estonians (Žilinskaitė 2011: 141–149). Perhaps the melodics of Latvian folk songs is to be

68 Juozaitis paraphrased the argument of Stradiņš on a programme of Channel LTV 1 on 02 01 2010 ( Juozaitis 2011: 58, 429). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 165 related to the Finno-Ugrian heritage (based on several examples of Estonian Shrovetide songs; better justified conclusions could only be made after exhaustive comparative studies), while later Christian- ity that came from Germanic lands and the written culture failed to affect the in-depth layer of their ethnic music? Because, as noted by sociologist Zenonas Norkus, in Latvia and Estonia the official ‘Chris- tianisation’ has been rather superficial from the very beginning to the present time (Norkus 2006: 100–101). To come back to folk songs, it needs to be emphasised that two layers of the Latvian calendrical carnival songs can be identified, the old and the new ones. Meanwhile, in Lithuania, we have no other Shrovetide costumed character songs except for those that were defined as Shrovetide songs by the respondents in Žemaitija from the late 20th through the early 21st century and were analysed in the present book. Therefore, it is impossible to compare them to any earlier, “more ritual”, Žemaitijan Shrovetide songs. Remote and formal similarities between the late Lithuanian and Latvian songs more obviously testified to the fact that the adaptation of the songs performed in the Žemaitijan Shrove Tuesday carnival processions was a rather late result of the 20th century ethnocultural engineering, based on both rural and urban and both pre-Christian and Christian traditions of different times as well as on both oral and written creation.

Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 167 168 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

In written sources, the first information about the Shrovetide celebration in the Balt-inhabited lands and the costumed processions during Shrovetide dates back to the first half of the 15th century. “During weddings and Shrovetide, devil dances take place there, and respectable people allow women to dress up in masculine clothes, boys’ coats, etc. – what was forbidden by God” (BRMŠ I 1996: 492): that was what Heinrich Beringer, head of the branch of the Carthusian Monastery in Marienkrone near Rügenwalde wrote in his sermon in 142869 with regard to the fragments of the customs retained by the Prussians. Beringer’s information is believed to have been reliable, as he observed and knew well the life of the Prussians, leaders of the Order, and the clergy of that time (BRMŠ I 1996: 489). Subsequent informative letters of foreign monks, circulars of bishops, letters, memorials and resolutions of the visitors of the Vilnius Jesuit College and Academy (MR 1987), the information about the ceremonies having taken place in the Palace of Grand Dukes of Lithuania in the 16th through the 18th century, the Lower Castle of Vilnius (Opera 2010), and in other nobility residences of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (Sabaliauskaitė 2014), which included the so-called ballets or ‘costumed’ dances with masks, and different pastoral letters and prohibitions of the Catholic clergy of the 18th through the 19th century provide fragmentary information about the nature of that festival, its characters and their activities, and testify to the views of the authors of those writings on the Shrovetide customs. The details of the descriptions lead us to believe that the basic elements of Shrovetide entertainments, carnival processions and performances, and dressing up have been preserved and practiced to the present. In the calendar of festivals, Shrovetide is a special occasion with old traditions, celebrated both by the ‘lower’ and ‘higher’ social strata in their own specific ways.70 The written sources contain no data about

69 The name of Prussians refers to the Baltic tribes that in historical times lived at the Baltic Sea, between the Nemunas and Vistula Rivers (Prussians). 70 In the 15th and 16th centuries, the European nobility and clergy took part in popular cultural events, which is especially evident in the case of carnivals. Thus, Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 169 the ways that Lithuanian peasants celebrated Shrovetide in the Re- naissance or Baroque epochs. The customs of that stratum were investigated, based on direct and collateral data found in folklore, ethnography, and fiction recorded in the 19th through the 20th century. The moments of the Shrovetide celebration in the lives of the nobility and townspeople were at least partly documented in the written sources of the 15th through the 18th century.71 We learn from them that, on the occasion of Shrovetide, theatrical events of different types (and other festivals) were a tradition in the nobility palaces and manor houses in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and in the academic environments of Vilnius and provincial colleges and higher schools. However, ethnological research has so far paid little attention to them and to their impact on peasant traditions: just individual publications of Skrodenis and Vaicekauskas on Shrovetide customs can be referred to (Skro- denis 2009: 9–11; Vaicekauskas 2002: 263–276).

Theatrical Events and Shrovetide in the Noblemen’s Palaces of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania

Performances, dressing up as different characters, dancing, fabulous feasts, and fires are the elements currently typical of the Shrove- tide celebration by all social classes. Since the 16th century, in the

e.g., in the late 15th century, Duke of Ferrara took part in the carnival entertainments; wearing a mask, he had fun in the streets of the city and danced with ladies in private houses. The carnivals of Florence were attended by Lorenzo de’ Medici, ruler of the Florentine Republic and enthusiastic patron of Renaissance culture, and Niccolò Machiavelli, an Italian politician, philosopher, and author; in Paris in 1583, King Henry III and his suite were in masks wandering around the city streets from home to home, etc. Medieval carnivals were attended by the junior clergy, monks, and nuns dressed as men (Burke 1994: 25–27). 71 In his studies of popular Western European culture, Peter Burke called the period of 1500 through 1800 the best documented period of pre-industrial Europe (Burke 1994: ii). 170 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania, the Lower Castle of Vilnius, celebrations with theatrical elements, wearing masks for dance parties, etc., were taking place. In the palaces and manor houses of the GDL, Shrovetide was a convenient and well-liked festival whose nature fitted with solid artistic dramma per musica72 events and stormy entertainments. Theatrical events, ballets, and masquerade balls were enjoyed and frequently held by Archduchess Cecilia Renata of Austria, the wife of King Władysław II Vasa.73 Written sources contain recordings about the Shrovetide celebration organised on her initiative in their residence in Vilnius in 1639. The celebration lasted for three days and duly ended in the small hours of Ash Wednesday. On that occasion, in the dance party held at night, the Queen, the Princess, and the courtiers wore impressive masks (Trilupaitienė 2010: 43–44). The Shrovetide carnival held in the winter of 1644 was described in greater detail: the ruler with his wife and other courtiers participated in it. Chancellor of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania Albrycht Stanisław Radziwiłł reported: “That evening, we drew lots for the inn carnival on Shrovetide. The King was to become a Moor, the Queen, a female Turk, my wife, a Venetian, and I, a guard and a doorman. Other ones played different roles. The Court Marshal of the Palace of Grand Dukes of Lithuania Sapieha, who was accustomed to entertaining the King to luxurious dinners, kindly agreed to play the role of an innkeeper who, as usual, generously served drinks”. The fun in the palace continued until Lent and ended in festivities on February 7 and on 9 to 10, while “in the evening, until late at night, in the King’s Hall, a dance party and a masquerade ball was held with dazzling luxury” (Trilupaitienė 2010: 44). 72 Dramma per musica, or early opera (Mažutytė 2011) was the most outstanding musical genre of the Baroque, born in Florence in the 17th century, which combined music, drama, and visual art. 73 On the initiative of Archduchess Cecilia Renata of Austria (1611–1644), Grand Duchess of Lithuania and Queen of Poland, the wife of King Władysław II Vasa, 13 ballets on a larger or smaller scale that were similar to theatrical events were held (Trilupaitienė 2010: 42–43, 45). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 171

On 6 March of the same 1644, on Laetare Sunday74, the King’s musicians in the palace in Vilnius showed the opera L’Andromeda by Virgilio Puccitelli, defined by Albrycht Stanisław Radziwiłł as a comedy called recitativa. The Chancellor noted that “not everyone liked the replacement of Great Lent by Shrovetide, as the dances, the comedies, and a mystery shown on the stage made people forget fasting and prayer” (Trilupaitienė 2010: 50–52). In the 18th century, in another LGD residence, the castle of the Radziwill family in Nesvizh (Navahrudak), during the reign of Grand Hetman of LGD Michał Kazimierz II ‘Rybeńko’ Radziwiłł, among other important things, a theatre was set up. It was taken care of by his wife, authoress Francesca Ursula Wiśniowiecka. In that theatre, plays and operettas of Western European authors and of Wiśniowiecka herself were staged and performed. ‘Rybeńko’ Radziwiłł was famous for his liking to hold luxurious feasts and hunting parties (RG). A fabulous Shrovetide festival, given by ‘Rybeńko’ Radziwiłł in Nes- vizh in that period, was depicted by art historian and writer Kristina Sabaliauskaitė in her novel Silva Rerum III, based on real events and biographies (Sabaliauskaitė; Sabaliauskaitė 2014). As described in her novel, in 1745, Grand Hetman of Lithuania Duke ‘Rybeńko’ Radziwiłł invited a large number of guests to Nesvizh to celebrate Shrovetide: the celebration, including a feast, an opera, and a masquerade ball, was to last several days, and everything was to be illuminated by artificial lights. On the first day of the celebration, a winter hunt was held with a feast and musicians performing on the snow. In the evening, “just a feast” was held, drinking accompanied by musical entertainment and dancing. The next day, another feast was held, during which divine music by Italian, French, and German composers was played by as many as two orchestras. In the evening, an opera of Wiśniowiecka herself, the wife of ‘Rybeńko’ Radziwiłł, was performed: its impressive mass scenes called for a lot of choir sing- 74 The mid-Lent, or the the fourth Sunday in the season of Lent, was also called Re- joice, Refreshment, Mothering, or Rose Sunday. In the middle of the austere period of Lent, it was a day of celebration, and the liturgy of the day was more joyful (CE). 172 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

ers, dancers, and extras, “almost one hundred, so that even servants and maids came on stage” (RG). The opera was followed by fireworks, the fireworks by a ballet, and finally, a masquerade ball and dancing until morning took place. Both the hosts and their guests were dressed up in costumes: the hero of the novel Antanas Norvaiša was dressed as Pierrot, ‘Rybeńko’ Radziwiłł himself as an old Jew with a glued-on beard, and the Duchess was dressed up as a shepherdess (Sabaliauskaitė 2014: 286–298). In the late 18th and the early 19th century, the tradition of recep- tions, feasts, and theatrical events in Nesvizh was continued by the son of ‘Rybeńko’ Radziwiłł, Karol Stanisław Radziwiłł II (1734–1790) and Duke Maciej Radziwiłł (1749–1821). A large orchestra in Nes- vizh was considered to be the best in the LGD at the time; operas and vaudevilles were staged whose librettos were written, among others, also by Duke Maciej Radziwiłł. The performances were attended by distinguished guests, including the last monarch of the Polish-Lithua nian Commonwealth Stanisław II Augustus (Stanisław August Poni- atowski) in 1784. The theatre went to Warsaw on a tour (RG; Opera). The lifestyle of the nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania spread to the provincial manors of Žemaitija where certain musical and theatrical activities were also held. So far, we have not had sufficient materials to discuss Shrovetide performances there, however, some traces of them do exist. Thus, in the late 18th century, the Salan- tai Manor income and expenditure book contained two entries on the money paid to violinists for their performance on Shrovetide. In Vilnius and other GDL nobility residences, dramma per musica performances and other artistic events were closely related to the Jesuit educational activities all over the country and to the school theatre. Both types of theatrical activities featured dance, pantomime, scenography, and music. However, the Jesuit school theatre and the theatrical activities in the noblemen’s palaces were linked not merely through the genre and its means of expression. In Lithuania, as in many Western European countries, the collaboration of the noblemen and Jesuits was based on mutual assistance and the exchange of ideas Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 173

(Trilupaitienė 1995: 90–93), which eventully spread and got established in the local urban and rural milieu.

Shrovetide Performances of the Jesuit School Theatres and Paratheatrical Events

In Vilnius Academy75 as well as in Kražiai, Kaunas, Pašiaušė, Žodiškis, Panevėžys, Ukmergė and other Lithuanian and Polish provincial colleges, Jesuit school theatres would give performances and stage dramas on different occasions: at the beginning and end of the school year, to honour outstanding men, on major calendrical festivals, etc.76 Vanda Zaborskaitė’s study on the school theatre in the 16th through the 18th century presented quite a large amount of data about the dramas staged on the occasion of Shrovetide as well as a chronological list of performances and theatrical events held in the above named schools in the period of 1570–1776 (Zaborskaitė 1981: 174–206). The direct and indirect information of her study leads to the conclusion that, in most of the years, some or other performances were given in the months of February or March; true, it is not clear whether they were always related to Shrovetide. The genres of the staged plays (comedies or tragedies) and their names were not always related to the potential topicalities of Shrovetide as a religious or secular festival. The first entry in the list, undoubtedly related to the theatralised celebration of Shrovetide, was a Shrovetide dialogue 75 The first Jesuits arrived in Vilnius in 1569. At first, they taught privately; oficially a College, funded by the Bishop of Vilnius Valerijonas Protasevičius, started work in 1570. On 1 April 1579, by the privilege of Stephen Báthory, the school became Academy (its foundation was confirmed by the Bull of Pope Gregory XIII on 30 October 1579). The Jesuits were in charge of the Church of St. Johns funded by Jagiełło in 1387. After the abolition of the Order, in 1773, the Academy was taken over by the Educational Commission (Vilnius Akademy). 76 The activities of other monastic orders operating in Lithuania – the Piarists, the Bernardines – in the pastoral and youth education fields (also in regard to theatrical activities) were rather similar. 174 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Bacchus77 by Kaspar Pentkovki in 1584, and later, undoubtedly on the occasion of Shrovetide, dramas were shown in Vilnius in 1644,78 1679,79 1687,80 1688,81 1694,82 1698,83 1719,84 1739,85 1754,86 in Kau- nas in 1677,87 and in Braunsberg in 1730.88 However, based on the dates of the performances and the topical issues encoded in some of the titles, such as entertainments, alcohol consumption, sins, etc., one can guess that the performances at Jesuit schools on the occasion of Shrovetide (the last day before the Lent fasting period) took place more frequently.89 77 1584. Bacchus, a Shrovetide dialogue. Author: Kaspar Pentkovski (Zaborskaitė 1981: 176). 78 08. 02. 1644. A dialogue watched by King Władysław IV and Queen Cecilia Re- nata (Zaborskaitė 1981: 180). 79 Shrovetide. Obsidio salute amore [Salvation from Siege by Love] (Zaborskaitė 1981: 182). 80 Algirdas, Grand Duke of Lithuania, Gives Scythian Mars Blood to Drink. Performed in the Theatre of Fine and Noble Students of Rhetoric of Vilnius Academy of the Society of Jesus before Ash Wednesday in 1687 (Ulčinaitė 2008: 245–249); Shrovetide. Olgerdus, magnus Lituaniae dux [Algirdas, Grand Duke of Lithuania] (Zaborskaitė 1981: 183). 81 Shrovetide. Pacis foedera, hospital super mensa ducali sanguine conscripta et morte con- signata [A Peace Agreement, at the Feast Table Written by Blood and Sealed by Death]. Author: Jokūbas Gralevskis (Zaborskaitė 1981: 183). 82 Shrovetide. Naufragium vitae [The Wreck of Life] (Zaborskaitė 1981: 184). 83 31.07.1698. Regnum Phraatis [Reign of Phraates]. Author: Ignotas Holovinas (Zaborskaitė 1981: 185). Zaborskaitė called the play “a Shrovetide drama”, even though the indicated date of its staging was not related to the calendrical period of Shrovetide (Zaborskaitė 1981: 51). 84 18. 02. 1719. A Shrovetide drama. Author: Juozapas Rudamina (Zaborskaitė 1981: 191). 85 1739, before February 11. Vox clamantis contra orgia [The Voice Shouting against Drunkenness]. Author: Juozapas Baka (Zaborskaitė 1981: 195). 86 1754, before February 27. Balet bożka trunków Bacchusa [Ballet about Bacchus, God of Drinks] (Zaborskaitė 1981: 197). 87 A Shrovetide tragedy (Zaborskaitė 1981: 203). 88 18. 02. 1730. Vallis umbrosa [Valey of Shadows]. Author: Antonijus Jordanas (Zaborskaitė 1981: 205). 89 In Vilnius in 1674, 1675, 1692, 1697, 1699, 1704, 1710, 1712–1718, 1720–1723, 1725, 1727, 1736, 1744, 1750, 1751, 1753, 1754, 1756, in Kražiai, in 1671, in Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 175

Some patterns and differences in the school theatre repertoires in Lithuania and Poland were identified: in Poland, performances were more frequently held on the occasions of Christmas, Easter, and Shrovetide, while in Lithuania, on the Feast of Corpus Christi. Those (as well as other, referred to in the footnotes) differences were most likely predetermined by the traditions of faith.90 One can assume that the popularity of the Žemaitijan Shrovetide carnival traditions can be related to the traditions of the Žemaitijan manors with the predomination of the Polish language and culture in them. One should not expect the songs/hymns sung by the costumed characters on Shrove Tuesday to have direct or genetic links with the events that took place in the noblemen’s palaces or monastic colleges in the 16th through the 18th century; however, some hardly traceable links do exist. According to Zaborskaitė, theatre was a powerful means of audio-visual propaganda which affected a rather wide range of the strata of the feudal society (Zaborskaitė 1981: 16). Even though theatre performances that used to take place indoors were watched by the nobility and intellectuals,91 the performers who played, danced, and

Kaunas, in 1730, in Panevėžys, in 1755, in Ukmergė, in 1754 (Zaborskaitė 1981: 174–206). Pentkovski, Kaspar. Dialogue for King Stephen about Peace (1582) (Ulčinaitė 2008: 39–56). 90 J. Okoń noticed interesting differences in the repertoire of the Lithuanian and Polish school theatres: in Poland, more performances used to take place on the occasion of major religious festivals, such as Christmas, Easter, and Shrovetide, and those were more frequently based on pastoral or Passion themes. In Lithu- ania, the Feast of Corpus Christi was especially popular (7% in Poland vs. 15% in Lithuania), and more plots were based on the mythological (0,95% in Poland vs. 3,2% in Lithuania), historical (18,5% in Poland vs. 28,1 % in Lithuania), and the Old Testament (3,2% in Poland vs. 9,6% in Lithuania) topics; moreover, there were more gratulations to honourable guests (19% in Poland vs. 37% in Lithu- ania). Okoń believes that the differences were predetermined by different religious traditions and strong aspirations of Lithuanian noblemen to emphasise the relationships of the nation and the state with the Antiquity and the origin of their families (Ulčinaitė 1998: 267–268; 2008). 91 Evidently not all, and not always, Shrovetide performances were shown only to the selected or target audiences, as the memorial of 1728 announced that the per- 176 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

especially made music were from different social strata – from bursas (free from charge dormitories of Jesuit colleges for the poor) or papal seminary students to royal choir singers (Zaborskaitė 1981: 157). In mass scenes of the school theatre, performances used to involve a large number of pupils whose memories recorded certain experiences. Even wider dissemination was achieved when public performances, ceremonies, and processions with music and hymns, dialogues, and fireworks of theV ilnius Academy and provincial college theatres took place in town streets and squares. Large crowds of people from towns and the surrounding areas could watch, and even partly participate, in them. Reminiscences of contemporaries survived about a “very suc- cesful” Shrovetide performance of 25 February 1713 or one that was “a sucess” in 1723 (Zaborskaitė 1981: 129, 171). The performances of the provincial college theatres, even though more modest and less frequent, could also be watched by peasants. The performers were children of poor noblemen and sometimes of peasants who were students of those colleges (Zaborskaitė 1981: 14). The productions of school dramas by one of the most oustanding 17th century school dramatist Gabrielius Šimkevičius (true, not on the occasion or the themes of Shrovetide) at the Kražiai Jesuit Col- lege should be noted. The dramas were written in a language mixture of Lithuanian, Polish, and Belarusian. The “macaronic” form was believed to have been chosen in order to create a comic effect and to adapt to the audience of the local population.92 The impression and imprint of the theatrical art of that time, after performances had been removed from the college curricula in the late 18th century, was handed on to more than one subsequent generation. In the summary of her study, Zaborskaitė concluded that the school theatre must have also affected the folk theatre, just as the Baroque art influenced folk architecture and plastic arts, and the idea and the spirit of the Jesuit school theatre, especially in Žemaitija, remained ex- formance before Ash Wednesday was public. Adalbertas Boguševičius’ Memorial. 30.04.1728 (MR 1987: 273). 92 Šimkevičius, Gabrielius. Prologues of School Dramas (Ulčinaitė 2008: 221–222). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 177 tremely popular (Zaborskaitė 1981: 169). That is still true at present. In a way, they echoed in the contemporary Shrovetide costumed processions, Easter mysteries, etc. The dramas, tragedies, and comedies on historic or religious topics played during Shrovetide at that time do not have much in common with the content of the contemporary Shrovetide carnival. However, the anthropomorphic characters of the Shrovetide processions – ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’, considered by ethnologists to be the latest ones – can be associated with the comic characters of the sideshows93 of the time, believed to be most realistic. Those were ‘Peasant’, ‘Jew’, ‘Gypsy Thief ’, ‘Nobleman’ on the watch for a titbit, a starving ‘Town Dweller’ deep in debts, and a ‘Rogu- ish Servant’. Their dialogues, “diversified” by stick fights, used to take place in squares and streets (Zaborskaitė 1981: 166). As stated in the resolution of the fifth General of Jesuits Claudio Acquaviva of 1602, at that time the sideshows, differently from dialogues, were allowed to be staged in national languages, however, warnings were given about their content: “Sideshows must be serious and decent”. 94 The information about the participation of the students and academic staff of theV ilnius Jesuit College and Academy in Shrovetide performances and carnivals and about the festival itself, its positive and negative evaluations, rules, and prohibitions can be found in the memorials and resolutions of the Vilnius Jesuit College and Academy of the 17th through the 18th century. We learn from them that, at the time, the Shrovetide carnival would last three days95 (like in the palaces of the nobility). As indicated in the memorial of 1614, short (up to 30 min)96 theatralised Shrovetide

93 A sideshow was a short play inserted between the acts of a comedy or tragedy and consisting of funny words, objects, or individuals. Peasants used Latin words or expressions (Zaborskaitė 1981: 117–118). 94 Different resolutions of General [Claudio Acquaviva] on the proposals of Paulius Bokša of 1602 (Part 3 of Book 1 presented the resolutions of Provincials approved by the General) (MR 1987: 195). 95 Paulius Bokša’s Memorial. 10.05.1613 (MR 1987: 213–214). 96 Apparently, the duration of those events posed constant problems, as that was noted in the memorials of both 1614 and 1714: “Let professors of Rhetoric or Poetics, 178 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

dialogues97 were allowed to be played only on Mondays, because they lacked restraint and had more shamelesness than piety.98 Provided no decent dialogue had been prepared, no dialogue at all was to be shown. On other days of the festival, no dialogues were to be presented in order to avoid the crowding of people and improper behaviour: drinking, dancing, and the like, as that did not help to strengthen the souls.99 Women of humble origin were forbidden to watch dramas and dialogues, while those who could not be forbidden to watch them had to sit separately from men.100 New students were also forbidden to participate in the Shrovetide carnival processions – they had to be satisfied with singing in the choir, as well as brethren assistants.101 Consequently, Shrovetide entertainments used to be rowdy, accompanied by noise, jokes, and abundant alcohol consumption, which was sometimes revealed in the names and content of the Shrovetide dramas. Thus, inV ilnius in 1739, a Shrovetide drama Vox clamantis contra orgia [TheV oice Shouting against Drunkenness] was played, in which an angel was driving demons out of the party and breaking their musical instruments (Резанов 1916: 76–77; Trilupaitienė 1995: 98). The dramaturgy of the Jesuit school dramas of Shrovetide, in which historical topics predominated, were characterised by specific genres and ideological accents.102 The dramas sought to inspire be-

when preparing drama performances at the given time, not make them very long (they happened to have lasted for seven hours, and students got bored and left), however, let them appropriately combine learnedness and effects and not leave pauses filled with music alone”. Motiejus Karskis’ memorial. 10.05.1714 (MR 1987: 264). 97 The simplest genre is a dialogue where two or more individuals discuss some subject. That is a simple conversation on a serious or funny topic (Zaborskaitė 1981: 84). 98 Jonas Argentas’ Memorial. 02.01.1614 (MR 1987: 214). 99 Ibid. 100 Different resolutions of General Claudio [Acquaviva], made public from 1602 to 1604 (MR 1987: 193–194). 101 Paulius Bokša’s Memorial. 14.12.1608 (MR 1987: 212). 102 The main motifs and plots of school dramas were mostly taken from written sources: the Antiquity and medieval historiography, biographistics, legends, mythology, the Bible, and lives of the saints. A popular practice was remaking the dramas of outstanding European playwrights of the 16th through the 18th cen- Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 179 lievers’ repentance and to create the right mood for the beginning of Lent. The Shrovetide dramas focused on the worldly vanity, incon- stancy of happiness, and despicability of glory and riches, and “their heroes lived in the vortex of luxurious feasts, merriment and drunkenness, they schemed and shed blood until being plunged in hell and eternal destruction”. The motifs and the content of the said Shrovetide dramas, as argued by Zaborskaitė, “were related to the then reality of Rzeczpospolita through all the topicalities and had to be perceived as a familiar reflection of everyday life”.103 Consequently, Shrovetide dramas revealed the life of the nobility, its vices and the political and historical environment, either actually existing or depicted in historical sources104 or works of literature (Zaborskaitė 1981: 64). The content of the staged plays was controlled, and the authorities were informed, by responsible persons. A letter of 1684 of the Soci- ety of Jesus General Carol de Noyelles to the Provincial Superior informed him that dramas and theatrical events that once used to provide the audience with spiritual nourishment had at the time deviated “from our customs” [supposedly from religious ones]: “in some places, theatres publicly perform plays of pagan poets, in some of them, love

tury, such as Shakespeare, Calderón, Racine, and Molière by “borrowing” one or another motif from them. In that way, on the Lithuanian school stage (Vilnius, Kražiai, Pašiaušė, etc.), the so-called “wandering plots” got established, and introduction to the news of the theatre and literature took place (Ulčinaitė 1998). 103 Zaborskaitė justified her argument by an analysis of the Shrovetide tragedy Reg- num Phraatis [Reign of Phraates] by Žemaitijan Ignotas Holovinas, staged in Vil- nius on 11 July 1698 (Zaborskaitė 1981: 50–51). 104 Lithuanian authors made efforts to supplement the universal Antiquity and bibli- cal plots by local realities and the facts of Lithuanian history as well as to mention the deeds and works of famous heroes of the past. The heroes of dramas included Grand Dukes of Lithuania Mindaugas, Algirdas, Vytautas, Jogaila, Traidenis, Vaišvilas, Vytenis, etc. Most plots were taken from the historical works of Motie- jus Kromeris (Maciej Kromer), Motiejus Strijkovskis (Maciej Stryjkowski), and Albertas Kojalavičius Vijūkas, annals, and chronicles. Most frequently, audiences were reminded of the fighting against the Teutonic Order, the Battle of Grun- wald, the Muscovite-Lithuanian wars, and the wars against Turks and Swedes (Ulčinaitė 1998). 180 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

and seduction [scenes] are introduced, some performances have ideal and concocted ends, while historical and respectable plots hide in- sults to the nobles and the ruler, or biting satire; in some cases, funny or indecent things are said in the native language”.105 The latter ones most probably depicted the realities of the life of the “lower” classes, however, in general, the situation of the poor seemed unattractive to professors of Rhetoric who wrote dramas and to other authors. The written sources of the 16th through the 18th century provide us with the information about musical and dramatic Shrovetide performances. However, so far, no reliable information has been found about other, older and no less significant, theatrical events, such as liturgical mysteries or processions on the occasion of Shrovetide. Still, ethnographic Shrovetide carnival processions with the carrying of an idol, costumed characters, songs, hymns, and music have an externally visible typological resemblance to the European medieval church liturgical dramas, solemn processions, and popular fetes (sometimes even including comic scenes), which were banned in churches by Pope Innocent III around 1210 due to their expressive character and the penetration of some secular content elements (Trilupaitienė 1995: 78). Therefore, those theatrical events moved to churchyards or town squares and streets. In Lithuania, Bernardine monks must have been the first to stage liturgical dramas.106 On the occasion of ecclesiatical celebrations, frequently together with the Vilnius Chapter, they would organise solemn processions (Gidžiūnas 1982: 84) One of the first processions in Vilnius mentioned in written sources was held on the occasion of the Feast of Corpus Christi in 1525 (Trilupaitienė 1995: 116). Theatralised events and various ceremonies of Jesuits were also accompanied by solemn processions, gratulations, etc. Processions were

105 A letter of the Society of Jesus General Carol de Noyelles to the Provincial Superior of 17.06.1684 (MR 1987: 210–211). 106 The Bernardine monks with their missions arrived in the Grand Duchy of Lithu- ania in the mid-15th century. The branch of the Friars Minor sought to live in accordance with the ideals of the monastic life of St. Francis of Assisi (1182–1226) and to follow the rule established by him as closely as possible. They were usually called Observant Franciscans. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 181 one of the most interesting forms of the Jesuit theatrical activities, and music in paratheatrical events was of special importance. There the elements of secular and ecclesiastic music united into a single whole. A lot of people participated in church processions taking place in various places of Lithuania, and they, as believed by researchers, used to sing Lithuanian hymns from the hymnals of Saliamonas Slavočinskis, Pranciškus Šrubauskis, Vincentas Valmikas (Vilmikas), and other authors ( Jovaišas; Trilupaitienė 1995: 113, 118–119).

Music in Theatrical and Paratheatrical Events: Contacts of Eclesiastic and Folk Music

The songs and music of the Shrovetide costumed characters have always been an important, however, not the dominant, component of the carnival processions, just like music in dramas and theatrical and paratheatrical events. In dramas of different cultural epochs, music and choirs used to perform distinctive and distinct functions. In the Renaissance drama, the choir would end every act and performed the role of a moral commentator and resonator. In the Baroque drama, the role of the choir as well as of movement and pantomine changed and intensified; frequently they took over the main ideological load of the dramatic work, and especially the functions of moralising and panegyric (Zaborskaitė 1981: 105). The music in paratheatrical events was different and closer to the theme of the present research: during them, next to the especially frequently used wind and percussion instruments,107 the most important part of the ceremony was common hymn singing, particularly dur-

107 Those musical instruments were played in the festivals inside the temples. “ 9. The choir master is to be warned that, during major festivals, [the musicians] were to use wind instruments and drums moderately, so that not to interfere with the con- fessor listening to confessions and not to distract the attention of people making confessions”. Adalbertas Boguševičius’ Memorial. 09.05.1729 (MR 1987: 274). 182 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

ing mass processions (Trilupaitienė 1995: 115). Another important thing: in processions, especially in poorer and more remote provincial parishes that had no their own choirs, hymns had to be sung by parishioners, and therefore hymns in the native language were needed (Trilupaitienė 1995: 41). Therefore, in the ceremonies and processions, hymns from the above mentioned hymnals were sung in Lithuanian. Part of folk hymns, passed by word of mouth, came to Lithuania from Žemaitija where church hymn singing, and even the writing of church hymns, was at the time taken good care of (Ivinskis 1954 b: 54). On the other hand, Jesuits have been found out to have allowed the use of folk music in their environment; folk music was to be combined with professional music compositions (Trilupaitienė 1995: 32). Drama producers and organisers of mass festivals were usually short of musicians and singers, therefore, schools were encouraged to teach pupils music. In 1629, in the Memorial of Jonas Jemelkovskis, the Alumnatas108 in Vilnius was instructed to seriously teach students vocal and instrumental music. A decade later (in 1629), the requirement was repeated in the Memorial of Jokūbas Lachovskis and described in greater detail: “Let the practice to teach hymn singing after classes be reintroduced. Efforts should be made to revive the almost totally abandoned classes of music and hymn singing and to create conditions for those able to sing to attend choir rehearsals. The Col- lege is to assist the teacher-choir leader in every possible way so that he does not face such difficulties and impediments when looking for hymn singers and musicians for celebrations”. 109 Ecclessiastical and church music must have interacted in other ways, too. Some indigent students in the Jesuit College bursa used to sing in church during services, and sometimes they were begging, “walking from house to house with songs and music” (VUI 1976: 35). In the books of income and expenditure of the Salantai Manor, the fact was

108 Alumnãtas: a feudal-period boarding school providing free tuition and room and board. Alumnatas in Vilnius: a Uniate Priest Seminary, a reflection of Renaissance in the Vilnius architecture. 109 Jokūbas Lachovskis’ Memorial. 18.01.1639 (MR 1987: 221, 229). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 183 recorded of paying eight timpas and a šeštokas to travelling Vilnius students-cantors for hymn singing on 6 February 1776 (SDK 2001: 432). From the 16th century, great efforts were made by Bishops Mer- kelis Giedraitis and Jurgis Tiškevičius for the liturgical hymn singing to spread over Žemaitija. Believers loved the Varniai Cathedral for the solemnity of its services and beautiful hymn singing. Bishop Gie- draitis tried to involve parishioners in church singing, and the choir formed by him used to sing not only in Latin, but also in Lithuanian during the processions. In the long run, his initiative turned into a tradition of folk hymn singing which became especially popular in Žemaitija (Ivinskis 1954). The number of Lithuanian songs started increasing in the early 17th century for several practical reasons. Hymns were translated into Lithuanian from Latin and Polish. Lithuanian Jesuits Jonas Gruževskis, Jokūbas Paškevičius and others wrote Lithuanian hymns; some of them were later included in the first Lithuanian hymnal Giesmes Tikieimuy Katholickam Pridiarancias [Hymns Suitable for the Catholic Faith], published by Saliamonas Mozerka Slavočinskis in 1646 (Slawoczyn- ski 1646). By following the existing examples, folk hymn variants were likely to have emerged, in other words, some Lithuanian hymns were written by the folk itself. Another precondition for more hymns to emerge was the inclusion of hymn writing, as the form of teaching to write poetry, in the curriculum of Jesuit colleges. The third, and probably the most important, stimulus to write Lithuanian hymn lyrics was the conscious and purposeful position of the clergy with regard to the legitimation and promotion of the Lithuanian language in the churches of Žemaitijan parishes and the youth catechetisation process.110 The still popular folk singing tradition in Žemaitija penetrated also into the folk songs of the rural Shrovetide festivals. The ‘beggar’ song/ hymn I was Born a Beggar is to be related to the so-called kantička hymns. The hymnal Balsas Szirdies [Voice of the Heart], compiled by Jesuit 110 In 1636, the Synod in Varniai resolved that, before the Mass, instead of the Boga- rodzica prescribed in Polish dioceses, some other catechist hymns should be sung in the native language (Ivinskis 1954 a). 184 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Pranas Šrubauskis in 1679 following the example of Polish hymnals, after having a number of editions111 over the 18th and the 19th century, was renamed Kantičkos (Ivinskis 1954 a). Valančius, who included A Beggar Song in his Palanga Juzė, indicated that it was to be sung to the melody of the kantička hymn In the Name of Most Powerful God. In the studies of the Shrovetide celebration customs in the 20th and the 21st century and of their specific part, i.e. the songs of the costumed carnival characters especially popular in Žemaitija, the above mentioned facts and sources at least partly helped to identify a chain of factors which can have made a certain, even if indirect, impact on the object under investigation. The collected material confirmed the previously presented assumption that the rural Shrovetide celebration tradition of the 20th to the 21st century contained typological elements – performances, dressing up as various characters, processions, music, dancing, huge meals, and fires – relating it to the carnival tradition in the urban environment. When looking at the Lithuanian Shrovetide in the European context and in the perspective of time, an unopopular idea of ethnologist Juozas Kudirka about “the incentives for the formation of Shrovetide coming to the village from the town” (Kudirka 1992: 3) seems to be acceptable. Peter Burke who analysed the European popular culture112 of the Early Modern Period (1500–1800) and the Western European carnival tradition argued that it was difficult to deny the fact of the lower social classes frequently tending to imitate the cultural practices of the higher classes. They did it because they wanted to rise to a higher social stratum, and therefore they imitated “better” customs to achieve the impression of equality. Thus, the ‘cultural hegemony’ of the higher classes was unvoluntarily recognised (Burke 1994: xxii). 111 In 1819, priest Vincentas Valmikis reorganised the Balsas Szirdies, supplemented it with new hymns written by himself and other priests, and published under the name Giesmės nobažnos [Religious Hymns]. In 1823, the hymnal was renamed Kantyczkos žemajtyszkos [Žemaitijan Kantičkos] (Motuzas 2000: 12). Colloquially, the word kantičkos usually referred to ancient hymns or old prayer books. 112 In Lithuanian research discourses, popular culture has been more often referred to by the term of folk or rural culture. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 185 186 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Urban winter carnivals, parties, masquerade balls, and the rural- style costumed Shrovetide processions belonged to the calendrical festivals most thoroughly described in the Lithuanian press and most comprehensively exploited in the period from 1905 to 1940. In the long run, that channel of information became particularly important and, in some cases, the only source for the reconstruction of the Lith- uanian customs of Shrovetide and of scientific research in them. As established by social constructivism theorists, media belong to one of the most influential social institutions that construct the perceived reality. Public media, basically supporting the prevailing ideology, indicate what should be thought about and what should be thought about it (Hall 1997; McCombs, Shaw 1993: 58–67; Senvaitytė 2013: 115–117). When verifying and interpreting media messages, one has to keep in mind that the visible image of a phenomenon is a kind of construction. As regards the period under examination in Lithuania, one should also remember that, during the administration of Presi- dent Antanas Smetona (1926–1940), the press was controlled and heavily censored. The function was performed by the national news agency ELTA, whose Division of Internal Policies was vociferously propagandizing the national culture (Lukšas 2015). Even in the light of what was said about the censorship of the press, one can see that the information in the periodicals of the first half of the 20th century revealed a diversity of Shrovetide celebratory traditions in Lithuanian towns and villages. Articles and visual materials on the rural ethnographic customs in Lithuania was one of the main empirical sources for the works of the 20th century ethnologists Pranė Dundulienė, Arūnas Vaicekauskas, Stasys Skrodenis, Albinas Rekašius, etc., based on which conclusions concerning the Lithuanian Shrovetide were made. However, the research goals of the above mentioned scholars as well as other circumstances imposed certain limitations, therefore, the targeted selection of materials left a number of things able to disclose a thorough picture of the Shrovetide celebration beyond the boundaries of scientific research. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 187

The press of the first half of the 20th century abounded in interesting reports on how Shrovetide, or the ‘the merry season’, was celebrated by townspeople of different strata, youth and political organisations, and students and corporations. Periodicals also featured descriptions of carnivals abroad that could have influenced the emergence, or the revival, of more diverse forms of celebration in Lithuania. The basis of the Lithuanian Shrovetide celebration content, developed over a period of time and surviving till the present, was designed specifically of the ideas and details presented in the periodicals of the first half of the 20th century, related merely to the rural (meaning Lithuanian) tradition. In the second half of the 20th century, speaking or writing about townspeople’s traditions, customs, and folklore was avoided, although certain hints suggested that ethnologists knew about them. Researchers of other fields, such as historians, art critics, culturologists, and sociologists, paid more attention to the manor and urban Lithuanian culture. In the early 20th century, the urban celebration of Shrovetide by form and ways of expression was closer to the 16th through the 18th century Shrovetide events in the cities and manors which testified to the world of European traditions in Lithuania having existed parallely to the Baltic traditions. In 1927, a Lithuanian paper wrote: “As Kau- nas follows international European traditions, it cannot fall behind Europe in this regard. Therefore, in the period of Shrovetide, quite a few masquerade balls are held in Kaunas” (NŽ 1927 a). For the research into the urban celebration of Shrovetide in the first half of the 20th century, 38 periodicals113 in the online heritage database (Epaveldas) were selected114 and overviewed, most of them

113 In the list of literature and sources, only the papers quoted or paraphased in the text were indicated. 114 The main selection criteria included the continuity of periodicals and the character of the published information. The material was collected based on the Shrove- tide celebration date in a specific year and several weeks before and after it, i.e. January to March. 188 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

published in Kaunas (19/20),115 and fewer in other towns: Šiauliai (7), Vilnius (3/2), Klaipėda (2), Marijampolė (2), Telšiai (2), Panevėžys (1), Biržai, and (1) Zarasai (1). 427 information units116 were found in the newspapers and used for the discussion and the formulated conclusions: they included larger or smaller articles of a different character, short news items, ads, invitations, stories, feuilletons, rhymed texts, jokes, recipes, radio programmes, cartoons, drawings, and photos.117 22%118 of them were considered to be ethnographic, revealing the rural tradition of Shrovetide celebration;119 4% were assigned to articles interpreting the meanings of Lent and Ash Wednesday (mainly from the ecclesiatical viewpoint); 11% presented the picture of the Shrovetide celebration abroad; and in the remaining part (63%), the urban celebration of Shrovetide was described from one or another perspective.

115 Lietuvos žinios [News of Lithuania] was published in Vilnius in 1909–1915 and in Kaunas, in 1922–1940. 116 The term information unit is formal, covering and defining the genre diversity of the information on Shrovetide found in the press. The greatest amount of information units was found in the dailies Lietuvos aidas [Echo of Lithuania] (71), Diena [The Day] (33), Vakarai [The West] (31), and XX amžius [The 20th century] (18); in weeklies Trimitas [The Trumpet] (28), Sekmadienis [The Sun- day] (22), Suvalkietis [The Suduvite] (21), Mūsų laikraštis [Our Newspaper](20), Žemaičių prietelius [A Friend of Žemaitijans] (15), Lietuvos ūkininkas [Lithuanian Farmer] (14), Ūkininko patarėjas [Farmer’s Advisor] (12), and Jaunasis ūkininkas [The Young Farmer] (10), and in some monthlies: Naujas žodis [The New Word] (26) and Jaunoji karta [The Young Generation] (20). 117 The press made it obvious that, in the so-called mėsėdas (literally: pig slaughtering) season from Christmas to Lent (more frequently, from the end of January to the beginning of March, depending on the movable dates), numerous entertainment events took place in towns, which were not always related to Shrovetide. Only those information units which unambiguously dealt, or were perceived as dealing, with Shrovetide events were selected for the research. 118 Approximate figures are presented, as some of the items dealt with both rural and urban traditions; sometimes they are compared. Assigning items to one or another group is based on the predominating character of information in it. 119 Published works of an ethnographic character shall be briefly discussed in the next section. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 189

The rich and valuable material helped to summarise the period of the Shrovetide celebration in the everyday and festive environments of townspeople from different social and cultural strata by covering also some problematic political, economic, moral, and other aspects. Calendrical festivals celebrated by towsnpeople and their reflection in the Lithuanian press in the first half of the 20th century have not been thoroughly examined, and the contemporary analyses of the press by ethnologists focus on “authentic Lithuanian” things, related to traditional rural customs. Towns and townspeople are referred to when the contemporary calendrical festivals in towns, the activity of folklore ensembles, etc., are discussed. Quite a number of such works can be named (by Stasys Skrodenis, Libertas Klimka, Arūnas Vaicekauskas, Žilvytis Bernardas Šaknys, Eglė Aleknaitė, etc.), however, they also deal mainly with the expression of the ethnocultural heritage. Most authors relate the changes in the traditions and customs and their decline to the contemporary processes and pace of glo- balisation and modernisation. When reading the century-old press, it becomes obvious that, in the early 20th century, those processes had already occurred or were taking place fast. Only due to the conscious political will of the state, when Lithuanian identity began to be developed on the basis of the Lithuanian language and the Lithuanian rural culture, the latter, being marginal and deteriorating, began to be protected and, to a certain extent, predominant. The intersection of the urban and rural calendrical customs in the context of calendrical festivals was probably most extensively examined by Vaicekauskas (Vaicekauskas 2000; 2002; 2009 a; 2009 b; 2010). He argued that it was specifically at the beginning of the 20th century that the major breakthroughs in the decline and changes in customs and their conscious revival took place. The revival of Shrove- tide and its inclusion in the heritage traditions, based on the periodical press, was discussed by Aleknaitė (Aleknaitė 2011) and Petrošienė (Petrošienė 2013). Dalia Senvaitytė analysed the calendrical festivals decribed in the newspapers and calendars of the 19th through the early 20th century, seeking to reveal the changes in them and the con- 190 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

cepts of calendrical festivals created by the press (Senvaitytė 2013; 2013a). Kristina Blockytė focused on the specificity of the Shrove- tide šiupinys evenings in the Klaipėda Region (Blockytė 2010). Giedrė Dusevičiūtė overviewed the dicourse of the celebration of the first an- niversary of the 1940–1941 Soviet occupation in the periodical press: the way the new festivals contributed to the creation of a modern homo sovieticus and the situation that the traditional festivals occurred in (Dusevičiūtė 2013). Šaknys in his English articles presented pano- ramic information (intended for foreign readers) about the Shrove- tide celebrations in the urban and rural environments as well as in the Lithuanian emigration diasporas in the 20th to the 21st century (Šaknys 2014; 2015).

The First Publications on Shrovetide in Lithuanian Periodicals

According to Senvaitytė, not much information about calendrical festivals could be found in Lithuanian periodicals before 1918: “Although the attention to the awakening of Lithuanian national- ism and national culture was especially great, one can conclude that the press of the time, as an active constructor of Lithuanian national identity, did not actually explicate calendrical festivals as an attribute of Lithuanian culture before the interwar period”120 (Senvaitytė 2013: 282–283). For the first two decades of the 20th century, Lithuanian press was at an early stage of development. Newspaper correspondents were little interested in ethnographic customs, and the two-to-four- page newspapers with low circulation focused on political and economic events in Lithuania and the world. The intellectuals had not yet realised or generated the idea of considering the rural culture as the

120 The interwar period is a period between the First and the Second World Wars in the 20th century, the period of existence of the independent State of Lithuania (1918–1940). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 191 basis of Lithuanian identity: it started to emerge and take root only in the 20s to 30s of the 20th century. The earliest item under the title of Užgavėnės [Shrovetide] in 1905 did not actually deal with the holiday itself. The image of Shrovetide as a happy and rich in food holiday uniting the families and the community was used in an emotional discussion of the tragic political- military events of the period: “Shrovetide is here, but it is so horrible this year!.. As we are preparing to celebrate that fatty holiday in our families, when each face should be shining with joy, when joyous songs should be sounding in the hour of the nation’s revival – tears are rolling down our cheeks”. The story continued to discuss the conse- quences of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905, family members – fathers, husbands, sons, and brothers – having been recruited into the Russian Army and having perished in foreign lands. Another topical event was commented upon: abolition of the ban on the Lithuanian press in 1904: “However, at the same time, the heart finds at least one consolation! That is a bright Lithuanian star that emerged recently: the freedom of our writings!.. The last Shrovetide was not so happy, as we were missing that bright star!” The author believed that, after the war had ended, the mournful hearts were going to calm down and nurture “hope that the next Shrovetide was going to be different and celebrated in a different way!” (VŽ 1905). In quite a few articles the Shrovetide celebration, the mood, attributes, and activities were used as a means of discussing daily life events, national and global politics, economy, human relations, etc., providing the discussion with picturesqueness or serving as a contrast.121 In the interwar period, the means was widely exploited by authors of cartoons and sarcastic rhymed texts.

121 “The first Shrovetide during occupation: 20 years ago, the Austrian Army was stationed in Kaunas. Germans were saying that starvation was healthy. One had to eat crows”: that was the intro to another article on the difficulties related to a shortage of food experienced in Lithuania and Kaunas occupied by Germans in 1916 (ŪP 1936). 192 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The belief and the well wishes to Lithuanian people to have more joyful celebrations of Shrovetide after the end of the war, expressed in the above mentioned publication, came true. As the newspaper Viltis [The Hope] reported in 1908, “During Shrovetide this year, Kaunas was very lively: wherever one looked, one saw evenings with dancing, concerts followed by parties and parties including concerts, as well as readings and lectures. A whirl of fun dragged in local Lithuanians” (Viltis 1908). The programmes of the events and their organisational characteristics received critical comments, and ideological provisions important for the author were revealed: the most sensitive issue was the complicated relations between Lithuanians and Poles.122 The need for the promotion of Lithuannianism was seen in an item on the masquerade of the Lithuanian cultural society Rūta which took place in Vilnius in 1910. According to the comment, masks were few, while Lithuanian costumes were not seen at all. However, it was the first evening of such kind, and one “could not expect too much of it”. The Rūta Society was encouraged to adopt a “more Lithuanian character” (LŽ 1910).

122 A comment on a Lithuanian evening of the Kaunas suburb workers: “Everybody was satisfied with, and moved by, a pleasant evening; Poles found nothing to criticise and even enjoyed the songs and the resourcefulness of Lithuanians. One has to admit that, but for priest Olšauskis, that evening in Šančiai would have hardly happened, due to different obstacles created by the local police and the Kaunas Directorate of Schools”. The evening of the “Circle of Lithuanians and Poles” was commented upon in the following way: “Of course, the ‘party with a concert’ that evening was held in a grand style: the black tail-coats, bright silks, pleasant per- fume, and the Polish language, even if mixed with Lithuanian, created an impression of a real ball”. Lithuanian songs moved the hearts of all, and some Poles were saying: “We also are Lithuanians, just nobody taught us the Lithuanian language”. In the Shrovetide party given to the ordinands of the Samogitian Priest Seminary in Kaunas, no poem reciting or songs were heard: before the Shrovetide, priest- inspector Pacevičius forbade the singing of Lithuanian songs or reciting poems: “If they do not want things in Polish, they do not need them in Lithuanian, either” (Viltis 1908). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 193

TheS hrovetide celebration was organised not only in Lithuanian cities, but held also by Lithuanian societies outside Lithuania. Thus, e.g., in 1913, in St. Petersburg alone, two evenings of the Lithuanian Indigent Society took place as well as the evenings of Lithuanian students and of St. Petersburg Lithuanian youth (Viltis 1913). Similar events were held in Riga, Paris, and probably in other more abundant Lithuanian émigré societies.

An Overview of Ethnographic Contributions

In Lietuvos žinios [The News of Lithuania] in 1914, probably the first article of an ethnographic character appeared which contrasted the established urban “cultural seasonal entertainments”, such as theatre, ballet, and masquerades, and the rural celebrations: “Let us have a look at remote villages – how many ways of entertainment we shall find in that, it would seem, calm and monotonous life <...> In that area, the village in no way falls behind the city (and possibly the village inventions served as the starting point for the city entertainments)”. The author listed the activities performed during the major calendrical festivals, such as Easter, St John’s Day, Pentecost, Corpus Christi Day, and Christmas, however, as a participant of the events, he argued that Shrove Tuesday was the merriest day for vil- lagers. The main attributes of the celebration were briefly described: “pancakes, and swings, and the famous ‘Shrovetide Jews’ <...> with us in Žemaitija, a masquerade is still very popular, although less popular than before”. The costumed characters were referred to as “annual guests” whom people loved and treated to “pancakes and vodka”. Not only the young people of the village took part in the costumed processions; farmer wives also dressed up as ‘beggars’ or ‘witches’ and went to the neighbours to drive ‘Lašinskas’ out. The article was not limited to the description of the customs: the author reflected on their origin, value, and future. As many as fifteen years later, in the same daily News 194 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

of Lithuania in 1929, another article on Shrovetide in Žemaitija was published, devoted to the rural ethnography (LŽ 1929). An increase in the articles of an ethnographic character was seen only in the periodicals of the 30s of the 20th century. Among the periodicals of the 20s through the 30s of the 20th century selected for the present research, over 90 items of an ethnographic character were published in 17 newspapers (57 texts and 36 illustrations). The largest number of articles on the rural Shrovetide and of photos with the actors of the celebration appeared in the papers of the Lithuanian Nationalist Union as well as of Lithuanian Rifle- men’s Union and the Lithuanian Nationalist Youth Society, ideologically close to the former, all of them promoting the ideology of unity of the Lithuanian nation and the nationalist state, in the years 1933, 1937, and 1940: those were Lietuvos aidas [Echo of Lithuania] (9),123 Trimitas [TheT rumpet] (12), Jaunoji karta [TheY oung Generation] (10), etc. Rural Shrovetide was described in the papers intended for farmers and dealing with Lithuanian rural affairs: the paper of the Ministry of Agriculture Ūkininko patarėjas [Farmer’s Advisor] (8), in the dailies supervised by the Lithuanian Popular Peasants’ Union Li- etuvos ūkininkas [Lithuanian Farmer] (4), Lietuvos žinios [The News of Lithuania] (2), and the paper of the Lithuanian farmer circles Jau- nasis ūkininkas [TheY oung Farmer] (5). National customs were reflected in the Catholic papers, such as Mūsų laikraštis [Our Paper] (4) and XX amžius [The 20th Century] (4). Quite a few articles on Shrovetide of an ethnographic character were found in the daily Va- karai [The West], published in Klaipėda in 1936 to 1939, that sought to bring together “all nationally-inclined Lithuanians of goodwill for the common national and public work”. A tabloid Sekmadienis [Sun- day] also contained some materials on the subject of the rural customs of Shrovetide. It goes without saying that ethnographic materials were published in the folklore-oriented Gimtasis kraštas [Native Land] (5) and Mūsų

123 The figures at the titles indicate the numbers of the articles on the subject. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 195 kraštas [Our Land] (2) as well as in Naujoji Romuva [TheN ew Romu- va] (6) and Naujasis žodis [The New Word], interested in cultural- social issues. The most productive correspondents who contributed the most exhaustive rural Shrovetide descriptions to the periodical press of the early 20th century were Balys Buračas ir Petras Budrys- Budreckas.124 They shared the ethnographic material collected by them with Lithuanian readers. Due to the collaboration with several papers, they managed to present the repeating materials in a resourceful and attractive, and, from the ethnological perspective, a rather professional way. In the total context of the list in question, exclusive single, however, important articles of Vladas Trinka (Trinka 1935: 210–212), Vladas Balsys (ŪP 1933), Simas Miglinas (ŪP 1938), and Ona Vilmantienė (V 1939 d) ought to be mentioned, as they presented information necessary for the research into, and the revival of, ethnographic customs. The practice of the then ethnographic customs in Lithuanian regions was characterised by the geography indicated in the periodical press. Žemaitija (Northwestern Lithuania) emerged as a region where the customs were still practiced. That was evidenced both by quantitative and qualitative indicators: more than half of all the Shrovetide descriptions and illustrations came from Žemaitija. In Aukštaitija (Northeastern Lithuania), the customs were described less frequently, and even less information about Shrovetide came from Lithuania Mi- nor (Western Lithuania). The Shrovetide customs of Dzūkija (South- eastern Lithuania) and Suvalkija (Southern Lithuania) were discussed in a fragmentary way, mainly in articles dealing with the customs of the Shrovetide celebration all over Lithuania. Certain activities or actors were named that were allegedly characteristic of, or well-known in, certain regions or localities. On that basis, in the long run, a stereo- type formed of an exclusively ‘Žemaitijan’ character of the Shrovetide customs.

124 Balys Buračas published 13 articles, most of them illustrated with original authorial photos. Petras Budrys-Budreckas published 6 articles. 196 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Some ethnographic publications described Shrovetide customs, unrelated to any region or locality. In other words, they focused on the most common practices, actors, ritual food and drinks, the beliefs typical of that festival, superstitions, magic, and the performed singing and oral folklore. Sometimes Shrove Tuesday and Ash Wednesday were described together, however, in such cases, emphasis was placed not on the ecclesiatical rituals and meanings of Ash Wedneday, but on its folklore moments. Exhaustive and valuable Shrovetide descriptions published in the Lithuanian periodicals of the first half of the 20th century have been thoroughly studied by Lithuanian ethnologists and folklorists and referred to in their works, therefore, in the present research, as mentioned in the preface to the book, they will not be quoted once again. However, some things are relevant to the topic of the book, such as the opposition of the urban and rural culture, the views of the then authors on the rural lifestyle, and the issues of the origin of the Lithu- anian rural Shrovetide customs, the relationships between the pre- Christian and Christian customs, their meaning, situation, survival, etc., as seen at that time. On the other hand, the materials published in the periodical press were very diverse in all aspects. The traditional descriptions of the Shrovetide customs were sometimes complemented by curious stories, when one could not be sure whether they were real or fictitious. Thus, in Aukštaitija, in the period between Christmas and Shrovetide (the ‘pig slaughtering season’), a comic event allegedly happened when a farmer took pig buyers for matchmakers (the period before Lent was the season of matchmaking and weddings) and organised a feast for them, as accepted in such cases, during which, instead of showing them pigs, brought his daughters to show. Al- though the event “made everyone laugh hard”, however, “the host and his daughters felt slightly uncomfortable and were telling everyone that the matchmakers were “genuine”, only they “failed to come to an agreement” ” (D 1930 d). Such texts used to appear in the press of the time for various reasons: to get readers interested, to entertain them, to moralise, to gain popularity, etc. It should be borne in mind that Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 197 those were not questionnaires filled in by professional ethnographers in field expeditions and translated into fluent texts, therefore, their verification would be neither correct nor meaningful or reliable. Such texts revealed the clash of different cultures and incidents caused by not knowing the meanings of customs. The author who was writing about the magic still practiced in Lithuanian villages during Shrovetide described an adventure of the girls who wanted to find out when they were going to marry. “Last year, an American found the neighbour’s daughters in his barn trying to get the important answer by means of firewood magic and reported them to the police. The judge then arrested them for a fortnight for … theft” (D 1930 e). Authors of articles of an ethnographic character in the periodicals intended for the general public occasionally raised fundamental issues of the origin of the Shrovetide celebration and of some of their personages, as well as their relationship with Christianity and paganism. “It would be nice if somebody could identify the time when that Morė125 appeared in Žemaitija. Maybe it happened in ancient times?” (Šliūpas 1931). A lot of similar questions did not yet get unequivocal answers. Still, some of the authors had their own opinions: “The Shrovetide customs did not originate in the times of Christianity, when fasting was introduced; they date back to much earlier times. Most probably those are the surviving ancient pagan rites related to the god of Sun, when the day starts to defeat the night”. References were given to similar customs of other nations of the world, allegedly, “such customs were abundantly found with the ancient pagan peoples”. The impact of Christianity on pre-Christian customs was taken into account, and their transformation and adaptation to modern times was encouraged (V 1937 a; 1937 b). Nonetheless, when talking about the Lithuanian rural festival, a firm statement was made that “our Shrovetide customs were authentic and Lithuanian, therefore, we should make efforts to

125 Morė (Kotrė, Šiuorė, Sorkė) was a female effigy, widespread in Lithuania, that was carried around by costumed characters during Shrovetide and was destroyed (burnt or drowned) at the end of the ritual. 198 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

protect them from extinction in the village”, since “a nation cannot survive without its own traditions” (JK 1939; LA 1937). The origin and meaning of Shrovetide was discussed much less frequently than other issues of the decline, protection, and revival of rural/Lithuanian customs, especially urgent at the time. To activate the protection of national culture, the issue of its decline/destruction had to be emphasised. Almost half of the articles of an ethnographic character would begin or, more often, end with the regret about the extinction of the Shrovetide customs or their development in the wrong direction. Sometimes even their death was certified: “Gone are those Lithuanian rituals, the signs of Lithuanian carnival” (GK 1935: 210), and such nice rural customs could not be revived any more ( JK 1933). Allegedly, “only in fairy tales did the memories about Kana pinskas and Lašininis survive that students each year reproduce so well in Kaunas” (XXa 1940). Since they disappeared or were about to disappear all over Lithu- ania, as “people of Aukštaitija, Suvalkija, Dzūkija, etc., tended to forget the ancient customs” and “currently knew almost nothing about Shrovetide rituals”, only Žemaitijans did not abandon their “traditional, valuable ancient and purely Lithuanian customs” which were “the Žemaitijan folk treasure and product” (JK 1936; MK 1937 a; NR 1937). Sometimes the same authors wrote the opposite: “Today all those customs are still alive” (MK 1937 a), thus refuting their repetitive statement about the customs being on the decline. Evidently the idea about the changes taking place in Lithuanian villages corresponded to the actual situation of the rural spiritual culture. A paradoxical situation occurred when authors wrote about the customs still being widely practiced, however, noted that “there is an intention to provide them with some serious and noble content. Sometimes, next to the entertaining mood, pithy performances are included, in other places, Shrovetide ‘Jews’ are asked to create a specific mood through topical songs, moreover, some characters are introduced into an ordinary masquerade that through their images bring Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 199 out some slogan/idea important for all the nation. That is a merit of our numerous organisations” (V 1937 b). The content of the article and the presented quotation testified to the opposition between the rural and the urban cultures which was treated in different aspects. On the one hand, an attempt was made to “improve” rural habits and “to provide them with a noble content”. On the other hand, with the spread of the new customs coming from the city, “we should still remember the ancient times and beautiful Lithuanian traditional customs” (JK 1936), because the diversity of entertainments in the village was not inferior to the urban ones, maybe even “the village inventions served as the beginning for the urban entertainments” (LŽ 1914). The “noble content” of Shrovetide, as well as of all the other festivals, interested rural people very much, since previously, as stated by the correspondents, they did not have parties with performances. However, village jokers would still act something ( JK 1933). Shrove- tide evenings with “theatres”, enjoyed by everybody, first appeared in those localities in Lithuania where there were schools and active public and other organisations (V 1936 b). In the press materials, the urban and the rural customs, the manner of celebration, the domestic environment, or the behaviour of people were evaluated both objectively and also through the principle of the contrast-based opposition, sometimes also through humor and dialec- tal speech. The lifestyle contrasts were brought out in an article written in the Žemaitijan dialect (a rare case) about the adventures of a brave Žemaitis guy in Klaipėda,126 in some (to quote the guy himself ) Ik- torijes House [the Viktorija Hotel, famous in the interwar Klaipėda]: Vo ten, tataa, daug puikiau beesu, kaap mūsų bažnyčioo. <...> Tik mon ten viskas ba veina gala majednee atrode [There it was much more beautiful than in our church. <...> Just for me everything looked very weird].

126 From the 13th through the early 20th century, the Klaipėda Region was ruled by the German Teutonic Order, the Duchy of Prussia, and the German Empire. That was one of the most remote provinces of the German Empire. In 1923, after an uprising of Lithuanians, the area was annexed to the Republic of Lithuania. In the interwar period, intense Lithuaniannisation of the local people was undertaken. 200 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Alcohol and other drinks were “sipped through a straw” by “lordly people there”, like by children. Juk jee turi pinigų ir nori gerte – tad nusipirk pusbutelke ir išmauk kaap reekint [If you have money and want to have a drink – buy a bottle and drink as a man should]. The women were made up and dressed in such a way that veinur trūkst, kitur pardaug [in some places, something was missing, in other ones, there was too much of something]. Sakau, pas mūs vis dar tokių sutvėrimų namatyte. Ir arklee pradėtų baidyteis [I say, we do not have such creatures around. Horses would be frightened by them]. A gentlemen and a lady also danced most weirdly: vis kaž kaap ontreep atsispyrę šok [somehow totally differently, leaning back]. The brave Žemaitis guy found both the city and its inhabitants – vokietininkai [Germanophiles] – who over all those years did not learn either the Lithuanian language or an or- derly way of life – rather unusual: gausem, matyte, visoms toms nečystoms dvasems [we shall probably have for all those vile souls] to introduce the Žemaitijan order in Klaipėda (V 1936 b). The Žemaitijan procedure of the rural Shrovetide celebration or, more precisely, the Shrovetide costumed procession of a rural stylistics was first held in Kaunas, the then capital of the state of Lithuania, in 1936. The tradition continued until the Second World War (and, incidentally, was revived after the war and has been continued until the present times). True, some elements, i.e. rural dramatisations of the festival, its personages, musical pieces, etc., had been used in some urban balls of the previous years. At the end of the 30s of the 20th century, in a Žemaitijan city of Mažeikiai, on the initiative of the director of the city museum, rural style ‘Shrovetide rituals’ were held. The activities can undoubtedly be considered to have been the acts of revival and popularisation of the rural/Lithuanian Shrovetide, inspired by the constant encouragements to act for the sake of the declining national culture and the proposals of what could be done about it. The press identified the causes of the decline in Lithuanian customs and the ‘culprits’. The circle of the culprits was substantial: inter- Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 201 nal and external factors and actors as well as spontaneous and forced powers. The church was considered to be one of the strongest and oldest-known destroyers of the rural/non-Christian customs and the initiators of constraints, however, to Buračas’ mind, “as long as the [customs] automatically did not go out of fashion, nobody was able to completely ban them.” In a closer retrospective, the beginning of the decline was related to the “Russian rule” which “allowed people to hold small parties and picnics in Lithuania” (JK 1933). The “fashions” of organising celebration were dictated by the technological progress and “the universal modern human culture” which changed the lifestyle in such a way that the “modern people were no longer willing to engage in such ‘nonsense’ ” (LA 1937; V 1939 c; LŽ 1929). People allegedly despised all that was old, therefore, they tended to abandon the customs and undertake everything that counted as ‘innovative’ (JK 1933). Those generally deemed “guilty” for the changes in customs were sometimes specified, and specific social or age groups were indicated as responsible. The intellectuals as people who “represented the nation’s face” were scolded for turning away from the “mossy countryside” and the Lithuanian carnival, just because “it was born in the village”. “They preferred rotten night masquerade balls after a foreign example, smoke-filled rooms, and drunken orgies. Such Shrovetide customs were brought to Lithuania by our intellectuals from the rot- ting cities of Western Europe”. Young people were also blamed for abandoning their “nice, and simultaneously meaningful, Shrovetide customs” and following the city customs. At the same time, an idea was expressed that young people who were looking for opportunities, and especially youth organisations, should be provided with the conditions to act: “Just indicate the right direction, and we shall inculcate Lithuanian customs in our young Lithuania!” (T 1936; GK 1935: 210). The “townspeople” who were “still too clumsy and too ‘modern- ised’ ” were not to be trusted (MK 1937 a). In the press of the first half of the 20th century, drunkenness as a moral and social problem of Lithuania and other evils accompanying 202 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

it, i.e. poverty, aggression, hooliganism, accidents, etc., were clearly ex- posed. As noted by correspondents, in the villages during Shrovetide “more fighting and screams could be witnessed than during all the period from Christmas to Shrovetide… Before abstaining, young people liked to drink hard, and after hard drinking, they could not manage without making noise” (D 1930 e). In the article Inns 50 Years Ago and Drinking at the Time, the factual material about the inns in Žemaitija and the critical situation due to the spread of alcoholism was presented, including the “washing away the fat from the throat” on Shrove- tide. Vilimas Petras, foreman from the Degsnys Village of the Luokė rural district, on Shrove Tuesday would order his sons to take him for a sleigh ride to the Ūšna inn (near the village of Maudžioriai) and would drink there, and buy drinks to his sons for bringing him there; when he was drunk, he would go home; father and sons would come home singing and making noise. <...> Other hard drinkers behaved in a similar way” (Sudaris 1939: 649). Alcoholism thriving in all segments of the society was a serious argument, primarily for the representatives of the church as well as for secular authorities, in the discussions on the control, restriction, or ban of folk customs. Thus, treating the costumed characters of Shrovetide to vodka was thought to be a bad aspect of the custom that had to be destroyed. Drinking alcohol had to be fought against, and “the customs supporting it were to be destroyed, therefore, we could not wish success to the Shrovetide Jews, unless they refused to drink”. Due to the spread of drunkenness and the changing people’s worldviews and lifestyles, regret was expressed about the possible disappearance of ancient customs in which “a Lithuanian got to the root of ancient life, and the ancient spirit was shining so clearly in him” (LŽ 1914). The press provided recommendations on how to improve the worsening situation of the decline of folk customs. Proposals were made to purposefully revive the forms of rural culture, while the existing or at least still known customs were to, “after being somewhat reformed and improved, be adapted to the present times” (JK 1936). As an example to be followed, other nations were named which devel- Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 203 oped their carnivals to such a degree that all the society participated in them, and they were widely known outside the country (LA 1937). Simultaneously, a warning followed that any imitations of foreign carnivals would be alien and unacceptable (T 1937; LA 1937 b). Other forms of “rescue” of the national culture were also proposed, such as the documentation of artefacts in every possible way. It was necessary and urgent “to collect everything that could be brought into museums and described” (T 1937) or “described in detail and filmed” ( JK 1933; T 1933). True, soon afterwards, regret was expressed that “Lithuanians were enjoying nice Shrovetide evenings... Today, Morė was already standing unwanted in museums...Bees were also hardly taken anywhere on the Shrovetide day. Either times or people were changing...” (LA 1938 d).

Forms, Organisers, and Aspirations of the Urban Shrovetide Celebration

The divide between the urban and rural Shrovetide traditions was clearly perceived by contemporaries who laconically indicated the main differences. People in villages allegedly ate a lot of fatty food and entertained themselves until the midnight which sometimes even resulted in “harming their health”. In the town, the Shrovetide masquerade balls predominated. Serious people attended them, “wearing fantastic foolish clothes and masks, ready to entertain themselves “freely”, without everyday constraints”. Their similarity to les bals trav- estis in Paris and their “Egyptian” origin were noted (L 1924). The “fun season” was celebrated not merely by the community of Kaunas, the then capital city of Lithuania. The “ball epidemic” was announced in other towns of Lithuania as well: in Klaipėda, Marijampolė, Vilkaviškis, Telšiai, Šiauliai, etc. During Shrovetide, city people were able to attend more than one masquerade ball, pancake evening, or a šiupinys party. An impressive list of entertainments 204 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

in a rather small town of Kretinga (Northwest Lithuania) from the New Year to Shrovetide was presented by a Diena correspondent in 1934. He estimated that, during the period, entertainments were offered every third day. The meaning and benefits of such entertainments were considered: usually during such evenings funds were collected for charity that could be used for “some or other cultural affairs” (D 1934). The fashion of masquerade balls also spread to smaller provincial towns and villages. The press offered reports on such events first taking place in some Lithuanian locality that attracted the attention of the local community and enjoyed public support.127 A traditionally celebrated Shrovetide in Lithuanian villages consisted of two major parts: a costumed procession, usually starting at about midday, and an evening party, taking place in larger premises till midnight, called a ‘beggars’ ball’ or a ‘Jewish wedding’. For the city people, the main form of entertainment was the so-called (in over 50% of the cases) ‘ball’ or ‘evening’ in a restaurant, a cafe, or a private apartment, usualy starting in the evening (at about 5 pm or sometimes later, at 7 or 9 pm) and lasting till the small hours; less frequently, the event was called ‘pancakes’, ‘šiupinys’, ‘concert’, ‘carnival’, ‘masquerade ball’, or ‘entertainment’, and especially rarely, ‘fasching’128 or ‘five o’clock’,129 or a ‘Shrovetide ball/tea/entertainment/evening/ dance party’/‘Jewish masquerade’. Surprisingly seldom, the celebration was called a ‘Shrovetide ball’, even though the content indicated that Shrovetide was celebrated; a ‘Shrovetide evening’ was used much more often.

127 Several reports on a masquerade first held in the provinces of Lithuania: in 1931, a masquerade was first held in the school hall in Mosėdis (Skuodas district, West- ern Lithuania), and the local community enjoyed it ( JK 1931). In 1932, in the Barzdai village (Marijampolė district, Southern Lithuania), the first masquerade was held, and “people got interested in it” (S 1932). 128 Fasching: a name used for the Shrovetide celebration in most Germanic and Scan- dinavian countries. 129 Five o’clock: a tradition introduced by the English of serving afternoon tea between 4 and 5 pm. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 205

People find the crisis frightful, However, they go on dancing. It turns out that people Are unable to survive without balls.

So far, they have enough money To pay for a dress and a tail-coat. They are not repaying their debts, But go on dancing, dancing, dancing...

Fig. 98. This year, lots of parties are held in Kaunas, and they are unusually popular (D 1937 a)

The names of a ‘ball’ or an ‘evening’ used to be extended by descriptions, providing information about the main activity taking place in the event, a symbolic dish, the content of the programme, the nationality, profession, or occupation of the participants, their membership in some organisation, or even their ideological attitudes. Mainly (in over 50% of the cases) the event was called a ‘masked ball’,130 a ‘masquerade ball’,131 or a ‘masked evening’.132 That meant that the focus of the programme was a competition of masks/costumes and their evaluation. Frequent descriptions were also a ‘concert-ball’133 or an ‘evening-ball’.134 Such descriptions as a ‘carnival ball’, a ‘carnival evening’,135 a ‘Shrovetide carnival’, or a ‘masquerade-carnival’ were rare. Probably that was due to the fact that no open-air Carnival pa-

130 The largest and the most interesting ball was a masquerade Carnival in a Village Room, the masquerade of the Klaipėda Lithuanians’ Club, a family masquerade. 131 A Shrovetide masquerade ball, a traditional masquerade ball, a children’s masquerade party. 132 A costume evening (masquerade), a family evening-masquerade. 133 A traditional concert-ball, a large concert-ball, a grand concert-ball, a national costume propaganda concert-ball. 134 An evening-pancake ball, an evening of literature and arts and a ball, an evening- ball of students of the humanities. 135 The last carnival baloon evening. 206 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

rades, such as held in many other countries of the world, were taking place in the Lithuanian towns of the early 20th century. Typically, mask performances and competitions used to take place indoors. In the mid-30s, the ambition of the Shrovetide celebration was to provide it with the national spirit: to perform folk songs and dances in the programmes, to dress in national costumes, and to decorate the environment with national scenery imitating the style of the village house. The parties that became famous in Kaunas and gave patriotic impulses to the Shrovetide events all over Lithuania as well as awak- ened national self-awareness were held in the period of 1936 to 1939, with the peak reached in the “national costume propaganda concert- ball” (LA 1939). Both the entertainments in restaurants and solid Shrovetide events promoting national values almost always ended in stormy dance parties until the morning, described in rhymed satirical texts (D 1937a); however, the announcements seldom described them as a “Shrovetide dance evening”. The main symbolic dishes in urban Shrovetide balls were pancakes (all over Lithuania) and šiupinys (mostly in the Klaipėda region), therefore, the celebration was frequently called simply ‘pancakes’,136 ‘Shrovetide pancakes’, a ‘pancake ball’,137 or a ‘pancake evening’.138 In only one case, the name of a ‘doughnut ball’ was recorded (XXa 1938 a). In the region of Klaipėda, attempts were made to combine the eating of šiupinys, considered as a traditional dish there, with pancake eating (V 1939). The names of foreign origin, i.e. ‘fasching’ and ‘five o’clock’, were seldom used in the press, and possibly they were not popular in the general public vocabulary. ‘Faschings’ were used in articles presenting the origin and development of Mardi Gras celebrations in Western

136 Traditional Riflemen’s pancakes, traditional NeoLithuanian pancakes, Kaunas businessmen’s pancakes, a traditional entertainment-pancakes. 137 A pancake ball, an evening–pancake ball, Winter Aid pancake ball. 138 A traditional Shrovetide pancake ball, a pancake evening, šiupinys and pancake evenings. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 207

Europe (D 1932). The name of ‘fasching’ was used to name theVapsva [The Wasp] party held by the actors of the Kaunas State Theatre in 1930 (D 1930 f; D 1930 c; NŽ 1930). The ‘five o’clock’ was mentioned in one Shrovetide programme of the Metropolis Restaurant, and no thorough information about the content of the programme was found (LA 1934). Shrovetide entertainments were held by different groups that got together, based on different criteria and/or interests: clubs,139 unions,140 societies,141 organizations,142 schoolchildren143 and school parent committees,144 seminary students,145 and student corporations.146

139 A masquerade ball of the Klaipėda Lithuanians’ Club, a ball of the Yacht Club; festivities were held by the Giedra Club, the Telšiai Public Club, the Šiauliai Lith- uanian Commerce Club, the Vilkaviškis Bijūnas Club. 140 The Lithuanian National Youth Society Jaunoji Lietuva, the Lithuanian Union of the Blind, L. T. M. dr. J. Basanavičius’ Union. 141 The Ball of the Lithuanian Writers’ Union, the Ball of the Lithuanian Art Crea- tors, the Šiupinys of the Women’s Society; festivities were held by the Alytus Child Society, the Mažeikiai Division of St. Vincent de Paul Society, the Board of the Post Workers’ Society, the Šilutė Lithuanian Women’s Society Rūta, the Pieno Lašas Society, the Gabija Society, the St. Cecily Society, Society for the Protec- tion of the Health of the Jewish Population Oze, Society of Higher Schools for the Financial Aid to Lithuanian Schoolchildren; in Vilnius, the Rūta Society, the Viltis Society, the Žiburėlis Society, the Lithuanian Child Society. 142 The Ball of the Riflewomen’s Council, the Patrons’ Ball, the evening of the Lithu- anian and Polish Circle, the evening of Telšiai Squad 330; the carnival of the Birutė Society, Traditional Riflemen’s pancakes, tradional NeoLithuanian pancakes, the Santara šiupinys; events were held by the Societies of Ateitininkai, Tautininkai, Pavasarininkai, Jaunalietuviai, St. Zita Society, and Scouts. 143 A Gymnazium ball, and an entertainment of senior pupils and students. 144 Parent committees of the gymaziums if different towns, the parent committee of the Telšiai Teachers’ Seminary, the parent committee of the Kaunas High Com- mercial School. 145 Students of the Marijampolė Teachers’ Seminary, students of the Kaunas (Žemaitijan) Priest Seminary. 146 An evening-ball of the students of humanities; festivities were held by the School of Arts Three Tulips Corporation, Medical Students’ Gaja Corporation, Corporation of Samogitian Students Filiae Samogitiae and Samogitia, Vytautas Magnus University Student Nationalists’ Corporations Filiae Lithuaniae and Neo Lithuania. 208 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Representatives of different professions or occupations tended to get together during the festival: artists,147 authors,148 choir singers,149 journalists,150 businessmen,151 public servants, employees, and workers. As revealed by the announcements or reports in the press, the festival events were also differentiated on the basis of social strata or classes. Thus, e.g., in 1934, in one town of Southern Lithuania, two events were held: a ‘ball for all the Vilkaviškis gentry’, with the participation of the creme de la creme of the town, and the ‘Vilkaviškis democratic ball’ which attracted the general public (D 1934 b). On the initiative of organisations taking care of children, during the Shrovetide season in the interwar years, ‘children’s parties’ or ‘children’s masquerades-parties’ were held. Children’s performances in them were organised by Riflewomen or teachers who expected to raise the level of children’s cultural entertainments and to increase their occupation in winter (S 1931 a; LA 1930). The Shrovetide events held by Lithuanians abroad were called ‘Lithuanian balls’ or ‘Lithuanian evenings’ (LA 1932; 1932 a; Viltis 1913). In Klaipėda, which became part of the State of Lithuania in 1923 and still retained its German character, Lithuanians celebrated Shrovetide in their own environment, in the ‘masquerade ball of the Lithuanians’ Club’ (KG 1927). For advertising and other purposes, Shrovetide events were described by attractive attributes, indicating their quality or other important characteristics: “traditional”, “large”, “the largest”, “grand”, or, less frequently, “very serious”, “interesting”, “original”, “the funni- est”, “cheerful”, “cosy”, “nice”, “friendly”, “bringing together”, “family- friendly”, “pancakish”, “public”, or “the last”. In order to describe an impressive content of the event or some specific characteristics, more resourceful definitions were used: the Vapsva ball was called a “one

147 The Artists’ Ball, the Young Artists’ Three Tulips Ball. 148 A ball of literature, an evening – ball of literature and arts. 149 The Jaunoji Lietuva Choir Division, the Choir of the Riflemen’s Union. 150 The Press Ball. 151 The pancakes of Kaunas Businessmen. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 209 night craze”, the Three Tulips Ball of the Art School, “the night of intoxication”, of the Lithuanian Society of Art Creators, “a ball of Nine Muses”, while in the Šiauliai Riflemen’s Club, “the Last Supper with Cracklings” was held “with the adapted programme of the Shrovetide customs” (IMM 1933). The flows of guests in festive Shrovetide events were regulated in various ways. The entry to the hall could be free (without invitations and free of charge), on individual recommendations, with free innvita- tions (e.g., for the members of the club and their families), with paid invitations or tickets, or voluntary donations. The ticket prices ranged from two to ten Litas; men sometimes had to pay more. The invitations to Shrovetide events could be collected at the places indicated by the organisers (at the entrance to the hall, in the bookshop, or in the bank); one could register by phone or by contacting the members of the event organising society, etc. In their reviews and information reports on festive Shrovetide events, correspondents frequently tended to provide both quantitative and qualitative evaluations. The main criteria for the success of the balls included abundant attendance, the earned or collected funds, ex- amplary order in the event as well as the satisfaction of the guests and their desire to have such balls organised as traditional annual events. Some pieces of information, especially those received from the province, indicated that “such kind” of a Shrovetide masquerade or carnival took place for the first time and therefore attracted great attention of the local people. On the contrary, if a cosy “pancakish” evening failed to attract people’s attention, correspondents noted that probably people were used to different ways of the Shrovetide celebration and found it difficult to change their habits: “It will probably take some time for Marijampolė to get used to such gatherings, even if no tickets were necessary, and the scenery was already started to cultivate” (S 1933 a). By the programmes of the events, the organisers sought to trans- form the Shrovetide ball from an ordinary entertainment to an aspiration “to inculcate culture and to promote art” (BŽ 1926; S 1931). In 210 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

educational articles, young people were encouraged to set an example of how to spend the period from Christmas to Lent in a cultured way, to avoid quarrels or fights in the Shrovetide entertainments and wedding parties, “not to attend weddings that one was not invited to”, and to remember that “the mood and behaviour of the participants had to be sincere and polite” (JŪ 1934). The Shrovetide events held by societies had their own goals: to meet and socialise with other members and to present their activities to the general public. Meritorious members, who, “with the Riflemen’s determination, cultivated our ways and spread the arts of acting, song, and music among us”, were thanked for their commendable work. The leadership of the Riflemen’s Union, understanding the significance of culture for the wellbeing of the state and its people, thanked the artists for their dedication and the efforts made to promote the “honourable name of the Riflemen and the national art” (BŽ 1933). The Shrovetide parties held at workplaces, according to their organisers, contributed to their members’ getting better acquainted with one another and establishing closer relationships, which “could not fail to make a positive impact on the performance of the institution” (IMM 1936). The noblest goal of the balls was the collection of donations for the deprived and the disabled or the funds supporting culture and arts. The funds were collected through selling tickets, food, and drinks, or organising ‘the kiosk of the ball’ or a lottery. After the ball, the sponsors were publicly announced and acclaimed (LA 1938 b). However, in some cases, people were encouraged to reflect on the dubious combination of the drunkenness, scandals, dances, and shoddy programmes and the “Christian virtue of charity” (ŽP 1939) and therefore to save and to donate to the poor in need: “Brother and Sister! Celebrate the Shrovetide more modestly and donate the saved cents to those who suffered from the crop failure” (PB 1929). The goals of the urban Shrovetide celebration obviously differed from the rural practices whose ancient rituals were expected to ensure good crops. Agricultural issues were not relevant to the urban Shrove- tide. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 211

The Shrovetide Events’ Programmes

The urban celebration of Shrovetide evenings frequently included programmes of different quality. Sometimes those used to be ordinary entertainments with food, drinks, and dances in hotel halls, restaurants, and cafes. However, in the largest halls of Kaunas, pompous masquerade balls and concerts-performances were held, attended by the highest public figures. Probably in only one case a correspondent expressed regret that, in his opinion, the best ball in the Marijampolė Club was organised “without any programme and with poor quality music. The only pleasure was to dance in the middle of the hall, to have beer and pancakes at the tables along the walls of the hall, and to ‘make eyes’ ” (S 1932 a). The diversity of the arts included in the programmes was great, however, the impression is created that the structure of the scenarios of the events was rather similar. The unifying emotional dominant was fun. In the Shrovetide balls, performances of masks/costumes took place as well as competitions of the English waltz, the Lithuanian waltz,152 national dances,153 and national costumes.154 In more success-

152 The ball in Vilkaviškis “included also an English waltz competition – who will dance it in the best and most beautiful way. Only three couples competed for the prize, and they danced the waltz incorrectly. Then a competition of the Lithu- anian waltz was announced. That was a different case... A lot of couples joined the competition, and finally one of them won the prize” (D 1934 b). 153 In a large Pancake Evening organised by the Aukštoji Freda Division of Neo- Lithuanians, a competion of folk dances took place. For the best performance of suktinis, a yearly subscription of Jaunoji karta [The Young Generation] was awarded, and for the best klumpakojis, the novel Aukštujų Šimonių likimas [The Fate of the Šimoniai Family from Aukštujai] by Simonaitytė ( JK 1936 a). 154 In the ball of the Riflewomen’s Council held in the Lithuanian Officers’ Club Ramovė under the patronage of the President’s wife Sofija Smetonienė, all the Riflewomen were dressed in national costumes, and national dances were danced. Three prizes were awarded for the best costumes; the first place was given to the owner of the Vilnius Region Lithuanian woman’s costume (LA 1938 c). 212 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 99. A drawing The Carni- val by H. Naruševičaitė (NŽ 1929)

ful celebrations, larger numbers of masks participated. In 1930, in a masquerade ball held for the first time by a Riflemen’s squad in a small town in Aukštaitija, 25 masks participated (ŠL 1930). In 1932, the masquerade held by the male members of the Catholic Youth Or- ganisation Pavasarininkai featured 29 masks (ŽP 1932), while in a secondary school masquerade in a small town in Suvalkija, as many as 93 masks took part: “such a number of masks was unheard of in Kalvarija” (S 1936). The seriousness of competitions and the motivation to prepare for them was encouraged by the participation of high-profile public figures and prestigious juries. The 1939 concert-ball of the national costume propaganda was attended by President Antanas Smetona, Speaker of the Seimas Konstantinas Šakenis, Minister of Justice Jonas Gudauskas, and other senior officials. At that time, national costumes were evaluated by the panel of Riflewomen, including de- signer of the Lithuanian national costume Mikalina Glemžaitė and Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 213 outstanding painters Antanas Žmuidzinavičius and Jonas Burba (LA 1939). In a number of cases, announcements and invitations noted that “the most beautiful masks will be awarded expensive prizes, but the masks have to be really original” (Š 1937 a). Sometimes it would happen that a strict jury did not award prizes because of the poor performance of masks or too few participants. In 1933, in a “nicely decorated hall of Mr. Sutkaitis” in a small town in Suvalkija, a traditional masquerade ball took place, and quite a few participants arrived from the surrounding area. However, there were only five masks, and no one to give the promised prizes to, therefore, just “the third prize was awarded to... a battleship model” (S 1933). In another case, few costumed characters participated in a Shrovetide ball, and the author of the information report joked: “Evidently, increasingly more people tend to throw off masks”. The correspondent criticised the characters that were, in his opinion, ideologically unacceptable: “It is a pity that masks are allowed which, being presented by apparently uneducated people, belittle great ideas by their appearance” (PB 1934). Some news items revealed what kind of prizes were considered as valuable in mask competitions: it was audio transmitters,155 household items, table serving untensils and tools,156 luxury personal accessories, writing instruments157 as well as newspaper subscriptions158 and books ( JK 1936 a). Ocassionally, the participants of masquerade balls complained about the unfair award of prizes: “The jury was very biased and tactless”. Tears, disappointment, and reproaches followed: “It is a

155 The first prize for the patriotic mask ‘The Slave of Vilnius’ was a gramophone (D 1934 b). 156 In the masquerade held by the Lithuanian Child Union in a cinema hall, the first prize (an expensive dinnerware set) was given for the costume of an infant. The second prize (a beautiful glass dish) was given for an original costume, one part of it presenting a bourgeois, and the other, a tramp (S 1931). 157 The prizes promised to the masks-winners included “a gold watch, a writing instrument, and 6 fruit knives” (BŽ 1925). 158 In the masquerade held by Riflewomen, 11 prizes were awarded, including 8 newspaper subscriptions: the correspondent enjoyed that “very cultured phenomenon” (MK 1935). 214 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig.100. Costumes from various faschings-masquerade balls (D 1930 c)

pity that even cosy entertainments are dampened by protection and objectionable ambitions” (S 1932 b). A diversity of prize-winning masks was huge, however, the traditional Shrovetide masks popular in the villages – ‘Devil’, ‘Gypsy’, ‘Monster’, ‘Monkey’, ‘Bear’, ‘Heron’, or ‘A Wedding Couple’ – seldom won prizes. Masks-costumes on patriotic, national, political, and economic themes were more likely to win.159 Juries appreciated different literary, humorous, or exotic characters of distant lands and remote epochs.160 The masks imitating nature, animals, food and drinks, or people and their occupations were less successful.161 The names of some masks-costumes, such as a ‘Failed 159 ‘The Slave of Vilnius’, ‘Vilnius’, ‘Vytautas’, ‘Gediminas’, ‘Lithuanian Girl’, ‘Lithu anian Raker on a Haystack’, ‘Lithuanian Granny’, ‘Statute of Klaipėda’, ‘Our Land’, ‘1/2 Rifleman’, ‘1/2 a Lithuanian Girl’, ‘Dainava Rifleman’, a costume where “one half presented a bourgeois, and the other, a tramp”, ‘Crisis’, ‘Economic Crisis’, and ‘the 20th Century Progress’. 160 ‘Little Red Riding Hood’, ‘Mickey Mouse’, ‘Pat and Patachon’, ‘Melchijoras Putelė’, ‘Clown’, ‘Cowboy’, ‘Indian’, ‘Russian Troika’, ‘Sultan’, ‘Oriental Prince’, ‘Ballet Dancer’, ‘Lady of the Louis Epoch’, ‘King of Slivers’, and ‘King of Bent Grass’. ‘Pat and Patachon’ – a pair of Danish comics, Carl Schenstrøm (1881– 1942) and Harald Madsen (1890–1949), who gained popularity in the comedies of Lauritz Lauritzen in the epoch of silent films. 161 ‘Spring’, ‘Costume of Leaves’, ‘Ostrich’ (most probably a peacock), ‘White Bear’, ‘Camel’, ‘Cigarette’, ‘Vodka’, ‘Heart’, ‘Infant’, ‘Newsboy’, ‘Marceliukė’. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 215

Debut’, ‘Upside Down’, or ‘Protection from Men’ suggested that the character was also to play a humorous scene. Masks and decorations for halls were made not only by enthusiastic laymen, but also by professional artists. In 1930, in the ball of the Lithuanian Society of Art Creators, also known as the Ball of Nine Muses, held in the famous Metropolis Restaurant in Kaunas, the halls were decorated by artist-scenographer of the State Theatre Mstislavas Dobužinskis (LA 1930 a). For the Press Ball in the same Metropolis in 1934, masks-caricatures of the editors of the main dailies of Kaunas were produced by the then young artist from Marijampolė Jonas Oli- nardas Penčyla who became one of the outstanding masters of caricatures and cartoons in the interwar years. The masks attracted special attention in the ball, and the actors of the State Theatre performed a fun programme. As noted by a correspondent, “such production of sculptural masks-caricatures was tested in Kaunas for the first time and voted a success. It was a great achievement of our caricaturist, and so far beyond competition” (S 1934; D 1934). The example was followed by other cities: in 1934, the hall for the Shrovetide concert-ball of the Riflemen’s Union in Šiauliai was decorated by a professional artist and a teacher of the Šiauliai Vocational School (IMM 1934). Given the possibilities of the organisers and the level of the concert, the core of the programme usually consisted of large form compositions: performances, operettas, or programmes of choirs, symphony or wind instrument orchestras, or jazz-bands. Smaller forms included vocal, instrumental, classical, popular, or folk music compositions, gym- nastics, ballet or the so-called “plastic items”, and Lithuanian dances or dances of other nations (Gypsy, Dutch, or Hungarian), poetry was recited, and sometimes lectures were given;162 especially popular were humorous couplets-dzinguliukai [jingles], e.g.:

162 In the meeting of the Panevėžys Senamiestis branch of the Lithuanian Catholic Women’s Society, a lecture Woman and her Duties was given by student St. Tarozaitė. The lecture was followed by a “Shrovetide entertainment”. The Angelaičiai Squad of the Senamiestis Regiment acted a 3-act piece Jonukas and Jagutė, there were ballet pieces, reciting, a monologue, dances, and games (PB 1933). 216 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

The village dogs started barking, He has five hairs on his head, And women started hiding moonshine. And he looks dishevelled all the same. Dzingul, dzingul, dzinguliukai, Dzingul... Women started hiding moonshine. For a ragged shirt, As soon as they had hidden the moonshine, A girl can get a million men. The police came on horseback. Dzingul... Dzingul... For a ragged cockade, Past cabbage and cucumbers, A girl can get a billion men. A guy rushed like wind. Dzingul... Dzingul... For a ragged underskirt, Adomėlis, what business is that of yours? A girl can get a man and a calf. You’d better go to your own Barbė. Dzingul... Dzingul... For half of a tobacco leaf, She is big like a barrel, A girl can get a dozen men. And the face shines like a pig’s suet. Dzingul... Dzingul... (Marijampolė district) (UD 2014: 65–66) Adomėlis is a good-natured man, He was beaten like an egg. Dzingul...

An exceptional case was a pancake evening of the Kaunas Division of the Young Lithuania’s Choir in 1938, when the participants lis- tened to the international basketball match broadcast from Paris ( JK 1938). In the evenings of organisations or societies, solemn speeches were made. Sometimes a newspaper of the ball was published, lotter- ies were organised, as well as “flying mail”. Concerts were followed by dance parties. The guests helped themselves to the refreshments prepared by women (unless the event was held in a public catering place). In the šiupinys evenings of Lithuanians in the Klaipėda Region, the core symbolic part was eating šiupinys. During the evening held in the House of the Riflemen’s Guild of the Women’s Society in 1939, “first of all, songs dedicated to šiupinys were sung, and the dish was eaten”. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 217

Afterwards, individual singers and a choir performed, a comedy was acted, and a lottery was organised (V 1939).163 A correspondent noted that the local Germans liked the event, too. In 1935, during the Shrovetide, one of the Klaipėda Sports Societies held a Schuppinis- Essen in a decorated hall Frühling am Reihn (LA 1935). Directors of Shrovetide performances (both amateurs and professionals) mainly staged comedies, popular with the general public, called also farces or pantomimes, and less frequently dramas, mythological works, plays for children, or dramatizations of the rural customs.164 The actors of the satirical theatre Vilkolakis, which functioned in Kaunas in the period of 1920 to 1925, in the first year of its existence celebrated Shrovetide in a way that was immediately noticed by the press: “On February 17, the Vilkolakis pretended to be independent. As such, it sent the delegation of Lašinskas and Kanapinskas to Abraham, had public gatherings, etc.” (L 1920). That was probably the first item in the press of the 20th century about the Shrovetide celebration held by professional actors. The laconic report prompts that the scenario was at least partly based on the rural tradition. Professional actors used to take part in special Shrovetide performances held by organisations (and especially by the Riflemen’s Un- ion). Teachers of the Kaunas Conservatoire, performers of the State Theatre, and freelance artists – actors, opera singers, ballet dancers, performers of instrumental music, and composers – prepared programmes or concert items to be performed in the balls of Kaunas (LA 1928), or sometimes went to other towns, e.g., Marijampolė, Telšiai, or Šiauliai. In Shrovetide concerts there, local professional musicians, actors, and poets used to participate, too.

163 An analogous report described the traditional Shrovetide šiupinys held in the Lithu- anian Gymnazium Rūta of the Lithuanian Women’s Society in Šilutė, the Klaipėda Region: the entertainments were to take place after eating šiupinys (V 1939 a). 164 Sometimes an urban-style programme used certain elements or characters of the rural Shrovetide that dealt with current issues. In the Vapsva ball in 1930, the programme was opened by “a ‘beggars’ choir that sang about Lithuania’s worries and troubles” (D 1930 b). 218 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

As early as before the First World War, and especially in the interwar period, through combining entertainments with the fostering and promotion of academic and national values, Shrovetide was celebrated by the students of the University of Lithuania (Vytautas Mag- nus University), vocational schools all over Lithuania (Institute of Commerce in Klaipėda/Šiauliai, Kaunas Samogitian Priest Seminary, Telšiai and Marijampolė Teacher Training Seminaries, etc). The interwar press featured numerous reports about the “traditional Shrovetide pancakes” of the students of the humanities (literature) and different student corporations. Not much is known about their programmes: as can be seen from the reports, they little differed from the programmes of the masquerade balls of other organisations. Somewhat more different were the evenings of the men of literature. As announced in 1928, in their Shrovetide ball, “the literary part of the programme was to be performed by creators – professors and students” (LA 1928 a). Over a decade, the Shrovetide tradition at the University of Lithua- nia developed into big events. One of them was an evening of literature and arts, a ball of the academic newspaper Studentų Dienos [Student Days]; true, it was not directly related to Shrovetide, however, took place in the ‘fun season’ of 1938. The administration of the University – Rec- tor Professor Mykolas Römeris, Vice-Rectors, Deans, and the leaders of the Student Union – took place in it (XXa 1938). The programme, broadcast by the State Radio, in line with other high-level events, started with solemn speeches of the editor of the newspaper and the Rector of the University as well as with the student anthem Gaudeamus. They were folowed by serious and humorous concert pieces, the choirs of the Ateitininkai (the Lithuanian Catholic Federation) and the Officers’ Club Ramovė; a male student octet sang authorial and harmonised folk songs by Lithuanian composers Juozas Gruodis, Stasys Šimkus, and Kazimieras Viktoras Banaitis; and a jazz band of the Military School performed. Typically for the majority of the masquerade balls at the time, the hall was decorated by caricatures of the participants – the Rector, Vice-Rectors, Deans, the editor and members of the editorial board of the newspaper – made by professional interwar artist-carica- Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 219

Fig. 101. An evening of literature and arts of the Studentų Dienos newspaper (SD 1938 a) turist Borisas Jermolajevas. Afterwards, the party was organised: the administration of the University had tea in the Hall of the House of the Ateitininkai Federation, while students and the University community had a good time in the University Hall (SD 1938). In the interwar period, the heads of the State of Lithuania as well as the administration and the academic staff of the Faculty of Hu- manities of Vytautas Magnus University (VMU) took a positive view of folklore, which was considered as a priority in the national ideology formation. That could be seen in the Shrovetide events. It was the VMU Student-Riflemen’s Company that for the first time held a carnival procession in accordance with the Žemaitijan customs in Kau- nas in 1936. At 3 pm, “a procession of different personages” moved along the central streets of Kaunas. “It was accompanied by songs and music. Some comic events took place”. At 7 pm, in the Hall of the Riflemen’s Union, an ‘evening’ was held, and the guests were treated to šiupinys. Ministers J. Stanišauskis and S. Putvinskis with their wives, the Head of the Riflemen’s Union with his wife, the members of the Riflemen’s Union Council, Heads of the Departments of the Staff, and others took part in it (LA 1936). A traditional carnival procession also took place in the streets of Kaunas in the following year. More reviews appeared in the press as well as encouragements to revive the ancient Lithuanian Shrovetide customs; correspondents argued that, in many foreign countries of the world, Shrovetide, in accordance with their local customs, developed 220 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 102. The Shrovetide carnival in Kaunas in 1937 (T 1937)

into large mass events. In a new item in 1937, the VMU Student Rifle- men’s Union was commended for the revival of ancient customs and their promotion in the town. The scenario of the event was also presented, which evidently repeated the Shrovetide Festival of 1936. The announcement of the festival and its programme were published in the Trimitas several days before Shrovetide (T 1937). Picturesque duels of Lašininis and Kanapinis in the streets and the description of the activities of other characters (‘Devils’, ‘Gypsies’, ‘Grim Reaper’, ‘Goat’, ‘Cow’, Morė or Kotrė) were presented in the Lietuvos aidas on the following day (LA 1937 a) and in a later issue of the Trimitas which also published a photo of the event (T 1937). Regional papers also had reports on the Shrovetide procession in the streets of Kaunas (MK 1937). At the end of the 30s, analogous campaigns of conscious reviving and perpetuating of the Žemaitijan customs took place in Žemaitija itself. During the Shrovetide in 1938, on the initiative of the head of the Mažeikiai Museum,165 founded in 1928, to revive the ancient Žemaitijan customs, “the ushering out of Lašinskis took place which attracted the interest of the Mažeikiai community and the filmmak- ers brothers Motuza166 who captured the Shrovetide rites on film and took it to America”. On the request of the town community, in 1939, 165 Stasys Ličkūnas (1884–1944) collected about 3,000 museum exhibits, including the richest in Lithuania Shrovetide collection (Ličkūnas). 166 Pioneers of colour Lithuanian documentaries, Lithuanian emigrants brothers Kazimieras and Mečys Motuza, during their visit to Lithuania in 1937 filmed Lithuanian nature, events, customs, towns and villages, architecture, holidays, and people on a 16 mm Kodak film (Bagdonas 2011; 2013). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 221 a full Shrovetide ritual was held, i.e. “the ushering out of Lašinskis, his fight with Kanapinskis, and the trial of Lašinskis” (V 1939 b). Lithuanian customs, songs, dances, and national costumes were especially promoted by the organisations that fostered those values. TheR iflewomen under the patronage of the President’s wife Sofija Smetonienė and President Antanas Smetona himself were particularly active. In the ball of the Council of Riflewomen which took place in the Lithuanian Officers’ Club Ramovė in 1938, next to pieces of classical music performed by actors of the State Theatre, folk dances were danced, and all the Riflewomen were dressed in national costumes. Their costumes were judged, and the winners were awarded prizes (LA 1938 c). It was the first ball in Kaunas where “so many women wore national costumes”. The correspondent of the item thought it was commendable and expected the Lithuanian evening-ball to become an annual tradition (T 1938). In the “concert-ball” of the national costume propaganda the next year, national costumes were enjoyed again, folk songs were performed by opera soloists and the Riflemen’s choir, and national dances were danced. Some moments of the evening were recorded by cameras (LA 1939). Lithuanianness was also promoted in the Shrovetide parties in the Klaipėda Region. In the postal workers’ šiupinys in 1939, held in the famous Fischers Weinstube, next to recital and solo songs accompanied by the piano, several multi-part songs sutartinės were performed, and “eight women danced folk dances” (V 1939). In the Shrovetide masquerade balls, oral humorous texts were complemented by written ones: special ball “newspapers” were published or “telegrams” were written. In 1927, in the masquerade ball of the Section of Plastic Arts of the Lithuanian Society of Art Creators,167 as noted by the correspondent, “writing people created a special extra telegram of the Monai Her- oldas [TheS pell Herald] carnival” (NŽ 1927 a). In 1930, in a stormy

167 The society was active in Kaunas in the period of 1920 to 1929. 222 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

and quite widely described Three Tulips ball of the School of Arts, next to other activities and entertainments, a special newspaper Tra-lia- lia!!! was published (LA 1930). The text ridiculed real-life characters (politicians, businessmen, outstanding public figures, etc.) and current issues in the local or global contexts.

Meals and Drinks of the Urban Shrovetide

Townspeople cooked and traded meals and drinks for the Shrove- tide festivities in several ways. In public catering places, food was made and sold by professionals, who sometimes treated people to pancakes free of charge or arranged “buffet tables at discounted prices, including pancakes” (LA 1928 a). In the events held by organisations, tables were set in the halls: that was the responsibility of the women of the organisation and female schoolteachers. Sometimes women would serve delicacies made by themselves, or festive meals and drinks were donated (S 1933; T 1937 a). During such events, the food (at least pancakes and šiupinys) were free of charge or included in the price of the ticket or invitations. If the ball had a charitable mission to raise funds for the needy or for the maintenance of the organisation, the food used to be sold. In the names of the celebratory events of Shrovetide or in the invitations to them, the symbolic and obligatory dishes of the menu, pancakes and šiupinys, were frequently mentioned. As suggested by the reports on the events, rather large amounts of alcohol168 were consumed in such events (vodka, beer, cider, while wine was the least popular), however, based on the information in the press, none of those drinks was considered as symbolic. Beer was mentioned in merely one invitation to the Shrovetide celebration: people were invited to “a joy-

168 “During Shrovetide, quite a lot of vodka is consumed, while the pressed-on fruit juice is not popular” (LA 1939 a). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 223 ful Shrovetide with šiupinys, a concert, etc. Billy-goat beer! Billy-goat beer!” in the hall of the Rytas Hotel in Klaipėda (KG 1927). In the urban Shrovetide celebrations during the interwar period, šiupinys evenings were mainly held in the Klaipėda Region: “Hardly has any ancient custom got established so firmly in any other place of Lithuania as the Shrovetide šiupinys in Klaipėda” (JŪ 1939). In Žemaitija, where šiupinys was also well known and served during Shrovetide, the celebration did not focus on its symbolic meaning and eating; one simply had to eat a lot of fatty food and to eat many times per day. However, šiupinys in Klaipėda differed from what was called šiupinys in Kaunas169 when Merry Brothers sang, danced, acted, and recited. The Klaipedian šiupinys was a traditional dish one could not do without on Shrove Tuesday ( JŪ 1939). Shrovetide pancakes in the Klaipėda Region were treated ambig- uously; some people considered them to be a non-Lithuanian dish which therefore should not have been promoted during the celebration: “They try to introduce pancake eating, however, Klaipedians are somewhat suspicious of the custom: they say that the custom smells of Moscow”. The correspondent supported the idea because, as much as he knew, eating pancakes during Shrovetide was a custom unknown to Lithuanian villages: “The custom must have been imported to Lithua- nia by Kaunas restaurants” (LA 1939 b). More liberal-minded organisers of celebrations who may have pursued their own commercial or any other goals tried to combine both dishes and invited Klaipedians to the pancakes and šiupinys evenings.170 Connoisseur of Lithuanian customs in Lithuania Minor Ona Vilmantienė was indignant about that. She referred to the description of šiupinys eating in the poem The Seasons by the classic Lithuanian author Kristijonas Donelaitis (writ-

169 Guests were treated to šiupinys in Kaunas in the Shrovetide celebrations held in accordance with the Žemaitijan customs (LA 1936). 170 Thus, e.g., in the Maistas Hall, the Shrovetide šiupinys and pancakes were offered by the Švyturys athletes and Riflewomen. Šiupinys and pancake evenings were also held in the Officers’ Club in Klaipėda, in Vytautas Magnus Gymnazium, in the famous Viktorija Restaurant, different eateries, cafes, and restaurants (V 1939). 224 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

ten in 1765–1775, and first published in 1818), to the comments on how šiupinys was made on Shrovetide Tuesday in East Prussian restaurants, to the knowledge of local Germans of what šiupinys was and when it had to be eaten, and to a German poem learnt by children at school (Fastnacht feiert Katz und Maus, Schuppnis gibts in jedem Haus, darum bitten wir uns Ferien aus): therefore she argued that “a Lithu- anian from Lithuania Minor could have considered an invitation to “pancake eating” as mockery of the local, ancient customs”. She was seconded by a newspaper editor who added that pancakes must have been imported “through an oversight” by intellectuals from Lithuania Major. The fans and promoters of the ‘jingles’ (see p. 216) also got it hot (V 1939 d). More than once, the origin of the ‘traditional pancakes’ was considered both in the form of humour (“This is the Russian legacy, and we got used to it, so that nobody imagines Shrovetide without pancakes or doughnuts” (IMM a 1934) and seriously. It was claimed that either in Aukštaitija or in Žemaitija pancakes were never made on Shrovetide. It was allegedly a Russian custom to eat pancakes on Shrovetide, or maslenitsa, brought to Lithuania by “public servants returning home from Russia after the war” (LA 1935 b). The opinion was seconded by the authors who knew and indicated that pancakes on Shrovetide were also made by other nations (NŽ 1927). Even more thorough descriptions of the English Shrovetide, during which by all means, and in a special manner, a large pancake was made and eaten (D 1938), did not change the opinion about the Russian origin of the dish. During the Shrovetide entertainments in the interwar Lithuania, and especially in Kaunas, townspeople were eating pancakes without paying too much attention to their “ethnic origin”. “Russian pancakes are almost in the stratosphere”, announced the advertisement-invitation to the ball in the Metropolis Restaurant (LA 1934). During the Shrovetide in 1939, all the restaurants and eateries in Kaunas enjoyed a “pancake jam”: the tradition of eating pancakes got established so well that, as estimated, from 300,000 (LA 1939 a) to one million pancakes (XXa 1939) used to be consumed during the season in Kaunas. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 225

The Shrovetide pancakes seemed to have deeply integrated into the cultural and social milieu of urban dwellers. The press exploited the image of the ‘Shrovetide pancakes’ and playfully described the behaviour, customs, possibilities, and morals of different social classes: what pancakes and in what way were eaten by the workers of Šančiai, a poor suburb of Kaunas; a young clerk of Kaunas, lovingly eating the pancakes burnt by his wife; an important and debauched director of an institution, eating deliciously made pancakes in a separate room of a luxurious restaurant where he started a conversation with a pleasant young lady – an office employee; or students, flirting with the waitress, devouring pancakes and drinking beer chez Urbonas, a pub popular with students (Sk 1931). The traditional Shrovetide dishes and eating habits used to pro- voke sarcastic economic observations. The primary meaning of the word carnavale used to be remembered – ‘good-bye to eating meat’. In keeping with the law, Klaipedians arranged “cruel meat eating”, called šiupinys, on Shrovetide Tuesday. However, the author was not sure whether they would manage to consume all the meat as long as Lithuanian Export stayed with the Klaipėdos Smeltė.171 Vegetarians were indignant at the requirement, in accordance with the custom, to eat meat 12 or 18 times during Shrove Tuesday: they argued that one had “to devour fruit. Still, it is not clear what excise tax people thought about it, if they made people pay for fruit through the nose – a Litas for an orange, while grapes remained a dream of the fox from the fa- bles of Krylov” (V 1936 a). The periodicals performed a certain educational mission. In newspapers, their readers found advice on the Shrovetide meals, recipes 171 In the first half of the 20th century, Klaipėda, an only port of the Republic of Lithu- ania, was being reorganised from a port of timber export into one of agricultural produce export (meat, butter, cereals, and fiber) and import of industrial products (machinery, fertilisers, coal, petrol, and kerosene). In the years of Lithuania’s government (1930 through 1932), new quays and a trade basin were built in the port of Klaipėda. Lithuanian economy monopolies Maistas and Pieno Centras set up their branches there and built warehouses, while the Lietuvos eksportas Company built a meat factory with large freezers and elevators in Smeltė (KU). 226 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

of its special dishes: regular doughnuts and doughnut puffs, ear-like crackers, and pancakes, as well as the information about the behaviour and customs of different nations in public catering institutions (Š 1938; ML 1937; ML 1939; LA 1938 a).

Echoes of the Wedding Season in the Urban Shrovetide Celebration

In Lithuanian villages, the period between Christmas and Lent was considered to be an active wedding season. In the urban lifestyle, some echoes of that tradition could also be observed, although the information was scarce and rather specific. For a modern contemporary of the period who was writing about the urban Shrovetide in Lithu- ania and concluded that carnival was, anyway, “a child of southern countries and a city pet”, carnivals associated with the weddings held in villages during the Shrovetide period (NŽ 1927 a). The custom of having weddings in towns during the Shrovetide period, still surviving in the late 30s, was evidenced by reports in the press: “In connection with Shrovetide, the number of weddings in Kaunas increased. Yesterday in Laisvė Avenue, numerous cavalcades of cars with wedding participants could be seen”. The marrying couples wanted to capture the important moment of their lives in photo studios. The correspondent described in detail, to quote him, “the tradition that became stereotyped in Kaunas” to take photos in typical postures: first of all, photos of newlyweds were taken, “a bridegroom standing, with his eyes, full of love, fixed on the sitting bride”, and later of all the wedding participants together with the newlyweds (LA 1939 a). That stylistics of wedding photos fast spread throughout Lithuania and remained almost unchanged till the late 20th century. In the rural environment, Shrovetide was especially painful for young men and women of marriageable age: they would get cruel sneers or, in the present understanding, even violent attacks from the Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 227 costumed characters. The custom was justifiably criticised in an educational article on the opportunity and choice of women to marry and the reasons why women remained unmarried; women were encouraged under no circumstances to see marriage as a value. An unmarried woman was being protected from a negative attitude towards her, and attempts were made to inculcate self-esteem in them (MK 1938). The agrarian and religious calendar of the year dictated a sched- ule of the most important family and personal events. The press of the first half of the 20th century reflected the rhythm of the periods good for weddings. After the heated Christmas-to-Lent period of weddings, a professional Žemaitijan Matchmaker started preparing for a new season. He resourcefully presented his services through the description of his achievements and encouraged the still unmarried people not to gape during Lent (during Lent and Advent, weddings or any other parties were forbidden), but to consider their possibilities and to send their letters with the description of their preferences and five Litas. Right after Easter, he was ready to start the search for marriage partners. No more information about the urban wedding customs during Shrovetide was found in the press. One can only add that those who tend to idealise the Lithuania of the ‘Smetona times’ (the first half of the 20th century) would be terribly disappointed to read reports in the press on hardly commendable things happening in village weddings: drinking, fights, marriages of convenience, etc. (S 1932 c).

The Press on the Carnival Around the World

The early 20th century Lithuanian press contained articles on, and photos of, the Shrovetide celebration abroad. In a large mass of the surveyed material – 38 Lithuanian periodicals of the period from 1905 to 1940 – only seven articles on the carnival in the world were 228 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

found.172 The visual component of the material in question was much larger: 30 photographs and drawings from around the world were published between 1927 and 1938.173 Those scanty writings were fragmentary, however, rather informative, providing Lithuanian readers with the understanding of that cultural phenomenon in a concise and popular manner. A drawback in the case of the said data was the anonymity of the items, however, as proved by the checking the presented information, the correspondents were real professionals. Those were people with the education in the field of humanities (men of literature, translators, philosophers, folklorists, etc.), proficient in several foreign languages. The content of the press items testified to their command of German and interest in German literature and press. In general, the interwar press publishers and editors were high-level professionals in their fields. The press items in question covered three main topics: 1) the origin of the carnivals and their characteristics in Europe; 2) the historical development of the carnival; and 3) the descriptions of carnivals abroad and their comparison against the Shrovetide celebrations in Lithuania. The press sought to popularly explain to the readers the etimology and meaning of the name of the carnival as well as its origin in Europe and to define the time of the carnival celebration. Like many other authors of all times, the journalists of the period also believed that the carnival was to be traced back to “the pagan spring celebration” (NŽ 1927) and “the elements of mass intoxication” during the ancient Roman Saturnalia and “funny processions” of the Feast of Epiphany (D 1932). The press called carnival a child of the

172 The articles dealt with the Shrovetide customs and carnivals in ancient Rome, Italy, Venice, Rome, Milan, France, Paris, Spain, Madrid, Seville, Cadiz, Germany, Nuremberg, Cologne, Frankfurt-am-Main, Königsberg, Poland, Lübeck, Bel- gium, Austria, Russia, England, the Czech Republik, Switzerland, Bavaria, Portu- gal, and Northern and Southern America. In picturesque literary improvisations, the spirit of Shrovetide in foreign countries was revealed by portraying both the contemporary world and the epochs of Renaissance and Rococo. 173 For purposes of comparison, it is necessary to say that the pictures of Lithuanian Shrovetide in the press were few: about 18 photos and drawings. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 229

Fig. 103. From the present-day carnivals (NŽ 1927) southern countries and a pet of urban culture. In Lithuania, the mass entertainments of the winter season “did not coincide with the flower blooming season, and we did not have any urban life”, therefore, we did not have carnivals. Only our rural-style “weddings” had some carnival elements. And, should we talk about carnivals in our country, we “would be dealing with international masquerade balls or carnivals” and should be following in their footsteps (NŽ 1927a). Two etimologies of the term of carnival were discussed: carne vale [good-bye to meat] and carrus navalis [vehicle fleet] (NŽ 1927; ŪP 1937), provided also by the contemporary sources of information (OED; Valantasis 2000: 378). The readers could also learn more about the German Fasching, or Fastnacht, while the Russian Maslenitsa was mentioned very briefly (NŽ 1927). The interpretations of the name of the carnival and the description of carnivals in different countries led to the identification of at least two carnival traditions: the Roman and the German (D 1932). They were compared, and the conclusion followed that “in the old days, Germans Faschings were no less noisy than the carnivals of the southern countries. They just did not have the characteristics obligatory for the carnival: lightness, grace, and colour- fulness” (NŽ 1927). The authors of the articles outlined the main reasons why the carnival in Lithuania was as it was. Allegedly its character was predeter- 230 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

mined by the harsh climate and the urban situation in Lithuania (NŽ 1927a). That was completely in line with the research in the carnival in Western Europe. The winter climate not only in Lithuania, but also throughout the northern part of Europe preconditioned a different character of carnivals as compared against Southern Europe. In the south, active cultural life bubbled under the open sky in the streets and squares of cities and towns, while in the north, it mainly took place inside. Therefore, in the south, the spring carnival was more active, and in the north, that of midsummer (Burke 1994: 57). It should be noted that the conclusions did not apply to the Russian Maslenitsa. In the Lithuanian periodicals of the early 20th century, one could also read about different ways of carnival celebration by the nobility and the lower classes. The differences were demonstrated through the example of Italy (LA 1930). In Lithuania, just like in all Europe, the stratification of the society was obvious, and it used to, and continues to, predetermine the cultural landscape. In the case of the Lithuanian ways of the Shrovetide celebration and seeking to cover the widest possible context in terms of place and time, the urban and rural as well as the upper and the lower classes’ ways of celebration and their interaction are clearly seen in the historical perspective. The historical development of the European carnival in rather short newspaper articles was presented in a fragmentary way.The authors touched upon most interesting political and economic aspects of the European carnival and its relationship with ideological and/or religious struggles. With the Roman carnival referred to as the cradle of the tradition, more historical facts were presented about the German Fasching. The oldest described Fasching was the one held in the palace of Bole- slaus III, Duke of Bohemia, in 1003. Thus, the tradition has been in one or another way going on for a millennium (D 1932).174

174 The Fasching that took place in Bohemia on 9 February 1003 was described in the book Der Tanz by Max von Boehn, published in Berlin in 1925 (Boehn 1925: 56). The book in German must have been accessible to the author of the newspaper article: in the interwar Lithuania, German as a foreign language was much more Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 231

Among the medieval European carnivals, the Nuremberg carnival was considered as the most distinguished. The widely-known mass entertainment is said to have taken place annually for 200 years, and it attracted adventure lovers from all over the world. With the permission of Charles IV, in 1349, the carnival organisation was mo- nopolised by the loyal to him guild of butchers. The latter received enourmous profits from the event. In 1539, the monopoly right was rescinded due to political-religious reasons (D 1932). Religious battles and the Reformation’s relationship to popular culture put a stop to the history of the carnival there for some time. The development of carnivals was related to strong guilds of craftsmen and tradespeople, which formed in Western European cities in the early modern period, and their culture. Their leisure time with their own entertainments, festivals, and carnivals in most cases were related to their patron saints (Burke 1994: 36). Meanwhile, in the Shrovetide carnival, guilds of different professions did their best to participate and demonstrate their talents. In the first half of the 20th century, Shrovetide masquerade balls were also held by people of different professions (artists, journalists, etc.) or different social strata (the creme de la creme of the society and common people). Theoretical literature also interpreted carnivals as a means of social control and protest (Burke 1994: 199–204). In the Lithuanian press, Western European carnivals were presented as a certain manipulation instrument of the secular and ecclesiatic powers contributing to the overcoming of social crises at least for a short time, especially during the war (D 1932). Carnival control was exercised not merely for political or religious, but also for very pragmatic security reasons. Historical materials contained data from various places – London, Seville, Moscow – on acts of violence and people perished during Shrovetide carnivals (Burke 1994: 187–188). A correspondent of a Lithuanian newspaper wrote about Shrovetide in England and a very specific, containing elements of popular than at present, and most intellectuals who had studied in Western Eu- rope spoke it. The Fasching was actually publicly mentioned earlier that the first Carnival of Venice in 1094 (Willey). 232 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

aggression, Westminster School Pancake Greaze in the second half of the 19th century, which due to an incident was transformed (D 1938). Religious, social, and cultural factors strongly affected the history of the carnival development. The clergy had for centuries fought against the popular forms of beliefs and entertainments as well as customs, however, not always successfully. Priests tried to ban, or at least control, some elements of the Shrovetide celebrations in the Lithuanian village. The urban masquerade balls in Lithuania in the early 20th century were also criticised in the periodicals because of the drunkenness, debauchery, and a waste of money related to such entertainments. In the articles of the Lithuanian papers, readers could find out how carnivals were celebrated abroad and learn about their most distinctive customs as well as their associations with the Lithuanian rural and urban customs. The carnivals in Italy, the cradle of the festival – in Venice, Rome, and Milan – and their customs were described quite exhaustively. Venice, “the Queen of the Seas”, was called the centre of the carnival. St. Mark’s Square would turn into a gigantic dance floor under the open sky, and jokes, music, and verbal battles could be heard all around. The carnival was especially lively and attractive during the Rococo period in the 16th through the 17th century. Venetians dressed in expensive ancient Italian costumes and appeared as characters of commedia dell’arte , Arlecchino, Colombina, Pantalone, Pul- cinella, Pierrot and others (NŽ 1927; LA 1930). In the 16th through the 18th centuries, the characters were popular in the manors of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and in the first half of the 20th century, in masquerade balls of the restaurants of Kaunas and other towns of Lithuania (Laurinavičiūtė-Petrošienė 2015: 25–27; 172–173). To quote the correspondent, the core of the Roman carnivals was formed by horse races, solemn processions, confetti, and flower battles (NŽ 1927). Horse races and driving around in horse-drawn carriages during Shrovetide was an important element of the festival in the Lithuanian village as well, however, it was of a different character and had different intentions (the custom was related to abundant crops and good flax in the autumn). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 233

Fig. 104. In the masquerade Fig. 105. The Shrovetide ball (NŽ 1927) carnival mask procession in Southern France (LŪ 1938)

Fig. 106. The Shrovetide Fig. 107. The Old carnival mask procession in Man of Shrovetide Southern France (LŪ 1938) in France (LŪ 1938)

The article about the carnivals in France argued that the French adopted the carnival customs of the Italians. In the carnival in Paris, the main event was a solemn procession of a bull with golden horns along the streets of the city. Moreover, various beauty pageants were held during the carnival, and the Beauty Queen of Paris was elected (NŽ 1927). In the early 20th century, in the masquerade balls in various towns of Lithuania, competitions of masks and costumes, folk costumes, dances, etc., were also organised. 234 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Among the carnivals abroad, it was the events in France, and particularly the famous Nice Carnaval, that were illustrated by photos most abundantly, however, none of them was described in greater detail. Shrovetide carnivals in other countries of Southern Europe were commented upon much less: mention was made of the largest Span- ish festivals in Madrid, Seville, and Cadiz, however, no details were presented. As mentioned above, in the press of the early 20th century, quite a lot of information was offered about German carnivals. According to the author of an article, Germans also celebrated Shrovetide, held noisy Faschings, also called Fastnacht, that were, however, not as luxurious or colourful as Italian or French carnivals. Germans were more interested in large amounts of food and drinks. Of course, they also had certain customs (ceremonies): readers could see the similarity between the German and Lithuanian Shrovetide traditions. First of all, Shrovetide meant abundant consumption of food and drinks, fatty dishes, and multiple meals before Lent. The ingredients of the dishes were similar: peas, potatoes, and pork. Just like Lithuanians, Germans related the abundance of food to success and riches in the coming year. Good flax harvest in Germany was associated with human actions during Shrovetide: for the flax to grow high, German father and mother had to dance. The higher the husband raised his wife during the dance, the taller the flax would grow (NŽ 1927: 11). It is easy to understand that was a different kind of information, related to popular culture and agrarian mentality. However, the visual material from towns in the press demonstrated that in German, as well as in West- ern European and American, carnivals some “bigheaded” figures were among the central ones in the procession (see Fig. 105–107, 109). The figures of that kind remained popular in Western European carnivals till the present time (see Fig. 110). Some authors paid less attention to a more consistent description of the Shrovetide customs of other nations but focused on the show- casing of their similarities with the Lithuanian customs. The Portu- Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 235

Fig. 108. A figure from the Cologne Carnival (NŽ 1933)

Fig. 109. A carnival in an American city (LŪ 1938)

Fig. 110. Figures of the St. John’s carnival week in Braga (Portugal, 2017). Photo by J. Derukaitė guese were reported to throw beans and flour at each other during the carnival, while the Lithuanians were throwing oats. In Peru, like in Lithuania, people liked to pour water one over another. The Czechs were leading a bear, and the Lithuanians, a bear and other anthropomorphic characters. TheT yrolean Swiss would come to the cities from 236 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

their mountains during Shrovetide and entertain their residents by impersonating Gypsies or black guys (ŪP 1937). The descriptions of carnivals abroad and their comparison against the Lithuanian Shrovetide celebration, photo reportages, and drawings in the periodicals were few, however, rather professional, and they broadened the readers’ horizons. However, they could not really affect the Lithuanian Shrovetide celebratory traditions for several reasons and, first of all, because of the above mentioned small number of the reports spread out over time. Second, urban or Western-type masquerade balls in the towns of Lithuania in the early 20th century were no news. The new thing was that the said style of celebration, granted a ‘noble content’ through the activity of public organisations and schools, spread to provincial Lithuania and was considered, despite criticism, as progressive and acceptable. On comparing the data, one could conclude that the conceptual elements of the Shrovetide customs in Western Europe and Lithuania were identical, only the forms of their implementation differed, although in some cases they also coincided. In the long course, some elements adopted from the Western European urban culture took root in the Lithuanian milieu through the palaces and manors of magnates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.

*** As confirmed by written sources, Shrovetide in Lithuania was celebrated by all social strata. Before the mid-20th century, two different traditions co-existed and naturally interacted there: the local Baltic tradition in the rural environment and the imported European one in the lifestyles of manor residents and townspeople. In the early 20th century, Lithuanian townspeople tended to celebrate Shrovetide in accordance with the European model which also acquired some local characteristics. The main form of celebration was the indoor entertainment events, most frequently called a masquerade ball, an evening, or traditional pancakes, and in the Klaipėda Region, šiupinys. They were held by a network of organisations that had spread Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 237 all over Lithuania in the interwar period and the public catering and entertainment institutions. The organisers pursued their own aims: the first ones, to unite the members of their organisations, to raise their cultural–patriotic level, and to collect charity for the needy, while the other ones most frequently performed the function of entertainment which ensured financial profit. The programmes included competitions of masks/costumes (mainly non-folklore), performances, and different concert programmes, followed by eating the symbolic dishes of the festival (pancakes and šiupinys) and dances. One or another element could be missing. The concert repertoire varied from classics to folklore. In the 20th century, the urban Shrovetide differed from the rural one by external things: the form, the content, and the goals, however, they were related through identical concepts: entertainments, abundant food, common meals, dressing up, as well as marriage issues. The intensive propaganda of Lithuanian national values in the second and third decades of the 20th century promoted the integration of the rural culture elements into the urban environment. In the long run, due to the purposeful ideological will, the rural Shrovetide celebration traditions occupied both the urban and rural spaces. The masquerade balls of the urban type, very popular in the first half of the 20th century, gradually fell into decline or became less frequent and were practiced in a chamber environment, closed to outsiders.

Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 239 240 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Shrovetide, like any other calendrical festival, has for different reasons been undergoing various metamorphoses and thus constantly changing its form and content. Mass festivals organised against the Soviet ideological background in the second half of the 20th century are still awaiting for a more thorough ethnological analysis. So far, in the studies of the contemporary phenomena of ethnic culture including Shrovetide, the Soviet era as if does not exist: most frequently, the periods of the early 20th century as well as earlier times and the late 20th through the early 21st century are analysed and compared. The ethnocultural processes of the Soviet era are mentioned episodically, through listing negative factors which unified, levelled, or otherwise degraded ethnic traditions (Skrodenis 2009; Vaicekauskas 2010). That cannot be disagreed with; however, even in that complicated historical period, meaningful efforts were made to resist and at least to partly maintain the national identity. To quote philosopher Arvydas Juoza- itis, culture defeats politics and time. From the viewpoint of culture, “a lot of good was done” even in the times of communism ( Juozaitis 2011: 147), especially remembering that, even against the background of intense emigration from the USSR, at the end of the Soviet era, Lithuania by its ethnic composition was more Lithuanian than at any other period during the 19th and 20th centuries (Norkus 2006: 86). The changes in the cultural policy and demography taking place in the 21st century pose no smaller challenges to the Lithuanian nation than the processes that took place in the Soviet times. The present chapter seeks to reveal a still almost unexplored ques- tion175 of the organisation and the structure of mass events in the framework of the Shrovetide/Ushering-out of Winter176 Festivals in

175 The issue was dealt with in the papers of the author (Petrošienė 2014; Laurinavičiūtė-Petrošienė 2017). 176 The names Shrovetide and Ushering-out of Winter will be used as synonyms in the book. Based on the explanation of Čepienė (see p. 251) about the motivation of changing the name of the festival (Šorys 2010) and other collected materials, and partly on the author’s opinion based on her personal experience, most of the Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 241 the Soviet period (~1959–1989) as well as the process of their development: the preconditions of dissemination and limitations, the relationship with the traditional/rural Shrovetide celebration forms, the changes in the structure of the festival and its characters, and some principles of its organisation. The discourse of calendrical holidays in the Soviet era was discussed in the papers of Gintarė Dusevičiūtė (Dusevičiūtė 2013) and Dalia Senvaitytė (Senvaitytė 2013 a), however, they never wrote about the Shrovetide, or Ushering-out of Winter, festivals. Eglė Aleknaitė’s papers (Aleknaitė 2014; 2014 a) contained the so-called Panevėžys case study: they covered the celebration of Shrovetide in the area over the period of the 50s of the 20th century through the early 21st century (to the present). One could argue that Aleknaitė discussed the issue of the Shrovetide celebration in the Soviet period, dealt with in the present book, in the local context.The difference is that she also covered the post-Soviet period, based on her individual experience and cultural workers’ attitude towards the Shrovetide celebration tradition. As mentioned earlier, the Shrovetide celebration in Lithuania and in Lithuanian communities abroad in the 20th and the 21st centuries was also discussed by Šaknys (Šaknys 2014; 2015). For the studies of the Shrovetide celebration in the Soviet era, the scenarios of mass Ushering-out of Winter Festivals of the Soviet period (1959–1988), reports-files of the events, festival descriptions in the professional press, reviews and methodological comments, and scientific and popular science papers in the periodical press were used. Due to abundant materials, no use was made of the descriptions of Shrovetide celebration published in regional newspapers: studies of them were left for the future. However, as demonstrated by Aleknaitė’s research into the issue in the Panevėžys district, based on the regional press and the documents of cultural institutions, it became obvious that the existing materials – metodological publications, several sce-

workers of science and culture at that time were doing what was possible under the Soviet regime. 242 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

narios known on the national scale, and cultural policies discussed in the professional press in the Soviet period – led to the identification of essential problematic aspects. The central press and the government dictated fashion all throughout Lithuania. The political events of the 40s of the 20th century – Lithuania’s occupation and annexation by the Soviet Union in 1940 through 1941, German occupation in 1941 to 1944, the return of the Soviet power and its establishment for a long period of time – changed the lives of the State of Lithuania and its people. The cultural life of Lithu- ania, especially after 1944, did not develop spontaneously: due to the pursuit of ideological goals, it was strictly regulated. Institutions were created for the organisation and implementation of cultural activities. As early as in 1940, the Council of People’s Commissars of the Lithu- anian SSR started work, and it included the Commissariat for Educa- tion and the Councils for Art Affairs and Political Education (LKSIN 2005: 11).The Communist Party functionaries in charge of the “revival of the Lithuanian folk culture” instructed the Academy of Sciences of the USSR to present “the Soviet evaluation of the Lithuanian people’s past” as fast as possible; a new edition of a history textbook was to follow, the press was to be used, films on Lithuanian people’s life were to be made, and the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR was granted the right to use all the archives and Lietuvos Metrika177 (The Metrica of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania). In 1941, when preparing for a 10-day festival of the art of the Lith- uanian SSR in Moscow (which did not take place due to the war), the Communist Party of Lithuania, being worried about possible unsatis- factory preparation for it, issued a special resolution prescribing, among other things, to Comrade Juodelis, Head of the Council for Art Af-

177 A letter of N. Pozdniakov, representative of the Central Committee of the All- Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and the Council of People’s Commissars of the Lithuanian Communist Party in Lithuania to leaders of the Central Com- mittee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) V. Molotov, A. Andrejev, and G. Malenkov on the Sovietisation of Lithuanian national culture. 21 February 1941 (LKSIN 2005: 37–39). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 243 fairs of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Lithuanian SSR, to found a National House of Folk Art.178 The resolution was implemented, and the newly-founded institution, established in Vilnius in 1941, operated for almost two decades. In 1960, it was re-organised and, until 1979, functioned as the Palace of Folk Art. In 1960, under the Min- istry of Culture of the Lithuanian SSR established in 1953, a National Scientific-Methodological Centre for Cultural and Educational Work was opened. In 1979, the Palace of Folk Art and the above-mentioned Centre were merged into the Scientific Methodological Cultural Cen- tre, renamed in 1990 the Lithuanian Folk Culture Centre and presently called the Lithuanian National Culture Centre (LNKC). Those institutions in cooperation with culture houses, schools, Faculties of Cultural Activities of People’s Universities, scholars of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR, and the local Executive Committees of the Lithuanian SSR took care of the cultural education of working people and the organisation of their leisure. The Lithuanian Provisional Government, which operated merely for several months in 1941, sought to restore the order of independent Lithuania, to revoke Soviet laws, and to isolate itself from the imposed lifestyle. However, the occupation of the country by Nazi Germany stopped its work. During the difficult period of the German occupation, the cultural life of Lithuania was also controlled by alien forces. In the first names of the Soviet-time cultural institutions, the terms ‘folk creation’ or ‘folk art’ predominated, which demonstrated what was considered and declared to be their priorities. On the one hand, those were direct translations and adaptations of the names of cultural institutions of a similar character operating all throughout the Soviet Un- ion. On the other hand, given the interest in ethnography and folklore, especially active in Lithuania in the 30s of the 20th century, which underlay the formation of the Lithuanian identity, one could relatively argue that the essence of the ideas – to revive and promote folk crea- 178 Resolution of the Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of Lithuania on the preparation for a 10-day Festival of Art of the Lithuanian SSR in Moscow (26–27 March 1941) (LKSIN 2005: 41–42). 244 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

tion – survived; however, due to the changes in the political context, and particularly due to the elimination of the religious aspect of the festivals, it acquired a different character. That is perfectly illustrated by a comment in the methodological publication Užgavėnės – žiemos šventė [Shrovetide, a Winter Festival] of 1959 on the revival of some calendrical holidays at the time. “In the Soviet times, the customs of the St. John’s and harvest festivals were successfully revived”. Petras Dabulevičius who prepared the said methodological material expected a successful revival of Shrovetide as well, naturally, remembering to recommend “to provide the form of the old Shrovetide with a new socialist content. It had to reflect the magnificent seven-year plan and people’s struggle for the building of the Communist society” (UŽŠ 1959: 1). The implementation of the Shrovetide modernisation and in- ternationalisation plan, developed by the functionaries of the Commu- nist Party and cultural workers, started intensively (Kudirka 1992: 4). However, the plan was developed not in Vilnius, but in Moscow, and was intended for all the Soviet republics. That was confirmed by the research into the relationship between the development of the Belarusian calendrical holidays and the Soviet cultural policies. Be- larusian ethnologist T. I. Kuharonak identified five stages179 in the change in the Soviet regime attitudes towards folk calendrical festivals. In Belarus, which belonged to the Soviet Union from the early 20th century, the first two stages lasted until the Second World War and were not relevant to Lithuania. The remaining three stages coincided with what and how was happening in Lithuania in the second half

179 1) 1918–1928: rather passive measures taken by the Soviet authorities with regard to the folk calendrical rituals, however, aggressive policies towards church rites. 2) 1929 – the Second World War. The confrontation of the state ideology and the traditional culture. The goal of the Soviet ideology was to fully replace the traditional festivals by new Socialist ones. 3) 1950–1960: revival of traditional festivals on a “new socialist basis”, i.e. the old traditions were combined with the new socialist reality and its rituals. 4) 1970–1980: introduction of local ethnical elements into the standard scenarios of national festivals. 5) Early 1990–2000: rebirth and revival of the authentic and secondary forms of folk culture (Kuharonak 2001: 140, 142, 157, 162). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 245 of the 20th century. In the period between 1950 and 1960, in Bela- rus as well as in Lithuania, standardised scenarios of calendrical festivals and recommendations were disseminated and the best practices of cultural institutions were published. At that time, Shrovetide (in Belarusian, Масленіца), renamed Farewell to the Russian Winter, was more frequently held in towns (the Holy Trinity holiday was renamed Festival of Russian Birch Trees, etc.). In the period of 1970–1980, some traditional elements of the Belarusian Shrovetide were first integrated into the Farewell to the Russian Winter festival. Since 1990, efforts have been made to give up Russian traditions and to celebrate the festival on the basis of Belarusian ethnical customs (Kuharonak 2001: 157, 162). Coming back to the Lithuanian Shrovetide development history, ethnologist Irena Aušrelė Čepienė, who in the period of 1960 to 1972 worked for the Ministry and Culture and prepared recommendations and methodological aids for the Scientific Methodological Centre for Cultural and Educational Work, remembered that the then Minister of Culture Juozas Banaitis supported the recruitment of specialists interested in Lithuanian traditions in the Centre. Therefore, a Public Council was formed of prominent specialists to take care of those matters. They had, based on ancient family traditions, however, in accordance with the established ideology, to develop the so-called solemn civil ceremonies which were to distract people from the church rites; nonetheless, they were not obliged to promote atheism. Spe- cialists were drafting recommendations and thematic methodological publications, attended and observed events, and published articles in the national and regional press. To quote Čepienė, “some of our recommendations took root, some did not, however, harvest festivals are still held in some districts” (Šorys 2010). The same can be said about the most massive calendrical festival, i.e. Shrovetide. Soviet-time methodological publications and articles in the press made it possible to understand how the holiday was organised and to observe its development. However, it is necessary to keep in mind that the press as well as all the cultural life in Lithuania was strictly controlled. The censorhip office Glavlit, the Main Directorate for Liter- 246 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

ary and Publishing Affairs, later renamed the GeneralD irectorate for the Protection of State Secrets in the Press, established in Lithuania in 1940 and re-established in 1944, belonged directly to Moscow. The institution and its divisions monitored and censored all the cultural life: the press, radio and TV, museums, theatre, and cinema, checking the use of foreign publications, reading letters, etc. (Gudaitis 2010). Due to strict control and censorship, the press turned into the essen- tially grey propaganda, fossilised over decades and controlled by party functionaries (Užtupas 1992: 54–55). On the other hand, the press and the mass media represented a tool which helped to achieve the desired goals. In the Resolution of the Central Committee of the Lithua- nian Communist Party on the Working People’s Leisure Organisation and its Use for Ideological Education, the editorial boards of national newspapers and journals and interregional papers of the Central Commit- tee of the Lithuanian Communist Party and the Council of Ministers of the Lithuanian SSR as well as the Radio and TV Committee under the Council of Ministers of the Lithuanian SSR were instructed “in their pages and programmes, to better cover the issues of the working people’s leisure organisation, to disseminate the best practices, and to promote the organised mass events”.180 Of course, the dissemination of the Lithuanian word was not completely banned, still, it had to comply with the ideological requirements. One, although not an only, proof closely related to the subject in question was the Resolution of the Bureau of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party on Ideological Errors in Ethnographic Publications which indicated that “the educational impact of ethnographic publications was weakened by the noticeable influence of the bourgeois-times tourist literature in some of them”. In fact, “ethnographic literature, being of a mass character, was an important means of the promotion of communist ideology. Therefore, it was necessary to constantly follow the ideological content of that kind of literature 180 Resolution of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party on the Working People’s Leisure Organisation and its Use for Ideological Education. Vilnius, 4 June 1962 (LKSIN 2005: 300). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 247 and to ensure that every ethnographic publication effectively helped to educate the population in the spirit of Soviet patriotism and inculcate in them the feelings of socialist internationalism and the friendship of the peoples of the USSR”.181 The celebration of Shrovetide in the Soviet era was covered by the periodical press and specialised science, culture, art, and ethnography publications as well as those intended for women or youth. It was the articles in those specialised publications, such as Istorija [History] (1),182 LTSR MA darbai [Works of the Academy of Science of the Lithuanian SSR] (1), Kraštotyra [Ethnography] (4), Gimtasis kraštas [Native Land] (2), Meno saviveikla [Amateur Arts] (2), Kultūros barai [Domains of Culture] (3), Pergalė [Victory] (1), Jaunimo gretos [Ranks of Youth] (1), and Tarybinė moteris [Soviet Woman] (1), that provided important information about the Shrovetide celebration in the Soviet era. One of the first professional popular culture journals in Soviet Lithuania was the journal Meno saviveikla, published by the Ministry of Culture and the National Palace of Folk Art over the period from 1956 to 1964 inclusive. It published articles on amateur arts, provided amateur art groups with recommendations and methodological assistance, and presented repertoires for different fields of arts. It was in that journal that cultural methodologists Dabulevičius (MS 1959), Černeckis (Černeckis 1961), and Čepienė (MS 1963) described Shrovetide celebrations held in different places of Lithuania in 1959, 1961, and 1963; moreover, they offered rather strict evaluations and crriticism as well as proposals how to address the identified shortcomings. Later, such strict articles were almost absent in the public space: organisational, ideological, etc., issues were discussed in specialist literature (methodological publications) or in seminars and meetings. In 1965, the Meno saviveikla journal was replaced by the still cir- culating monthly Kultūros barai. It also published several articles on 181 Resolution of the Bureau of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Commu- nist Party on Ideological Errors in Ethnographic Publications. Vilnius, 22 May 1961 (LKSIN 2005: 283–284). 182 Here and afterwards in the paragraph, the number of the articles on Shrovetide in the publication is indicated. 248 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

the subject of Shrovetide, however, only one of them, contributed by Skrodenis, can be considered as an analytical study (Skrodenis 1965: 26–29). Other items were reportages on events (KB 1971; KB 1986). In the long run, Kultūros barai developed into a journal of professional art. Rather neutral descriptions of local customs or organised festivals are important today as factual information, which could sometimes be also found in other journals of literature and art, such as the above mentioned Pergalė, Tarybinė moteris, Jaunimo gretos, etc. Occasionally, “meritorious” organisers of the festival – Communist Party functionaries were named, whose “blessing” was necessary for the festival to take place.183 Topics of ethnography, including the Shrovetide customs, were also reflected in the Kraštotyra journal of the Society of Monument Protection and Ethnography (K 1970: 243–244; K 1986: 224–227; K 1966: 128–133; K 1971: 381) and in the weekly Gimtasis kraštas for Lithuanians and emigrants. Ethnographic publications were strictly supervised, therefore, the articles featured descriptions of ethnographic customs and highlighted their regional differences. Evidently, censors allowed readers to enjoy the preserved anscestor customs and the participation of numerous guests from the cities in provincial holidays; no elements of Soviet propaganda were found in them. The scholars who were writing about Shrovetide in the Soviet times, such as Skrodenis, Vyšniauskaitė, and Dundulienė, were publishing their papers in books, textbooks, scientific journals Istorija (Dundulienė 1972: 97–120) or LTSR MA darbai (Skrodenis 1966: 285–296), and in specialised periodicals mentioned above. They started and laid the foundation for scientific research into that calendrical holiday. The breakthrough leading to free, ideologically unrestrained research into Shrovetide and ethnological research in general took place after the restoration of Lithuania’s independence in 1990.

183 In 1971, in Plateliai (Žemaitija), a Žemaitijan Ushering-out of Winter Festival took place, organised by the authorities of the Plateliai District Municipality and assisted by teachers, ethnographers, and the Plungė District Committee of the Communist Party (P 1970: 179). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 249

When reading the above-named publications and archival ethnographic materials, talking to respondents-participants of cultural activities in the 60s and 70s of the 20th centuries, and remembering my own experience of the Shrovetide celebration in Lithuania in the 70s and 80s, I can identify three situations related to that calendrical festival/mass event: 1) Shrovetide, or an Ushering-out of Winter Festival, was intensely celebrated in the Soviet era; 2) Shrovetide was not celebrated in some districts or the respondents’ living environments; and 3) Shrovetide celebration was prohibited. It has to be admitted that all the statements could be correct at a certain time and in a certain environment, and they complied with specific personal experiences and the then situation of the cultural phenomenon in question.

Name Change from the Shrovetide to the Ushering-out of Winter Festival. Dissemination and Limitations

In the second half of the 20th century, in different towns and settlements, rather stable traditional Shrovetide festivals were born/ revived/created, either spontaneously or in accordance with the instructions, which made those locations famous throughout Lithuania. The Shrovetide in Kurtuvėnai, Plateliai, Luokė, Grūšlaukė, and, of course, Rumšiškės were well known and attracted people both from the neighbourhood and from more distant places of Lithuania. So- viet cultural methodologists (incidentally, like the contemporary ones) sought to make the Shrovetide organised by them more universal: “It is to be expected that next year the meaningful and very interesting customs of Shrovetide, enriched with a new, socialist content, will be revived in all the districts and towns of our republic and that the folk festival will acquire a mass character” (MS 1959: 25). Methodologists of cultural events or scholars, when preparing methodological, scientific, or popular science publications, had to follow the ideological provisions of the Communist Party regarding the Sovietisa- 250 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

tion of culture. Everybody had to remember to ensure that “most of those customs, having acquired a new meaning and content, become an integral part of the traditional elements of the Soviet community festivals” (ŽŠ 1963: 3). In 1984, after having declared the increased level of the working people’s education and their growing cultural needs, specialists of culture and education, members of the folk tradition councils, and other fosterers of socialist rites made efforts to more effectively use a diversity of educational tools. Agricultural festivals held in the Kapsukas and Plungė districts, when “the beginning and the end of major agricultural works were marked by certain performed/staged rituals”, were referred to as an example to be followed. A new goal was formulated: “to honour the best workers, mashine operators, field-crop growers, and cattle breeders, and to hold celebrations in honour of the most significant production campaigns” (Giedrienė 1984: 3). Another very important aspect was the inculcation of the atheistic approach to spiritual existence: “Mass festivals held in towns and districts, such as youth festivals, festivals of glory to work, of songs, friendship, harvest, sports, etc., play a major role in the improvement of the cultural leisure of working people and the diversion of believers from church.” The measures that had to be taken, such as organisation of amateur art activities, sports, excursions to famous places of Lithuania and the USSR, were expected “to help the working people to develop the feelings and ideas of collectivism, friendship between nations, and Soviet patriotism, and to distract believers from the performance of religious rites and the attendance of sacred places”.184 When explaining the meaning of traditional festivals and the actions performed in them, the authors of the texts had to convince readers of their pagan origins, rejecting any influence of Christianity. In the methodological material prepared by Čepienė in 1963, the origin and the meaning of the Shrovetide Festival were described briefly, 184 Resolution of the Bureau of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Commu- nist Party on the Organisation of the Leisure of Working People and its Use for Ideological Education. Vilnius, 4 June 1962 (LKSIN 2005: 296–297). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 251 without any context, either Lithuanian, Baltic, or European; as for its links with the church rites, the author argued that no links of that kind existed (ŽŠ 1963: 3). In popular science papers by the Soviet-era ethnologists and folklorists, the origin, meaning, and symbolism of the Shrovetide Festival was explained by manoeuvring between the pagan and the Christian elements: the author argued that “there was an insignificant religious element, and some personages of a religious character were introduced”, however, “Shrovetide contained no religious rites and was a working day”. In the Shrovetide folklore songs as well as in its customs, rituals, and beliefs, no trace of Christian ideology or mysticism could be seen, therefore, Shrovetide was allegedly a purely folk festival (Skrodenis 1967). In approximately the early 60s of the 20th century, due to the requirements set by the new Soviet ideology, the Shrovetide Festival had to be renamed a ‘Winter Festival’ or ‘Ushering-out of Winter Festival’. In one of the first officially published Shrovetide Festival scenarios in 1959, the name of Shrovetide was still used, and the customs of it were no less interesting or valuable than those of other calendrical festivals (UŽŠ 1959: 1).The motive for the change of the name was offered by one of the developers of the mass event method- ologies Čepienė: “Shrovetide was usually called a winter festival. The traditional Shrovetide procession was named a popular carnival, and it created no problems” (Šorys 2010). The Ushering-out of Winter Festival, organised on the basis of the old traditional elements of the Shrovetide customs, was accepted as “a new Soviet tradition”,185 in a certain sense “blocking” Shrovetide as a religious festival: “one could 185 A publicistic propaganda book Naujo gyvenimo tradicijos [Traditions of the New Life] of historian Vincas Černeckis was intended for the “truthful” description of the new socialist life traditions, enriching the everyday life of Soviet people and making it more beautiful (Černeckis 1961). The first essay in it Pancakes, Flour Pancakes dealt with the Winter Festival, or Shrovetide. Some episodes of the text reminded of the paper Amateur Arts by Dabulevičius (MS 1959), even if the book contained no list of references. There, the issues of the origin of the Winter Festi- val/Shrovetide, the time of their celebration, and the relationship with Christian- 252 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

not mention that it was the day before Lent, moreover, carnivals were usually allowed mainly at weekends before that festival” (Šorys 2010). It may have been one of the reasons which erased Shrovetide from the memory of the contemporaries, the more so that Shrovetide was celebrated not equally intensively in various regions of Lithuania. That was noted by almost all the authors of the items in the press. Even in Žemaitija, where Shrovetide was celebrated in the most expressive way, it used to be held not in all the places of the region or was held irregularly. Thus, e.g., a female informant, formerly (in the 50s through 60s) an active participant of cultural events in Laukuva and Tverai (where big song festivals used to take place in the 50s), did not remember any Shrovetide celebration during that period.186 The archival sources contained more such cases. Sometimes informants presented their personal motives why they had no wish to participate in costumed processions. Thus, e.g., Balčius from the settlement of Šventoji commented on the Shrovetide processions: “I do not drink vodka, so I did not go there. Whoever wanted to drink wodka, went there” (KUTRF 363). Unbridled processions of tipsy costumed characters and their inappropriate behaviour caused indignation as early as in the interwar period, therefore, the intellectuals and the clergy of small towns might have not supported the Shrovetide customs. Athe- istically-inclined district leaders also contributed to the decline of the traditional Žemaitijan masks, and simultaneously of the festivals, as they considered “the processions of masked characters as hooliganism” (Skrodenis 2009: 45). In the Soviet era, January and February were also rich in other festivals, such as New Year carnivals at schools and culture houses or the famous horse races in Aukštaitija, on Sartai Lake in Dusetos, and fairs held there (Sartai 2011), and in Žemaitija, where the races were held on Plinkšiai Lake in Seda (MKE), etc. Important and memora-

ity were discussed in a rather sober manner, even though in the framework of the Soviet-time ideological field (Černeckis 1961: 6–11). 186 From a personal talk with an informant, who was born and grew up in Žemaitija, on 12 Septemeber 2013. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 253 ble events in the lives of the communities of each collective or state farm were annual general meetings, followed by concert programmes. Despite the above presented controversial circumstances and motives, in 1959, Shrovetide, or the Ushering-out Winter Festival, was celebrated not only where it was an old and traditional well-established phenomenon, but also where it had not existed before or had disappeared before it could be recorded. In his Amateur Arts, Dabulevičius described Shrovetide 1959 in Pakruojis, Kazlų Rūda, Raseiniai, and Varniai, and mentioned that Shrovetide was celebrated in the collective farms of the Raseiniai district, a township of Viduklė, in the districts of Radviliškis, Lazdijai, Telšiai, Akmenė, etc., and in the city of Klaipėda. In Varniai, the festival was celebrated for two days: first of all, Shrove- tide was held “on five best-known hills of the district – Kepaluškalnis, Žąsūgala, Medvėgalis, Girgždutė, and Moteraitis, involving all the collective farms of the district”, while on the folowing day, the first district Winter Festival took place on Lūkstas Lake (MS 1959: 21–25). In the papers of the last decade of the 20th century, their authors frequently remembered that, in the Soviet era, the celebration of Shrovetide or other calendrical festivals was impeded or even forbidden: “Occupants in Lithuania prevented the celebration of Shrove- tide, St. John’s Day, or All Souls’ Day. Even spelling the names of those festivals in capital letters was forbidden” (Aleknavičius 1998: 34). As proved by the collected materials, the statement was not entirely accurate: just every effort had to be made to celebrate it in a way acceptable to the Soviet regime. One cannot deny that all fields of life, including culture, were under strict control in the Soviet era. The reorganisation of the Lithua- nian cultural life in accordance with Soviet standards started from the first days of the new government. That was testified to by a collection of documents of the period of 1940 to 1990, published in 2005 and revealing the scale and content of the inculcation of communist ideology in Lithuania (LKSIN 2005). The old traditional festivals were not completely banned, just adapted to the new social order in a more general or a more subtle way. The logic and motives of the adaptation 254 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

of ethnographic customs that could be shared by all the calendrical or family festivals were set out in a document of the Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party on the use of commemoration of the Day of the Dead in order to neutralise the tradition of All Souls’ Day in 1965. The Day of the Dead, even before the drafting of the said document, was held on the last Sunday of October, “both with the aim of enriching the traditions of the new life and reducing the impact of the Catholic All Souls’ Day”. However, the commemoration of the festival was proposed to move to the All Souls’ Day for at least three reasons set out in the document. One of them was the form of the Catholic All Souls’ Day being very convenient for fully taking it over, throwing nothing away, and enriching it with new elements contributing to a better conveyance of the new content of the Day of the Dead. The content had to be totally new, permeated with the Marxist- Leninist worldview”. The document also presented an analysis of the “experimental festival” of that type held in Kretinga and its positive evaluation from the aesthetical and ideological viewpoints. Today, the comment of a lecturer of the Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party about “two women having been noticed praying” makes one smile, while the ensuing statement could be considered as a manifestation of common sense or even some cunning: “after all, even if one or another person prays, that should not be seen as something special, unacceptable, etc. Against the background of the Requiem by Rozhdestvensky or some other poems by Soviet poets, the praying and the prayer tend to lose their supposed significance even in the eyes of the believers”.187 When one knows the priorities of the Soviet ideology, one is not surprised by the fact that one year, when the date of Shrovetide coincided with that of a congress of the Communist Party, the Shrovetide

187 Document of the Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Com- mittee of the Lithuanian Communist Party on the use of commemoration of the Day of the Dead to neutralise the tradition of All Souls’ Day. 12 August 1965 (LKSIN 2005: 355–359). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 255 celebration in Plateliai was forbidden (Aleknavičius 1998: 34). Even more dangerous situations occurred when the date of Shrovetide either coincided or was very close to February 16, the day of the Res- toration of the Independent State of Lithuania. In 1972, in Luokė (Žemaitija), immediately after the Shrovetide celebration in a school, where the costumed procession was followed by a traditional meal, the director of the school was summoned to “the district centre” to explain why the pupils and teachers had allegedly celebrated the 16th of February. “I am not a hypocrite, and I honestly admit that we did not even intend to celebrate the Day of Independence. We were not that brave, and we did not want any trouble for the school director, therefore, even though most of us knew the significance of the 16th of February for our Lithuania, we would hardly have dared to celebrate the Day of Independence at the time”, said the organiser of the festival (Misiūnienė 1999: 8). Ideological constraints were different, and in quite a lot of cases they depended on the zeal, “courage”, intellectual characteristics, etc., of party functionaries. Thus in Grūšlaukė (Kretinga district), a party ideologist whose name was not presented in the article, stopped the efforts to revive the Shrovetide celebration. The organisers – Director of the Kretinga Regional Lore Museum Juozas Mickevičius and wooden mask carver Anicetas Puškorius – were not stopped by that; they applied to the Plungė functionaries and got permission for celebration. That time, the Shrovetide Festival was held in Plateliai (Aleknavičius 1998: 34). In another case, the organisers of the Shrovetide celebration in Luokė asked for permission to hold the same kind of festival in Luokė in 1973 and received an answer that “such festivals were hardly necessary, because they did not educate Soviet patriotism, etc.” To overcome the prohibitions, one had to use all the resourcefulness and imagination and to appropriately interpret the meaning and benefit of the Shrovetide celebration activities: fun festivities allegedly made a positive impact on people’s mood and their working capacity and thus contributed to “the prosperity of the Soviet country”. The festival in Luokė was attended by “tough guys” (staff of the security service) 256 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

in black Volga cars. However, the Shrovetide ‘gypsies’ managed to get them out of their cars, to amuse them, and to convince that no anti- Soviet propaganda could be traced there (Misiūnienė 1999: 8). Local subordinate party leaders must have been frightened or just cowardly, because sometimes it was necessary to address the staff of the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Vilnius to get the permission to celebrate Shrovetide or to film the festival (Misiūnienė 1999: 8). As suggested by the collected information, the authorities wished to control the festivals spontaneously held on the initiative of local communities (and held not in accordance with the scenarios recommended by the Vilnius methodologists).

Levelling or Transformation of Traditions?

The reported cases of Shrovetide prohibition contradicted the information laid out in official documents of cultural policies, in festival scenarios, their discussions, and their descriptions in the periodical press. Skrodenis, who studied calendrical folklore in the Soviet times, argued that in the Soviet years the regional traditions of costumed processions were significantly destroyed or made uniform: “Both the communities of Žemaitija and Dzūkija were provided with uniform winter festival scenarios and instructed to prepare uniform masks. What was natural for Žemaitijans, was not totally clear for the people in Dzūkija” (Skrodenis 2009: 45). Such a situation lasted from the 50s to the 70s of the 20th century. The statement was testified to by the first public scenario of 1959 (UŽŠ 1959), based on the Žemaitijan Shrovetide customs. Simultaneously, it also contained some fragments indicating that the character or the activity were typical of some other specific regions. A variety of the names for the Shrovetide Morė was presented: “In Raseiniai, that was Magdė or Kotrė from Raseiniai, for the Žemaitijans from Kretinga or Klaipėda, Morė, and in other places, Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 257 a ‘Shrovetide Witch’ or ‘Mummy’. In Northern Lithuania, an ‘old guy of Shrovetide’ was taken around, and in Eastern Lithuania, an effigy” (UŽŠ 1959: 3–4). Even though there were no references to the literature used to develop the scenario, one could guess that the descriptions of the Shrovetide customs published in the interwar press were secretly used. The key source, used and adapted by Dabulevičius to his scenario, was an article of Budrys-Budreckas of 1937 Shrovetide in Lithuania (NR 1937: 159–162). Several moments in the Soviet scenario easily traceable to it included an oration of the costumed characters delivered in the yard of the house: “Where are you from?”, “We are poor people from the land of Nugnyptas [Egypt]” (UŽŠ 1959: 9), calling the participants of the costumed procession “Shrovetide jesters”, the above mentioned regional words for Morė, descriptions of musical instruments and noise-making objects, masks, etc. In the analysis of methodological materials, one cannot unequivo- cally argue that special efforts were made to level the regional customs. A different kind of processes was under way: the search for “innovations” suitable for the Soviet society.188 Festival levelling and homogenisation were probably more related to the inertia, attitudes, and qualifications of festival organisers. It was much easier to apply the proposed model than to collect the local ethnographic customs and to organise the celebration in accordance with them, even if such practices were encouraged. As early as in 1959, in a Shrovetide scenario, its authors noted that, in the organisation of the festival, the reminiscences of old people were used: how “costumed jesters in groups travelled through the village”, how the Shrovetide Morė was driven around, etc. Some senior people still had masks in their homes, or the heads of the culture houses brought them from museums (UŽŠ 1959: 3). In general, in the organisation of the Winter Festivals, organisers were recommended to take into account the characteristics of the festival and the topicalities of the district (ŽŠ 1963: 12).

188 During Winter Festivals, a lot of new rites are created that express the new relations of our life (Černeckis 1961: 11). 258 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Ethnologist Angelė Vyšniauskaitė who, together with other prominent specialists of the time, belonged to the Public Council in Charge of Customs and Civil Services in the 50s, in her popular science articles also proposed to apply the old form of Shrovetide resourcefully, to provide it with a “new content”, so that it “would presently become a joyful Lithuanian folk Winter Festival”. Vyšniauskaitė really sought to highlight regional differences. Thus, e.g., when argueing that riding was more typical of Aukštaitija, and the carnival, of Žemaitija, she presented explicitly formulated elements typical of the customs of Dzūkija, Užnemunė (the area west of the Nemunas River), Kupiškis, etc. (Vyšniauskaitė 1959: 14). In Vyšniauskaitė’s article Shrovetide as a Winter Festival published in 1959, almost all the key elements were laid out on the basis of which amateur artists in Lithuania could organise Shrovetide celebration in their own living environment. The postulates and stereotypes about the Shrovetide celebration traditions formulated by Vyšniauskaitė and other scholars – Skrodenis and Dundulienė – have remained valid until present. In the Soviet era as well as at present, initiatives were regularly coming from the bureaucrat offices prescribing to change or improve some or other things. Thus, in 1974, somebody became worried about “there still being no guidelines for the staff of culture houses on the issues of ethnography”. Instructions were developed how to collect, organise, and prepare ethnograhic materials for the submitting to scientific institutes and for the use in the practical activities of cultural institutions. That was supposed to “ensure the authenticity of club activities, to strengthen the connections with a specific place of residence, and to provide huge opportunities for the resourcefullness of spectators and participants” (Račkauskas 1974: 3). Large amounts of valuable ethnographic materials were collected which could be creatively applied. When considering “the methodology of theatricalisa- tion in mass event directing”, Lidija Surginienė wrote: “Loking back at history, we see that what we at present are calling the search for the new has long-standing traditions from which we can gain and learn a Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 259 lot. Thus, e.g., our old folk festivals are completely in line with all the requirements of the dramaturgy of mass events” (Surginienė 1978: 7). Cultural workers of the cities of Lithuania and the regions of Dzūkija and Suvalkija, who had to take into account the instructions of methodologists on how to provide mass festivals, organised on the basis of ethnic customs, with regional exclusivity, did not have authentic materials and had to rack their brains in order to “correctly” organise them. In Dzūkija, the Winter Festival was held on Sim- nas Lake: it included different contests accompanied with jokes and outdoor games and involving large numbers of participants. The so- called “literary programme”, according to a methodologist, was not so important (Giedrienė 1981: 41–42), yet the elements typical of the Shrovetide traditions were retained: fun, matches, and and sleighing. In the second half of the 20th century, the Shrovetide customs in Suvalkija were almost completely forgotten. When they started holding Ushering-out of Winter Festivals, the agrarian motives typical of Žemaitijans were not emphasised there. Focus was placed on satire, as, when bidding farewell to winter, the inhabitants of Kapsukas (presently Marijampolė) wanted to get rid of different vices: drunkenness, laziness, black marketing, etc. Rich meals and pancakes, called a ritual dish, related the ushering out of the winter to the ancient traditions (Giedrienė 1984: 4–5). The analysis of the available materials revealed another trend: the search for innovations and contemporary things in line with the spirit of the time. The programmes of the festival would include classical literature of Lithuanian and Russian/Soviet authors and music; they were based on the theoretical writings of Soviet ethnologists. In 1967, the chapter Spring and Summer Festivals of a methodological publication provided a list of educational texts by Lithuanian and Russian authors (as well as articles in Russian for the staff of culture houses) and examples of poetry and musical compositions – works of the contemporary Lithuanian and Russian (translated) or world classic authors that had nothing in common with Lithuanian folklore (LTr 260 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

1967: 60–61). All those things substantially changed the old traditions and homogenized mass festivals. The results of modernisation seemed to have satisfied theV ilnius methodologists of cultural work. Even the Žemaitijans diligently followed the instructions and transformed their old Shrovetide customs in such a way as, along with the people of Suvalkija, to make them a model for creating an “innovative” Ushering-out of Winter Festi- val. In 1984, the Plungė District Culture House held demonstrations of “agrarian festivals” (i.e. winter and summer calendrical festivals); they were discussed in seminars and received good reviews (Giedrienė 1984: 11). Intensive activities of culture houses in cities or district centres, where larger human and material resources were concentrated, indicated significant changes as early as in 1963. Communities were encouraged to organise the so-called Winter Festivals not only in towns and district centres, but also in rural areas (Černeckis 1961: 10–11; ŽŠ 1963: 12). Already at that time, difficulties arose related to the transfer of -ru ral festivals from the natural environment to an alien, urban one. The drawbacks of the content – a lack of integrity and authenticity – were publicly identified in the discussion of the Winter Festival inV ilnius in 1973. In the methodologists’ opinion, the use of ethnographic materials from different regions inV ilnius was justified, as people from different regions lived in it. However, when organising the festival in rural areas, it was advisable to observe the traditions and customs of that region. The use of “agrarian topicalities” in urban Shrovetivde celebration was not natural (Giedrienė 1974: 23). Other issues, relevant at the time and still sensitive today, were discussed, including the transfer of folklore onto the stages of different levels: “the impact of ancient forms mechanically transferred to contemporary festivals has never been large. <...> The staged ceremonies of festivals seldom are of a high artistic level due to the dissonance between the authentic ritual forms and the conditionality of the scenic artistic image” (Giedrienė Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 261

1984: 10). Other concerns included the involvement of all the participants in the festival and similar issues.

Changes in the Structure and Characters of the Shrovetide Festival

When Shrovetide came to be celebrated in an organised way, following the methodological instruction “to provide an old form with a new content”, as testified by the source data, the structure of the festival remained the same as in the traditional rural Shrovetide celebrations. At midday, a carnival procession would start in the open air, and later on, people would enjoy a common meal indoors, accompanied by singing, dancing, or acting. That two-part form could exist in practice only under certain conditions. Common meals in a culture house, school, or other larger premises could be organised only by small communities of a village or a township. In the cities, that part (a ‘beggars’ ball’), called an evening party, could be omitted altogether, or the participants could split into smaller groups. In Prienai in 1963, after the carnival (i.e. the costumed procession) and the burning of fires, evening parties with dances and games were held in the hall of a secondary school or in the club of a construction company from 9 to 12 pm. (ŽŠ 1963: 8). In cities or district centres, the Shrovetide Festivals due to their mass character were mostly limited to carnival processions with different final parts: in some places, the effigy was either burnt or drowned, in other places, fires were burnt, however, no burning of Morė or other elements typical of the Žemaitijan Shrovetide existed. Instead, some novelties were introduced: a parade of participants, awarding of the winners of sports competitions, or lowering of the festival flag (Balalienė 1981: 45–46). A new element, never seen in the traditional rural Shrovetide, was an ‘Inviter’ to the festival who would open the celebration: “I, Inviter, story teller, singer, and jester, invite you to the 262 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Winter Festival from near and from afar, to have fun together and to usher out the winter...” (ŽŠ 1963: 9). The character appeared and stayed as the festival was gradually revived and held in towns (UŽŠ 1959: 2), and it may have been taken over from the traditional wedding customs. New or specifically adapted characters and activities were modelled as early as in the scenario of 1959. Later, in the 50s through 70s, the process became especially active. The “resourcefulness” of festival directors was manifested by replacing the traditional characters of Morė, Lašininis, and Kanapinis, allegedly no longer understandable to the contemporary communities. They were either removed or replaced by other, “understandable” characters. Thus, e.g., the principal hosts of the festivals became Ežys [‘Hedgehog’], a character from the satire column of the Prienai district newspaper Naujas gyvenimas [New Life], who fought against evil, and his assistant Raštvedys [‘Chroni- cler’] (ŽŠ 1963: 5). The reason for such novelties introduced in Pr- ienai and other places of Lithuania, where Shrovetide had not been celebrated or no ethnographic materials on the subject had been left, was clear: to isolate themselves from the Žemaitijan customs and to try to create something original.

Fig. 111. The ‘Hedge- Fig. 112. The ‘Chronicler’ with hog’ awards the slov- the ‘Hedgehog Book’ in 1963 ens (ŽŠ 1963) (ŽŠ 1963) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 263

Fig. 113. The Winter Festival in Prienai in 1963 (ŽŠ 1963)

True, in Žemaitija new images also emerged who embodied new Soviet topicalities. The methodologists suggested using not only the traditional rural customs, but also looking for examples of negative characters in the humour magazine Šluota [The Broom], and, of course, remembering political satire (UŽŠ 1959: 1). Thus, in the Žemaitijan Winter Festival, “an artificial planet – a symbol of the enormous achievements of our country” appeared as well as a hell with a priest sitting in a cauldron and a sheep from his former pasture, an American carried on a broken canon by Li Syn-Man (Syngman Rhee) and Chiang Kai-Shek, the Tsar gendarmes, etc. (MS 1959: 25). To create characters, the prototypes of Lašininis and Kanapinis were used that embodied the opposition of winter and spring, the good and the evil. Lašininis – a fat sloven – belonged to the group of negative characters. The diligent, solicitous, and positive Kanapinis performed a new function relevant to that period: “with his retinue, he was checking the storehouses and the equipment” [of farms or factories] Moreover, in a festival in Klaipėda, Kanapinis looked differ- 264 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

ent: not so skinny, having gained some weight, because, having fought with the remnants of the past and religious superstitions,189 he did not fast (UŽŠ 1959: 4–5; Černeckis 1961: 9). Groups of positive and negative anthropomorphic characters formed, with the “assistants” of zoomorphic and demonomorphic shapes. The company of Lašininis included a large number of negative characters. One of them was a ‘sloven’ in a shabby coarse homespun overcoat and a holey hat: “he was drawn in a broken tub by a lame jade” (ŽŠ 1963: 9). That character seemed to have represented a renamed traditional Shrovetide ‘beggar’. In the Soviet society, begging was considered to be condemnable laziness, and efforts were made to eradicate it. The direct use of the names of other traditional characters, such as a ‘Jew’ or a ‘Gypsy’, was also avoided (especially that of a ‘Jew’). They were respectively called a ‘profiteer’ or a ‘sorceress, witch’. The image of a ‘profiteer’ constantly trying to foist some goods on people was negative: it was a man who sought to make an unfair profit. The image of a ‘sorceress’ or a ‘Gypsy’ was more neutral: she was just telling fortunes and entertaining people (UŽŠ 1959: 6–8). Another new character was a heartless and brainless ‘clerk’, who had a plate “Come tomorrow” instead of his head. The category of negative social characters included a ‘bribetaker’ with an outstretched hand or an aggressive ‘hooligan’. To ridicule philistinism and laziness, a new character was created: a diplomaed, beautifully turned-out ‘lady of leisure’ who found work in a collective farm unacceptable for her. Atheistic Soviet attitudes were promoted by “three ‘bigots’ spreading rumour and gossip” (UŽŠ 1959: 5). The characters imitated still existing church goers. Among the anthropomorphic characters, the negative ones predominated, while the zoomorphic characters – “all kinds of animals” – were more frequently included in the retinue of the positive Kanapinis as his assistants. The traditional characters were assigned the functions

189 For Evangelical Lutherans, who accounted for the majority in the Klaipėda Re- gion, fasting was not compulsory. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 265 dictated by the topicalities of the contemporary life. The ‘Heron’ became a tireless seeker of drawbacks, the ‘Bear’, an assistant of Kanap- inis; the ‘Rooster’ sang couplets and urged the slovens to wake up from sleep; the ‘Ape’ imitated different characters and ridiculed evil; the ‘Horse’ thanked the head of the collective farm for good care, while the ‘Cow’ demanded better conditions of life; even a traditional demonomorphic character ‘Young Devil’ or ‘Old Devil’ wrote down the shortcomings noticed in the carnival procession on oxhide, to be announced to the community gathered in the hall. The only ‘Billy Goat’, a stubborn laggard, was the assistant of the negative Lašininis (UŽŠ 1959: 7–8). After the characters who criticised the drawbacks of the contemporary life became obviously predominating in the festival, a requirement came for the future: “when preparing a festival carnival, to create also positive characters featuring the best and most typical features of Soviet man” (ŽŠ 1963: 12). The problematicity of organising urban festivals and the unsatis- factory results of trying to combine incompatible things was becoming increasingly evident in the long run and culminated in the 70s through the 80s. Probably the most widely described and even at that time sharply critised case was the Winter Festival held in Vilnius in 1973. It was chaotic and consisted of three incongruent parts: 1) an official introduction: the host, who announced the opening of the festival, eulogised “our age”: the age of great achievements, creation, new discoveries, and bright future, and remembered to remind that the precondition for those achievements were working people inspired by the directives of the 24th Congress of the Communist Party; 2) the folk part in which the traditional rural Shrovetide was staged as well as an episode of the story Marti [A Daughter-in-Law] by Žemaitė; and 3) the final part: new non-traditional chacters participated in the traditional mass sleighing. The harbinger of spring, the March, congratulated the festival participants on the approaching spring and recited the poem Spring by Kazys Binkis, Bullfinch by Algimantas Baltakis, etc. (Minkevičienė 1974: 12–13). An incredible variety of characters participated in the event. Innovative characters interacted 266 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

in traditional and modern ways: ‘Announcer’, Santa Claus who im- perceptibly turned into the Old Genie Hottabych,190 ‘Witch’, ‘Dark Night’, ‘Bright Princess Day’, ‘Snowflake’, ‘Gnome’, ‘Pagan Priest- ess’, ‘Good Witch’, the characters of the story A Daughter-in-Law by Žemaitė, and, next to them, the traditional characters: the host of the festival, ‘Bear’, Kanapinis, Lašininis, ‘Jew’, ‘Doctor’, ‘Gypsy’, and Morė with ‘Goat’” (Minkevičienė 1974: 10–22). Somewhat more homogeneous and authentic, judging by the scenario, was the Winter Festival in Simnas in 1979: in accordance with the fashion of the time, it tried to combine the traditional and the innovative things. The participants of the festival were divided into two camps: the old traditional characters (‘Young Devil’, ‘Gypsies’, Lašininis, Kanapinis, ‘Bear’, and the innovative ones: the host ‘Hoar- frost’ and his retinue, including wild animals ‘Hare’, ‘Fox’, ‘Wolf ’, and ‘Squirrel’), however, they did not fight with each other like Kanap- inis and Lašininis. Poems of Lithuanian poets were recited, and the dialogues with Kanapinis and Lašininis were created in the traditional spirit of mutual struggle. The wildlife regulated the procedure of sports competitions, commented on them, announced the winners, etc. (Balalienė 1981: 45–46). Balalienė recommended the festival to other organisers as an example to be followed, since the abundance of sport- ing events allowed to involve a large number of participants, which was a good idea, given the winter cold. The literary programme was recommended to complement with the poems of other Lithuanian authors. In addition to the winter motifs, the coming spring and agricultural topicalities were advised to remember (Giedrienė 1981: 41–42). In Suvalkija, where in the 20th century the Shrovetide traditions were almost completely forgotten, the idea was born in the “mandatory” Ushering-out of Winter Festival to use satirical motifs revealing the character of the Suvalkija people: “When bidding farewell to the winter and cold, the people of Kapsukas want to say good-bye to

190 Old Hottabych is a genie flying on a carpet. The book Old Hottabych by Lazar Lagin, translated into Lithuanian, was published in 1954. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 267 different bad things that interfere with our good life”. The innovative hosts of the festival, ‘Grandmaster’ and ‘Chronicler’, were carrying a ‘Black Book’ in which, as an example of evil practices, a snack bar of the railway station selling alcohol almost round the clock was recorded and ridiculed as well as the poor performance of the staff of the sanitary-epidemiological station (Černeckis 1961: 7–8; Giedrienė 1984: 4–5). In Plateliai of Žemaitija, even presently known for its Shrovetide Festivals, before 1974, Shrovetide was celebrated in a rather natural way, without any special interference of directors: “The festival had many traditional elements and lots of fun and improvisation; it was developing like a popular performance, and no methodologist was writing recommendations for the Plateliai community”. Of course, the approval of the Plungė district authorities and the permission of the Executive Committee of the Plateliai Council of the Peoples’ Depu- ties was a must (Giedrienė 1984: 3). Since 1974, the “programme of improvement” of the Winter Festival was launched by the cultural workers of Plungė. When directors started organising the events of the Ushering-out of Winter Festivals, next to the traditional masks and characters, innovative heroes from the works of Lithuanian literature appeared, as had been recommended by the Vilnius methodologists. The period of the “search for novelty” and “directing” led to the situation when, in the Ushering-out of Winter Festival held in Plungė in 1982, only the host of the event was still speaking the Žemaitijan dialect. Innovative group characters played by the staff of institutions and organisations prevailed, borrowed from popular animated movies for children at the time. The staff of the Plungė hospital prepared a collective mask on the theme of Doctor Dolittle, the school, Town Musicians of Bremen, the kindergarten, the Little Red Riding Hood, etc. Only the Morė effigy was traditionaly burned in the valley of the Babrungas Rivulet, as “it was considered as a symbol of winter and cold” (Giedrienė 1984: 4). Methodological and educational publications with references to recommended literature and the lecturers of the Žinija Society, the 268 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Faculties of Culture and Art of People’s Universities,191 and later of the Faculties of Club Work (LTr 1967: 60–61; ŽŠ 1977), working in the same direction, predetermined the essential changes in the structure of the Shrovetide carnivals and their characters. The predominating trend was the inclusion of characters of the classical and contemporary Lithuanian and Russian literature as well as musical compositions into the repertoires of all mass festivals, including Shrovetide. That can be seen in the descriptions of the Ushering-out of Winter Festivals held in Lithuania between 1973 and 1982 (except for the Shrovetide in Rumšiškės). The surviving scenarios allow us to argue that mass Ushering-out of Winter Festivals became a qualitatively new phenomenon when the organisers did not always manage to in- sert the ancient Shrovetide customs in accordance with the tradition and in good taste. A kind of a qualitative turning point, which eventually changed the attitude to the festival, masks, oral texts, and music, was the Ushering- out of Winter Festival in Rumšiškės, held with the official approval of the authorities since 1981. In it, exclusively the ancient traditions were observed, therefore, among the officially acting masks and characters, no ‘Hoarfrost’, or the Little Red Riding Hood, or ‘Pagan Priestesses’ were left. In the 80s of the 20th century, the lists of recommended literature in methodological publications included also the names of Lithuanian authors engaged in scientific research. In the lists of literature of the study programme of ‘Folk Traditions and Civil Ceremonies’ for Peo- ple’s Universities, next to the studies of Russian ethnologists and folklorists, the works of contemporary professional Lithuanian ethnologists and folklorists were listed: those by Dundulienė, Morkūnienė, Skrodenis, Lingys, Sauka, Milius, Vyšniauskaitė, Mardosa, Jonynas, Slaviūnas, Vėlius, Glemžaitė-Dulaitienė as well as by interwar Lithu- anian ethnographer Katkus (Giedrienė 1985). 191 In 1973–1974, 68 Faculties of Culture and Art of People’s Universities were operating in Lithuania. About 13 Faculties were engaged in the “professional development of culture and education specialists” (Jurevičius 1974: 19). Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 269

Music in the Soviet-Era Shrovetide

Even though noise making, songs, music, and dances were considered to be an obligatory part of the Shrovetide entertainments, in most of the folk custom descriptions, one can only find rather abstract men- tions of all that (e.g., one of the oldest definitions was “devilish dances”) which did not say much about their content, genre, instruments, etc. When dealing with the issue of the Shrovetide ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, or ‘Gypsy’ songs as part of the calendrical Žemaitijan Shrovetide repertoire and seeking to identify the time when and how the songs got established in it, the written materials of the Soviet era were studied. According to the official position of folklorists in the Soviet period as, incidentally, also at the present time, only some types of songs prevailing in Eastern Lithuania have been considered as calendrical Shrovetide songs. That was evidenced by the Catalogue of Lithuanian Folk Songs and the works of Jadvyga Čiurlionytė and Stasys Skrodenis, probably the only ones who wrote something about Shrovetide songs in the Soviet era. The ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs were assigned to humorous or didactic ones, even though practitioners kept including the songs in the Shrovetide repertoire and never bothered about their genre. In 1967, Skrodenis, when writing about the Shrovetide customs and songs, presented and analysed only the text of an Aukštaitijan multi-part song sutartinė Čiuž čiužela, and also mentioned the texts of the multi-part songs sutartinės Ko siūdi, ko liūdi [Why Are you Sad], Teka upelė, dabilia [TheR iver is Flowing], and a full text of the homophonic song Ai, lūža, lūža [Oh, It Broke, it Broke] as well as Galvą šukuoja, plaukus laiduoja [Combing the Hair and Losing it down], Arklys bėga, sniegas čiuža [The Horse isR unning, the Snow is Squeak- ing] and Lygiam laukely eglelė stovi [A Fir Tree Stands in the Field]. He argued that “Shrovetide songs were not as numerous as, e.g., those of the Advent-Christmas Season or of lalauninkai [Easter songs]”. He also emphasised that those “songs, just as the Shrovetide customs, 270 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

rituals, and beliefs, were distant from the Christian ideology or mysticism. Therefore, Shrovetide was a purely folk festival” (Skrodenis 1967). Skrodenis, like many other authors of the time, had to assure the readers and the censors of culture that the repertoire of the festival had nothing to do with the church. In the reminiscences of the informants from different parts of Lithuania about Shrovetide, published in Kraštotyra in 1966, several songs performed by them on the occasion were quoted: Mielos sesės, mes dainuokim [Dear Sisters, Let us Sing], Čia mums linksma ir gerai, valgysim silkes draugai [It is Fun and Good for Us to be Here, We’ll be Eating Herrings, Friends], Vandenio, vandenio [Water, Water], Kano ty keimas, tai slaunas miestas [Whose Yard is it, it is a Famous City] (K 1966: 128–133). The Aukštaitijan informants who were remembering the Shrovetide celebration in their environment did not sing the so- called ‘Jew’, ‘Gypsy’, and ‘beggar’ songs and did not speak about the costumed carnival processions. What they remembered was horse- drawn sleigh rides, pouring water over one another, and the fights of Lašininis and Kanapinis. The information on the Shrovetide customs and folklore presented in folklore textbooks is of a fragmented and very general character. The examples of songs – a multi-part song sutartinė Čiuž, čiužele and an polyphonic one Plaukit, plaukeliai [Let the Hair Flow] – came exclusively from Eastern Lithuania (LT 1967: 24–25). There were no ‘Jew’, ‘Gypsy’, or ‘beggar’ songs or other kinds of humorous couplets performed in the costumed processions. Not surprisingly, humorous or ‘drinking songs’ (an official term used by folklore specialists) were not included in the textbooks, either: most likely, pupils were to be protected from the content of those songs, and especially from ob- scene motifs in them. The scenario of 1959 which, as had been established, was based on an article of interwar ethnographer P. Budrys-Budreckas, indicated that the music of Shrovetide had to be cheerful and performed with traditional musical instruments and “all kinds of other rattles”. The place of musicians in the carnival processions was specified: they were Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 271 marching together with Morė and the first group of costumed characters. The runner of Morė was accompanied by dressed up adolescents: each of them had a bell or some kind of a rattle in their hands and were making noise with them (UŽŠ 1959: 4–6). Marches, polkas, and other cheerful music compositions were played by the musicians from a local ‘agitbrigada [a propaganda group] orchestra’192 in the process of their march through the village. The costumed procession would visit the collective farm leaders, storehouses, and animal farms, and, upon entering, “they sang couplets, based on the topicalities of the local life” (UŽŠ 1959: 7, 9; Černeckis 1961: 8). Consequently, relevant texts were created or improvised on the spot, however, they were not published in official literature. Some humorous couplets may have survived in the scenarios of the then events and could be found in the archives of culture houses or the people who worked there at the time. It is also possible that those witty texts were not written down, just like talalinė – a humorous folksong, sung by people and not included in any song collections of any times. The participants of the Soviet Ushering-out of Winter Festival, upon having visited all the planned places, would get together in the culture house and “have fun, dance, sing, and eat Shrovetide pancakes”. Amateur artists would give concerts on “relevant local topics” (UŽŠ 1959: 10). In the Winter Festival in Vilnius in 1973, “loud Žemaitijan tunes” were performed by a five-musician village band: the bandoneon, the guitar, the drum, etc. The perfomed songs included Ar jūs nežinot [Don’t you Know], Kam berneli melavai [My Lad, Why did you Tell Lies], Aš ožkytei žalio šieno [I Gave the Goat Green Hay] (Minkevičienė 1974: 12–13, 18–22) which were not considered to be Shrovetide songs but apparently were found to be appropriate for some reason (cheerful, and the texts reflected the director’s idea). That was the usual practice

192 Agitbrigada [a propaganda group]: One of the most popular type of amateur artistic activities in the humorous genre. A group of singing, music playing, and reciting amateur actors would perform various everyday, social, and political scenes (mainly to ridicule the evils in capitalist countries with hostile ideologies). 272 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

for the Shrovetide costumed characters and other participants to sing and play both the ritual and non-ritual repertoire. The methodologist who analysed the Winter Festival scenario for Simnas in 1973 reproached the musicians of the band for playing their usual repertoire instead of “assuming an independent role”: “the music was just an acoustic background and a means of creating a cheerful, festive mood”. In fact, that should have sufficed. The same critic argued that for a festival, held in the open air in winter, a literary programme was not so important (Giedrienė 1981: 41–42). Since 1981, on the initiative of the Folk Museum of the Lithu- anian SSR and the national Ministry of Culture, the Ushering-out of Winter Festivals had been held in Rumšiškės: folklore ensembles and folk instrument orchestras, formed in higher schools in towns, research institutes, or factories and officially functioning there, were invited to them. They would perform a programme imitating the traditional rural Shrovetide customs. Singers and musicians would sing and dance when walking from a homestead of one region to one of another region and involve the participants of the festival in dancing. The events organised in Rumšiškės differed from similar ones, previously held in Vilnius or other places of Lithuania, because they did not (or almost did not) include any propaganda of the Soviet ideology or demonstrative fights with social or other evils. However, high officials of the Communist Party were included in the organising committees of the festivals, and invitations were sent to the highest clerks of ministries and party functionaries. The environment of the Folk Museum was a kind of shelter, protecting and legally enabling the participants to manage without the Communist ideology and to undertake the activity of neutral revival of the ancient traditions. The Shrovetide celebration programmes implemented in Rumšiškės did not require artificial merger of folklore and the authorial works of authors and composers. The reports-files of the Winter Festivals in Rumšiškės did not say much about the songs and the music performed in them. The repertoire of folklore groups was listed in detail only in the reports of 1981 Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 273 and 1982; the ones of the later years just mentioned one or another song, game, or dance. One can say that the folklore ensembles used to sing and play the same repertoire that they had learned and performed in other festivals and on other occasions. The lists of the musical repertoire included songs and dances of different genres that shared one characteristic, i.e. a cheerful mood. Thus, e.g., in 1981, the ethnographic ensemble of Kurtuvėnai sang Aš ne gert atėjau [I Did not Come for a Drink], Kas do dyva [Oh, What a Miracle], Kaziūnė [a female name], Berželis [A Birch Tree], Mudu du broliukai [We Two Brothers], etc., and played a polka, a waltz, the dance Kuchanuška [My Dear One], etc., games and circle dances Mėnesėlis šveičia [The Moon is Shining], Graži mūsų šeimynėlė [Our Nice Family], Kepaliušas [A Hat], Krislelis [A Speck of Dust], Ant kalno karklai [Willows on the Hill], etc. The ethnographic ensemble of the Kaunas Scientific Research Institute (SRI) of Veteri- nary played, danced, and involved other participants in folk dances, such as Krakavekas [Krakowiak], Podespanas [Padespan], Latvių polka [Latvian Polka], Keturinė polka [Polka], Trepsiukas [A Stamp Dance], Šiaudų batai [Straw Shoes], Tek saulelė pro kalnelį [The Sun was Ris- ing from behind the Hill], Dobilas [Clover], Buvo kurpius [There was a Shoemaker], etc. After visiting the ethnographic homesteads of the Open-Air Museum, folklore groups gave concerts on the square by the inn: “The ancient songs collected by the organiser and artistic director of the SRI of Veterinary – our old songs, folk music, dances and games, and particularly beautiful male voices – were for a long time heard in the Museum territory, they attracted and entertained the audience”, wrote a chronicler of the festival (Rumšiškės 1981: 2–3). As mentioned above, the file of the 1982 Rumšiškės Festival included the repertoire of the participating folklore groups. The folklore ensemble of the Kaunas SRI of Veterinary Verpeta gave a concert at the Žemaitijan homestead of Darbėnai; they sang Kam šėrei žirgelį [Why did you Feed the Horse], Ženijosi mūsų broliai [Our Brothers were Get- ting Married], Mačiau bernelį [I Saw my Lad], Anoj pusėj ežero [On the Other Side of the Lake], Siųsiu tėvelį [I’ll Send my Dad], Palydi mani 274 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 114. Musicians of the Festival 1981 (Rumšiškės 1981)

Fig. 115. ‘Gypsies’ (Rumšiškės 1981) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 275

Fig. 116. Newlyweds with a matchmaker 1981 (Rumšiškės 1981)

Fig. 117. Dances at the Gintališkė Homestead (Rumšiškės 1981) 276 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

[He Sees me Home], Oi aš nukalbėta [Oh, Wasn’t I Gossiped about], Šių naktelį [Tonight] and danced the folk dances Haliopachas [Gallop], Kadrilis [Quadrille], and Trepsiukas [A Stamp Dance]. There were also oral texts about the Ushering-out of Winter Festival, however, they were not recorded in the file (Rumšiškės 1982: 1). The folklore ensemble ofV ilnius State University and the amateur artists of the Ethnographic Club gave a concert at the Žemaitijan Gintališkė homestead. They were telling the audience about the Shrovetide traditions, singing Stovi žirgelis [The Horse isS tanding], Ganė seselė [Sister was Tending Cattle], Dainuok sesute [Sing, Sister], Lėk, sakalėli [Fly, Falcon], danced folk dances Žemaitėlių polka [The Žemaitijan Polka], Trepsiukas [A Stamp Dance], Šyvis [A Dapple- Grey Horse], Latvių polka [Latvian Polka], Krakoviakas [Krakowiak], Debesėlis [A Small Cloud], and played Pasėjau dobilėlį [I Sowed Clo- ver], Mikita [a male name], Kanapyčia [A Hemp], Jurginėlis [A Small Dahlia], etc. (Rumšiškės 1982: 2). At the Aukštaitijan Užbaliai homestead, a folk music ensemble of the Scientific Research Institute of the Textile Industry of the Lithua- nian SSR performed. They sang Kalvelis [A Young Blacksmith], Tylėk neverki [Hush, Don’t Cry], Su saulute [With the Sun], Augo kieme uoselis [An Alder Tree Grew in the Yard], Leidos saulala [The Sun was Setting], played multi-part songs sutartinės Kvepas drūtesnis už untutį [One Skudutis is Thicker than Another], Škic kate [Shoo, Cat], danced, played games, and performed circle dances Ėjo kūmas [Godfather was Walking], Eisiu į darželį [I Shall Go to the Flower Garden], Žiba žibinyčia [A Lantern was Shining], Serbenta [Currant], Prikeltuvių polka [A Waking-up Polka], Žemaitiška pasiutpolkė [A Wild Polka], Pravanada, Kadrilis [Quadrille], Mikita, Maršas [March], and Valsas [Waltz]. The programme also included oral folklore, riddles, and a humorous story Juza from Utena (Rumšiškės 1982: 2–3). In the Shrovetide celebration in 1982, the wind orchestra of the Kaišiadorys District Culture House participated: it played at the gate to the Museum to welcome guests. A comment in the file noted that the music of the wind orchestra did not suit the occasion; the village band Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 277

Fig. 118. Carnival 1982 (Rumšiškės 1982)

Fig. 119. Carnival 1982 (Rumšiškės 1982) would have been more appropriate. Moreover, a proposal was made to start the concerts of all the participating ensembles at the same time and to choose “sites better seen by the audience” (Rumšiškės 1982: 3). 278 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 120. Moments of the Shrovetide celebration in 1984 (Rumšiškės 1984)

Fig. 121. Moments of the Shrovetide celebration in 1984 (Rumšiškės 1984) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 279

Fig. 122. A schema of the sites of the festive events in 1984 at the entrance (Rumšiškės 1984)

Fig. 123. A folk music ensemble led by V. Stulga meets the guests of the Shrovetide Festival in 1984 (Rumšiškės 1984) 280 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 124. A schema of the Rumšiškės Open-Air Museum (Rumšiškės 1986) The reports-files of the Rumšiškės Festival of later years no longer contained detailed lists of the musical repertoire, however, they indicated the tasks for folklore ensembles: “Folklore ensembles as assistants to folk craftsmen by means of their songs and instrumental music help to create the ambience of a real fair and to advertise the works of craftsmen”; they meet guests, excite their curiosity by short and Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 281 expressive perfomances, accompany them to the fair, etc. (Rumšiškės 1986: 1–2; Rumšiškės 1987: 10). The concerts of folklore ensembles took place in the homesteads of four ethnic regions (only the region of Lithuania Minor was absent), while at the mill, the scheduled ensembles entertained the audience 20 minutes each and danced with them (Rumšiškės 1986: 3). In 1986, a solemn opening of the festival was announced by the horn sutartinė193 of Povilas Mataitis Folk Music Theatre Company, a that year participant of the Rumšiškės Shrovetide celebration. At the end of the celebration, the carnival participants were making noise with different household utensils and bells and were preparing to burn the Morė effigy. The costumed characters walked around the hill, singing The Cold Winter is Leaving and chanting Winter, Win- ter, Flee from the Yard, and danced circle dances around the burning Morė (Rumšiškės 1986: 2, 4, 6). That specific formula of the end of the Shrovetide festival has been used in Shrovetide celebrations all over Lithuania up to the present. In 1986, the date of the Shrovetide Tuesday coincided with the So- viet Army Day. Therefore, the commemoration of the perished Lithu- anian soldiers and singing of ancient military songs were included in the programme. One of the outstanding folklore singers Veronika Povilionienė sang a military song Aušta aušrelė [The Dawn is Break- ing] (Rumšiškės 1986: 5). TheS hrovetide celebration in 1987 was very similar to that of 1986, just a larger number of folklore ensembles took part. The musical compositions named in the scenario included a multi-part song sutartinė Čiuž čiužela, the songs O tai arklys [What a Steed], Šalta žiema šalin eina [The Cold Winter is Leaving], a chant Žiema žiema, bėk iš keimo [Winter, Winter, Flee from the Yard], and the dance Šyvis [A Dapple-Grey Horse]: they are presently considered to be the musical folklore of the Shrovetide calendrical festival. 193 A horn is a woodwind instrument that produces one sound. A traditional set of horns consists of 4 to 5 instruments with which instrumental multi-part compositions – sutartinės are played. 282 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 125. Moments of the Shrovetide celebration in 1986 (Rumšiškės 1986)

Fig. 126. Moments of the Shrovetide celebration in 1986 (Rumšiškės 1986) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 283

Fig. 127. Moments of the Shrovetide celebration in 1986 (Rumšiškės 1986)

Fig. 128. Moments of the Shrovetide celebration in 1986 (Rumšiškės 1986) 284 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Fig. 129. Shrovetide celebration in Rumšiškės in 1987 (Rumšiškės 1987)

Fig. 130. Shrovetide celebration in Rumšiškės in 1987 (Rumšiškės 1987) Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 285

Fig. 131. Shrovetide celebration in Rumšiškės in 1987 (Rumšiškės 1987)

Fig. 132. Shrovetide celebration in Rumšiškės in 1987 (Rumšiškės 1987) 286 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

There is no information about the studies of the ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, or ‘Gypsy’ songs as the repertoire of the Shrovetide Festival in the official literature of the Soviet era. Merely songs of a certain content popular in Eastern Lithuania were considered to be the ritual calendrical folklore of Shrovetide. In the Soviet period, such a provision was formed by Lithuanian folklorist Skrodenis and others. As testified by archival recordings, the ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs were remembered by people and performed to folklore collectors, however, not all of them were accompanied by the comments that those songs used to be performed on Shrovetide Tuesday. More stories supporting the statement came from the Žemaitija ethnographic material of the late 20th and the early 21st century. Those songs were absent from the so-called concert repertoires of the Soviet-time Shrovetide celebrations. Moreover, no characters of ‘beggars’ or ‘Jews’ were left in the scenarios of the period; only the ‘Gypsies’ remained, most often female ‘Gypsies’ – fortunes tellers, usually reciting oral texts. The fates of the first two characters were predetermined by the development of the new, i.e., Soviet, Lithuania: beggars and begging as a social phenomenon were to be eliminated, ignored, condemned, etc. In the Soviet-time Ushering-out of Winter Festivals, the character of a ‘beggar’ was replaced by that of a condemned and ridiculed ‘sloven’. The songs-hymns of the ‘beggars’ could not be performed in the Soviet era due to their association with religion, although as parodies of church hymns they could have contributed to atheistic propaganda. The character of the ‘Jew’ in the Soviet scenarios of Shrovetide was replaced by that of a ‘Profiteer’. The latter was accepted as a negative character, while humorous songs about the people of the Jew- ish nation could have been accepted as politically incorrect. Even if the folklore presenters did not mention the Holocaust tragedy in the Second World War, it was still alive in the people’s memory and very painful. In the Ushering-out of Winter Festival, only the character of the ‘Gypsy’ remained whose functions were episodic and neutral, and the songs were not numerous. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 287

It is likely that the songs of the costumed ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, or ‘Gyp- sies’ were sung in spontaneous rural Shrovetide processions, however, in the written scenarios or folklore collections they were undesirable, just like other marginal folklore genres.

Festival Organisation Problems, Recommendations, and Criticism

In the methodological literature intended for culture specialists, in the articles of Meno saviveikla, and the reports-files of the Rumšiškės Shrovetide Festivals, the events were not only described and documented, but also received critical comments. In that respect, the texts of Dabulevičius seem to have been the most impressive and quite threatening (MS 1959: 22). They listed the organisational and ideological shortcomings of the programme content rather straightforwardly, however, some compliments were also made. The public criticism in the later articles of culture methodologists was much “softer” and was related to the artistic level of the programme. Thus, e.g., the scenario of the Winter Festival in Simnas in 1979 was discussed in a methodological publication: both positive things and those to be corrected were noted; simultaneously the author admitted that it was difficult to judge the quality of the festival by the scenario alone. Despite that, the author missed the dialogues of the Lašininis and Kanapinis’ battles and criticised the village band that played their usual repertoire and performed merely the function of an acoustic background (Giedrienė 1981: 41). If the author did not attend the festival, then the criticism was just speculative. In the Winter Festival in Aukštaitija, according to the reviewer, too much time was wasted on organisational issues, and the preparations were made in the last few days. For that reason, there were too few expressive masks, and the concert items were selected insufficiently care- fully. Improvisations were to be avoided in the programme content, however, in general, creativity was encouraged. In Suvalkija, where the 288 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Shrovetide customs had been little, if at all, known, the festival was quite a success, still, “quite a few individuals were to pay serious attention to the indicated shortcomings and to correct them in the nearest future”. In his summary of the Shrovetide celebrations held in Lithua- nia in 1959, Dabulevičius praised the zeal of Žemaitijan people in the implementation of the instructions of the central authorities. Moreo- ver, the Shrovetide customs and characters had been well known to them of old, therefore, unsurprisingly, Žemaitijans were making new masks and renewing the old ones as well as preparing costumes with great enthusiasm. Still, the author regretted that “the new socialist content was insufficiently reflected, agitation and propaganda were not properly used, and the achievements and problems of the district were not highlighted” (MS 1959: 22–25). The organisers were recommended to include different aspects of their daily life in the Ushering-out of Winter Festivals, to show the achievements and drawbacks of communist labour, to praise the hard- working and to criticise the lazy, and to oppose social welfare against evil. All that had to be revealed both in the speeches of official representatives and in artistic programmes. Thus, e.g., a scenario of the festival recommended the participants of the costumed procession to ridicule a slovenly collective farmer who had failed to do the required amount of work and to bring a huge boulder in his home (UŽŠ 1959: 10). Next to criticism, creating of positive characters was recommended who would “characterise the best and the most typical features of Soviet man”. Moreover, in the festive carnival, “the measures were to be planned to honour the best workers of the district and to mark the achievements in work” (ŽŠ 1963: 12). The recommendations were followed: in 1974, during the Shrovetide celebrations in Žemaitija, the best representatives of the working people were awarded (Giedrienė 1984: 3). In that way, in the Ushering-out of Winter Festivals, some propaganda segments glorifying the achievements of the people, the bright future, and the directives of the congresses of the Communist Party emerged. In 1973, the host of the Winter Festival in Vilnius, called ‘An- nounncer’ in the scenario, started the event with the Soviet propaganda Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 289 about the people’s achievements, the bright future, the directives of the 24th Congress of the Communist Party, etc. (Minkevičienė 1974: 10). Impeccable implementation of festivals called for attention to details. Efforts were made to prepare everything in advance and to consider the possibility of bad weather, when the festival had to be transferred to indoor premises, such as a club, a culture house, or a school. In such cases, the recommendations proposed “masquerade dance parties, games, pancake eating, the staging of a verbal duel of the carnaval heroes – Lašininis and Kanapinis, couplet performing by individual masks, etc.” (UŽŠ 1959: 2). The scenarios for the Ushering-out of Winter Festivals were also created for an urban or a specific environment (e.g., an event on the ice of a frozen lake). For urban festivals, active advertising through the press, the radio, audio broadcasting of invitations to the festival before the films at cinemas, etc., were recommended. The issues of public catering, or ‘Shrovetide pancakes’, was agreed upon with commercial organisations (ŽŠ 1963: 5). Those and similar organisational issues and the noticed difficulties – the development of the programme, parking, dissemination of information, organisation of trading, etc. – were described in detail in the reports-files of the Rumšiškės Festivals (Rumšiškės 1981: 3–4). With the festivals being implemented on an increasingly larger scale, for the development of the festival plans and for the solution of organisational issues, organising committees of the Ushering-out of Winter Festivals were formed from the clerks at different levels and cultural workers (ŽŠ 1963: 5). Probably the most impressive Organising Com- mittee of the Ushering-out of Winter Festival in Rumšiškės in 1987, approved by the Minister of Culture of the Lithuanian SSR Jonas Biel- inis, consisted of over 20 individuals: from representatives of the Minis- try of Culture and Communist Party officials of the neighbouring Kau- nas and Kaišiadorys districts to the staff of the Departments of Culture and heads of collective farms (Rumšiškės 1987: 6). Thus, the Shrovetide of an ethnographic character in Rumšiškės became an event of national significance which was accepted by the official ideology. 290 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Border Markers of the Soviet Era

The cultural life in Lithuania during the Soviet era depended on the state-implemented policies, and its development, on the ideological atmosphere. Those key factors, judging by a retrospective view on the cultural life of the second half of the 20th century and Shrovetide celebrations, predetermined its certain stages. The first articles of culture methodologists on the mass Shrove- tide/Ushering-out of Winter Festival appeared in the 50s of the 20th century. They gave the impression that Shrovetide was being revived in accordance with the permissible Soviet standards. However, based on comprehensive information, we understand that controversial processes were taking place. Mass carnivals were promoted and organised where their traditions and customs were either unknown or forgotten. Spontaneous initiatives of communities were suppressed and controlled. Moreover, the contradictions encoded in methodological recommendations and the topicalities of the changed life that made the organisers combine incompatible things eventually substantially distorted the old forms of the Shrovetide celebrations, starting with the name of the festival and ending with the content. That was particularly evident in the 60s to the 70s of the 20th century, in the most intensive period of the search for novelty. At that time, the ethnographic customs, recorded in the interwar Lithuania, and Soviet professional ideas and compositions were combined in a specific way. The structure of the festival changed, new plots and characters emerged that had nothing in common with Shrovetide, while the old ones became inferior and “incomprehensible”. On the other hand, it should be noted that the critical comments and recommendations for the events constantly advised remembering and using the ethnocultural heritage. Even though the process and the content of the festival were transformed for a number of objective and subjective reasons, the major ideas of the Shrovetide festival known to us – the change of seasons expressed through the prism of the struggle be- Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 291 tween the good and the evil, dressing up in costumes, fun, and abundant meals – remained the same. The 80s marked the return to the search for authenticity. Gradu- ally, the elements of the Soviet mass culture that became kitsch were given up. A professional approach of ethnologists to the organisation of mass calendrical holidays became increasingly important, they came to be trusted, and the outcomes of their research were used in practice (Giedrienė 1985). The need for a professional approach to ethnic culture was emphasised in the meeting of the representatives of the Communist Party and the institutions of the executive power, still very Soviet-minded, in 1986. It was devoted “to the issue of enhancing the role of civil rites and traditions and to the Communist education of working people” and discussed the preservation and adaptation of the old traditions and their acceptable integration into the everyday life and festivals of people at that time. The idea of the development of new traditions “in compliance with our socialist way of life” was also addressed (LKP 1986: 5). Jonas Bielinis, Minister of Culture of the Lithuanian SSR and Chair of the National Council for Folk Traditions, informed that Vilnius Culture School started preparing qualified specialists for the agencies providing rites-related services, moreover, in the Klaipėda Faculties of the Lithuanian State Conservatoire, the study programme of the cultural education specialisms introduced a new course Socialist Rites and Folk Customs in 1982. The course was included in the curricula of all culture schools, and seminars for culture and education workers were held regularly (Bielinis 1986: 12). The gradual thaw of the political climate and the presentiment of the rebirth of independence was increasingly felt in the articles of the methodologists of mass festivals organisation. A clearly articulated change in the treatment of Shrovetide as an exceptionally ethnographic festival was laid out in the publication prepared by Auksė Žukienė in 1988. She wrote: “In the organisation of festivals nowadays, one has to get acquainted with the heritage of ethnography and folklore. More active organisers can find and ask senior people to tell them about the festivals 292 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

they celebrated or watched at the beginning of the century”. Cultural workers were encouraged to take an interest in the regional and even local differences and to revive them, “to develop creatively”, so that “old wine would stay in old wineskins”. The ‘new characters’ promoted in the Soviet era started to be criticised. True, at the end of the 80s, they would come not from the Soviet, but from the Western cultural milieu. In that way, the Disneyland frogs and ducks and other heroes of animated movies for children emerged (Žukienė 1988: 16–18). In 1989, a group of patriotically minded authors formed on the initiative of the Scientific Methodological Centre for Cultural and Educational Work of the Lithuanian SSR, developed a document A Conception of a Lithuanian Culture House. It consciously focused on the issues of national culture and national cultural policies as well as national identity. Ethnic culture, its continuity, and its interrelations with the world culture was to become the basis of Lithuanian cultural policies and the national identity. “A culture without the national ideology is a culture without ideals”. In fact, it was the outline of not so much of culture houses but rather of ethnic culture as the priority conception of the nation’s survival. The document addressed the issue of the qualification of culture specialists and noted that, in the Soviet era, in higher schools and colleges of culture, the topics of “the nation’s historical self-awareness, ethnic art, customs and traditions, and the fundamentals of folk culture” were given up, although the statement should not be taken literally. The said academic subjects were taught, however, very cautiously, because some of the topics were forbidden to discuss. The initiators of the culture house reorganisation proposed to revise the curricula of prospective cultural work specialists in higher schols and colleges and to train professionals in compliance with the conception of national culture (LKNK 1989: 5, 19–20). The drafted new outline of cultural activities, together with other changes of the society transformation and the restoration of Lithu- ania’s independence in 1990, created the prerequisites for the enthusiastic breakthrough in the revival of, and research in, national culture in the last decade of the 20th century. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 293

SUmmary

The songs of the costumed characters in the Shrovetide processions – ‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’ – as well as the songs about them have been sung in Žemaitija up to the present times. Alongside with the documented sociocultural context, they reveal the processes of the musical folklore survival, its recording, studies, interpretation, and the use in the cultural policies, their links with real life, and the opportunities of sociocultural engineering. Should we assume that archaic calendrical folk songs existed in pre-Christian times in Žemaitija and later disappeared, it is likely that, due to the zealous activities of Catholic bishops in Žemaitija in the fields of church singing, the vacuum was filled, to use the contemporary term, by “folklore pop singing”. Those were humorous songs, depicting representatives of different social classes and characterised by the contemporary structure and the common European musical stylistics, or else parodies of church hymns. The structure of the lyrics and melodies of the ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs testified to a rather late period of their formation. Their targeted investigation in the last decade of the 20th and the early 21st century, when the informants were asked questions not only about the specific ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs, but also about the repertoire performed during Shrovetide, and the studies of the ancient folklore archives proved that the songs of such a character had stayed in people’s memory, sometimes coming out in public, for at least two centuries. Given the evidence of the written sources and the sociocultural context, one has to admit that the origin of the examined songs can by no means be related merely to the Shrovetide environment. That is especially true of the ‘beggar’ songs/hymns. However, in the late 19th century, or, more precisely, in the early 20th century, those songs exist- 294 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

ed in two contexts. On the one hand, they have always been a syncretic genre, related both to the sociocultural and the calendrical festival environments. On the other hand, independent fields of their existence are evident. The same can be said of a number of other songs of ‘prestigious’ or ‘non-marginal’ genres (wedding, family, military, etc.), as the present genre classification of folk songs is a conventional matter. The idea of the late origin of the Žemaitijan costumed character songs and their “transfer” from the community to calendrical songs was confirmed by their comparison with the Latvian autumn-winter calendrical songs, the points of contact at the formal level being the features typical of the late layer of Latvian songs. The fragmentary written information of the 15th through the 18th century about the Balt/Lithuanians Shrovetide celebration came from the urban environment, affected by the Western European traditions, customs, and the forms and ways of celebration. The said background must have affected the daily life and festivals of the neighbouring rural lifestyle: unfortunately, there are no direct data about the rural Shrovetide celebrations. The regulations of the creators of the Lithuanian system of education, who at the initial stage were simultaneously disseminators of the Christian faith, contained information about the Shrovetide Festival in the urban environment as well as the aspiration to control it and about the dissemination of such celebratory traditions, or the conception of the festival, to the provinces of Lithuania. Therefore, unsurprisingly, the first information from the rural environment that appeared in the early 19th century included authoritative prohibitions, constraints, and encouragements to control oneself and to “celebrate properly”, i.e. in compliance with the Catholic morality norms. The early 19th century writings of the clergy as well as of first ethnographers testified to the fact of the urban fashion of carnivals spreading to villages, even if it was not clear to what extent. They spread from the centre, i.e. cities and monasteries, to remote provinces and were mixing and transforming into specific, sometimes hard-to-recognise forms. Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 295

In the late 19th and the early 20th century, the period of formation of European nation states, idealised rural culture was chosen as an ideological tool, and simultaneously as a means. In the first half of the 20th century, the rural Lithuanian Shrovetide customs were written or spoken about as extinct or on the verge of extinction that were to be urgently saved. The encouragements came to focus on the village and to oppose the rural culture to the global one. The original cultural process changed its direction to the opposite one and moved from provinces to towns. The process gave rise to different cultural hybrids, or they were modelled consciously. That was true of the rural- style Shrovetide and other calendrical and non-calendrical festivals that were celebrated in towns since the first half of the 20th century. The structure of the Shrovetide festival that has evolved from fragments over the centuries and its both rural and urban “ideological” content show the commonality with the customs of many Western European countries at a certain macrolevel. At the microlevel, which included also folk songs, local features were revealed. Moreover, the lyrics and music of songs in the ritual and non-ritual milieu “lived” their own lives, sometimes they separated, and sometimed merged into one. That was especially evident in the late layers of musical folklore. Intensive and professional, although ideologically engaged, ethnographic activities after the Second World War revealed that the rural ethnic culture in Lithuania survived almost until the end of the 20th century. However, in the Soviet years, the authentic folklore opposed the powerful mass culture, organised at the state level. The forces were unequal: in real life, the ancient folklore surrended to innovative folklore or the authorial, professional art. In the Soviet era, the Shrovetide costumed ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs became unpopular for different reasons. The said personages with their distinct ethnosocial characteristics were not considered as suitable for fostering and promotion, therefore, they were substantially transformed. For that reason, and, in general, due to the decline of the live folklore tradition, the repertoire associated with 296 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

those characters did not develop or expand. In the Soviet times, even if the folklore collectors recorded some ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs, those did not belong to the examples of the “good classical archaic folklore”, therefore, it is surprising that such recordings occurred at all. On having gained independence from Soviet restrictions in the late 20th century, folklore again became intensively exploited. By means of collecting every possible piece of information from all possible sources and by verifying their authenticity and regional specificity, calendrical festivals were constructed and reconstructed. The rather abundant recording of the costumed character songs in Žemaitija over the last decade of the 20th century and in the early 21st century testified to at least two things: the Shrovetide traditions, despite the Soviet era transformations, did not really disappear there and, given the free choice and the opportunities, were rapidly restored. It would be wrong to believe that the process was spontaneous: it was greatly affected by folklorist activities after the restoration of Lithuania’s In- dependence of 1990. As proved by the collected material, the ‘beggar’, ‘Jew’, and ‘Gypsy’ songs were recorded all over Lithuania, however, a greater number of them survived on the territory of the 19th century Žemaitijan Diocese, presently within the boundaries of the Žemaitija and Aukštaitija regions with the predominance of the folk songs of polyphonic stylistics. Due to the conscious efforts of folklore theo- reticians and practitioners to provide regions with unique characters through escalating ideas of the distribution of certain customs, or of their greater intensity, in certain areas, the rowdy Shrovetide costumed processions were ultimately “assigned” to the Žemaitijan Region. The present research, which may have a continuation, also contributes to that. In what forms does the contemporary Shrovetide with its musical repertoire come to life in the conscious activity of the restoration of folk traditions in the early 21st century? What contemporary adaptations, transformations, and interpretations does the festival undergo in the Lithuanian regional towns, villages, and local communities? And ultimately, how does the young generation celebrate, or would like to celebrate, the festival? Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 297

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Viltis 1913 – Viltis. Vilnius. 06.02.1913. Nr. 15. VK 2014 – Vilniaus kojūkininkai pristatant Žemaičių Užgavėnes Dainų šventėje. Available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_2gfTyIjXgA last accessed on 16.03.2019. VRLP 2007 – Velykų rytą lelija pražydo. Verbų sekmadienio, Velykų, Jurginių papročiai ir tautosaka. Vilnius: LLKC, 2007. VŽ 1905 – Žegota, K. Užgavėnės. Vilniaus žinios. Vilnius. 02.03.1905. Nr. 56. Willey – Willey, Jackie. What is Carnevale in Italy? Carnevale in Italy – Facts, History, Costumes, Masks, Video & Photos. Available at https://www.amoretra- velguides.com/blog/carnevale-in-italy.php last accessed on 16.03.2019. XXa 1938 – Grand bal akadémique. XX amžius. Kaunas. 28.02.1938. Nr. 47. XXa 1938 a – Malonios Užgavėnės. XX amžius. Kaunas. 28.02. 1938. Nr. 47. XXa 1939 – Užgavėnės Kaune. XX amžius. Kaunas. 22.02.1939. Nr. 43. XXa 1940 – Užgavėnių karnavalai Žemaičiuose. “Morės” testamentas “Aušros” muziejuje. XX amžius. Kaunas. 06.02.1940. Nr. 30. ZDz 2011 – Ziemassvētku dziesmas. Krājumu sakārtoja Katrīna Riekstiņa. Lǐjiā wényì chūbǎnshè. Rīga, 2011. ZDz 2011 a – Ziemassvētku dziesmas. Krājumu sakārtoja Katrīna Riekstiņa. Lǐjiā wényì chūbǎnshè. Rīga, 2011, p. 72. Available athttp://www.dudajevagatve.lv/ downloads/ziemassvetku-dziesmas-v1.0-a4.pdf last accessed on 16.03.2019. ZK 1940 – H. Le. Gimnazijos vakaras-balius. Zarasų kraštas. 03.02.1940. Nr. 5. Ž 1930 – Žemaičių piršlys. Žemaitis. Telšiai. 09.03.1930. Nr. 10. ŽKT 2010 – Žemaičių kalendorinė tautosaka: Užgavėnių dainos. L. Petrošienė, J. Bukantis (eds.). Klaipėda: Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla, 2010. ŽLt – Melstuvės. Žodynas.lt. Available at http://www.zodynas.lt/terminu- zodynas/M/melstuves last accessed on 16.03.2019. ŽP 1930 – Labdariškas vakaras. Žemaičių prietelius. Telšiai. 27.02.1930. Nr. 9. ŽP 1932 – Du kaukių vakarai. Žemaičių prietelius. Telšiai. 05.02.1932. Nr. 6. ŽP 1939 – Šokančioji ir geriančioji labdarybė. Žemaičių prietelius. Telšiai. 17.02.1939. Nr. 7. ŽŠ 1936 – Žiemos šventė. I. Čepienė (ed.). Vilnius, 1963. 320 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Index of Personal Names

Acquaviva Claudio 21, 177, 178 Bartaška J. 310 Albrecht (Duke of Prussia) 20 Basanavičius Jonas 207 Aleknaitė Eglė 189, 241, 297 Báthory Stephen 173 Aleknavičius Bernardas 253, 255, 308 Bendorfs Vilis 112, 113, 308 Algirdas (Olgerdus) (Grand Duke of Berenis Vytautas 34, 297 Lithuania) 174, 179 Beringer Heinrich 20, 168 Ambrazevičius Rytis 38 Bielinis Jonas 289, 291, 297 Ambrozaitis Kazimieras (Kaz. Binkis Kazys 265 Balandis-Zichkus-Ambrozajtys) Blackheads (see Melngalvji) 115, 116 66, 308 Blockytė Kristina 190, 298 Andrejev A. 242 Boguševičius Adalbertas 176, 181 Andriušis Pulgis (Andrusevičius Bokša Paulius 177, 178 Fulgencijus) 318 Boleslaus III 230 Andriuškevičius Alfonsas 311 Budreckas, Budrys, Budrys-Budreckas Anglickienė Laima 10, 23, 86, 88, 99, Petras (see Banguolis) 195, 257, 101, 297 270, 312, 314, 315, 317 Apanavičius Romualdas 38, 297 Bukantis Jonas 319 Aquinas Tomas 31 Bukauskas Linas 82, 308 Argentas Jonas 178 Bulbovienė Ona 316 Atamukas Salomonas 87, 88, 297 Buračas Balys 195, 201, 310, 317 Augustinavičiūtė N. 297, 312 Burba Jonas 213 Burba Jozis 318 Bagdonas Vytautas 220, 308 Burke Peter 14, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, Bagušauskas Juozapas Romualdas 313 44, 54, 106, 169, 184, 230, 231, 298 Baka Juozapas 174 Balalienė A. 261, 266, 308 Calderón de la Barca Pedro 179 Balčius Andreiš 252 Calvin John 20 Balys Jonas 23, 36, 52, 61, 65, 86, 90, Cecilia Renata (Archduchess of 99, 106, 108, 195, 297, 310, 312 Austria) 170, 174 Baliulis Algirdas 316 Ceļdoms Ēriks 313 Balsys Rimantas 39, 161, 297 Charles IV 231 Balsys Vladas 195, 317 Chiang Kai-Shek 263 Baltakis Algimantas 265 Clifford James 13, 30, 298 Banaitis Juozas 245 Banaitis Kazimieras Viktoras 218 Čekanauskaitė J. 314 Banguolis P. (see Budrys-Budreckas, Čepaitienė Auksuolė 11, 14, 298 Budreckas, Budrys) 317 Čepienė Irena Aušrelė 240, 245, 247, Baranowski Jerzy 34, 33, 297 250, 251, 298, 315, 319 Barna Gábor 304 Čeponytė Jolita 162, 308 Barons Krišjaņis 112, 153, 312 Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 321

Černeckis Vincas 247, 251, 252, 257, Giedrienė Rūta 250, 259, 260, 266– 260, 264, 267, 271, 298 268, 272, 287, 288, 291, 299, 308 Čiurlionytė Jadvyga 269, 310 Glemžaitė Mikalina 212 Glemžaitė-Dulaitienė Elvyra 268 Dabulevičius Petras 244, 247, 251, Glücksberg T. 300 253, 257, 287, 288, 315, 318 Gralevskis Jokūbas 174 Dach Simon 161, 162 Gregory XIII 173 Dapšys 60 Grimm Jacob Ludwig Karl 18, 36 Daugirdaitė Vilma 39, 298 Grimm Wilhelm Carl 18, 36 Daukantas Simonas 81, 85, 102, 103, Griškaitė Reda 100, 299 298 Gruodis Juozas 218 de Noyelles Carol 179 Gruževskis Jonas 183 Derukaitė Jūratė 235 Gudaitis Leonas 246, 299 Digrytė Eglė 309 Gudauskas Jonas 212 Dobužinskis Mstislavas 215 Gudavičė Edita 318 Donelaitis Kristijonas 223 Gunda K. 317 Dortier Jean-François 11, 12, 27, 36, Gunta Saule 141, 310 298 Dovydaitis Jurgis 107, 310, 311 Hackmann Jörg 301 Dovydaitis Pranas 106, 107, 130, 310 Hall Stuart 186, 299 Dreifelds Juris 122, 298 Hauzenberga-Šturma Edīte 313 Dringelis Giedrius 313 Henry III 169 Dundulienė Pranė 7, 23, 186, 248, 258, Herder Johann Gottfried 18 268, 298 Holovinas Ignotas 174, 179 Durkheim David Émile 27, 28, 29, 36, 298 Innocent III 180 Dusevičiūtė Giedrė 190, 241, 298 Irbe I. 309 Ivinskis Laurynas 82, 310 Einhorn Paul 114, 117, 118, 298 Ivinskis Zenonas 60, 182–184, 299 Endzelīns Janis 314 Jackevičius Mindaugas 309 Fischer Adam 20, 299 Jagiełło 173 Francis of Assisi 180 Jankauskas 62 Friedrich Wilhelm (Elector of Jankauskas Egidijus 139 Prussia) 21 Jansons Jānis Alberts ( Janson Jan Friedrich Wilhelm I (King of Albert) 19, 114, 117, 120, 121, 122, Prussia) 21 125, 140, 145, 151, 160, 300 Fromas-Gužutis Aleksandras 84, 299 Jemelkovskis Jonas 182 Jermolajevas Borisas 219 Geertz Clifford 9, 11–15, 299 Jesus, Jesus Christ 59, 89, 152, 174, Gidžiūnas Viktoras 180, 299 179, 180 Giedraitis Juozapas Arnulfas 21 Joachim II 304 Giedraitis Merkelis 60, 183 Jogaila (Grand Duke of Lithuania) 179 322 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Jokimaitienė Pranė 313 Lang Peter 307 Jonynas Ambraziejus 268, 313 Laurinavičiūtė-Petrošienė Lina (see Jordanas Antonijus 174 Petrošienė) 8, 232, 240, 300, 301 Jovaišas Albinas 181, 300 Laurinkienė Nijolė 17, 301 Jucevičius Liudvikas Adomas Lauritzen Lauritz 214 ( Jucewicz Ludwik Adam) 17, 27, Li Syn-Man (Syngman Rhee) 263 52, 53, 56, 57, 87, 300 Ličkūnas Stasys 220, 312 Juodelis 242 Līdeks Osvalds 115, 117, 120, 132, Juozaitis Arvydas 164, 240, 300 301 Jurevičius K. 268, 310 Lietiņa Maruta 313 Jurgutis Vytautas 298 Lingys Juozas 268 Jurjāns Andrejs ( Jurjānu Andrejs) 19, Liutkus Viktoras 301 114, 124, 152, 300 Lorenzo de’ Medici 169 Juška Antanas 64, 82, 310 Lukšaitė Ingė 21, 301 Juška Jonas 64, 82 Lukšas Aras 186, 301 Lumans Valdis O. 122, 301 Kalnius 314 Luther Martin 19, 20 Kalvaitis Vilius 103, 311 Karečka Tadas 318 Madsen Harald 214 Karskis Motiejus 178 Malenkov G. 242 Katkus Mikalojus 24, 27, 37, 43, 64, Mänd Anu 116, 301 108, 268, 300 Marcinkovskis A. 300 Kavaliauskienė A. 311 Mardosa Jonas 268 Kazlauskienė Bronė 298 Mataitis Povilas 281 Klimka Libertas 23, 40, 161, 189, 300 Mažutytė Aistė 170, 301 Klotiņš Arnolds 112 McCombs Maxwell 186, 301 Kojalavičius Vijūkas Albertas 179 Meilus Elmantas 316 Končius Ignas 44, 55, 58, 62, 64, 65, Mellēna Māra 309 102, 107, 108, 300 Melngailis Emilis 313 Krėvė-Mickevičius Vincas 85, 309 Melngalvji (see Blackheads) 115 Kriščiūnienė Inga 8, 71, 311 Merkienė Irena Regina 159, 301 Kromeris Motiejus (Kromer Maciej) Mickevičius Juozas 255 179 Miglinas Simas 195, 317 Krylov Ivan (Крылов Иван Milius Vacys 268 Андреевич) 225 Mindaugas (Grand Duke of Kryževičius Vincas 87, 300 Lithuania) 179 Kudirka Juozas 184, 244, 300, 304 Mingaila Stasys 312 Kuharonak Taccâna Ìvanaună 244, Minkevičienė Ona 265, 266, 271, 289, 245, 300 314 Misevičienė Vanda 313 Lachovskis Jokūbas 182 Misiūnienė Joana 255, 256, 314 Lagin Lazar (Лагин Лазарь Miuller Rasa 162, 314 Иосифович) 266 Mizinienė Valerija 82, 94, 99 Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 323

Molière ( Jean-Baptiste Poquelin) 179 Povilionienė Veronika 281 Molotov V. 242 Pozdniakov N. 242 Mončys Antanas 4, 301 Praspaliauskienė Rima 54, 55, 303 Morkūnas Eligijus Juvencijus 314 Protasevičius Valerijonas 173 Motuza Kazimieras 220, 308 Prusinowska Justyna 300–301 Motuza Mačys 220, 308 Pruskus Vladas 25, 27, 303 Motuzas Alfonsas 54, 184, 302 Przyboś A. 303 Muktupāvela Rūta 115, 302 Puccitelli Virgilio 171 Muktupāvels Valdis 112, 309 Puodžiukienė Dalė 32, 303 Müllenbachs Kārlis 314 Puškorius Anicetas 255 Puteikienė Zofija 313 Nakienė Austė 313 Putvinskis Stasys 219 Narbutas Teodoras (Narbutt Teodor) Putvytė M. 317 16, 17, 302 Puzinas Jonas 16, 36, 87, 91, 107–109, Naruševičaitė H. 212, 315 303 Nesselmann Georg Heinrich Ferdinand 311 Racine Jean 179 Niccolò Machiavelli 169 Račiūnaitė-Vyčinienė Daiva (see Niewulis-Grablunas Jowita 300 Vyčinienė) 39, 303 Norkus Zenonas 165, 240, 300 Račkauskas K. 303 Norvaiša Antanas 172 Radvila 100 Radziwiłł Albrycht Stanisław 171 Okoń Jan 175, 302 Radziwiłł Karol Stanisław II 172 Olšauskis 192 Radziwiłł Maciej 172 Olupe Edīte 115, 118, 120, 133, 302 Radziwiłł Michał Kazimierz II ʻRybeńkoʼ 171, 172, Pabrėža Jurgis 21 Rancāne Aīda 115, 120, 121, 122, 140, Pacevičius 192 144, 145, 303 Pakuršis Ed. 318 Redfield Robert 34, 303 Palanga Juzė (see Viskanta) 43, 44, 59, Reinach Salomon 27 62, 64, 66, 99, 184, 306 Rekašius Albinas 40, 186, 303 Pallito Sarah 37, 302 Rėza Liudvikas 311 Paškevičius Jokūbas 183 Riekstiņa Katrīna 319 Penčyla Jonas Olinardas 215 Rimavičius Karolis Brunas 82, 83 Pentkovki Kaspar 174 Römeris Mykolas 218 Perskaudas 62 Rösener Werner 30, 32, 303 Petronytė Jurga 318 Ross Kristiina 307 Petrošienė Lina (see Laurinavičiūtė- Rozhdestvensky Robert Petrošienė) 55, 88, 113, 139, 189, (Рождественский Роберт 240, 302, 319 Иванович) 254 Pociutė Audronė 37, 38, 302 Rudamina Juozapas 174 Povedák István 304 Rudytė D. 316 324 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Sabaliauskaitė Kristina 168, 171, 172, Šakenis Konstantinas 212 303, 316 Šaknys Žilvytis Bernardas 8, 43, 189, Sadauskienė Jurga 39, 40, 61, 303 190, 241, 304 Sapieha 170 Šalčiūtė A. 313 Sauerwein Georg 311 Šešelgis Aleksandras 307 Sauka Donatas 268 Šidlauskas Algirdas 314 Shakespeare William 179 Šimkevičius Gabrielius 176 Shaw Donald Lewis 186, 301 Šimkus Stasys 218 Scheel Katja 116, 303 Šliūpas Jonas 197, 304 Schenstrom Carl 214 Šorys Juozas 240, 245, 251, 252, 305 Senvaitytė Dalia 186, 189, 190, 241, Šrubauskis Pranciškus 181, 184 303, 304 Švābe Arveds 313 Simonaitytė Ieva 211 Skaudvilaitė E. 311 Tarozaitė St. 215 Skersytė D. 307 Terleckas Vladas 34, 317 Skrodenis Stasys 7, 18, 19, 22, 23, 40, Tiškevičius Antanas 56, 61 42, 91, 169, 186, 189, 240, 248, 251, Tiškevičius Jurgis 54, 60, 183 252, 256, 258, 268–270, 286, 304 Traidenis (Grand Duke of Lithuania) Slaviūnas Zenonas 268 179 Slavočinskis Saliamonas Mozerka Trilupaitienė Jūratė 170, 171, 180–182, (Slawoczynski Salomone Mozerka) 302, 305 181, 183, 317 Trinka Vladas 36, 195, 305 Smetona Antanas 30, 186, 212, 221, 227, 301 Ulčinaitė Eugenija 174–176, 179, 305, Smetonienė Sofija 211, 221 314 Sonnek Johannes 21, 304 Ūsaitytė Jurgita 39, 41, 305, 313 Spīčs Ernests 309 Užtupas Vilius 246, 305 Stanisław II Augustus (Stanisław August Poniatowski) 172 Vadagis J. 310 Stanišauskis J. 219 Vaicekauskas Arūnas 14, 15, 18, Stankevičiūtė Giedrė 301 25–27, 31–33, 41, 42, 52, 53, 59, 86, Stradiņš Janis 164 92, 99, 105, 122, 123, 169, 186, 189, Straubergs Kārlis 301, 313 240, 300, 304–306 Strazdas Antanas 81 Vaičienė Bronė 314 Streikus Arūnas 313 Vaišnys Juozas 31, 306 Strijkovskis Motiejus (Stryjkowski Vaišvilas (Grand Duke of Lithuania) Maciej) 179 179 Stulga Vaidotas 279 Vaitiekus Severinas 299 Surginienė Lidija 258, 259, 304 Valančius Motiejus (Volončevskis) 16, Sutkaitis 213 27, 43, 44, 54–57, 59, 60, 62–64, 66, Sverdiolas Arūnas 299 82, 87, 89, 90, 99, 100, 184, 306 Valantasis Richard 19, 229, 306 Valiulyte Skirmantė 308 Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 325

Valmikas, Valmikis, Vilmikas, Zabiela 34 Vincentas 181, 184 Zaborskaitė Vanda 107, 173–179, 181, Vanags Pēteris 307 307 Vareikis Vygantas 23, 24, 87–90, 306 Zaikauskienė Dalia 47, 307 Velėnaitis J. 318 Zavackis, Zawadzki Juozapas 64, 306 Velička Eirimas 37 Żelewski R. 303 Vėlius Norbertas 23, 268, 306, 308 Zuderman Herman 161 Vengrytė-Janavičienė Edmunda 10, Zwingli Ulrich 20 86, 88, 101, 306 Veselovsky Alexander (Веселовский Žarskienė Rūta 58, 307 Александр Николаевич) 36 Žegota K. (Puida Kazys Aleksandras) Vyčinienė Daiva (see Račiūnaitė- 319 Vyčinienė) 161, 307 Žemaitė Julija (see Žymantienė) 27, Vīksna Māra 112 65, 86, 90, 265, 266, 307 Vilimas Petras 202 Žičkienė Aušra 313 Vilmantienė Ona 195, 223, 318 Žiemytė Ivona 318 Viluckis Adolfas 4 Žilinskaitė Eglė 164, 307 Visendorfs Henrijs 312 Žymantienė-Žemaitė Julija (see Viskanta Juzė (see Palanga Juzė) 43 Žemaitė) 90 Višinskiai 305 Žmuidzinavičius Antanas 213 Vyšniauskaitė Angelė 248, 259, 268, Žukienė Auksė 291, 292, 307 307 Vytautas Magnus 105, 179, 207, 208, Мехнецов Анатолий Михайлович 219, 223, 306 315 Vytenis (Grand Duke of Lithuania) Резанов Владимир Иванович 178, 179 307 Vītoliņš Jēkabs 19, 112, 115, 117,118, 123–125, 127, 128, 131, 137, 144, 146, 150, 152, 153, 159, 160, 162, 307, 310 von Boehn Max 230, 298

Walkowiak Justyna B. 301 Weber Max 13 Willey Jackie 231, 319 Williams Raymond Henry 29 Wiśniowiecka Francesca Ursula 171 Wittgenstein Ludwig 13 Władysław II Vasa 170 Władysław IV 174 326 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Index of Place Names

Akmenė (Lithuania) 253 Constantinopole 100 Alytus (Lithuania) 207, 299 Courland, Curliandiae, Curonia America, Amerika (see Northern and (Latvia) 100, 112, 117, 298 Southern America) 29, 220, 235, Czech Republik 228 312 Anykščiai (Lithuania) 79, 298, 313 Dainava (Lithuania) 85, 214, 309 Asia Minor 16 Darbėnai (Lithuania) 273 Augšžeme (Latvia) 123 Degsnys (Lithuania) 202 Aukštaitija (Lithuania) 8–10, 43, 66– Dobele (Latvia)133 73, 75, 78, 81, 84, 99, 105, 107, 109, Dorpt (Estonia) 298 123, 195, 196, 198, 212, 224, 252, Dorrisville (USA) 308 258, 269, 270, 276, 287, 296 Dusetos (Lithuania) 252 Aukštoji Freda (Lithuania) 211 Dzūkija (Lithuania) 8, 9, 42, 67, 68, Aukštujai (Lithuania) 211 71, 72, 103, 109, 157, 195, 198, 256, Austria 13, 170, 191, 228 258, 259

Barta (Latvia) 125, 140 East Prussia 224 Barzdai (Lithuania) 204 Eastern Europe 124 Bavaria (Germany) 228 Eastern Latvia 118 Belarus 100, 244, 245, 300 Eastern Lithuania 8, 257, 269, 270, Belgium 228 286 Berlin (Germany) 230, 298, 304, 307 Eastern Vidzeme (Latvia) 152 Bern (Switzerland) 307 Egypt 15, 16, 19, 203, 257 Biržai (Lithuania) 188, 308 England 228 Bohemia (Gemany) 230 Europe 7,14, 18, 21, 23, 25, 26, 30, 32, Bologna (Italy) 106 33, 40, 44, 45, 86, 100, 116, 120, Braga (Portugal) 235 122, 133, 164, 168, 169, 178, 180, Brandenburg (Germany) 21, 304 184, 187, 228, 230, 231, 236, 251, Braunsberg (Poland) 174 293, 295, 298, 299, 300 Bremen (Germany) 36, 267 Bruxelles (Belgium) 307 Ferrara (Italy) 169 Florence (Italy) 169 Cadiz (Spain) 228, 234 France (see Prancūzija) 228, 233, 234 Cambridge (UK) 298 Frankfurt am Main (Germany) 228, Central Latvia 124 307 Central Lithuania 56 Chicago (USA) 303 Gdynia (Poland) 299 Cologne (see Köln) (Germany) 114, Germany 98, 228, 234, 243 228, 235 Gintališkė (Lithuania) 275, 276 Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 327

Girgždutė (Lithuania) 253 Klaipėda Region (Lithuania) 9, 66–68, Grand Duchy of Lithuania (see 72, 109, 190, 199, 216, 217, 221, Lietuvos Didžioji Kunigaikštystė) 223, 236, 264 6, 33, 86, 116, 168–170, 172, 174, Klovainiai, Klowajniai (Lithuania) 82 179, 180, 232, 236, 242 Kolainiai (Lithuania) 82 Greece 16, 18, 19 Köln (see Cologne) 301 Grodno (Belarus) 88 Königsberg (Prussia) 228 Grunwald (Poland) 179 Kopenhāgenā (Denmark) 313 Grūšlaukė (Lithuania) 34, 85, 249, Kraków (Poland) 302 255, 311 Kražiai (Lithuania) 173, 174, 176, 179 Gruzdžiai (Lithuania) 302 Kretinga (Lithuania) 204, 254–256, Gudija (Belarus) 100 310 Kuliai (Lithuania) 318 Highland (see Selonia) (Latvia) 123 Kupiškis (Lithuania) 139, 258, 306 Kuršėnai (Lithuania) 78 Iecava (Latvia) 117 Kurtuvėnai (Lithuania) 62, 249, 273, Italy 98, 228, 230, 232, 319 314 Kurzeme (Latvia) 112, 117, 121, 125, JAV (USA) 309 133, 146, 152, 159 Jekabpils (Latvia) 152 Jelgava (Latvia) 133 Latgale, Latgalia (Latvia) 118, 119, Jeruzalem (Israel) 148 123–125, 127, 133, 144, 146, 152, 153, 157 Kaišiadorys (Lithuania) 276, 289 Latvia, Latvijā 112–116, 118–124, Kalvarija (Lithuania) 212 126, 132, 138, 144, 152, 160, 163, Kapsukas (see Marijampolė) 165, 301, 302 (Lithuania) 250, 259, 266, 299 Laukuva (Lithuania) 252 Kaunas (Lithuania) 79, 88, 105, 173, Lazdijai (Lithuania) 253 174, 175, 187, 188, 191, 192, 198, Leckava (Lithuania) 41, 92–94, 151 200, 203, 205–208, 211, 215–221, Leipzig (Germany) 298 223–226, 232, 273, 289, 299, 305, Leuven (Belgium) 303 308, 309–319 Liefland (Latvia) 298 Kazlų Rūda (Lithuania) 253 Liepaja (Latvia) 140 Kelmė district (Lithuania) 82, 90 Lietuvos Didžioji Kunigaikštystė (see Kemerovo (Russia) 142 Grand Duchy of Lithuania) 302, Kepaluškalnis (Lithuania) 253 305, 316 Kernavė (Lithuania) 141 Linkuva (Lithuania) 79 Klaipėda (Lithuania) 9, 41, 55, 56, 92, Lithuania Major 20, 224, 300 105, 139, 161, 162, 188, 194, 199, Lithuania Minor 20, 103, 159, 161, 200, 203, 205–208, 214, 217, 218, 195, 223, 224, 281, 318 223, 225, 253, 256, 263, 291, 297, Lithuania, Lietuva, Lietuvā 5–11, 298, 301, 303, 308–312, 314, 318, 13–17, 19, 22–25, 27, 29–34, 36–38, 319 40–45, 49, 54–56, 58, 59, 61, 64, 68, 328 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

69, 73, 81, 82, 85–92, 98–107, 109, Northeastern Aukštaitija (Lithuania) 112–115, 117–125, 130, 132, 133, 105 138, 139, 141, 145, 146, 151, 152, Northeastern Lithuania 195 158–165, 169, 171, 172, 173, 175, Northern and Southern America (see 176, 179, 180, 181–209, 211–221, America) 228, 235 223–237, 240–255, 257–259, 262, Northern Lithuania 257 266–268, 270, 272, 281, 286, 288, Northern Žemaitija (Lithuania) 10, 92 290–292, 294–309, 311–318 Northwestern Lithuania 7, 195, 204 Lithuanian SSR 242, 243, 246, 247, Novokuznetsk (Russia) 142 272, 276, 289, 291, 292 Nuremberg (Germany) 29, 228, 231 Līvāni (Latvia) 145 Livonia (see Middle Land) 21, 117 Oxford (UK) 307, 309 Lombardija (Lombardy) (Italy) 302 Padubysis (Lithuania) 90 London (UK) 231, 299 Pakruojis (Lithuania) 79, 253, 317 Lübeck (Germany) 228 Panevėžys (Lithuania) 88, 173, 175, Lublin (Poland) 100 188, 215, 241, 397, 315 Lūkstas (Lithuania) 253 Paris (see Paryžius) (France) 169, 203, Luokė (Lithuania) 202, 249, 255, 314 216, 228, 233 Paryžius (see Paris) (France) 312 Madrid (Spain) 228, 234 Pašiaušė (Lithuania) 173 Marienkrone (Poland) 168 Persia 18 Marijampolė (see Kapsukas) Peru 235 (Lithuania) 103, 188, 203, 204, 207, Petrograd (see St. Petersburg) (Russia) 209, 211, 215–218, 259, 316 312 Maudžioriai (Lithuania) 202 Phoenicia 16 Mažeikiai (Lithuania) 200, 207, 314 Plateliai (Lithuania) 248, 249, 255, Medininkai (Lithuania) 60 267 Medvėgalis (Lithuania) 253 Plinkšiai (Lithuania) 252 Middle Land (see Livonia) (Latvia) Plungė (Lithuania) 57, 87, 255, 267, 118 299 Milan (Italy) 228, 232 Plungė district (Lithuania) 248, 250, Molėtai (Lithuania) 79 260, 267 Moscow (Russia) 94, 223, 231, 242– Poland 31–34, 100, 174, 175, 228 244, 246 Poltava (Ukraine) 94 Mosėdis (Lithuania) 130, 204, 310 Portugal 228, 235 Moteraitis (Lithuania) 253 Poznań (Poland) 301 Prancūzija (see France) 314 Navahrudak, Nesvizh (Belarus) 171, Prienai (Lithuania) 261–263, 315 172 Princeton (USA) 306 New York (USA) 299, 301, 307 Prussia 20, 21, 33, 87, 199 Nica (Latvia) 125, 127, 140 Prussian Lithuania 20, 21 Nice (France) 234 Pskov (see Псков) (Russia) 29, 40, 41, Nordosteuropa 301 315 Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context 329

Radviliškis (Lithuania) 253 St. Petersburg (see Санкт-Петербург, Raseiniai (Lithuania) 253, 256 Petrograd) (Russia) 193 Rastinėnai (Lithuania) 141 Suvalkija, Suwalki (Lithuania) 9, 67, Reinas (Rein) (Germany) 312 68, 72, 88, 103, 107, 109, 195, 198, Rietavas (Lithuania) 94, 123 212, 213, 259, 260, 266, 287, 316 Riga, Ryga, Rīga, Rīgā (Latvia) 79, Switzerland 228 112, 113, 115, 116, 193, 298, 300– Szeged (Hungary) 304 303, 307–314, 319 Rome, Roma (Italy) 19, 228, 232, 299 Šančiai (Lithuania) 192, 225 Rügenwalde (Poland) 168 Šiauliai (Lithuania) 88, 188, 203, 207, Rumšiškės (Lithuania) 249, 268, 273– 209, 215, 217, 218, 310, 311, 314, 285, 287, 289, 316 317 Russia 32, 88, 142, 224, 228 Šidlava (see Šiluva) (Lithuania) 41, Russian Federation 29, 40 92–94, 151 Šilutė (Lithuania) 207, 217 Salantai (Lithuania) 34, 61, 62, 173, Šiluva (see Šidlava) (Lithuania) 57 182, 316 Šventoji (Lithuania) 252 Saldus (Latvia) 133 Samogitia (see Žemaitija) (Lithuania) Talsi (Latvia) 133 7, 8, 57, 192, 207, 218 Telšiai (Lithuania) 188, 203, 207, 217, Samogitian Calvary (Lithuania) 57 218, 253, 319 Sartai (Lithuania) 252, 316 Tyrolean Swiss 235 Sauguliai (Lithuania) 90 Tytuvėnai (Lithuania) 57 Seda (Lithuania) 94, 252 Tyumen (Russia) 100 Selonia (see Highland) (Latvia) 123 Tobolsk (Russia) 100 Semba 20 Trakai (Lithuania) 79 Semigallia (see Zemgale) (Latvia) 117 Tukums (Latvia) 133 Seville (Spain) 228, 234 Tverai (Lithuania) 252 Siberia (Russia) 31 Sicilija (Sicily) (Italy) 302 Ukmergė (Lithuania) 79, 88, 108, 173, Simnas (Lithuania) 259, 266, 272, 287 175 Skuodas district (Lithuania) 204 USSR (see Soviet Union) 240, 242, Smeltė (Lithuania) 225 247, 250 Southeastern Lithuania 42, 195 Ūšna (Lithuania) 202 Southeastern Žemaitija (Lithuania) Utena (Lithuania) 276 105 Užbaliai (Lithuania) 276 Southern Europe 230, 234 Užnemunė (Lithuania) 258 Southern Lithuania 8, 114, 195, 204, Užventis (Lithuania) 311 208 Southern Žemaitija (Lithuania) 10 Vaiguva (Lithuania) 82 Southwestern Siberia (Russia) 142 Varniai (Lithuania) 60, 183, 253 Soviet Union (see USSR) 242–244 Venice (Italy) 106, 228, 231, 232 Spain 228 Ventspils (Latvia) 118, 318 330 SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA

Viduklė (Lithuania) 253 202, 207, 219, 220, 223, 224, 227, Vidzeme (Latvia) 118, 125, 146, 152, 248, 252, 255, 256, 258–263, 267, 159, 160 269, 271, 273, 276, 286, 288, 293, Viekšniai (Lithuania) 34 294, 296, 301 Vilkaviškis (Lithuania) 203, 207, 208, Žiobiškis (Lithuania) 305 211, 317 Žodiškis (Lithuania) 173 Vilnius, Wilno, Vilnae (Lithuania) 21, 60, 61, 64, 88, 112, 168–174, Нежин (Ukraine) 307 176–180, 182, 183, 188, 192, 207, Псков (Russia) 315 211, 213, 214, 243, 244, 246, 247, Санкт-Петербург (see St. Petersburg, 250, 256, 260, 265, 267, 271, 272, Petrograd) (Russia) 315 276, 288, 291, 297–308, 310, 311, 313–319

Warmia (Poland) 20 Warsaw (Poland) 172 Weimar (Germany) 301 Western Aukštaitija (Lithuania) 43 Western Europe 8, 18–20, 30–33, 54, 100, 106, 116, 169, 171, 172, 184, 201, 206–207, 230, 231, 234, 236, 294, 295 Western Lithuania 42, 58, 195, 204 Western Region (Russia) 88 Western Siberia (Russia) 100 Western Zemgale (Latvia) 125, 133, 146 Westminster (UK) 232 Wien (Austria) 301, 307 Wrocław (Poland) 302, 303

Zarasai (Lithuania) 188, 319 Zemgale (see Semigallia) (Latvia) 117, 121, 133, 152, 159, 161 Žąsūgala (Lithuania) 253 Žemaitija (see Samogitia) (Lithuania) 5,7–10, 16, 17, 21, 32, 36, 38, 39, 41–45, 48–51, 53–62, 64, 66–73, 75, 81, 84, 85–87, 94, 96, 98–100, 102, 104, 106–109, 112, 113, 121, 123, 130, 133, 141, 148, 151, 157, 159, 163–165, 172, 175, 176, 179, 182–184, 188, 193–195, 197–200, Lina Laurinavičiūtė-Petrošienė is a professor and senior researcher at the Department of Baltic Linguis- tics of the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Klaipėda University (Lithuania). Her research covers ethnic music, folklore, and cultural processes. She is the author of two monographs (Klaipėda University Press, 2007, 2015), more than 30 articles (1997–2019), and compiler of six songbooks (1997, 2006, 2009, 2010 (2), 2017). Her past works dealt with the ethnic music and customs of Lithuania Minor (Prussian Lithuania). The author has been focusing on Lithuanian Shrovetide and European carnival, with special emphasis on carnival character songs in a sociocultural context. The book Shrovetide in Lithuania focuses on the description and analysis of the genre of calendrical Shrovetide songs or, more specifically, the songs of the costumed Shrove- tide characters (‘beggars’, ‘Jews’, and ‘Gypsies’) considered as the calendrical folklore of Žemaitija, the ethnographic region of Northwestern Lithuania. The characteristics of the melodics of the songs, the content of their lyrics, and the prerequisites for the formation and evolution of the genre predetermined by the historical, social, Shrovetide customs and other contexts are discussed. Given the fact that the songs are believed to be rather late, the study concentrates on the so far little investigated Shrovetide celebration customs of Lithuanian nobility in the 15th through the 18th century and the urban communities in the 20th century with the aim of revealing their impact on the rural Shrovetide celebration and simultaneously on the songs in question. The study shows their links with the Lithu- anian nobility and the urban environments which fostered European traditions as well as the interrelationship between the folk and ecclesiastical festivals.

Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla

Lina Laurinavičiūtė-Petrošienė SHROVETIDE IN LITHUANIA Carnival Character Songs in a Sociocultural Context Monograph

Vertė Laimutė Servaitė Maketavo Danguolė Stepukonienė Dailininkė Zita Mazaliauskaitė

Klaipėda, 2019

SL 1335. 2019 05 06. Apimtis 21 sąl. sp. l. Tiražas 500 egz. Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla, Herkaus Manto g. 84, LT-92294 Klaipėda Tel. (8 46) 398 891, el. paštas: [email protected], interneto adresas: http://www.ku.lt/leidykla/ Spausdino spaustuvė „Petro ofsetas“, Naujoji Riovonių g. 25C, LT-03153 Vilnius