BELARUS — THE THIRD SECTOR PEOPLE CULTURE LANGUAGE

Warsaw — Minsk 2002 BELARUS — THE THIRD SECTOR PEOPLE CULTURE LANGUAGE East European Democratic Centre — IDEE Warsaw — Minsk 2002 ISBN 83-916658-3-6

Edition prepared in co-operation with

Belarusian Association of Resource Centres (BARC) Civic Society “Dyaryush” “Arche” magazine Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe Foundation

Editing: Pawe³ Kazanecki, Marta Pejda Co-operation: Vaclav Areshka Translation from Belarusian and Russian: Piotr Kalachin, Mark Bence Translation from Polish: Patrick Montague Proof-reading: Patrick Montague, Mark Bence, Marta Pejda Graphic design: Vitaly Levchenya Typesetting: Julia Andreyeva, Timofey Nevinskiy

We wouldlike to acknowledgefollowingorganisationsfor their valuableassistance:

The “Ratusha” Centre Independent Society for Law Researches The “Law Initiative” Society “Nasha Niva” “International Contact”

The publication supported by

The National Endowment for Democracy Open Society Institute — Paris Charles Stewart Mott Foundation

2 CONTENTS

4 Pawe³ Kazanecki • Introduction. 6 Andrey Dynko • A Resisting Culture. 10 Vaclav Areshka • Cultural Movements in Belarus. The 20th Century. 18 Olga Kopyonkina • Albarussia: Logic of the Nomos. 20 Alena Areshka • Violation of Cultural Rights in Belarus. 27 Syarhey Sakharau • Youth Subcultures — origins and Development. 33 Syarhey Zaprudski • LinguisticPolicy of the Republic of Belarus in the 1990s. 41 Ihar Lalkou • National Symbolism in Belarus: the Past and Present. 49 Henadz Sahanovich • The War Against Belarusian History. 54 Valer Bulhakau • From the Rhetoric of Brotherly Unity to the Rhetoric of International Integration. Artefacts from Contemporary Official Belarusian Ideology.

64 Feliks Gawin • Report on Observation of Rights of National Minorities in Harodnya Region. 75 Yauhen Androsik • Confessions. 82 Alaksandar Shalayka, Syarhey Mackevich • Non-Governmental Organisations and the Presidential Election in Belarus in 2001: the First Step Made, We Are Moving On.

89 Boris Zvozkov • Decree No. 8 — Comments. 90 Elena Tonkacheva • Non-profit Organisations in the Republic of Belarus. Legislative Regulation and Issues of Law Application. 100 Viktar Karneyenka • The Third Sector in Homel — An Analysis of the Situation. 110 Alaksandar Shalayka • What Is the Assembly? 111 Selected NGOs — Description of Activity.

This edition contains a CD-Rom with a database of the Belarusian non-governmental organisation, prepared by the Belarusian Association of Resource Centres (BARC), as well as electronic version of both the publications “Belarus — the Third Sector” (1998) and “Belarus — the Third Sector. People — Culture — Language” (2002).

3 Pawe³ Kazanecki INTRODUCTION

The present publication was prepared as a result mean a loss of contacts and its expulsion from or- of co-operation among several organisations. The ganisations associating academies of science Eastern European Democratic Centre — IDEE would from various countries, as only those organisa- primarily like to thank the journal “Arche,” which pre- tions can be members whose governing bodies pared the Belarusian-language edition, the Associa- are selected internally by academy members. tion “Kulturny Kantakt,” whose co-operation in the In wanting to show this discourse in a broader selection of authors was invaluable and to which we context we included articles illustrating the dispute are also grateful for the culture-related material. We concerning the official language, national and state would also like to thank the Belarusian Association of symbols as well as the history of the cultural move- Resource Centres (BARC), which prepared the inter- ment in Belarus. The struggle for recognising the active database of Belarusian non-governmental or- position of the Belarusian language is not only a ganisations included with this publication on CD. struggle within the cultural sphere of this country, We are pleased to present the new publication, but it is also a struggle against the administrative which in some sense is the continuation of the book aim of soviet cultural unification and limiting cul- “Belarus: The Third Sector” published two years turallife to that approved by the state.A similar pol- ago. As the previous publication generated signifi - icy is conducted in regard to every manifestation of cant interest both in Poland and abroad (the Eng- cultural diversity as well as in relation to national lish-language edition), we decided to prepare a minorities and various religious faiths. publication that updates the information concerning All articles illustrating socio-political problems are non-governmental organisations in Belarus, as well woven around the main axis of conflict between the as illustrates the social processes occurring in this two cultural-ideological attitudes held by the country in a way that raises many controversies and Belarusian elite: the post-soviet, with soviet symbols questions, i.e., the revival of national identity. and a belief in the need for eternal ties between In presenting the social discourse that has en- Belarus and Russia, and the second, with Belarusian gaged Belarus for years, we want to demonstrate national symbols, a belief in the tradition of Belarusian the language and arguments that both sides of the statehood, originating from the Grand Duchy of Lithu- conflict employ. We present the language of the ania, and seeing a need to build an independent and regime’s official propaganda, employing the old neutral Belarus, oriented toward Europe. This dispute soviet rhetoric, which currently is based on nei- between the two elites is a sign of the deep and long ther a real system of values nor a real strategy. lasting process of transformation that has been occur- Censorship in historical literature and school text- ring in Belarusian society following the collapse of the books is used for political purposes.Various types Soviet Union. The process of change occurring in the of cultural and artistic events are censored and elites is only one of its manifestations. closed. A recent event that upset the Belarusian A change of elites is occurring in all post-com- scientific community was the decision of the Pres- munist countries. In various countries this process idential Administration of the Republic of Belarus is occurring more or less painfully. It is however un- concerning the appointment of the Chairman of avoidable for the development of each of these the Belarusian Academy of Science. Even during countries. The elites, able to exert an impact on the the Soviet era the state did not so clearly interfere further development of the state, are the guarantors in the affairs of the Academy. The appointment of of success of all reforms undertaken in Belarus. the Chairman is also connected with a change in These elites are able to free the country from inter- the structure of the Academy and the interference national isolation, which results not from external of the state administration in personnel decisions. factors, but to a certain degree from the fear felt by For the Belarusian Academy of Science this will the Belarusian elitesof operating in aglobal context.

4 This deep social conflict is difficult to define from Therefore, emigration is frequently chosen as a solu - the perspective of political disputes in western demo- tion. Interest is also growing in radical paramilitary cratic countries, discussions between left and right, organisations of various ideological stripes. The in- held in parliaments and preceding according to estab- creasing degree of fascism in street life is one of the lished rules. However, in Belarus, basic principles of most unsettling phenomena. political discussion such as the state’s raison d’˜tre and Between these two groups is society, which has its independence, model of government (totalitarian- taken an indifferent attitude toward the continuing ism or democracy) and the role of society in the struc- conflict of these groups. Society has long ago for- ture of the state are violated, as not only the model of gotten what the dispute among the Belarusian polit- government, state budget or other practical decisions ical elites involved, as neither of the parties to the are raised in discussion, but also the very reason for conflict treat society as a partner. Society is apa- the state’s existence.It is difficult to conduct such a dis- thetic and ambivalent toward the abstract issues cussion based on rational and pragmatic arguments that occupy the intellectual, cultural and political inherent in political discussions as employed in the elites of the country.It no longer believes in a better West. The participants of this discussion seem to have world. Furthermore, it does not believe in its own forgotten what their ideological disputes have in com- power and the influence it can exert on the situation. mon with the everyday reality in which Belarusian soci- At present, Belarusian society only dreams of living ety exists. They seem to have forgotten in what way in peace and not dying of hunger. general values and principles translate into practical Neither of the parties to the ideological dispute methods of solving the social and economic problems istrusted by society.The party that winsthisdispute of the country. They do not treat society subjectively. will be the one that first understands that apart from Political elections in the country are taking on this dispute is a society simply waiting for leaders dramatic overtones. Their significance does not in- who will not ignore it. This is the most difficult test, volve only the selection of a party or leader, but which at present neither of the parties to the conflict also acivilised and moral decision,which is difficult isable to pass.Aslong associety remainsan object, to make. This is even more difficult for Belarusian changes in Belarus will not be possible. society, as it is subject to disinformation by official Social organisations are key to solving this stale - propaganda. It has no satisfactory and clear infor- mate. The activists of these organisations are people mation concerning its own situation and the situa- in direct contact with the daily problems in society. tion of the country in which it lives. There is also They understand these problems well and are seek - insufficient information concerning the essence of ing solutions to them. Moreover, they are part of the the dispute that is occurring around it. Therefore, elites that are participating in the aforementioned the role of media and civic education is key for conflict. Therefore, social organisations are divided changes in Belarus. Elections are not a mechanism into those that unequivocally support the current un- for changing the political elite in the country as democratic regime in Belarus (usually created by long asthey are based on an undemocratic election government officials themselves) and those that are law, ruling out the possibility of the opposition trying to mobilise society. The mobilisation of soci - gaining power. While not bringing any fundamen- ety, breaking down its passivity and apathy, can give tal political changes, the presidential election in Belarusian society its identity and the courage to de - 2001 raised many questions among Belarusian so- cide its own fate. Such a society will create the basis ciety itself and provided it with more information, for building democracy in this country. bringing society closer to current domestic events. Other than presenting the ideological discus- The election also made it apparent that the authori- sion among the Belarusian elites, we also present ties are losing control over society and that it will certain changes concerning the legal situation of be increasingly more difficult for the authorities to non-governmental organisations in Belarus.One of maintain this control, even through employing fear the issues under discussion in the present work is tactics. The election also showed the opposition the participation of non-governmental organisa- that society has a differing view and that it is seek- tions in social processes in 2001, and primarily in ing solutions that the opposition is currently unable mobilising society to participate in the presidential to provide. The opposition’s initiation of a dialog of election.Descriptions of the activities of various or- partnership with society may be the only way of ac- ganisations as well as their addresses, included quiring influence on the fate of the country. with this publication on diskette, are mainly meant The most important element of the process of for those readers who would like to have a better change in the elite is the coming of age of the young understanding of the activities of non-governmen- generation, which will build its own system of values, tal organisations in Belarus. seeking those that it perceives as real. This genera - Primarily young authors have participated in the tion must establish its own position in this dispute current project. This includes both researchers and and find its place through contact with society, which activists in non-governmental organisations, for the elites have completely lost. However, the young which the present publication also provides an op - generation is frustrated and often chooses social iso - portunity to promote the results of their work. It is lation and indifference to what is occurring in the our hope that acommunity of young analysts will de - country. For young educated people, the possibili - velop in the future, who will engage in on-going so - ties of developing a professional carrier are limited. cial research in Belarus.

5 Andrey Dynko A RESISTING CULTURE

Why is the Belarusian culture so little know n in the The history of the partitions world?Why does it remain so vague even in neighbour- The Belarusians had a traditional rural society ing countries? On hearing the words “Polish culture,” an when they started to become a modern nation in the educated European w ill recall Chopin and Kieslow ski; very beginning of the 20th century, somewhat later Grieg and Münch spring to mind when one hears “Nor- than their neighbours. wegian culture.” Muscovites might associate the words National renaissance began along with the “Belarusian culture” with the Soviet-era folk-rock stars semi-modernisation introduced by the Russian colo- Pesniary; w hile a Berliner probably has no associations nial government. National self-identification was weak whatsoever, apart from Chernobyl and Lukashenko. for the majority of Belarusians due to the absence of national schools, a national bourgeoisie, or a national church (the use of the Belarusian language was for- bidden by the Tsarist government).The Uniate church came under oppression after the Belarusian territories were adjoined to Russia as a result of Poland’s (Rzecz Pospolita) partition. Later, the Uniate church was banned, then forced into Orthodoxy in 1839. “Being indigenous” was substituted for identification with a national community. Cities were not Belarusian. A large part of the urban population consisted of Ashke- nazi Jews who did not mix with the local inhabitants that much, while the upper classes appropriated Rus- sian or Polish cultural tendencies. The conversion from Belarusian into the language of the ruling culture (Russian or Polish) was a condition for social promo- tion. That is why the gentry, officials, clergy, and Belarusian bourgeoisie declined any connection with rural “folk.” At the same time, the “intellectual enlighteners” identified the Belarusian nation with the peasantry, and saw the development of rural culture as the most promising strategy for national renaissance. As a result, Soviet-type urbanisation presented a real challenge for the survival of Belarusian peasant culture, and made the very existence of the as yet un- formed nation and its unripe nationalism doubtful. The Belarusian language and culture began to be forced out by Russian and the Russian culture. Some of the more dynamic and aggressive neighbouring nations have even commandeered parts of the Belarusian cultural heritage. In the Geor - ges Pompidou Centre, one can find works by two great Belarusian-born masters, Mark Chagall and Chaim Soutine. The inscription under a canvas by the former reads “Born in Vitebsk, Russia” while, simi - larly, the latter appears to have been “Born in Smilavichy, Lithuania.” In fact, Belarus was also the birthplace of the linguist Elisar Ben-Yehuda, creator of Hebrew, Adam Mickiewicz, a classic writer of Pol - ish literature, and the French poet Oskar Mi³osz, peo - ple who never lost their spiritual bond with the country; and this list of famous people of Belarusian origin could go on and on.

6 The imprints of totalitarianism and reasons be- were forced to live in cities while trying to keep doing hind Russification justice to the countryside were doomed to perish in an For the Belarusian culture, the 20th century ran red eternal cultural ghetto, surrounded by a Russian-speaking with all the blood it shed. The country was always under urban environment. Instead of growing richer, the either German or Russian oppression. Since the Jews Belarusian language was being steadily Russified. constituted a large part of Belarusian intellectuals, the On the other hand, the Soviet system also elimi- Holocaust w as especially devastating for the intelligen- nated the need to study Belarus and its culture any- tsia. After World War II, the forced emigration of thou- where outside the USSR. There was no demand for sands of Belarusian Catholics, ethnic Poles, and Belarusian studies because they were covered by Belarusians to Poland w as a real drama. Stalin’s unprece- Sovietology (as were Ukrainian or Lithuanian, for ex- dented repression struck its most destructive blow by ample).As a result,by the time the Soviet Union broke aiming to extirpate every centre of cultural opposition up, the Belarusian language was virtually unknown (during the 1930s, 450 of the 550 Belarusian writers were outside the Slavonic world, and nobody was inter- subjected to repression, which few of them survived). ested in Belarusian culture. The West saw Belarus Soviet totalitarianism had a very profound impact. through Russia’s eyes (as is the case with Chechnya or Since the early thirties, the regime demanded that cul- Ukraine), having adopted without criticism the tradi- tural figures obediently participate in state policy under tional imperialistic concepts created by Russian histori- threat of imprisonment or prohibition of their work. ans and cultural theorists. After encountering the This was not mere censorship or ideological control,as magical world of Western culture in the early nineties, was the case in countries of the so-called “Socialist Belarusian culture also faced a lack of understanding camp.” The Soviet regime in Belarus set itself the task and feedback. The discovery became a frustrating ex- of completely annihilating the previous cultural tradi- perience. tion,with all its forms and content,in order to replace it entirely with culture of new, socialist content. That new type of culture was required in order to provide unswerving propagandafor the new order and thus ensure its stability. Another imposed requirement was that it should base itself on the reference culture of Russia in order to bond this peripheral ethnic land with the mother country. Works in the Belarusian language were welcomed only for less esteemed art forms, while more prestigious ones such as the cinemaor op- era were almost exclusively in Russian. Scientific re- search into humanitarian disciplines was allowed in Belarusian, but all technical, exact and natural sciences were forced to use Russian. There was also an implicit veto on translation from world languages into Belarusian. The outside world was only supposed to reach Belarusian minds through Russian mediation. Belarusian culture was reserved for the backward countryside and peasantry, or for cultural rituals and a touch of “local colour,” whereas the urban population Viktar Piatrou during his performance in frames and all the leading, attractive fields of life had to serve of the exhibition “Kingdom of Belarus,” Podkowa Lesna. the Russian culture. This policy was eventually in- Photo: Archive of Modern History tended to lead to the complete assimilation of Belarusians, as urbanisation advanced across the As paradoxical as it may sound to aforeign ear,the country. In turn, the high rate of urbanisation was lowly status of the Belarusian language and culture has brought about by the unequal living standards and op- always been a direct result of the stigma attached to portunities for social realisation which existed between Belarusians who speak Belarusian in the formally inde- the city and rural areas. pendent Republic of Belarus. The official propaganda According to the official doctrine, Russification (in the of Alaksandar Lukashenka’s Sovietising regime follows form of Sovietisation) was considered to be progressive. the old pattern of presenting Belarusian-language cul- However,the Soviet authorities’ plans implied it should be ture (feared for its independence and irreconcilability) pursued gradually and without force in order to avoid pro- as being the culture of a limited group of political tests and dissatisfaction. The Soviet ideological and scien- semi-dissidents (“either agents of the West,or horrible tific doctrines presumed the Belarusian language and nationalists” ), writers (“ungifted graphomaniacs”), culture would vanish,giving way to their Russian counter- and backward, uncivilised villages with no future. This parts. “The sooner we start speaking Russian, the sooner is exactly what makes many Belarusian intellectuals we will build communism,” claimed Soviet leader Nikita (Belarusian- and Russian-speakers alike) insist on the Krushchev during an inspection visit to Minsk. This put need for positive discrimination against Russian-lan- psychological pressure onto Belarusian-speakers, making guage culture, and for affirmative action in favour of increasing numbers of people accept and adopt Russian the Belarusian-language and cultural minority, if the cultural codes. Belarusian cultural and artistic figures who political situation should ever change. In their opinion,

7 it is only through such action that further discrimina- local, regional, or even as a “Polish intrigue.” These tion against Belarusian-speakers could be stopped, differing concepts are in fact two sides to one colonial ap- and permanent foundations for a Belarusian state sys- proach. In the meantime, the Belarusian culture is still in tem could be laid. Those intellectuals consider that existence, shaping the national consciousness, and cop- supporting Belarusian culture would be more than the ing with its post-colonial complexes and the handicap that mere repayment of a historical debt and a restoration has built up over years of national dependence and com- of historical justice : it would make a sizeable contribu- munist deformation. tion towards cementing the country’s national identity Gerder wrote “a poet is the creator of a people; he and civil society. gives them a world to observe, holds their souls in his hands.” His words ring doubly true when applied to Undiscovered treasures the national development of peoples with a short state The 20th century saw the crystallisation of tradition. Writers, philologists and historians were the Belarusian cultural identity. However, wars and assimi- smiths of national identity for Belarusians, just as they lation processes turned this country of four or five cul- were in all the Central and Eastern European nations tures (Belarusian, Russian, Polish, Jewish, and that started to form quite late and had no nationalbour- Ukrainian to the south) into a bicultural country, geoisie in the early stages of their nations were taking namely Belarusian and Russian. In fact one could say it shape (e.g. Ukraine, Slovakia, Macedonia, or Bosnia). became one Soviet culture, which the official ideology In Belarus, where the national formation process is not termed “national in form, socialist in content.” yet complete, culture plays an altogether special, ex- The burden of this Soviethood was much heavier for clusive role. Belarusian culture to bear than Russian. A lot of w hat was allowed in the metropolis was considered to be Divided nation, divided culture ideological crime on the ethnic periphery. Creative The litmus tests to detect the historical and ideologi- Belarusians were under threat of being charged with cal divides in Belarusian culture today are, firstly, the “bourgeois” or “nationalist” deviation (the latter being a (approving or critical) reactions to attempts made by mortal sin), which hobbled their creativity and often ren- Lukashenka’s totalitarian state to control culture and, dered their artistic achievements anachronistic. secondly, different attitudes towards affirmative action Belarusian artists’ chances of creating something mod- favouring Belarusian culture. Beyond these opposing ern and competitive were reduced because the centre world-views of various “pro-staters” and “independ- was constantly creaming off the best creative talents. All ents,” Belarusophiles and Belarusophobes, there is also competitive works that appeared, usually in opposition a linguistic split between cultures based on the to official ideology, were stifled and kept away from the Belarusian and Russian languages. public. When something became impossible to hide The Belarusian-language, “non-Soviet” tradition de- from the domestic audience, it was then banned from clares itself to be the successor of dissident/emigrant being displayed abroad, since all foreign contacts had to culture and independent cultural centres. It mostly con- be made through Moscow. forms to what is known as the “classic spelling” (or Even the best achievements of Belarusian culture Tarashkevitsa), rejecting the changes made to literary (such as the films of Viktar Turau, the novels of Vasil norms during the Soviet period. This school’s main ob- Bykau, essays by Ales Adamovich, ballets by Yauhen jective is to accelerate the creation of a true nation. Hlebau, paintings by Mikhail Savitski or Izrail Basau, tap- The Belarusian-language “state-loyal” tradition is estries by Alaksandar Kishchanka, songs by Pesniary, maintained under the aegis of “creative unions” or sculptures by Andrey Bembel) have either failed to founded in Stalin’s time, and is controlled by a Ministry become worldwide phenomena due to their relative of Culture established under Khrushchev. It remains lack of talent; simply remained unknown to the world faithful to the “official spelling” (or Narkomovka), intro- due to the language barrier or other reasons mentioned duced during Stalin’s rule. This tradition sees its func- above; or were presented abroad as being Soviet or tion asbeing to serve state policy,whatever it might be. just “Russian” works. The most blatant example of the The Russian-language imperialistic tradition is sup- latter is the Belarusian Opera singer Maria Gulegina. ported by Russian nationalist ideology.It does not con- When she became a soloist at the Metropolitan Opera sider the existence of the Belarusian people to be and La Scala, the Russian media and musical critics sufficient grounds for independent national state de- unanimously described her as a “Russian singer,” al- velopment, and therefore ignores Belarusian culture. though she had never lived or worked in Russia. To the followers of this tradition, Belarus is a historical Though it has produced masterpieces of high and error, whereas Russia can be found everywhere one pure art, given rare insights into servility, or presented hears the Russian language. Given the widespread ex- unique examples of martyrdom and tragedy, 20th cen- pansion of the Russian culture, adepts of this tradition tury Belarusian culture has nevertheless remained a feel quite comfortable in Belarus. culture unknown to the world. The Russian-language, Belarusophile imperialistic tra- With a millennium of Christian tradition behind it, plus dition is the youngest of all. Its supporters are Belarusian a rich heritage coming from both East and West, in the political sense. They stand for the independence of Belarusian culture grew from a tangle of Latin, Byzantine Belarus and respect the same historical symbols and Greek, and Slavonic roots. Unfortunately, in the West it is myths that Belarusian-speakers do, but in most situations often seen as something exotic, Oriental and opt for Russian language and culture. Unlike the rulers of ethnographic, while in Russia it is perceived as something the empire, they do not doubt the full value of the

8 Belarusian language, nor do they reject Belarusian culture, (another “political recidivist” banned from travelling and even agree to participate in benefit actions to support abroad by the authorities) and Artur Klinau; or perhaps it. They do not, however, believe in reviving the civil role Lavon Volski, lead singer of the right-on rock band of the Belarusian language and culture, considering them NRM. A philologist specialising in Belarusian will men- to be museum exhibits, and nothing more than symbolic tion the fundamental Belarusian Historical Review,the figures. It goes without saying that this cultural model is “scintillating” literature and arts journal Arche, or the very attractive to the newly-emerged Belarusian official kitschy satirical newspaper Navinki1. All these projects and business elite, which is often of Russian origin. The are produced by young people born in the 1960s and vulnerability of this position lies in its ambiguity and incon- 70s who are not stifled by the burden of the Soviet leg- sistency. The weakness of this “Creole” world-view is that acy.They are now creating a new “humane” and attrac- a Creole culture is easily conquered and diluted by that of tive look for Belarusian culture. Their work under the mother state. A striking example of this is the band pressure from the last dictatorship in Europe is fascinat- Lyapis Trubetskoy — outstanding proponents of a Creole ing for its courage, inventiveness, nonconformity, and culture. world intellectual context, as well as its radical aversion The “independent Belarusian” and “Creole” cultural to any manifestations of autarchy and chauvinism. models are most popular among the young people who The names of Bykau and Nyaklyaev are now will be shaping the outlook of Belarusian culture tomor- well-known even outside the restricted academic circles of row. Whether society is able to overcome its internal di- Warsaw and Kyiv. The demonstrative emigration of Vasil vide depends on mutual recognition from both sides.This Bykau, the patriarch of Belarusian literature, and Vladimir mutual recognition and interest are on the increase thanks Neklyaev, head of the official Belarusian Writers’ Union, to joint resistance against the authoritarian regime that has were acts of protest against the oppression of freedom, taken hold of the country. and totalitarian manipulation of the mass consciousness in Lukashenka’s Belarus. Now they are gone, Belarusian cul- Cultural resistance ture has begun to recover its intrinsic, fundamentally united Contemporary Belarusian culture is facing many attitude towards the key problems of today. challenges. For Belarusian culture, in its fight for democracy The challenge of “degovernmentalisation” and and national independence at the turn of the millen- supporting independent initiatives also means working nium, the formation process is almost complete. to fill the void created by Sovietisation. The only possi- ble way to achieve cultural diversity is by means of painstaking daily work, ranging from translating world classics into Belarusian, to designing new teaching curricula for schools. One ofthe most important tasksisto overcome po- litical nihilism,the allergy to politics which the art world developed as a reaction to compulsory Soviet ideol- ogy. There is an urgent need for cultural figures to re- gain their former involvement in social affairs. The creation of a mass culture is high on today’s agenda.It will be a decisive factor to promote self-heal- ing of cultural mechanisms as such, allowing them to free themselves of state control, and will certainly help in strengthening the Belarusian state. Another vital task is to develop Belarusian studios and promote Belarusian culture in the rest of the world. A more active dialogue with different cultures will help it respond to other challenges, and give it the self-as- surance it lacks today. Returning to the beginning of this article, that is to “Navinki,” Ales Pushkin ’s performance the question of who the new Belarusian culture is asso- ciated with, one has to say that today’s Warsaw or Kyiv intelligentsia will perhaps think of the poet Slavamir Adamovich (the first political prisoner of Lukashenka’s regime, who went through two KGB prisons on a Andrey Dynko, born 1974. Master of arts, graduated from the charge of “calling for an attempt on the head of state’s Minsk Linguistic University.Editor-in-chief of the “Nasha Niva” life” in his poetry); the performance artists Ales Pushkin newspaper, director of the “Arche” magazine.

1 Literally meaning “novelties,” this is also the name of a village near Minsk where Belarus ’ largest psychiatric hospital is situated. The name also resonates with Naviny (“News” ), a serious newspaper which has been banned in the past.

9 Vaclav Areshka CULTURAL MOVEMENTS IN BELARUS. THE 20th CENTURY

1. THE HISTORY OF CULTURAL MOVEMENTS BEFORE 1991

19th century

For many Central European peoples that lost or did not accomplish their sovereignty as states, the road to liberation or renovation went through the cul- tural revival of the nation. Belarus is no exception here. By the 19th century, the Belarusian ethnos, once dominant in the Great Duchy of Lithuania,lost most of its state identity.The top strata of society usually iden- tified themselves as Poles or Russians (depending on whether they belonged to the Catholic or Orthodox Church) and used the corresponding languages. The lower strata, which preserved spoken Belarusian, ei- ther adhered to the same division or considered themselves tuteyshiya (indigenous), without defining Ales Pushkin during his action in front of the President ’ Palace, st their ethnic or historical origin. The written Belarusian July 21 , 1999. Photo: IREX/ProMedia language that had flourished during the Renaissance

10 was wearing out during late 17th and 18th centuries and humanitarian science.Thanks to it,in the course of down to virtual extinction. In the first half of the 19th a decade from the Russian revolution of 1905–07 to century, some Polish intelligentsia of Belarusian ori- that of 1917, the Belarusian movement had grown gin turned to the fact of existence of the Belarusians from a bunch of enthusiasts into a geopolitical factor. with their history and culture. They were romantically On March 25, 1918, the Belarusian Popular Repub- inspired by the folklore and the “roots,” as well as by lic (BPR) declared its independence, which it had to be the contemporary trend of being democratic and fighting for during the next two years. Modern histori- “of-the-people.” Of course,their search was also influ- ans refer to the beginning of the 20th century as the enced by the occupation of the territories of “Nasha Niva time” or “Nasha Niva Renaissance”; the Rzeczpospolita by Russia, Prussia, and Austria. newspaper and its manner of activity as a cultural and During the first half of the 19th century, the phe- educational centre became a model for all the genera- nomenon of “Belarusianness” somehow fascinated tion to come. such writers as Adam Mickiewicz (born in Navahrudak, the heart of Belarus, in a Belarusian gen- 1920s–40s try family), Jan Chechot, Wladzislaw Syrokomla, Jan Barshchewski, and Vincent Dunin-Martsinkevich. The next decades of 1920s-1940s surely were the Some of them collected and reworked Belarusian most tragic period in the history of Belarus: having folklore and used the Belarusian language and lost the BPR initiative, the country found itself di - themes in their work. Generally speaking, most of vided between the Bolshevik Russia and the 2nd those initiatives did not cross the boundaries of so Rzeczpospolita, and later, during World War II, com - called krayovasts — regional patriotism within former pletely under the German occupation. After the war, Rzeczpospolita and the context of Polish cultural the whole of Belarus ended up in the USSR. The term domination. seized country, invented by Janka Kupala for In the second half of the 19th century, some ideas Belarus, continued to hold true despite the existence of a Belarusian state became to show through. Vin- of the fictitious Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Repub - cent Kanstant Kalinowski (1838–1964), one of the lic (BSSR). leaders of an uprising on the territory of the ex-GDL in The Polish authorities of the 2nd Rzeczpospolita did 1863–64, expressed hope for uniting the Belarusian not take well to Belarusian separatism. Nonetheless, gentry and peasants in liberating a “democratic” the Belarusian elites of Western Belarus managed to Belarus. The uprising was harshly smashed causing preserve themselves physically and bring up succes- poet Frantsishak Bahushevich (1840–1900) to voice sors. In the 20s, the Soviet regime was pretty liberal the notion of restoring the Belarusian culture and — in toward the national culture in the BSSR built on the the future — state. His words “Do not abandon our ruins of the BPR, which allowed a short period of language, Belarusian, for not to die!” remain one of flourishing of the Belarusian culture and science; it the key appeals to the Belarusian liberation and cul- came to an end in the 30swith Stalin’shard line for the tural movements hitherto. creation of a single “Soviet nation.” Terror was the main instrument of that policy during more than two 1900–10 decades, and by 1941 it scythed almost all of the na- tional elite, including the majority of writers, philolo- Thus was taking shape the ideology of the gists, and historians. The rest of the nationally aware Belarusian national renaissance. Politically, it had a intelligentsia emigrated or was killed during World prevailingly left, socialist orientation — a majority of War II.After the war,it was the turn of the third gener- its participants were members of the Belarusian So- ation whose sense of being Belarusian was brought cialist Hramada. It is worth noting that almost all of up under the German occupation. them were activists of Belarusian culture: writers, publicists,historians,who went down in history not as 1950s–1970s representatives of some “ national current” w ithin t he Russian or Polish culture. Their role as politicians was The generation that joined grown-up life after Sta- much weaker that that in the building up of the mod- lin’s terror in mid-50s had to start everything all over ern Belarusian culture. again. The terror had left such powerful imprints that In 1906, the Belarusian Socialist Hramada founded the generation continuity was virtually lost: the “Nasha Niva” (Our Cornfield), a Belarusian-language Belarusian intelligentsia that came from the country- newspaper published in Vilna (Vilnius). It became a side or demobilised from the Soviet army and gradu- centre for almost all Belarusian cultural circles. Future ated in the 1950s knew almost nothing about those classics of Belarusian literature — Janka Kupala, Jakub who had been building up “Belarusianness” in the first Kolas, Maksim Bahdanovich, Maksim Haretski, and half of the century. others — worked for it and with it.The nine years of its By the end of the 60s, that was modern literature activity, which included the preparation of the calls the “cultural opposition” had formed. At first it was Belarusian Museum, promoting Belarusian culture unorganised individual statements of teachers, scien- among the broadest public in the country and abroad, tists, or writers, mainly in favour of the defence of the “Nasha Niva” made a radical influence onto the mould- Belarusian language. (For example, in 1957 Branislaw ing of Belarusian ideology, putting together a body of Rzhewski, teacher of the Homel Pedagogical Institute, national culture, development of the literary language was arrested and sentenced to seven years in prison for

11 a campaign of written appeals to the authorities of So- sition was what characterised the last three decades viet Belarus about the discrimination of the Belarusian before the collapse of the USSR in 1991. language. Same year, young philologist Lyavon Bely Artists, such as Yauhen Kulik, Ales Marachkin, and was sentenced for 10 years of imprisonment for Mikola Kupava, portrayed in their drawings and paint- spreading his own verses dedicated to the defence of ings scenes from Belarusian history, staged under- his mother tongue.) In late 50s artist Lyavon Barazna, ground exhibitions and ventured to bring the the founder and ideologist of the cultural opposition in “forbidden” imagery to official ones as well as to book Soviet Belarus started his activity. illustrations. They also collected folklore. Gradually, The Khrushchev thaw in 1956 was clearly a new samizdat (underground publishing) was organised, wave of russification and cultural nihilism through - particularly of banned Belarusian literary works of out the USSR. The party leader said in 1959 in a 1910s-40s. speech dedicated to the 40 th anniversary of the It is worth noting that intelligentsia from the periph- BSSR: “The sooner we all speak Russian, the quicker ery also joined the cultural opposition. For example, we will build communism.” The anti-Belarusian state Mikola Yarmalovich, a retired teacher in Maladzechna, language policy, Soviet propaganda, the presence of in 1963–64 was putting out a hand-written opposition teachers and officials from other Soviet republics magazine called “Padsnezhnik” (Snowdrop), revived in made the Belarusian language and “own” country - 1975 under the name “Hutarki” (Conversations). In side cultural tradition seem “not prestigious,” and 1968 he distributed his book “Following the Traces of the new city population strove to rid of them as soon One Myth” that, for the first time after the war, at- as possible. tempted to formulate a national concept of Belarusian The total sovietisation of Belarusian society and history. There were also some groups founded in cultural life was assisted by the USSR’s central system Harodnya and Navapolatsk. of management,both in the administrative and cultural Many lost their jobs, subjected themselves to party fields. Moscow, the empire centre, divided finance or civil baiting (e.g., the Academic Centre crushed in among the regional centres — capitals of the union re- 1973–74.) Books were banned from publication and publics.Every republic had to feelasaMoscow’sprov- paintings from exhibitions. Lyavon Barazna, who was ince. Everything important was created in the centre; organising (together with Zyanon Paznyak) actions the province was left to react to orders, directives, and against the demolition of historical neighbourhoods in campaigns. As a result, the periphery was losing cre- Minsk in 1972, suddenly died under circumstances still ative initiative while most active creators sought to scarcely known. move close to the centre. The 1960s-70s were characterised by certain politi- A cult figure for the national-minded intelligentsia cal indefiniteness and trying to avoid politics; activists was Larysa Heniush,a prominent poetess who was in were targeting nearest cultural tasks: education, the the centre of the non-Soviet Belarusian life in the promotion of the language, national values, and his- 1930s-40s, and never accepted Soviet citizenship af- tory among as broad public as was possible. ter her release from a detention camp in 1956 — until her death in 1983 in a small provincial town, Zelva. The 1980s – early 1990s Her house turned into a peculiar pilgrimage destina- tion where she was visited by practically all adepts of As a new generation joined the Belarusian cause, the Belarusian movement. Vilnius, where some more the cultural opposition took on a new face. In 1979, stu- representatives of the pre-war Belarusian movement dents of the Belarusian Theatre and Arts Institute and lived, and where Belarusian affairs were not under the Belarusian State University formed what they called such vigilant supervision of special services as in the the Belarusian Vocal and Drama Workshop. It was the BSSR, also attracted the Belarusians. first cultural opposition organisation of the new type. In the 60s, a circle of like-minded people group Founded as a creative association, it was formally ori- around Barazna; they collect information about history ented at certain openness and public forms of activity. and culture, discussed on subjects forbidden under the Folklorist orientation, traditional though for the Soviet regime. One of Barazna’s closest companions Belarusian cultural opposition,was called upon to divert was Zyanon Paznyak, then a young student of theatre the security organs; the association actually set the task criticism, who would become the leader of political op- of taking over the power in the country. position in late 80s. In late 60s and early 70s, Minsk had The Workshop’s example proved fruitful, and by several of such small, more or less connected, groups mid 80s various folklorist, local-studies, and historical discussing national revival. One of them was “Na clubs and circles united mainly young people in Minsk Paddashku” (On the Attic), another — the Academic and other places in Belarus. Their gurus were usually Centre, a circle that started in the Belarusian Academy older people — the so-called sixtiers; however, it was of Science and some higher educational establish- mainly the younger members who held the initiative. In ments and was mainly made up of young scientists 1984, after the Workshop (Maystrownya) was stopped, studying history, literature, and languages. and an underground group called “Nezalezhnasts” (in- In the opinion of the initiators of the cultural oppo- dependence) was founded. Succeeding to the Work- sition, the preservation and development of the lan- shop in Minsk was “Talaka,” founded in 1985, which guage, culture, national and historical awareness, and declared itself as a “fellowship for the protection of his- spreading them among the masseswasto become the torical monuments.” In 1986, a sister “Talaka” group ap- basis for democratic changes in society.Cultural oppo- peared in Homel, and “Pakhodnya” in Harodnya. Those

12 centres were the background of many today’s leaders whether to take away the “chief” Lenin monument in of the political and civic opposition in Belarus, for in- the country (the one in Lenin Square in Minsk), a ma - stance, Vintsuk Vyachorka, Viktar Ivashkevich, and Ales jority of artists, art critics, architects, and ordinary Byalatski. capital dwellers spoke in favour of leaving the monu - Youth cultural associations showed a distinct ten- ment where it stood. The Minskers were rather dency to consolidate.In 1987,the 1st Free Assembly of frightened than inspired by the torn-away head of Belarusian Associations assembled to work out a pol- stone Dzerzhinskiy above the streets of Moscow af- icy aimed at the national cultural and democratic re- ter the defeat of the 1991 coup. The most frequent ar- vival of Belarus. gument, among doubtful proofs of the Lenin’s The founding of the Belarusian Popular Front in aesthetic values, was that “we have got used to him.” 1988 was a general outcome of the cultural opposition One of the first Belarusian cultural projects was the re- activities in 1960s-80s. most of its elder leaders — vival of the “Nasha Niva” newspaper in Vilnius in 1991. A Zyanon Paznyak, Yuras Khadyka, Mikhas Tkachow, group of young writers and journalists, once activists of Yauhen Kulik, Vasil Bykau, etc. — were in one way or “Maystrownya,” “Talaka,” and the “Tuteyshiya” literary another associated with that wave. Younger activists group (headed by talented publicist Syarhey Dubavets), came mostly from “Maystrownya,” “Talaka,” and other wanted not only to print a Belarusian-language newspa- youth cultural associations. In 1990, the declaration of per in neighbouring Lithuania, but to found a model cen- the sovereignty of Belarus was adopted, and next year tre for the creation of modern post-Soviet Belarusian the country’s independence became political reality as culture, development of the classical literary language, anew state tookplace on the map ofEurope — the Re- and forming a new Belarusian cultural elite. The tasks public of Belarus. Its official language was Belarusian, were set according to the scale of the original “Nasha and its flag and emblem inherit the Belarusian histori- Niva” in the 1900s. The place of publishing — Vilnius — cal symbols. was to point out to the tradition, as well as ensure inde- However, the realisation of the goals of the cul- pendence from the uncertain Belarusian political situation. tural opposition and the migration of activity onto the A circle of (mainly young) cultural figures most of whom political field unexpectedly crushed that movement had not been connected with the Soviet tradition and en- and the generation of its founders.Once in the middle visioned their task as conscious ridding the Belarusian cul- of a rough political game and power fight, the cultural ture of Soviet “holy cows.” “Nasha Niva” enjoyed active romantics did not manage to endure their rules. co-operation of writers and journalists from the regions of In the field of arts, the revivalists, adepts of the old Belarus, in the first place from Polatsk and Harodnya, rich concept of cultural opposition, also found themselves in cultural opposition. As a whole, the newspaper really facing a dead end. Art as a school and art as a poster succeeded in establishing a type of cultural organisation no longer fascinated society.The “Pahonya” art group that was new for Belarus: it was simultaneously creative founded in 1991 by amajority of mastersfrom cultural an pragmatic, with pretty high aesthetic criteria and opposition and a lot of young artists demonstrated far-reaching goals. Within a few years “Nasha Niva,” with aesthetic eclecticism in its very first, “victorious” exhi- its cultural journal content, became popular and authorita- bitions. Those exhibitions were open on March 25, tive among Belarusian intelligentsia. Gradually, the it ex- timed to coincide with anniversaries of the declaration panded its activity beyond that of a mere newspaper, of the Belarusian Popular Republic.In 1995,during the publishing books, involving in scientific research, and Lukashenka period, the authorities began to hamper staging exhibitions and concerts. the “Pahonya” exhibitions, which started to turn from In the first half of the 1990s, several other stable art events into political rallies. centres of “non-governmentalism” emerged in the Belarusian culture,for instance,the Fellowship of Free 2. THE SITUATION AFTER 1991 Writers (1993) in Polatsk, which up to now remains one of the most active organisations outside Minsk. In late 70s — early 80s, along with a significant Cultural centres were founded in Harodnya, Mahyleu, folklore movement, there started to develop that of Homel, and Vitsebsk; a movement of publishing and the “neformaly” (informals), which gave rise to most local research was growing. of the political parties and politicised NGOs of the 1990s. During that decade, we believe, the following The Publishing Movement movements played the most essential roles. A definitely important phenomenon of early Upon the Attainment of Independence: 1991–94 1990s was the beginning of what is known as the publishing movement. In the USSR, the printing of Paradoxically, with time the “conservative” camp books and periodicals, and any copying of text was was also joined by some of the former oppositioners under strict control and monopoly of the state. Any and revivalists, and in general, a lot of creative peo - attempts at samizdat (literally: “self-publishing”) ple and cultural functionaries. It was also due to the were harshly punished. Nonetheless, a chronic very heavy burden of Soviet mythology that had shortage of books wanted by the public inspired nu - brought up several generations of Belarusian citi - merous private initiatives of underground printing in zens. It was clearly illustrated by early 90s debate 1970s-80s political samizdat, persecuted with partic - about renaming some streets and removing statues ular vigilance, was but a small current in that sea. The of communist leaders. In the argument about photo- and otherwise copied lot included works on

13 philosophy, psychology, and sociology that were not cial exhibitions. The appearance of private galleries in published in the USSR (e.g., those by Freud, Nietz - early 1990s started a totally different period: the arts sche, Kant, Schopenhauer, and other authors not ac- received access to permanent stage for uncontrolled cepted by the regime), as well as art and religious contacts with the public and critics. literature. The whole territory of the Soviet Union One of the most influential figures of the new was covered by the contact network of science fic - wave was painter and performer Ales Pushkin, and tion fans or those interested in oriental philosophy, active participant in the late-80s youth movement, who translated tens of texts from English or even who was many times detained by the police for in- Japanese and exchanged them, usually by post. volvement in “unauthorised rallies”: in 1989 he was Meanwhile, Belarusian cultural opposition was put on probation for two years for organising a hap- looking for, making copies of, and spreading texts pening dedicated to the 71st anniversary of the BPR; in that were considered fundamental for the Belarusian 1999 convicted for a happening that referred to the liberation movement. Those were texts by termination of Lukashenka’s legitimate presidency. A Kanchewski, Lastowski, Stankevich, forbidden works member of “Pahonya,” he managed to effectively by Janka Kupala, Larysa Heniush, and Western combine the basic principles of the Belarusian cultural Belarusian press of 1920s–30s. opposition with those of art avant-garde and the real- In early 1990s, a number of publishing companies ity of contemporary social life. In 1993 Ales Pushkin were founded specifically to put out Belarusian books. founded a private art gallery “At Pushkin’s” in At first those were mainly reprints of works dating back Vitsebsk. It was an innovative gallery, not only be- to the first half of the 20th century (a series of books like cause it was one of the first private ones in Belarus, that was published via the Fellowship of the Belarusian but due to the fact that it turned into an active cultural Language). Among private Belarusian publishers centre that staged exhibitions, seminars, and actions. founded at that time, it is worth mentioning It was a centre of social activity with an expressed na- “Batskawshchyna” (Fatherland), “Khata” (House, tional democratic orientation. Soon it was closed. Despite its short life, “At Pushkin’s” became the symbol of the Belarusian gallery movement. In the first half of the 90s throughout Belarus there appeared tens of small independent galleries. The most famous, apart from “At Pushkin’s,” were “Shostaya Liniya” — The 6th Line — Minsk, “Vita Nova” — Minsk, “Kawcheg” — Minsk, “Zyalyony Dom” — Green House — Homel,“Alter Ego” — Minsk, “Salyaniya Sklady” — Salt Storehouses — Vitsebsk, and others. Belarus not having a normal art market, most of the galleries existed thanks to the aid and en- thusiasm of their founders. Almost none of them man- aged to carry on as purely commercial ventures. Such galleries as, for example “Shestaya Liniya,” soon turned into influential centres of modern arts. In the course of a few years, the gallery movement changed the map of Belarusian art life radically: the bright new names of artists, including Ihar Timofey Izotov ’s exhibition — new Belarusian realism Kashkurevich, Viktar Piatrow-Khrutski, Artur Klinau, Alyaksandar Rodzin, surfaced from underground Home, or Hut), “Technology,” “Lecture,” the publish- and began to outline the face of Belarusian art. Unlike ing company of the Belarusian Humanitarian Educa- Ales Pushkin, most of those artists were not con - tional and Cultural Centre, the publishing initiative of nected with the Belarusian cultural opposition; how - the Polatsk-based Fellowship of Free Writers, “Navia ever, after a while they rather energetically Morionum,” “Arc,” and others. Later this movement of expressed their belonging in Belarus. It was also in- publishers was joined by the foundations “NashaNiva” fluenced by a radical change the Belarusian society and “Euroforum”; there appeared a semi-governmen- underwent in 1995. The termination of “At Pushkin ’s” tal institution called “The Belarusian Books Collection.” opened the period of decline of the Belarusian art The first half of the 1990s was marked by the liberty of galleries. Actually, Lukashenka ’s regime as such did publishing enabled by unclear legislation and chaotic not fight private art galleries. It rather created a situa - attempts by Belarusian publishers to gain a stable tion in which nobody could help galleries. The au- place in the market. thorities ’ obvious dislike for anything private and free deprived galleries of support from the state and The Gallery Movement state-owned companies, while a general economic crisis in the country removed private sponsors. In the 1980s, as governmental control faded, un- Despite certain drawbacks, the cultural and educa- derground artists,musicians,and writers began to ap- tional policy of the Belarusian state in 1991–94 was on pear in Belarus. Newly founded arts groups like the whole based on concepts worked out within the “Form,” “Black Square,” and others organised unoffi- Belarusian liberation movement. Censorship in its So-

14 viet form was practically non-existent during that time. cades,the majority of the new cultural opposition were The people’s rights to freedom of speech and con- not content with the niche of underground art.Writers, science, to cultural self-determination were being lim- artists, actors, and musicians wanted contacts with au- ited, if anything, by economic factors, while the stature dience, the press, their colleagues in Belarus and and popularity of the Belarusian language grew notice- abroad. ably. However, Lukashenka’s era was marked by grad- It is possible to say that the mutual disliking be- ual but radical 90-degree turn in all the areas. tween the state and culture made independent cul- tural centres more active throughout the country. The Upon Lukashenka’s Coming to Power: state’s lacking resources for and interest in culture 1995–2000 damaged the state-run sector of culture more. Those who had abandoned the state “trough” were now Although Lukashenka was elected president in better off with their hands free and relying one their 1994,the real turn the cultural (as well as linguistic and initiative and talents, although without certain “social educational) policy began in 1995, after a referendum guarantees.” he called against parliament’s will. The dubious re- Mid 1990s were marked by the consolidation of sults of that referendum were used as a basis for the existing cultural forces into rather established cen- returning of Soviet-like symbols and the assignment tres. In 1995, “Nasha Niva” founded a foundation un- of Russian as another official language. der the same name,whose tasksincluded to set up an Old-school censorship was reintroduced to book information, educational, and cultural infrastructure, publishing and the press: this moment can be distinctly not only for the needs of national democratic political identified as late 1994 when newspapers came out with opposition but with to enable the rise of a express blank columns instead of a statement about fully-fledged European nation. During the next years corruption in Lukashenka’s close entourage. The mate- the foundation was publishing both the newspaper rial was banned from the press and deleted from ready and books. Within it, the Archive of Modern History layouts by information minister Feduta. was organised in 1996, a new type of organisation for Frankly speaking, the new regime never put to- Belarus: it functioned as a non-governmental educa- gether a particular cultural policy (there was nobody to tion centre, collecting and registering “traces” of do it), and it was pursued, if any, intuitively, to “please” modern history of the Belarusian society, mainly epi- president. Thus, the state generously backed pomp- sodes of the liberation movement and repression. In ous events called upon to extol “Slavic brotherhood,” 1997 “Nasha Niva” began to unfold a large-scale like the “Slavyanski Bazar” or “Zalaty Vityaz” (Golden programme of presenting newest non-conformist Knight), or collectives particularly close to the authori- culture of Belarus under a general title “Kingdom of ties,like the court big band directed by Mikhail Finberg. Belarus” which we will return to below. Generally, the president was more into sports and At that time in Minsk there was a strengthening physical education: the construction of “ice palaces” in group of young philosophers and writers associated almost every large town of the country used up budget with the centre “Euroforum” which published maga - funds that could have been used to support museums, zines “Fragments” and “Forum” as well as books. An - libraries, theatres, or culture clubs. other centre that influenced the cultural situation was Creative intelligentsia and intellectuals in general “Bumbamlit,” a group of young writers inspired by were once again facing the choice of whether to ad- philosopher Valyantsin Akudovich. In Polatsk, the just themselves and service the regime or oppose the Fellowship of Free Writers directed by Ales Arkush regime that ultimately showed itself as anti-Belarusian and Vintses Mudrow became an influential centre: it and anti-democratic. published the “Kalosse” (Ears of Crop) literary maga - The year 1995 can be marked as the return of cul- zine and many books, mainly collected poetry and tural opposition in Belarus, or, more precisely, the rise prose by young authors, and staged various art of its new wave, qualitatively different from the previ- events. ous ones. Firstly, it was much stronger: as an old In 1995–96, Minsk even had an independent FM “oppositioner” put it,“twenty yearsago we could allbe radio station, “101.2,” which to some extent func- put in one bus, whereas now we would perhaps take tioned as an cultural information centre. It was this several trainloads.” Secondly, there had been founded station that stimulated Belarus’ most famous musical various political and other non-governmental struc- project in the 90s — “The Popular Album.” tures and centres (parties, creative associations, local General tendencies that prevailed in independ- studies clubs, NGOs, galleries, publishers, independ- ent culture of middle and late 1990s were formu- ent press)interested in national culture and involved in lated in the above-mentioned programme the cultural process.And thirdly,the total Soviet lack of “Kingdom of Belarus.” The name,borrowed from a freedom was no longer there. story by Marian Brandys, symbolised the final One result of that situation was an exodus of tal- shaping of another, parallel to the official one, cul- ented authors from Belarus (not to work for some time ture of Belarus. That alternative culture did not but for good), another was social marginalisation of want to abide by the rules suggested by the re- non-conformist creative intelligentsia. It might look as gime. The civil enthusiasm of 1996–97 essentially if a new underground movement was forming; how- formed a distinct parallel society in Belarus — the ever, unlike the Soviet underground whose relations society of those who did not want to live in with the regime sustained a certain status quo for de- Lukashenka’s Republic of Belarus. That society had

15 its own language — the Belarusian tarashkevitsa; democratic theory. Thus was formed the circle of its own national symbols — the flag and emblem mainly Minsk-based and quite professional Belarusian banned by Lukashenka; its own press, literature, publishing groups. and arts. Paradoxical and romantic, the “Kingdom” With the help of the Soros Foundation, a state-in - was a precise, essential opposition to the artificial dependent book distribution network was underway puppet “republic” painted in dead Soviet red and (in Belarus today the majority of book stores are green. state-owned or connected with the single state-run The programme organisers succeeding in stag - distribution network — the “Belkniha”). As of now, ing a performance very innovative for Belarus: it in- there are only two private book stores, one in Minsk volved artists, writers, musicians, and new and another in Harodnya. One of the remaining inde - generation theatre. Their “Belarusianness” was not pendent book stores selling linguistic international confined to painting horsemen with swords or literature at the linguistic faculty of the Belarusian Zyanon Paznyak’s portraits, like that of former State University was closed in 2000, simultaneously “Pahonya” classics. The key point was that for them with the termination of the British Council in Belarus. Belarus, with her traditions and problems, became a And still, despite all obstacles, a set of publishers creative centre. In all other respects they were within had formed over the past five years who collectively most modern trends of world arts. managed to publish an influential body of Belarusian State pressure and ripen internal conflicts destroyed texts. It is worth mentioning books by the Belarusian “Nasha Niva” and “Euroforum,” influential and structured Humanitarian Educational and Cultural Centre, the “Ar- organisations, by 2000. They were succeeded by more chive of Modern History” series (started by the “Nasha mobile organisations, not burdened by staff, bank ac- Niva” foundation and now continued by the associa- counts, and personal superambitions, and capable of tion “Dyaryush”), publications of the Polatsk Fellow- taking over their functions — “Dyaryush,” “Cultural Con- ship of Free Writers and the “Brama” (Gate)association tact,” and the Belarusian M usical Alternative. Gifted in Mahyleu, a series of the Belarusian Historical Review youth that left “Euroforum,” started the “Arche” and magazine, publications of the Belarusian Book Review, “Arche-Skaryna” magazines, which immediately occu- “Technology,” “Lecture,” etc. pied prestigious places in the Belarusian cultural set. The Those are mainly publishers who try to stay on the Young Front also showed itself as an organiser of cul- surface by retaining certain lawfulness of their books tural actions. In 1999, an organisation called the Associa- which means the opportunity to influence a broader, tion of Contemporary Arts was founded in Minsk to unite “uninvolved” reader. Their books are distributed via re- those who had co-operated within “Kingdom of Belarus” gional NGOs and their branches, by post cash on deliv- and artists from other groups and regions. The Associa- ery, and through official book stores whenever tion founded its activity on the following criteria: to be possible. Distribution remains one of the main prob- non-conformist, avant-garde, and Belarusian in the lems of the publishing movement. broad sense. The Association’s most famous action was Given the situation of political fighting and censor- “Navinki,” an annual international performance festival. ship, attempts have been made to start totally under- ground publishing bodies,modelled after those under The Publishing Movement the military regime in Poland. One of the examples is “KONTRA-PRESS” which published in 2000 a collec- Lukashenka’s regime tried to re-introduce state tion of pamphlets about Lukashenka titled ‘Idiot the control over the publishing business and books’ con- Most Real One’. tent. The main instrument here was “regulation of tax- The musical movement and other movements,in- ation and legislation.” In 1997, a majority of publishers creasingly influential mainly among young people, lost their legal status as a result of “re-licensing” the are described in separate sections, therefore we shall publishing business which was carried out with the ac- proceed with an account of the cultural situation in count of the political loyalty of organisations. Belarus before and after Lukashenka’s election — Since 1998 many of them operated unlicensed — from early till the end of the 1990s. illegally or under cover of someone else’s licences. The themes on their printing plans were as follows: Regions Belarusian history and other humanitarian subjects, lit- tle-known books by Belarusian classics, newest The Belarusian periphery has changed greatly over Belarusian literature, and translations into Belarusian. the second half of the 1990s. There has been a notice- Simultaneously with the establishment of a num- able rise of the number and quality of non-governmen- ber of relatively stable publishing initiatives, there ap- tal organisations which are in one way or other involved peared a circle of small private printing houses in cultural activities. This happened both due to internal associated with them. The printers were also sub- tendencies and assistance of some western sponsors, jected to tax and legislative pressure. above all the IDEE foundation. Traditionally, the prevail- The Belarusian branch of the Soros Foundation ing type of regional organisations are those involved in realised the importance of co-operating with the pub- local studies, however, there is no shortage of creative lishing movement, and in 1995 a number of publishers groups and folklore collectives. were invited to the programme “Open Society Series” The recent years’ tendency of setting up regional that consisted mainly of Belarusian translations of the resource centres has been playing an important role. basic texts of the world humanitarian science and Many organisations functioning as information and

16 coordination centres together with media, educa- state in cultural initiatives witnesses the real essential tional, or social programmes, carry out or support role of the non-governmental community in Belarus. projects in history or arts, publish books, compila- This was noted during a round table meeting of cul- tions,or magazines.The cultural life of the third sector tural organisations in Minsk in February 2000, and by is most active, of course, in regional towns: in the 2nd Assembly of Non-Governmental Democratic Harodnya, for example, a lot of cultural initiatives re Organisations in January same year. supported by “Ratusha”; there operates the Western Traditionally, Belarusian opposition politicians and Belarusian Cultural Initiative, the Norbut Local leaders of civic movements treat culture as a second Studies’ Fellowship, “Pakhodnya,” etc. In Mahyleu, rate issue.It isaparadox,given that many of them came apart from “Brama,” there is an organisation “Kola from the cultural opposition. However, as time went on Syabrow” (Circle of Friends) to help cultural activists. and they began to influence the situation,the adopted a Among Byerastse organisations, worth noting are the traditional Soviet approach to culture. “Bergamot” creative group and the Napoleon Orda In 2000, the non-governmental initiative “Cultural association. However, strong cultural organisations Contact” developed a programme of support of cul- are now operating in many district centres of Belarus, tural initiatives in Belarus, aimed exactly on the widen- namely Navahrudak, Baranavichy, Lida, Polatsk, etc. ing of inter-organisational contacts, joint actions, the Fellowship of the Belarusian Language works in information exchange and cross-advertising. The bul- this field virtually everywhere, as do associations of letin of the Belarusian Association of Resource Centres ethnic minorities. Cultural structures are usually started to deliver information about cultural events. closely connected with the local independent press. The state institutions of culture are so inefficient and hefty that it is impossible to remedy the situation The Local Studies Movement without a radical reform — even if they had money. However, in our opinion, it is the third sector struc- In Belarus today there are several large regional tures that are capable today of producing an essential associations for local studies, namely the Norbut Lo- positive effect — even with relatively tight financing.It cal Studies Fellowship in Harodnya, the Local Studies is through the development of people’s initiative that Fellowship in Vitsebsk, the Ramanaw Local Studies this country in the middle of Europe can be effectively Fellowship in Mahyleu (which operates as an NGO). salvaged from a cultural and ethnic catastrophe. Apart from that,there isagrowing number of localor- To summarise this account, we can say that the ganisations in districts, towns, or individual schools. Belarusian nation in the second half of the 20th century The search of one’s own “small” history, even per- did not give birth to people like Jerzy Giedroyc, fectly apolitical, inevitably end up in a certain conflict Andrey Sakharov,or Vaclav Havel.There emerged no with the Soviet or Lukashenkist concepts of history, periodicals equal to Parisian “Culture” by neither inspire in young people interest and respect to the thought, nor influence. The Belarusian non-Soviet, ethnic and historical traditions of their land, which free culture has been building up on the work of thou- makes for adequate self-identification of citizens. sands of less respected, less famous persons — sol- The Archive of Modern History in Minsk, with the diers of the cultural movement.However,their exploit methodological assistance of KARTA from Warsaw, does not seem to be in vain. Today we have a held in 1998–99 a national contest for schoolchildren well-formed body of a modern European culture, titled “Daily life in Belarus: 1945–65” with about 200 have all the necessary basis for development, for the individual and group contestants. In 200, the Archive integration into the community of free nations. How- initiated the contest “My Genealogy. The Family Fate ever, today Belarus finds itself in a situation where it in the 20th Century.” needs a helping hand and real support, in the political Today a tendency is felt for a nation-wide demo- and economic fields as well as culture. cratic movement of local studies NGOs and, possibly, their national association. As for international ties, the cultural NGOs tradition- Vaclav Areshka, born in 1955. Graduated from the Belarusian ally have close contacts with Poland. It is worth noting Academy of Arts in Minsk,a specialist in history of culture and theatre. Author of the thesis “The Radziwill Theatre in Germany, Sweden, other Baltic countries, and the Nesvezh.” Used to work in the Belarusian Youth Viewer Thea- Ukraine. Until recently, there have been practically no tre, Belarusian National Museum, he was a lecturer of history contacts with the Balkans, whereas those with devel- and theory of culture at the Belarusian Academy of Arts. oped Western European countries are rather close. Un- Co-operated with independent publishing houses like “Navia like the official cultural ties, contacts with Russian Morionum” and “Nasha Niva.” In 1996–1999 worked for the “Nasha Niva” Foundation, co-ordinating its cultural and edit- colleagues play a much smaller role, and some ing projects. Starting from 1989, he has been working as a Belarusian organisations consciously avoid such part- programme’ co-ordinator at the Civil Society “Dyaryush,” nership. works mainly with editing programmes. Translated for “Spadcina” and other magazines texts by Polish authors of Sometimes cultural initiatives in the third sector th th are really more influential on the cultural situation in 17 –20 centuries — Franciszka Urszula Radziwill, Marcin the regions, on the “outward face” of the contempo- Matuszewicz,Henryk Rzewuski,Stanislaw Mackiewicz,Michal Kazimierz Radziwill, Hieronim Florian Radziwill and Sergiusz rary Belarusian culture, than the whole work of the Piasecki. Author of numerous essays on culture and theatre, ministry of culture, no matter that they have much as well as documentary films’ scenarios and texts for children. less funds at their disposal and are usually not wel- Co-operator of Belarusian branch of Radio Svoboda and comed by authorities. The tendency to take over the Programme 2 of Polish Radio.

17 Olga Kopyonkina ALBARUSSIA: LOGIC OF THE NOMOS

The main criterion to identify the Republic of Belarus and a Russian woman having children, who are among other East-European cultural zones is related to obviously Ukrainians or Lithuanians, illustrates the con- the quality of its borders. The development of culture tinuity of ethnic composition,which was the main factor within the territories of the former state of determining culture in the frontier zone. Perhaps that is Rzeczpospolita (Belarusian lands used to constitute one why Belarus is not still recognised at international art of its parts) was determined by the permanent migra- scene, and it continues to attach itself to some tion, transparency and looseness of borders between “supolnost” (e.g. community) existing in our historical the internal ethnic territories. It was only clear that Ger- memory. Presently the artistic situation in Belarus is deter- mined by two generations. One was formed in the 70s and 80s and is based upon the ideas and aesthetics of underground.The other one,which had not revealed it- self till few years ago, is that of the 90s, its main charac- ters stake on their own biography, not binding themselves to any traditions, successions or identities. It is paradoxical that when appearing on the interna- tional scene both generations avoid or are scared of public presentations and therefore subscribe to joint projects (uniting artists from different countries who vary by their level and quality), which serves to the res- toration of the West-Russian brotherhood, which once existed in Rzeczpospolita,and to the legitimising of their choice to be with somebody (and with whom exactly) or to remain with themselves. However the features of the Belarusian artistic con- sciousness are best seen in the international projects and abroad. One of such project was a joint Ger- man-Belarusian exhibition project called Texts, organ- ised by the Goethe-Institut and shown in Minsk and several German cities. The art matter of the Belarusian part of the exhibition consisted of the text fragments, image symbols, which most likely appear in the mo- ment of removing the language from its experience and not from the desire of its textualisation.A Belarusian art- ist at an internationalrendez-vous is seemingly breaking the rules by not bringing in any clear statement, neither discarding nor approving of anything. The artist sub- consciously opposes any form of determination, break- ing the links within symbols and codes, ruining the symbol, which has not yet emerged, and registering these ruins. Something of this kind is demonstrated in the work of Ihar Kashkurevich (at Texts). It is a text in German written on avertical panel and accompanied by arrows pointing at several bins, which seem to be de- tached from the Soviet urban context.We are as if living Ludmila Rusova, performance within the circle of permanent reminiscence of dis- courses, which have never started, of unpronounced many lies to the West, while Russia is in the East. The statements and unclear meanings. Hence the verbal frontier zone was involved in a continuous process of shortage and the impossibility of putting together a “values migration” that withdrew all issues related to Belarusian artist and language matter and presenting the cultural identification with an ethnic factor and this artist as a consumer or a source of information. shaped almost tactile perception of the Other and his Within the self-determination of the contemporary determination in oneself. The joke about a Polish man Belarusian topos one discovers the former communist

18 province’s experience with its predestination of an programs have not yet appeared in Minsk, might be that empty ideological zone intended for the implementa- local artistic environment prefers pure strategy without tion of some political project. rear or concrete battlefields. It is dissipated like sand in a If the Belarusian post-communist experience has desert, and realises itself through personal actions. In or- brought anything at all, it is the feeling of the legitimisa- der to get acquainted with this strategy one has to study tion of its borders — a factor, which induced a neurosis the territory.That is sometimes called partisan nomadism, of isolation (or the end of thisconnection with the Other) which is the main feature of the Belarusian art situation. In and distance, perceived by the local artistic circles the Western structured and dismembered universe, rather as aloss than as an acquisition.This experience is where a Belarusian artist appears to be a migrant and compensated by art projects connected with the feeling where traditional and new, technological and hand-made of athreshold,zero space,stop point,from which anew coexist without conflicts, where everything seems legiti- communicative movement can start and create the re- mised, partisan paraphernalia are becoming a communi- quired field of interpretation in order to help construct- cative code, which helps an artist to establish him- or ing new forms of relationships with the West. From this herself in the external international world. Everything, point of view, understanding of the solidity any precise which used to be the depth, becomes the width and the character of the borders corresponds to the statement surface, where all events are seen as if through a looking by the Russian writer Daniil Kharms about one unit to glass. That is an explanation of the exhibition called The register the world. “We are our most comfortable Kingdom of Belarus, presently touring Poland, where the shape. Now when we have become totally independ- republic is presented as some East Slavic dissident zone ent,let us clean our facets to clarify where our presence (in contradiction to the empty ideological zone status). ends” (Daniil Kharms). Here we find that the coarse material objects and installa- At the present the main image for the Belarusian art tions with an unclear metaphorical meaning really depict consciousness is the image of an absolute periphery, the territory’s psychology more precisely than any picture when the whole world, Moscow and the West, turn into with some Belarusian landscape on it. The meaning ap- something external compare to Belarus. The centre pears where the event “leaves the premises,” appears at seems to be elsewhere. We feel as if having a house on the surface.It is important not to slide down from this sur- the North Pole, in which all windows face South; at the face back into the depth: into the false depth of the under- same time we feel at a safe distance from contemporary ground and discussions of national, territorial and other world. In his Treatise of Nomadology G. Deleuze set off a types of identity. nomad against a migrant in relation to the space: the con- However the lack of symbols, the visual tinuously perceived “space of individual events” of a no- indecipherability of the Belarusian territory has become mad, which changes its structure reacting to the frontier’s one of the main experiences of the local artistic circles. migration; and the space of a migrant — closed, exhaus- Photo projects presented by Igor Savchenko, small, with tive, centred. The image of a nomad, described by inexpressive spatial motives,intended for the most banal Deleuze,is close to the identity of apartisan,existing in the exhibiting, reflected the character of the area, impossible Belarusian art consciousness. Contemporary Belarusian to be defined by its surface. The lack of a symbol, which art is trying to develop a psychology of a nomad-partisan could be used for the area identification is the main fea- and a migrant (as defined by Deleuze) simultaneously, e.g. ture of the border territory, which can determine cultural to apply self-determination strategy through the context and territorial identity. and to separate from it. In 1994-1997 everybody’s atten- For any outer world representative such projects tion was drawn by two exhibitions held in Minsk and match the “in-between” category: between stable Vitsebsk, which were engendered by the context and meanings, concepts and myths. Once the border crite- turned the real available being into their own material.The rion still exists, the communicative space can appear most interesting was the Partisan Galleries project by Ihar only between the territories bearing the experience of Tishin, in which the exposition, consisting of various being distanced. It is like recently, when artists from items, pictures and photos seemed absolutely naturally Eastern Europe created images of mobile periphery raised from the environment. The being was chosen in within European cultural space. the shape of a private house transformed into a storage of It seems that Belarusian art can use the Western de- partisan folklore. The disposition of things was interesting. sire to expand its cultural horizon, and to establish itself Things were dissipated in the space, they conquered the in the Western consciousness as some metaphysical space, appearing in one or another place. The house as a frontier zone, involving some additional, but necessary nomos, the intermittent space, expressed the essence of articulation of the contemporary world picture. the artistic experience of the Belarusian territory, based on the partisan movement strategy. Tishin suggests this The text is published thanks to the editors of “Parti- strategy as the only way of “territorialisation and san” magazine, Minsk 2002. deterritorialisation” (as defined by Deleuze), preventing the enemy from reading and acquiring the area. Tishin’s projects define the role of an artist as a liaison officer be- Olga Kopyonkina — graduated from Slavonic philology’ faculty tween his own territory and the external evident world.He of the Belarusian State University, deals with history and cri- tique of contemporary art.In 1990s,worked asa curator in “The moves his territory’s frontiers, expands the spring-board Sixth Line” Gallery and a lecturer of history of contemporary art changes the location of centres and totally annihilates at the European Humanistic University in Minsk. In 1998 emi- them, rejecting the polis and approving of the nomos.The grated to The U.S.A., in 2001 graduated from curators’ studies reason why contemporary art institutions with serious at the Bard College in New York.

19 Alena Areshka VIOLATION OF CULTURAL RIGHTS IN BELARUS

The violation of culture-related human rights is education (Art. 48); to retain their ethnic identity, to widespread and frequent in Belarus. It is generally use their mother tongue, to choose a language for known that human rights are protected both on the communicating with other people (Art. 50); the right international and national levels. International hu - to freedom of artistic, scientific or technical creativity man rights standards are developed. Individual and teaching (Art. 51). Moreover, every citizen is countries then bring their legislation in line with guaranteed freedom of thought, opinion and free ex- those international standards. The Republic of pression (Art. 33); while censorship as well as the Belarus declares that all its legislative acts conform monopolisation of the mass media by the state, with the basic provisions of the Universal Declaration non-governmental associations or individuals are of Human Rights under which every person has the not allowed (Art. 33). right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion The Law on Culture in the Republic of Belarus was (Art. 18). The Republic of Belarus ratified the Interna - adopted in 1991. Under this law, enterprises and insti- tional Pact on Social, Economic and Cultural Rights. tutions of art and culture are independent in terms of Under Article 15 of the Pact every person has the choosing their artistic programmes and repertoire, right to participate in cultural life, use the achieve - and have the right to promote and distribute works of ments of scientific progress and its practical applica - art and culture in various genres,forms and styles.Of- tions, the protection of their moral and material ficials or state institutions have no right, unless pro- interests that may appear in relation to any scientific, vided with adequate motivation, to ban, limit or stop literary, or artistic work. Every participant country in cultural actions, exhibitions, publications or perfor- the Pact is to respect freedom that is unconditionally mances of art works or other products of cultural ac- necessary for scientific research or creative work, tivity intended for public display or distribution. In and acknowledge the benefits of developing and en - cases when cultural actions are stopped or limited, couraging international contacts and co-operation in those concerned have the right to legal redress in a science and culture. On the national level, Belarus court of law concerning the related decision made by has brought its laws in line with international stan - an official or an organ of government (Art. 24). The dards. Thus, according to the Belarusian constitu - Republic of Belarus guarantees freedom of publishing tion, every citizen of Belarus has the right to and distribution of printed products regulated by its legislation (Art. 29). In reality, however, all these rights are highly lim- ited by various legal acts that essentially regulate cul- ture-related issues. Since 1997, the freedom to publish hasbecome dependent on anumber of provi- sions. For instance, the resolution of the State Press Committee issued on 21 May 1997 to establish princi- ples for issuing and using publishing licences has ipso facto strongly limited freedom of publishing due to the very need to obtain a licence from the state.In or- der to obtain a licence,a full-time employee of the ap- plying publishing house (with a related degree and at least three years of work experience in the publishing business) has to pass a qualification test. Andrey Fyadorchanka, an expert publisher of the Humanitar- ian Foundation “Nasha Niva,” who met all of the above-mentioned requirements, failed the qualifica- tion test in late 1997.He was unofficially informed that Artur Klinau, the “Columbarium of World Literature” project he would never pass the examination because he be-

20 longed to a publishing house that printed independ- mercial enterprises. Over the past five years, some ent literature. Indeed, after the authorities suspended nationally well-known art galleries have disap - all publishing licences on 1 December 1998, most of peared, including “Shostaya Liniya” (The Sixth Line), the independent printers failed to renew them and “Kawcheg” (The Ark), and “Alter Ego” in Minsk and have since placed orders elsewhere (including foreign “Zyalyony Dom” (Green House) in Homel. As a re - publishers). As a result, publishing costs borne by sult, cultural figures that are trying to retain creative Belarusian NGOs increased. independence and a civic conscience are being Similarly, the resolution on the state registration forced out of cultural life. Many have had to tempo - (re-registration) of political parties, trade unions and rarily or permanently leave the country. Vasil Bykau other non-governmental organisations stated that af- and Svyatlana Aleksiyevich are two examples of art - ter the year 2000, all parties, unions and organisa - ists who have had to emigrate in order to live and tions have to register (or re-register) within a certain work. The scale of artists emigrating from the coun - period of time. The time limitation and multitude of try, especially young artists, is frighteningly large. minute formalities allow the authorities to selectively The regime has also increased pressure on aca- choose the NGOs it will (re)register. The Justice De - demic and university freedoms — freedoms that Eu- partment of the Minsk City Executive Committee de - rope has cultivated for centuries. This is evidenced nied registration to the non-governmental by the fact that rectors of higher educational institu - association “Cultural Contact” on 7 February 2000 on tions are appointed not on the basis of qualifications the pretext that its statutes contradicted legal re - but on the basis of loyalty to the government. The quirements. A second attempt to register, after the curricula of higher and secondary schools are forced statutes had been adjusted with respect to the neces - to follow the ideological provisions of the sary formalities, also failed on the same grounds. Lukashenka regime. Textbooks written during the Members of “Cultural Contact” were informed by an first years after Belarus declared its independence employee of the Justice Department that an order were virtually banned and abolished a few years ago. came down “from above” not to register the associa - They have been replaced with “new” textbooks in tion that had spontaneously staged a series of which old Soviet dogmas are restored and imperial - large-scale international non-governmental activities ist ideas of “Slavic unity” predominate. These essen - including the “Minsk Spring 2000” International tially racist and fascist ideas adopted by the ruling Theatre and Music Festival. Therefore, despite the regime are disseminated with the assistance of the fact that Belarus has ratified international documents state-owned media, forced into the educational sys - that impose certain obligations, and national legisla - tem, beautified by a few obedient artists, composers tion conforms to international standards, the state vi- and writers as well as promoted through state bud - olates human rights in the sphere of culture. get-funded festivals. Consequently, the cultural originality and independ - Current government policy includes the elimina - ence of this European nation is being abolished and tion of the Belarusian language (in a country in which conditions are being created for the elimination of its more than 70% of the population is Belarusian). The identity. The mass of legal acts, their subjective inter - native language is being forced out of education, me- pretation and the lack of appropriate opportunities dia, science, and the arts. The number of schools in for redress to an independent court authority make which the language of instruction is Belarusian has the activity of many artists and non-governmental declined several times during the past four years; cultural institutions semi-legal. print runs of books are lower; the Belarusian lan- Other than applying pressure by legal means, the guage is rarely heard on state-owned radio and TV. present authorities frequently use other prohibited Human rights organisations are noting incidents of methods. For example, the government censors or the police arresting and beating people for speaking bans selected books, periodicals, art exhibitions and Belarusian in the streets. Performances of Belarusian films by issuing a spoken order or through a tele - rock bands who sing about love and freedom in the phone call. Occasionally, the governing bodies of native language are being banned (see Appendix) creative associations are forced to issue those bans. while pro-fascist Russian rock bands are allowed to It should be kept in mind that due to the lack of na- give concerts unhindered. tional business circles that could sponsor domestic Censorship is also applied in the theatre and vi- cultural activity, all such associations are fully de - sual arts. The authorities forced the Minsk theatre pendent on the state budget. It should also be noted “Volnaya Stsena” (Free Stage) to change its name to that incomes in the field of culture are among the the Laboratory Theatre of Belarusian Drama. The lowest in the country. The grounds for issuing a ban play The Rise of Arthur VI, a work with anti-totalitar - can also be a subjective interpretation of Article 24 of ian overtones, had to overcome many obstacles in the Law on Culture: “It is prohibited to distribute order to premier. In September 2000 the Belarusian works that call for the violent dismantling or chang - Ministry of Culture fired Valery Mazynski, the thea - ing of the constitutional state order, promote war, vi- tre ’s director of plays, and thereby eliminated a re - olence, and cruelty; racial, national, or religious nowned Belarusian theatre group despite numerous hatred, or pornography.” Another method of sup - appeals to the Ministry in support of Mazynski. pressing cultural life independent of the state is the Belarusian visual artists are becoming subject to creation of unbearable economic conditions for pub - stricter regulations. In 1995 and 1996 exhibitions of lishers and galleries that are taxed as regular com - the “Pahonya” art group, traditionally held on 25

21 March (the day the Belarusian Popular Republic de - for Human Rights, in which deep concern and in- clared its independence in 1918) were censored and dignation was expressed about the fact that the some of its works were removed from the exhibition. film director Yury Khashchevatski was beaten up In 1997 the exhibition was open to the public for only last December. The appeal also stated that Mr. two days. In 1998 the organisers only managed to Khashchevatski is a famous Belarusian film director stage the exhibition in some independent centres in who directed Ordinary President, a documentary the provinces. about Aleksander Lukashenka in which the State-run book publishing houses are subject to Belarusian president is portrayed in an unflattering severe censorship. The board of the Belarusian light. The film was very popular in the world and Encyclopaedia was completely replaced and ideologi- won a special prize at the Berlin Film Festival last cally incompatible articles were removed from already year. However, in Belarus Ordinary President was produced and laid-out volumes. The publication of banned and could be seen only underground. In popular books on history written by independent au- December of last year unidentified people broke thors is hindered (e.g.,Whence Our Kin by Uladzimir into Mr. Khashchevatski’s studio and beat him se- Arlow). Entire sections of some historical works (e.g., verely. The appeal, addressed to president Belarus on Historical Crossroads by American Profes- Lukashenka, stresses that the perpetrators stole sor Jan Zaprudnik) are simply not printed. nothing from the studio so the attack was most It is obvious that the authorities are not inter- likely politically motivated. On behalf of the organi- ested in national culture, but even worse, they are sation, the Executive Director of the Helsinki Com- hostile toward it. This particularly applies to the mittee’s European Department, Holy Cartner, present-day, avant-guard phenomena in demanded the Belarusian president make every ef- Belarusian culture. The combination of the coun- fort to find and punish those responsible. The Hel- try’s financial crisis and the implementation of gov- sinki Committee also called upon president ernment policy under president Lukashenka is Lukashenka to allow the public screening of Ordi- taking Belarusian culture to the edge of destruc- nary President in Belarus. tion. The Appendix contains particular incidents of this between 1998 and 2001. From this list an ob- JANUARY jective picture emerges of present Belarusian soci- A group of well-known Belarusian writers vis- ety and relations between the state and the ited the city and region of Harodnya where many individualaswellasbetween the state and society. meetings, co-sponsored by the Harodnya Board of the Belarusian Popular Front (BPF) and the Fellow- ship of the Belarusian Language, were held. How- ever, the administrations in the town of Skidal and the village of Kaptsewka illegally banned the meet- ings in their respective areas.

FEBRUARY The Supreme Court of the Republic of Belarus up - held the ruling of the Leninski District of Harodnya and thereby dismissed the claim of Yury Matsko, fa- ther of Agata Matsko who went to a Belarusian-lan - guage class in secondary school No 10. When Agata was transferred to a Russian-language class, her fa- ther demanded that his daughter continue her edu - cation in Belarusian. The school administration refused, and the court supported this decision that contradicts both the Constitution and the Law on Languages. Ihar Tsishin, installation 19 FEBRUARY 1998 Uladzimir Plaksa, an employee of the state-owned enterprise “BelAeroNavigation,” ap- DECEMBER pealed to the Belarusian Helsinki Committee seek- The Minister of Education, Mr. Dylyan, banned ing assistance in defending his right to the the study of the creative school of Belarusian writers, unrestricted use of Belarusian as an official lan- including N. Arsenyeva and M. Syadnyow guage. “I have been speaking Belarusian for four or (Belarusian emigrants to the USA) and the poet L. five years. Accordingly, I am drawing up technical Heniush , who had never accepted Soviet citizenship documentation also in Belarusian.Last year Iexperi- in the protest against Russia ’s annexation of Belarus. enced some pressure from the administration.” Yury Kladaw, an assistant to the enterprise’s direc- 30 DECEMBER tor, stated that the ban on the Belarusian language The newspaper “Svaboda” (Liberty) published was motivated by the Statutes of IKAO (an interna- an appeal by the International Helsinki Committee tional organisation of countries participating in air

22 navigation). Together with his application, Mr. 6 MAY Plaksa enclosed a copy of the minutes of a meeting Four photographs were censored from the exhi - held by the staff of Minsk Aerodynamic Section of bition In the Search of Belarus 12 Years after “BelAeroNavigation” held on 30 June 1997. One of Chernobyl , conceived by Swiss journalist Peter Hagi the items on the meeting’s agenda was Mr. and art photographer Hugo Eggi together with Kladaw’s ban on using Belarusian in technical docu- Belarusian journalist Syamyon Bukchyn and photog - ments and control communication. rapher Syarhey Brushko. The exhibition is the result of the authors travelling around Belarus. The authors 9 APRIL published an album which, as well as the exhibition, The Ministry of Culture demanded, among other was financed by Swiss sponsors. The exhibition was things, the stage be redesigned for a play staged by first shown in Switzerland and then came to Minsk. the “Lipavichki” Puppet Theatre in Harodnya. The Three out of the four photos banned in Minsk were script was written by Uladzimir Halubka and the play connected with the newspaper “Svaboda” and its directed by Alyaksey Lyalyawski, the play director of banning. Those photos were also cut out of the al- the Minsk Puppet Theatre. Ministry critics did not like bum. In addition, the censors “cleaned up” the text the decorations (a four-metre high national emblem cutting out a paragraph about “Svaboda.” As a re- towering above a Belarusian village, walls papered sult, the Belarusian edition of the album differs from with issues of “Soviet Byelorussia,” the BSSR an- its Swiss counterpart by four blank spots represent - them played three times through a street loud - ing the censored photographs. speaker in the finale, etc).

22 APRIL A poster featuring the Belarusian president in a Napoleon-style hat was censored from an exhibition of W. Miranenka ’s work in Homel.

23 APRIL The Co-ordinating Council for the Protection of National Heritage in the Berastsye Regional Execu - tive Committee compiled a list of the least valuable historical buildings, which would be subject to de - molition. The idea to “clean the towns of the region from unsightly historical monuments” was advanced by the committee ’s chairman, Henadz Masko. In his opinion, many of the state-protected buildings were an eye sore because there was no money for their restoration. Opening of an exhibition in “The Sixth Line” Gallery 30 APRIL Director Anatol Alay produced adocumentary ti- MAY tled Hastela in the “Letapis” (Chronicle) studio of The police were out in force at the “Belarusfilm.” The film attempted to shed light on “Maladzechna-98” music festival. A group of Young the details concerning the mysterious death of the Front members were escorted from the spectators ’ Soviet era hero and fighter pilot Hastela, who area by police officers, who initially charged five of rammed his plane into an enemy plane. The mys- the group and subsequently all of Young Front mem - tery deepened when it was discovered during the bers with offences. The essence of the offence was pilot’s reburial in 1950 that his grave contained the that the boys held white balloons with “NRM” 1 writ - remains of other people. According to Alay’s ver- ten on them with a red marker. The famous singer sion, Hastela could have been captured and might Kasia Kamotskaya, a special guest of the festival, was still be alive.The film was produced with state funds not allowed to perform. in the “Letapis” studio. The Ministry of Culture did not pass the film, granted it the status of 11 DECEMBER “filmotheque material” and archived it. The direc- Minsk-based rock bands NRM, Ulis, and Novaye tor’s attempt to convince decision-makers that the Neba were not allowed to perform in the Harodnya cinematographic investigation should be continued movie theatre Kosmas. After a telephone call from using government resources was met with resis- the City Executive Committee the theatre adminis- tance from Minister Alaksandar Sasnowski. tration refused to supply power for the equipment.

1 The name of a popular Belarusian-language rock band — PK.

23 1999 21 JULY On the last day of Aleksander Lukashenka’s first FEBRUARY term as president, the artist Ales Pushkin pushed a Zoya Vrublewskaya, editor in charge of musical cart full of manure containing a festive portrait of programmes on Belarusian radio, banned the groups Lukashenka, a 1996 referendum poster saying “Re- Paganini, Skryabin, and Stravinksi from the air, judg - questing Your Support,” the reinstalled Soviet-style ing their music to be “devilish.” Belarusian national symbols, new bank notes, hand- cuffs and chains and dumped it front of the main en- 5 MARCH trance to the presidential administration building. A scheduled performance in Berastsye by the Pushkin told journalists that the entire performance band NRM was cancelled after the club received a had been conceived as a work entitled ‘A Thank-You telephone call from the City Executive Committee. to the FPRB2 for His Five Years of Feverishly Hard and The organisers tried to re-stage the show in a cinema, Fruitful Work for the People’. The following Novem- but thisfailed when the police sealed off the building. ber acourt in Minskfound AlesPushkin guilty ofhooli- ganism and disrespect to state symbols and sentenced him to two years in prison (suspended).

28 JULY The organisers of the “Youth For Belarus” con - cert were refused permission to stage the event in the 50 th Anniversary of the October Revolution Park in Minsk. 3 On 19 June the Minsk City Executive Com - mittee did not grant permission to hold a “Youth against Fascism” meeting and concert on the square in front of the opera house, and repeated the refusal on 11 July. Maladzechna officials refused to issue a permit for a meeting and concert on 27 July dedi- cated to Independence Day. A concert planned for 1 August in Minsk was also not permitted.

27 AUGUST During a “Youth for Belarus” concert, organised by the Belarusian Musical Alternative (BMA) in Maladzechna, the police detained 30 people includ - A group of artists at “The Sixth Line” Gallery ing BMA head Vital Supranovich. Some of the de - tained were fined for “violating public order during 5 MAY the concert.” The lead singer of Happy Face was Navapolatsk city authorities closed a disco - fined for speaking about Lukashenka ’s dictatorship theque run by members of the local branch of Young from the stage. Front. The establishment offered records and live music in the Belarusian language. 8 SEPTEMBER During the international performance festival 4 JUNE “Navinki-99,” the director of the Palace of Artsin Minsk The Minsk City Executive Committee banned demanded the “Zhest” theatre stop their performance the editorial board of the newspaper “Belarusian (a Belarusian interpretation of the Japanese butoh Youth” to stage the annual rock concert dedi- dance), because he found it obscene. The director ex- cated to the Belarusian traditional holiday pelled the audience from the Palace and closed the fes- Kupalle. For the previous five years the concerts tival. Due to the efforts on the part of the organisers, Kupalle with the Belarusian Youth had been held the festival managed to reopen. in Gorky Parkin downtown Minsk.The first efforts at disrupting the event occurred as early as in DECEMBER 1995 when the city authoritiescut off electricity to Ivan Kakhanovich, editor of the youth board of the stage. Belarusian state-owned Radio 1, told the DJs and au- thors of the programme “Na Wsyu Mots” (Full Force), which promoted Belarusian-language rock,

2 Supposedly meaning «First President of the Republic of Belarus» — PK. October 25, and therefore Communist ideology idolised The Great October , even af- 3 Just to make it clear: the park was planted to commemorate the 50th anniversary of ter having dismissed the old style calendar. Hence the name of the park built 50 the 1917 Socialist revolution. The revolution began on November 7, which date is years later — PK. 4 still celebrated by some people in the 3rd millennium. However, according to the Although literally meaning “novelties” or “small news”, the word Navinki is com - Russian Orthodox calendar that was then used in Russia, the revolution began on monly known as the name of the village where the Minsk regional mental asylum is situated.

24 that the station ’s director Mr. Yadrantsaw ordered MAY the programme be taken off the air. The Minsk City Executive Committee denied the youth wing of the Belarusian Social Democratic Party 2000 “Popular Gromada” authorisation to hold a reading of traditional poetry at Kupaly Square in downtown FEBRUARY Minsk. The authorities suggested the event move to World-famous writer Vasil Bykau left Belarus an uptown location. for Germany. His departure was motivated by the campaign of persecution conducted against him 31 MAY by the authorities through state-owned media. The Minsk Pershamayski District Court heard the case filed by TV journalist Yaraslaw Byaklemishaw MARCH against Belarusian TV and Radio. The former host of The Minsk authorities banned the 25 March a cultural programme directed to youth believed that “Pahonya” exhibition in the Palace of Arts (see he had been unjustly fired. One of Byaklemishaw ’s above). programmes had featured Yury Khashchevatski , which became the reason for the journalist ’s dis - MARCH missal on the grounds of “severely violating the or - The Berastsye City Executive Committee banned der of preparing and broadcasting a television the “Mummificator ’s Day” festival that was being or - programme.” ganised by the New Front of Arts and planned for 5–6 March in a city club. 1 JULY The Minister of Culture sent a letter to the director MARCH of the National Theatre of Belarusian Drama stating Leanid Halubovich ’s selection of poems titled that the ministry found it inappropriate to prolong a ‘Last Poems ’ was published as part of the ‘Library of contract with V. Y. Mazynski, the theatre ’s art direc - Kalosye Magazine ’ series. All state-run publishers re - tor since its founding. The theatre, once called fused to publish the book due to the oppositional “Volnaya Stsena” (Free Stage), lost its freedom-asso - content of some poems. ciated name due to actions by the mnistry. Mazynski had previously had problems with the ministry in- 17 MARCH volving ‘The Career of Arthur VI’ by Bertold Brecht. An installation by Ales Karpovich and Piotr Rusak Perhaps, the cause for Mazynski ’s dismissal was his entitled ‘Spring-2000 ’ disappeared from the staging of ‘Prince Mamabuk ’ by Belarusian play- “Pahonya” exposition in the Palace of Arts in Minsk. wright Dudaraw — a play in which the officials see al- Despite all attempts it was never found. The missing lusions to president Lukashenka. work of art represented an image resembling the head of the Belarusian state. SEPTEMBER The Minister of Culture appoints Valery Anisenka MAY Art Director of the National Theatre of Belarusian Drama During the “Minsk Spring” International Festi- to replace Valery Mazynski. Most of the troop had left val, the City Executive Committee banned together with Mazynski. The theatre began to recruit, Belarusian and Polish performers from playing in under the threat of expulsion, students of the Culture front of the “Dze-ya” theatre. The authorities University’s Directing Department headed by Anisenka. equated these artistic actions to unauthorised ral- lies.The police detained some journalists who pho- 23 SEPTEMBER tographed the event asit wasbeing broken up.The The Harodnya City Executive Committee banned authorities did not allow a press conference to be the first graffiti festival in the Park of Culture and Rec - held after the festival and threatened to close the reation. The festival was expected to attract 300 “Reactor” club that hosted rock bands as the name young people and special boards were specifically of one of the Polish bands was “Pidzama Porno” prepared for the event. and the club did not have a licence for male strip- tease. OCTOBER Despite a request from the German Embassy, the 16 MAY Culture Department of the Harodnya City Executive The administration of the Talochyn district in the Committee banned the “The Invisible Wall 2000” In- Vitsebsk region ordered Ales Pushkin’s paintings to be ternational Bard Festival on the pretext that Harodnya removed from the district alleging that his art had a “has planned asufficient number of cultural events for negative influence on the people’s national identity. this period.” In the judgement of the festival organis- The paintings were exhibited in Talochyn’s House of ers, the true reason for the ban was that the festival Culture and the exhibition (attended by young people was planned before the election to Lukashenka’s from the neighbourhood)was visited by the artist him- House of Representatives and thus was seen as a self who staged a performance. “suspicious political action.” Nevertheless, the festival was held, without authorisation, in the Kirche that be- longed to Harodnya’s Lutheran community.

25 OCTOBER Writers believes that the new Chamber of Creative During the exhibition of Uladzimir Bazan‘s pho- Workers is an instrument to irreversibly take away tographs entitled ‘The Vitsebsk Courier — the the property of the Union. Chronicles of a Newspaper Column,’ the Vitsebsk Regional Museum removed some of the photo- FEBRUARY graphs without the author’s consent. The museum Lukashenka issued the edict “On the National administration explained that the these photo- Council of Rectors of Higher Educational Establish - graphs did not fall in line with the policy of the mu- ments,” a body made up of assigned rectors of seum as a state institution. The discarded state-owned universities and similar institutions. Un - photographs pictured opposition activists, rallies der the edict rectors may “initiate and co-ordinate li- and protest actions. censing, reorganisation and liquidation of higher educational establishments,” change their names and statuses and introduce new subjects. The edict ’s text did not mention whether the council would also include rectors of private establishments.

FEBRUARY The State Committee for Youth Affairs, the founder of the Belarusian-language magazine “Pershatsvet” (Primrose), decided to cease its publi- cation. The official explanation was that the maga- zine was not generating a sufficient profit. “Pershatsvet,” the only state-run publication for young authors writing in Belarusian, was trans- formed into the Russian-language magazine “STO.”

19 MARCH The Board of the Harodnya City Branch of the Belarusian Union of Artists banned Yuras Ihar Tsishin, the “Little Partisan Movement” project Matsko’s exhibition “Dzyady” by a majority of votes. The opening of the local sculptor’s exhibi- 3 NOVEMBER tion had been planned for 23 March. The ban was Students of the Belarusian Academy of Arts initiated by Iryna Pratsko, director of the Union’s held a picket outside the academy building under exhibition hall in Harodnya, who justified the deci- the banner “Student. Artist. Pauper.” Their fliers sion by claiming that a nationalist exhibition stated that the academy administration eliminated would “threaten public order.” The actual reason its world-famous graphics chamber for its lack of for the refusal was not to let the opening coincide materials and conditions for students to work. The with an anniversary of the Belarusian Popular Re- picket had not been authorised by the Minsk City public,as the author mentioned his intention to in- Executive Committee although the organisers had vite opposition representatives to the event. filed their application in advance as required. The police filmed the protesters with a video camera. This monitoring of the violation of creative and Henadz Rudovich, deputy head of the Interior De- academic freedoms is based on information col - partment for the Pershamayski District, warned lected from: that those participating in the picket would face ad- a) Belarusian and foreign media; ministrative charges. b) Belarusian non-governmental organisations; c) witnesses and other people. 2001

1 FEBRUARY During a conference entitled “Measures to Solve Problems connected with the Development of Cul - Alena Areshka , born in 1956. Graduated from the faculty of ture and Art,” Alaksandar Lukashenka ordered a Na- philology of the Belarusian University and from the faculty of tional Chamber of Creative Workers be established in theory and history of art of the Institute of Repin in St. Peters - the House of Writers. Earlier, on 1 July 1997 the pres - burg. Used to work as a translator in the Museum of Art in ident had ordered the House to be placed under the Minsk. Currently works for Civil Society “Dyaryush.” In control of the Office of Presidential Affairs “in order co-operation with the Belarusian Association of Journalists (BA Ž), she participated in monitoring freedom of speech in to ensure the efficient utilisation of state property,” Belarusian mass-media; she was also a co-ordinator of monitoring despite the fact that it was built with the private funds human rights’ programme in the Modern History Archive of the writers and was the property of the Union of (1997–1999). Co-author of the book “Authorities and Press” Writers. The actual reason, according to Lukashenka (Moscow, 1998). In the “Dyaryush” Society she deals with a himself, was that the building, constructed with state programme “Living History.” Author of weekly programme funds, hosted opposition meetings. The Union of “Boomerang” in Radio Ratsya.

26 Syarhey Sakharau YOUTH SUBCULTURES: ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT

Belarusian humanitarian thought has yet to de - fine its attitude toward youth subcultures. The pre - vailing opinion is that any expression of young people ’s free-thinking is to be considered strictly within the traditional context of conflict between generations: as the young mature and assume their positions in society the conflict exhausts itself, and therefore there is no particular need to pay attention to this area of culture. This thinking has been in vogue since the late 1960s. The danger of ignoring the phenomenon of youth subculture became apparent with the arrival of Lukashenka ’s authoritarian regime. As the new order began to eliminate the democratic achievements that had changed the Belarusian situation so radically, it faced events like the 1996 Minsk Spring when, for the “The March of Freedom,” Minsk, Oct. 17 th , 1999. first time, several thousand young people between Photo: IREX/ProMedia the ages of 14 and 21 took part in street demonstra - tions to protest the establishment of Lukashenka ’s character of this subculture allows it to be referred to regime and to claim their right to be heard. To further as elitist, the more so if we take into account their ho - ignore youth subcultures was to risk a deepening in mogeneous social status: most of them, their infor - the crisis of the general culture. mal leaders in particular, were children of the Soviet party and cultural nomenclature who had the oppor - The History of Belarusian Youth Subculture tunity to regularly travel abroad. Soviet society ’s initial aggressive response to the The term “youth subculture” first became appli - stilyagi, considered reactionaries against the estab - cable to the cultural situation in Belarus in the 1950s, lished system of Communist moral values, gradually when post-war Minsk was the home of several dozen relaxed and took more liberal forms as a result of “stylish” young people dressed in European fashion Khrushchev ’s thaw. The bloom of the stilyagi move - (hence the name “stilyagi”). Fashionable western ment coincided with the appearance of beatniks in outfits, unusual attention to appearance and their the field of Belarusian culture. The local version of own English-based manner of speaking — the beat culture was different from its American original: stilyagi were a great cultural shock to the grey “So - here the term “beatnik” was primarily applied to the viet masses.” Their subculture was extremely musicians who played beat! close-knit: the young people tried to create their own Beat music came to Belarus from Poland in early environment oriented at western cultural values. 1960s on smuggled Beatles ’ and other records, so it They were the first to wear American jeans, listen to is little wonder that Belarus ’ first beatniks emerged in jazz and rock ’n’roll (popular in the West but unknown the border city of Harodnya. Hairy youngsters in in the USSR) and to idolise Hem — the still banned bellbottom pants were repeatedly raided by the po - American writer Ernest Hemingway. The close-knit lice who sometimes dragged them to police stations

27 and forcefully shaved them or cut their pants. How - was vigilantly watched by the KGB who thus tracked ever, beat soon became a mass movement and the down young freethinkers and probably set up a net - Communist Party of the BSSR was forced to order work of agents within this subculture. the sole youth organisation, the Belarusian The given subculture should be considered Komsomol, to explicitly supervise it. In 1965, the first within the context of the Russian intelligentsia and its festival of Harodnya beat bands was organised — influence on the cultural province as this subculture under the aegis of the Komsomol, and in 1968 the was primarily influenced by Russian culture, its texts first All-Belarusian beat festival was held in Minsk, and figures. Many figures in today ’s Russian-speak - co-sponsored by the Komsomol. ing cultural and political elite in Belarus came out of The situation changed radically in the summer of this subculture. 1968: as Europe and America suppressed the Stu- It is interesting to note that these two types of dents’ Spring,the Soviets attempted to eliminate beat subcultures found common ground in Russian rock culture and neutralise the hippies — a new youth culture, which sprung up in the mid-1970s and had a trend that became very popular at the end of the significant influence on youth subcultures through - 1960s. The local subcultures, previously amorphous out the USSR by the end of the decade. Russian rock, ideologically, unexpectedly exhibited civil activity. On because of the music, was of interest to the musical April 9, 1970 the hippies held an unauthorised meet- subcultures, while its philosophical lyrics fascinated ing in Minsk in memory of Vyachaslaw Maksakaw, a the “intellectual” subculture in Belarus. Thus, the young man who wasmysteriously murdered.The po- 1970s were characterised by the growing depend - lice and KGB forcefully suppressed the meeting and ence of local subcultures on the Russian cultural situ - harsh repression against all forms of juvenile free- ation and self-identification within the system of the thinking began. For example, Wladzimir “cultural centre” (Moscow) and the “cultural prov - Kandrusevich (now a leading composer in Belarus) ince” (the so-called “Soviet republics”). was expelled from the Conservatory for performing In the 1980s,however,anew wave ofyouth sub- an English song at the 2nd beat festival. culture was born connected with the emergence of For Belarusian hippies, fighting for their right to Belarus’ own cultural and political non-conformism. self-determination became a priority. Without per- Approximately ten young students of Belarusian mission from the authorities,they staged a demon- philology faculties in various Minsk universities stration in Harodnya’s Central Square in 1971. founded the “Maystrownya” (Workshop) group Young people carrying posters that read “Let our whose initial aim was the revival of ancient souls be!” and “Hands off our hair” were beaten up Belarusian holidays. “Maystrownya” in fact became by the police and a Komsomol “law enforcement” the successor of the creative centre “NaPaddashku” brigade. The next demonstration held in the sum- (In the Attic) that had united Belarusian-speaking in- mer of 1972, when Harodnya’s hippies expressed telligentsia in Minsk from the mid-1960s to 1985. political demands to the Communist regime, was Ironically, most of Maystrownya’s informal leaders met by several special-branch battalions. How- were children of the party,military or cultural elite of ever, this action had repercussions: for months af- Soviet Byelorussia — people marked by national in- ter, fliers were posted on the city’s walls and difference.These young people did not join the Rus- anonymous appeals to schoolchildren and stu- sian-speaking “intellectual” subculture of dentsto fight for their rightswere circulated in edu- Khadeyev, partly because the Maystrownya group cational establishments. came from the Belarusian province, while The Soviet regime totally controlled and elimi - Khadeyev’s circle mainly comprised people from nated any freethinking among youth. It organised a Minsk who consciously excluded people from the campaign aimed to prove that youth subcultures provinces. were echoes of western, capitalist culture. Neverthe - Studying and promoting Belarusian national less, in order to control as many young people as history and culture, “Maystrownya” witnessed the possible, the establishment employed selected fea - emergence of Belarus’ own cultural dimension. It tures of the subculture. The Komsomol initiated, and developed alongside the Belarusian establishment, the Soviet ideology romanticised, the spirit of youth which was manifested primarily within the scope of hiking tourism, prototyped by western hitchhiking. linguistic culture. The Maystrownya group spoke Meanwhile, the mid-1970s in Belarus was only the pre-reform version of Belarusian among marked by various developments within the subcul - themselves, while the establishment promoted the ture movement. The more popular among them use of either Russian or a russified version of were musical subcultures, like hippies, rockers and Belarusian. The strong political impact of this na- punks, formed as new western musical trends were tional subculture is worth noting, which mainly fo- absorbed and found their way into Belarus. Another, cused on the idea of the de-sovietisation of culture smaller current was the intellectual dissidents, ideo - and Belarus’ political sovereignty. logically inspired by Minsk-based intellectual Kim It was at this time that Belarus obtained its own Khadeyev around whom young people, mainly hu - musical subculture, the best known representatives manitarian students, associated. Young people met, of which were the first Belarusian-language rock read books by Russian dissidents, listened to forbid - groups Bonda and Mroya. Through contacts with den music and discussed philosophical and cultural “Maystrownya” members, these musicians believed subjects in Mr. Khadeyev ’s flat. The notorious flat that the use of Belarusian in music had to transition

28 from being a quirky cultural shock to a natural phe - dent is our helmsman.” At the House of Govern- nomenon. Rock culture, being extremely fashionable ment, Lukashenka’s residence at the time, the pro- among Belarusian youth, and the phenomenal suc - testers ate “the student’s lunch” and composed a cess of Bonda and Mroya, greatly contributed to in- petition demanding decent student aid. creasing Belarusian cultural non-conformism. With Lukashenka’s aide, Lyabedzka, appeared and prom- the arrival of the latter, the term “neformaly” (the ised to help the students thereby settling the esca- informals), applied to the young representatives of lating conflict. In May 1995, Belarusian State subcultures who stood up against the linguistic, cul - University students burnt the state symbols of the tural (musical) and political norms established in So - non-existent Soviet Byelorussia in protest against viet society, took its place within the active the public defamation of the national flag by the vocabulary of the Belarusian establishment. head of the presidential administration. Andrey Thus, by the late 1980s the national subculture Ramashewski, leader of the Party of Beer Lovers stood against official youth culture on one flank and (PBP) and one of the participants in the demonstra- against the Russian-language subcultural stream tion, faced a criminal charge. (with its de facto orientation to Russian cultural tradi - The period up to the spring of 1996 is character - tions) on the other. ised by the structural development of youth subcul - During the period of 1991–1994, in conjunction tures. Many new sub-groups emerged: the wide with the establishment of an independent Belarus, ranks of punks and rockers were joined by heavy the elimination of the Party’s and Komsomol ’s mo- metal fans, the Nirvana-worshipping grungers, the nopoly on determining youth policy, youth subcul - hopniks (youngsters from working class neighbour - tures (and particularly original Belarusian hoods oriented to Russian mass culture) as well as subcultures) were on the rise and began to become by aggressive subcultures, such as the skinheads, formally legitimate within the general cultural envi - Satanists, etc. That period was also the prime time ronment. In Minsk and the regions, artistic activities, for the Belarusian anarchists. including big art and music festivals, were organised. The anarchists began in the early 1990s by found - Rock clubs took on a great importance to the subcul - ing the anti-government group “Chyrvony Zhond” ture: between 1991 and 1995 Minsk had three to five (Red Government). Unlike other subcultural forma - such clubs. These clubs became the centres of music tions, the anarchists stood out as agroup with an ide- and artistic non-conformism providing a place for the ology (ultraleft in their case), that saw its activity regular exchange of information and the creation of exclusively in the national context (the title new ideas, projects and concepts. The popularity of “Chyrvony Zhond” referred to the Belarusian na- these clubs reflected the development and creative tional liberation uprising in 1963 led by Kastus ability of Belarusian subcultures. Kalinowski). In 1994, pro-anarchist youth legalised Unlike Western Europe, Belarus did not experi - their activity through the Party of Beer Lovers (PBP), ence a decline in subcultural enthusiasm with the on - one of the most successful projects of that time. The set of perestroyka. On the contrary, as the political PBP’s declared priorities were “the purity and quality paradigm changed radically after Lukashenka came of domestic beer and an independent, neutral, and to power in 1994, anew page was opened in the de- nuclear-free Belarus.” The party and its leaders velopment of Belarusian subculture. shocked the public into civil thinking, often using the traditions of happenings and performances. How - Youth Subculture During the Establishment and ever, repression exerted against the party leaders Consolidation of Authoritarianism halted its activity. Total aversion to Lukashenka’s authoritarian pol- The few years of democratic changes in society icy of incorporating Belarus into Russia, and increased contacts with the western youth cul - de-belarusification and russification gave subcul- ture crystallised the ideas of personal freedom and ture a distinct goal. One of the main tasks of the the right to self-determination in the minds of Belarusian anarchists was to conduct cultural pro- Belarusian youth. Therefore the first incidents of po - jects as an alternative to the establishment’s conser- litical repression by Lukashenka ’s regime in the first vative cultural policy. Their performances, half of 1995 were taken by most of young people as a happenings,and cultural provocations took unusual threat to their own independence. forms that often shocked Belarusian society. One of By 1996, the authorities directed by Lukashenka their first acts, the lively political and satirically reli- began to restore state control over youth and its gious performance The Mournful Integrational Cer- subcultures, however, the process was sporadic. emony was performed on April 1, 1996 in “honour” The new regime was busy resovietising the entire of the union treaty being signed by Belarusand Rus- structure of state,so youth mainly attracted the gov- sia.On March 1,1997 they staged apuppet play The ernment’s attention only when it “stepped out of Tyrant’s Death featuring recognisable satire of the line.” One of the first youth protest demonstrations political situation in the country at the time.By 1998, was by the Free Students Union of Belarusian State the “Navinki” newspaper political pamphlets University in Minsk on October 14,1994.Three hun- printed underground became one of the most suc- dred young people carried posters through down- cessful endeavours launched by the anarchists to town Minsk that read “Milk and bread are the date. Its name challenged society: “Naviny” (News) student’s lunch,” “We want to eat!” and “The presi- was the name of one of the most circulated opposi-

29 29 tion newspapers, whereas the Navinki village near A critical moment for the subcultures was the Minsk is famous as the regional mental asylum. The spring of 1996, rich with mass protests actions of editors stated in the first issue of “Navinki” that they young people. The strongest rallies in the modern believe “absurdity isthe best method of confronting history of Belarus showed the “grown ups” in society modern Belarusian society” and that the satire will that the brief democratic transformations had be mainly directed at the policiespursued by the op- changed the status of youth who was now ready to position and the official establishment. take to the street for its own cultural and political Regional anarchists are extremely active: print - rights. It was during the political events of 1996–97 ing numerous samizdats (unlicensed, self-produced that the BPF youth wing, Young Front, was founded publications), including antifascist materials; organ - as an organisation. ising cultural events that yield valuable feedback; Within several months, the Young Front (YF) be- there is a powerful stream of punk music in the re - came the strongest political youth organisation in the country. This was due to the role its members played in fighting the regime: they were active in political protest marches, organised public protests (hung the national white, red and white flag in the most prominent places in Minsk and other towns). For example, the action “Belarus to Europe” was held on February 14, 1997: several thousands of boys and girls with whistles, Bengal torches and special valentines visited European embassies in downtown Minsk appealing to their governments. This and other youth actions stood out by their large-scale and spectacular character, which at- tracted an unbelievable number of participants. The Young Front united those young people who strove to realise, here and now, their own dreams about building their own country without Lukashenka. “Street democracy” with its known radicalism seemed a realistic and efficient means of resistance. Five years of belarusification, above all in second - ary and higher schools, had created a positive atti - tude to the Belarusian language among youth. Most teenagers identified themselves as native speakers of this language. After the 1995 referendum, the au- thoritarian regime initiated the policy of eliminating the Belarusian language and of harsh russification. Aversion to this policy resulted in the creation of a Belarusian-language subculture. Belarusian became not so much a language of communication but a pe - culiar sign of being different, being engaged in the original Belarusian environment, and thus a sign of opposing the political, cultural, and linguistic situa - tion modelled and forced onto society by Lukashenka ’s regime. A specific characteristic of this subculture is that most of its members use Belarusian to communicate in Belarusian-language circles and switch to the dominant language once in a Russian-language environment. However, we can - gions (according to a poll of the “Musical Newspa - not blame the Belarusian-language environment for per,” the Harodnya-based anarchist punk band not reaching towards its Russian-language counter - Deviation was the most famous band in Belarus in part: for example, the Young Front has been organis - 1999). The autonomous activity of regional anar - ing public discos since 1997, where only western or chists distinguishes this subculture from the others, Belarusian-language music is played. These discos most of which (especially the musical subcultures) are a form of active protest against the thousand of are active within the so-called “Minsk ring road com - commercial public discos in the country that play plex.” They are not active outside the city and there - low-quality Russian pop. fore their development is slow. In connection with For ordinary young people, the Young Front has this it can be said that the anarchists are the first sub - become the organisation that, apart from being active culture operating all across Belarus (regions + cen - in “street democracy,” is able to accumulate the cre- tre). It is worth noting that other weaker subcultures ative and intellectual potential of young people for the consolidate around the anarchists, which generally sake of resisting Lukashenka’s regime. That is why strengthens Belarusian subculture as a whole. hundreds of young people (mostly members of musi-

30 cal subcultures) come to the organisation’s meetings. 1996–97, given the increased influence of the Young The Young Front appreciates the importance of mod- Front and the Young Hramada on the youth, state ide- ern cultural and musical non-conformism. Belarusian ologists voiced the concept of establishing an influential rock culture, the “music of freedom” became the ex- youth organisation modelled after the Soviet pression of young people’s aspiration for preserving Komsomolthat would be under the president’scontrol. the democratic values abolished by the regime. It is “The Plan to Establish an Influential Youth Organi- characteristic in this respect that during protest actions sation in the Republic of Belarus” signed by prime young people shouted (along with the mottoes like minister, head of the presidential administration and “Belarus to Europe, Lukashenka up the arse!” and chairman of the state committee for youth affairs,was “Belarus to NATO, Lukash behind bars!”) the song placed on the president’s desk on January 15, 1997. ‘Partyzanskaya’ by N.R.M. (ex-Mroya) that became a The organisation that was to be given the exclusive kind of aanthem for Belarusian youth in the late 1990s. right to forge loyal youth (mainly through youth me- The Belarusian Musical Alternative (BMAgroup), dia) was to be built on the basis of the pro-fascist a non-commercial organisation that aims to pro- movement “Direct Action,” the leaflets of which mote Belarusian musical non-conformism origi- stated that “if enemies stand in the way they will be nated from the ranks of Young Front. BMA destroyed.” A scandalous response to “Direct Action” publishes Belarusian-language music, stages the caused its initiators to change the name to the “Free Dances” rock concerts and assists in promot- Belarusian Patriotic Union of Youth (BPUY). From the ing the creative aspirations of nationally-oriented very beginning, the “young patriots” expressed their subcultural groups. One of BMAgroup’s major ven- devotion to Lukashenka’s policy who responded by tures was a large open-air rock concert held in signing the edict “On State Support for BPUY” in the Minsk in 1998,the purpose of which was to demon- summer of 1997. The edict stated that “supporting strate support for the political prisoners Alaksey BPUYin all possible ways should be considered one Shydlowsky (18) and Vadzim Labkovich (16). Those of the main tasks of the government’s youth policy.” Young Front members had been sentenced to two BPUY, christened by the youth as Lukamol years in prison for painting political graffiti and “dis- (“Luka” asin Lukashenka+ “mol” asin Komsomol), respect to monuments of architecture” (they poured did enjoy total state support. First of all, the organi- paint on statues of Communist figures in Stowbtsy). sation began to receive all the buildings that had The event’s organisers and managers were arrested previously belonged to Komsomol and during the and fined before the show; after the concert, at- period of democratisation had been rented to tended by 5,000 young spectators, the police car- youth organisations. BPUY founded its own ried out mass detainments. (state-run) youth media and was granted FM fre- Detainment and administrative punishment of quency 101.2 MHz previously used by the only in- young people following a rock concert of dependent Belarusian-language station. The Belarusian bands has become a Belarusian tradi- building used by the “Reservation” club was trans- tion. For example, the Maladzechna police con- ferred to BPUY; it has now become a BPUY cell in ducted a raid on underage teenagers after the June the Belarusian Radio-Engineering University. 1999 concert “Youth for Independence!” dedicated BPUY leaders declare total support for the policies to the 9th anniversary of the Declaration of Inde- of Lukashenka, who became the first honorary mem- pendence of Belarus. Leader of the grunge band ber of the organisation. To publicly demonstrate their Happy Face faced an administrative charge for ex- love for the regime, the organisation continues to at- pressing his attitude to Lukashenka’s dictatorship tempt to organise street demonstrations. The largest by showing the finger. of these demonstrations was held on November 24, According to human rights organisations, during 1999 one week after the Freedom March.In six towns 1999 the police raided Alaksandrawski Square (a pop- of Belarus schoolchildren and students were brought ular hang-out of musical subculture associates in front to the central squares carrying posters with such slo- of Lukashenka’s office)several times, detaining young gans as “Youth for a young president!” , “I’m a people solely for their “non-standard” appearance. Belarusian, I’m voting for the Union!”, and “Stop, In 1998 state-owned media supported the infor - NATO!” . These meetings were to over shadow the mation campaign to eliminate Belarusian alternative Freedom March. However, they were attended by music and subcultures. In April, Narodnaya Gazeta only about 1000 people,which palesin comparison to (Popular Newspaper) printed an article that accused the 25000 people that marched for freedom. the owners of the private club “Reservation” of “incit - While claiming adesire to co-operate with other ing” youth who came to rock concerts. The club was youth organisations, the government actually in- subsequently closed. In May, the managers of spired conflict. During the second congress of “Sphere,” another independent club, were unable to BPUY, held in April 2000, Lukashenka said that this extend their leasing agreement. organisation does more patriotic work than demo- In 1998, Belarus ’ only magazine of extreme music cratic organisations that only “run around to meet- “Legion” was closed allegedly because its editors ings with calls for “Belarus to Europe.” According promoted violence and Satanism. to Wsevalad Yanchewski, first secretary of the Isolation followed by elimination was just one of BPUY Central Committee, patriotism “is the strife many ways Lukashenka’s regime dealt with non-collab- for the restoration of our unified Fatherland” orating subcultures. After the mass street rallies in [USSR — author].

31 With all the financial and ideological support for openness and strict obedience to the laws of the from the regime, BPUY has been unable to produce a Republic of Belarus. single original idea to attract young people to their Thus, it can be stated that during the seven years ranks. Its attempts to patronise and control elec - of Lukashenka’s rule youth subcultures have become tronic music and hip-hop culture as alternative to more structured. The more popular and influential non-conformist rock culture failed due to BPUY ’s low movements began to from organisations or organ- popularity among young people. ised groups that associate weaker subcultures around Meanwhile the regime secretly supports radical them (the most vivid example is the anarchist subcul- groups, the most well-known of which is the ture). An important issue for Belarusian subcultures is Belarusian branch of the fascist Russian National their conformity or non-conformity to the regime, as Unity (RNU), also known as the “Russian skinheads.” the regime bases its youth policy on the criterion of Their appearance in Belarus coincided with loyalty. Some youth subcultures operate on the basis Lukashenka ’s coming to power in 1994. The RNU de - of not engaging in the situation modelled by authori- clares its adherence to pan-Slavic national socialism, tarianism, for example, the Young Front, BMAgroup, with its primary goal being to attain power. “Kray,” etc. Most noteworthy is the phenomenon of The activity of the Russian fascists is based on the Belarusian linguistic subculture. feeding the media with scandalous news which However, there is an original group (the largest in suggests that the regime uses them as a scarecrow Belarus) that is receiving increasingly greater atten - for the man in the street, a sort of “extremists on tion from engaged and not-engaged subcultures call.” Their biggest scandals include an attack of alike. Based on sociological research, the independ - several skinheads on a peaceful march dedicated ent media began speaking about the “pofig genera - to Independence Day in July 1998 and the beating tion.” The origin of this term is derived from the up Charter ’97 leaders in downtown Minsk’s Vic- youth slang expression “po fig” (“I don ’t care a fig”) tory Square, where the memorial flame burns in denoting flagrant indifference. The “pofigists” are honour of liberation from the fascists.1 It is charac- people aged from 17 to 27, who most often study or teristic that Lukashenka’s comment on the latter in- work, live with their parents, hold liberal views, are cident implied that the Charter ’97 members pointedly apolitical (“it can harm my career” ) and attacked the skinheads. The president also added consume the mass culture offered by the Russian that Belarus has “no soil for fascism to spread.” media. According to the Independent Institute of So - RNU members keep declaring their loyalty to cial, Economic, and Political Research, the pofigists Lukashenka’s regime and mentioning their invisi- support neither the engaged nor the non-collaborat - ble lobbyists in state institutions.RNU head Andrey ing subcultures. The former are not supported be- Sakovich claims that once members of his group, cause the policy pursued by Lukashenka through the together with police officers, “patrolled the streets mouthpiece of the BPUY and similar organisations is of Minsk.And were even honoured with a diploma totally rejected by youth: the pofig generation sees and a letter of thanks.” Circumstantial evidence of the BPUY as a successor to the Soviet-era Komsomol RNU’s connection with the regime’s armed forces and has only negative connotations. The latter are is the fact that a Mr. Ihnatovich, arrested on the not accepted by the pofigists because of the charge of having murdered Dzmitry Zavadzki, an state-drawn image of “political radicals” as well as a independent journalist, and Mr. Samoylov, an lack of a clearly formulated idea and a charismatic ex-leader of the Belarusian RNU, once had served youth leader. Given the obvious lack of a pofig struc - in an elite special forces unit and later supervised ture, an acceptable programme is precisely what is the physical training of RNU members. needed to draw them to the side of the non-conform - One of the most active antifascist organisa- ist groups, which as a result would become the most tions is the unregistered sports and patriotic or- effective force in Belarus. ganisation “Kray” (Country). Juggling the concepts of patriotism and extremism, the regime publicly identifies “Kray” and the RNU as similar fascist organisations. This is happening against the background of the president’s enmity to all or- ganisations that do not adhere to the pan-Slavic ideology professed by Lukashenka’s authoritari- Syarhey Sakharau , born 1979. In 2001 graduated from the anism. Compared to the Young Front, “Kray” can Belarusian State Pedagogical University of Maxim Tank, specialisation at Belarusian language and literature, interna - be said to be more radical, in terms of the moral tional and Belarusian culture. Works in the Civic Society (patriotic) and physical qualities of its members. “Dyaryush.” Deals mainly with history of Belarusian youth The goal of the organisation is “building an inde- subcultures. pendent state on Belarusian land.” “Kray” stands

1 The Soviet (and then post-Soviet) mentality mixes the terms “fascism” and “national socialism.” Victory Square refers to the 1945 victory over the Nazi — translator.

32 Syarhey Zaprudski LANGUAGE POLICY IN THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS IN THE 1990s

The Republic of Belarus, established in July 1990, weaker language. At the same time, the law partly inherited the language policy pursued by the stipulated a much broader use of the Belarusian lan- BSSR in the last year of its existence. To a great ex - guage, which was supposed to change from a mi- tent, this policy was determined by “The Law of the nority to majority language in the future. BSSR on the Languages in the Belarusian SSR” Language legislation and related practical mea- adopted in January 1990. Article 2 of this law de - sures that were not secret but brought before the clared the Belarusian language the only official lan - public were a novelty for state institutions of guage in Belarus and qualified Russian as the post-Soviet Belarus. No special bodies existed that “language of international relations among the peo - could design and pursue a language policy, there- ples of the USSR.” However, this law did not regulate fore, in the initial stage of implementation, the exec- the use of languages in unofficial communication. utive branch had to rely on the intellectual Various articles of the law were going to be gradually resources of a non-governmental organisation, introduced during the next three to ten years. The which had experience in this field, the Belarusian adoption of the law on languages should be consid - Language Society (BLS) founded in June 1989. ered both as the result of external factors and a sig - Thus,in May 1990,BLS together with the Ministry of nificant victory of the Belarusian Popular Front (BPF). Education of the BSSRheld a scientific and practical The law on languages, adopted in 1990 after the conference entitled “The Official Status of the Belarusian language had suffered a long period of Belarusian Language: Problems and Ways to Imple- decline between the 1930s and 1980s, should be ment the Law.” In September 1990, the Council of seen as a legislative means aimed at defending a Ministers adopted “The State Programme for the

33 Development of the Belarusian Language and Other right to freely choose the language of education and National Languages in the BSSR” that stipulated a the need to enforce it. The program of the United number of measures for implementing the law over Civil Party (UCP, a 1995 merger between UDPB and the course of the 1990s. the Civil Party) stated that the citizens must have “the Both in the BSSR and the USSR, the discussion right to choose what language their children are regarding language problems in Belarus was under raised and taught in.” Granting parents the uncondi - the control of the party. With the break-up of the So - tional right to choose the language in which their viet Union, the declaration of independence of the children are taught, would probably have resulted in Republic of Belarus and the suspension of the CPSU the parents choosing the language that in their eyes and CPB, possibilities of free speech increased had real social advantages. Therefore, in this case greatly. The USSR, the regional superpower, was the weaker and less prestigious Belarusian language now gone from the world map, an independent would have become a victim of the emerging de - Belarusian state emerged and protests arose among mocracy in Belarus, should such an approach have the Russian-oriented population, which to a large ex - been adopted. tent comprised the Belarusian elite. Just yesterday The left was also active in the first half of the they identified themselves exclusively with the USSR 1990s. Although in the late 1980s the Communist and had no need for contact with the Belarusian lan - Party of Belarus (CPB) was forced to support guage or culture. Finding themselves in this com - (through the BSSR Supreme Soviet) the law that pletely new situation, these people argued that the made Belarusian the only official language, in the existing legislation is poorly grounded and at- 1990s, following some internal changes, it re- tempted to discredit both the new linguistic trends verted to its original position. In the early 1990s and the social and political groups behind them. With newspapers supporting left-wing parties launched Belarus adopting a multiparty system, language is- a campaign of discrediting existing language leg- sues became an essential element of political dis - islation and its practices. Two-language state course. Democratically-oriented figures fiercely model was a non-compromise demand in the pro- competed for the right to speak on behalf of “the grams of the Movement for Democracy, Social true” democrats and the political environment in Progress and Justice (MDSPJ), founded in No- Belarus saw many ephemeral pro-democratic asso- vember 1991, and the Popular Movement of ciations seeking their own niches. Belarus founded in December 1992. In September For example, following the establishment of the 1993, left-wing movements held a congress of the United Democratic Party of Belarus (UDPB) in No - people of Belarus that adopted a resolution de- vember 1990 (the first party in Belarus), one year manding to “remove violence and discrimination later the Movement for Democratic Reform (MDF) from language policy, adopt official bilingualism was founded, the program of which differed from (Belarusian and Russian), legitimise the right of that of UDPB only in respect to cultural issues. Inevi - parents to choose the language of education for tably, MDF used the new cultural policy as the arena their children.” for demonstrating its political views. The movement The mediastarted aheated debate on whether loudly criticised the 1990 language legislation for be - the adopted language policy was justified and ing undemocratic and accused BPF, the major demo - correctly implemented. The discussion showed cratic force in Belarus at the time, of Bolshevism, that for Belarusian to be more widely used, more russophobia, isolationism and of “arousing national - purposefuland focused effortsshould be made in ist instincts.” In March 1992, MDF spoke in favour of comparison with those employed by state author- granting the official status to both Belarusian and ities at the time. For example, the introduction of Russian “due to the linguistic situation that has de - Belarusian in higher education and science en- veloped and to give the citizens free choice in regard countered specific difficulties due to a shortage to the language of education” (Narodnaya Gazeta ,7 of teaching aids and scientific literature in March 1992). With reference to the existing linguistic Belarusian. The discussion also revealed that situation, MDF suggested that the perspective lan - there were people in Belarus who categorically guage policy be replaced with a retrospective one did not accept the existence of an independent corresponding to the previous state of affairs. Pro - Belarusian language, nor approved of any practi- claiming the antidemocratic and anti-liberal charac - cal steps taken towards its development. It was ter of the 1990 law on languages and claiming that it primarily those people who saw the Belarusian “violates an individual ’s right of self-determination” language as inferior that became the foundation (Femida , no. 21, 24-30 May 1993), MDF members for establishing the pro-Russian party “The Slavic and the publishing house “Eridan” compiled and Union — White Rus” in August 1992. In its pro- published a draft law “On Languages in the Republic gram, which the party adopted in December of Belarus” that provided both Belarusian and Rus- 1993, the Belarusian language was classified as sian with official status. merely a “regional” language and a dialect of the This activity of the “liberalist” parties forced the Russian language. United Democratic Party of Belarus to clarify its atti - The Belarusian parliament regularly discussed tude towards language legislation. In November Belarusian and other languages in the first half of the 1994, UDBP ’s central council ordered its political 1990s. It is worth noting that the 12 th Supreme Soviet commission to prepare a statement regarding the (that convened in May 1990 and which was domi -

34 nated by Communists with 86% of the seats) was not during 1990–1994 the situation in secondary schools particularly interested in becoming actively involved radically changed to the benefit of the Belarusian lan- in the use of Belarusian on a broader basis. Neverthe - guage. Teachers of Belarusian enjoyed a 10% salary less, due to the declaration of Belarus ’ sovereignty, bonus. Higher educational establishments also began gradual de-monopolisation of the party ’s power and to experiment with teaching in Belarusian, and some the suspension of communist parties in the USSR pedagogical institutions taught solely in Belarusian. and BSSR (CPSU and CPB, respectively), communist Meanwhile, loud protests from the people to revise MPs were forced to succumb to the efforts of the few the language law, the vague and unstable political sit- national democrats. Consequently, laws on culture uation during the first years of independence, the lack and education were passed in June and October of will from the government to implement linguistic 1991 that either directly referred to the law on lan - reform (and as a result mistrust of the people in re- guages (in the former case) or even slightly sup - gard to the state’s intentions in this respect)as well as ported it (in the latter). the general atmosphere of transition characteristic for However, as the situation in countries neigh- early 1990s, resulted in the development of a strong bouring Belarus changed (former communists won state and legal nihilism and hampered the implemen- elections in Lithuania, growing resistance to tation of the 1990 law on language.With no faith in the Yeltsin’s reform appeared in Russia), BPF lost its in- fluence in the parliament, CPB was resurrected in the summer of 1992 and the Supreme Soviet lifted its ban on the party in February 1993, the situation inside the country also began to change. In the first half of 1992, the former nomenclature set up the “Belarus” faction in the Supreme Soviet and began to oppose BPF’s democratic and independence-ori- ented initiatives, primarily on the grounds of the weak position of the national democrats in language issues. For instance, when Supreme Soviet Chair- man Stanislaw Shushkevich refused to sign a Belarusian-Russian collective security treaty in May 1992, the “Belarus” faction immediately “black- mailed” him by holding a referendum about the offi- cial status of the Russian language. The proposal to make Russian the other official language in Belarus, first voiced by deputies of veterans’ organisations, became an increasingly more frequent issue in the Supreme Soviet. Language issues were also debated in parliament in 1993 while preparing a new constitution. The par- liamentary working group attempted to preserve the previous version of the article on language; how - ever, neither that version, nor any amended one, was passed in May 1993. During the parliament ’s fall ses- sion, the version stipulating Belarusian as the only of - ficial language received even less support than in the spring. As all hope for passing the language article was virtually lost, the parliamentary constitutional commission attempted to leave it out altogether. However, this was strongly opposed by the commis - sion for culture and historical heritage. The practical implementation of the law on lan - guage encountered great difficulties, as the new lan - newly-acquired independence and having no idea guage policy was being pursued simultaneously with which way the political wind will blow, many state economic reform that lowered living standards and functionaries found it better not to take any noticeable was not always welcomed by the people. Some peo - steps to implement the law on languages, as this ple, including the ideologically orthodox workers, as- would allow them to stay in the mainstream should sociated (probably unconsciously) the ideologically for some reason state independence be lost and the “adverse” reconstruction of economic life with the Soviet political system restored. Top level officials re- new language policy aimed at creating advantages mained indifferent in regard to the need to implement for the Belarusian language. This inspired their ex - the language law; most of them used only Russian in ceptionally aggressive attitude to the new trends in public speeches anyway. the linguistic situation in Belarus. Another factor that made it complicated to im- At the time, the educational system was the most plement the language law in Belarus was the fact receptive to implementing the law on languages, and that the 1990 law did not really set legal principles

35 but presented “a manifesto of national and linguis- in Belarus to deal specifically with language issues. tic self-identification,” as Ms. N. Myachkowskaya In March 1993, the 3rd Congress of the Belarusian stated. In particular, the law did not provide any Language Society suggested that the Supreme So- guidelines should it be violated. Due to its concern viet set up a commission to pursue an integral lan- regarding the poor implementation of the law, the guage policy in the Republic of Belarus. This Minsk City Council petitioned the Supreme Soviet suggestion was, however, ignored. at the beginning of 1993,requesting the right to de- Nevertheless, the new constitution adopted in March 1994 contained an article that affirmed the of- ficial status of the Belarusian language; however, the same article maintained the right “to the free use of the Russian language as a language of interna- tional communication.” The text was copied almost in full from the 1990 law, however, in the 1990 law, Russian did not have the status of a communication medium between different ethnic groups inside Belarus. The affirmation of Russian as the language of international communication unintentionally de- valued Belarusian as the only official language. Un- der those circumstances, it seemed natural to ask whether Belarusian could truly become the only of- ficial language in a situation where it was not con- sidered as a means of communication between different ethnic groups. Whereas the use of the Russian language as a means of inter-ethnic communications under- mined Belarusian rather in a symbolic manner, a more serious problem appeared in Article 50 of the constitution that guaranteed “the freedom to choose the language of raising and educating chil- dren.” This article was also a response to the con- tinuing debate on this issue. Later, alluded to this article,parents categorically claimed their uncondi- tional right to choose the language of instruction for their children. In January 1995, the constitutional court gener - ally supported such requests from parents. In its statement directed to the president and Supreme Soviet, the court criticised Article 24 of the law on languages that allegedly obliged secondary schools to use “exclusively the Belarusian language.” How - ever, the constitutional court praised other articles of the constitution that guaranteed “the freedom to choose the language of raising and educating chil- dren” (Zvyazda, February 2, 1995). In July 1994, supporters of official bilingual- ism gained strong support from the first presi- dent of Belarus, Alaksandar Lukashenka. Even while an MP, Lukashenka suggested granting the Russian language “a status equal to the official Oppositional action against the election to Parliament, status.” His program prepared for the presidential th Minsk, Oct. 14 , 2001. elections contained a paragraph on “providing a Photo: IREX/ProMedia real opportunity for every citizen of the Republic of Belarusto thinkand speakthe language he was mand administrative punishment for not observing raised in.” After his election as president, the language law; the permission to do so was not Lukashenka addressed language issues for the granted. Despite the fact that the law contained a first time when speaking at the Belarusian Peda- special article that obliged officials to “speak both gogical University on 1 September 1994. The Belarusian and Russian languages,” it did not con- president defended teachers of the social sci- tain any specific principles to enforce this article in ences and the Russian language who, as he said, practice. In fact, state functionaries were never as- had nearly become pariahsin some higher educa- sessed in regard to their command of the tional establishments. Alaksandar Lukashenka Belarusian language. After the law had been expressed his criticism of the educational policy adopted in 1990, no institutions were established (aimed at increasing the use of Belarusian) pur-

36 sued during the previous years and said that the 16 February 1995, the committee published its com - language of teaching should not be determined in plaint to the Prosecutor General regarding president an administrative way. Lukashenka. Lukashenka’s speech at the Pedagogical Uni- The president,however,intended to hold aref- versity was a signal to begin a campaign of sup- erendum about the official status of the Russian port for the Russian language. Just five days language. He first shared this idea with represen- following the president’s speech,an “Appeal of an tatives of veterans’ organisations on 2 February, Initiative Group” was distributed in the Vitsebsk and soon confirmed his intention on 20 February. Pedagogical Institute whose authors, including On 18 March, newspapers published a letter ad- teachers, demanded that students and teachers dressed to president Lukashenka, signed by 60 themselves choose the language of instruction, MPs (mainly delegates of veterans’ organisations) “supporting the intentions of the President of the in which they asked him to initiate a referendum Republic to begin healing the social situation.” In concerning language issues. Three days later September and October 1994 parents in some Lukashenka spoke in detail about the approaching schools went on strike against the “forced” teach- referendum to the Supreme Soviet, although he ing in Belarusian and, strangely enough, these did not present the precise questions. At the time, events were covered by some of the most popular many seemed to believe that a referendum was state-owned newspapers. rather unlikely, in view of the 1994 refusal. This An interesting episode in the struggle for grant - was the opinion of Valery Tsikhinya, chairman of ing the Russian language official status occurred in the constitutional court, expressed during a press the fall of 1994 when a group of members from the conference on 22 March. He justified his point of pro-Communist Popular Movement attempted to ini - view with Article 3 of the law on referenda. On 31 tiate a referendum on various issues, including the March, the general assembly of the Humanities language issue. The request submitted by this group Department of the Academy of Science adopted was considered by six parliamentary commissions an appeal not to include a language-related ques- and the Ministry of Justice. All of the seven institu - tion in the referendum. tions turned the request down for “more or less the Nevertheless, Lukashenka filed his proposal of same reasons,” as the newspapers wrote. In their re - initiating a referendum comprising four questions to fusals, the institutions referred to Article 3 of the law the Supreme Soviet. However, the proposal was on referenda that forbade holding referenda on is- turned down on 11 March, after the parliamentary sues “violating the inalienable right of the people of commissions had debated the proposal and ob- the Republic of Belarus to the state-guaranteed exis - jected to three questions, including the one on lan - tence of Belarusian national culture and language.” guages. The president responded by threatening the In October 1994, the central commission for elec - Supreme Soviet with holding the referendum with - tions and referenda explained to the applicants that out its consent, which resulted in more than twenty the question as to whether the Russian language MPs beginning a hunger strike in the parliamentary should be given official status “is directly forbidden session hall. However, on the night of 12 March they by the republic ’s legislation.” were thrown out of the Supreme Soviet building by a In the fall of 1994, a committee “For the Free military detachment acting on orders of president Choice of Language in Education” was founded in Lukashenka. This extraordinary event resulted in the Minsk, under the aegis of the Slavic Union. On 29 No - demoralised deputies violating procedure and vember, the committee led a demonstration of ap- adopting a resolution to hold the referendum on 13 proximately 20 parents, demanding education in March. On 26 March, the parliamentary commission Russian, to the building of the Minsk City Council. for culture and historical heritage filed a request to Footage of this rally, spiced with comments, was the constitutional court to consider the legitimacy of shown on state television. the Supreme Soviet ’s resolution but the court re- Meanwhile, the manner in which the law on lan - fused to hear this case. guages was being implemented and the on-going The referendum was held on 14 May 1995. The campaign for revising language legislation caused first of the four questions was as follows: “Do you numerous protests from various organisations and agree with granting the Russian language equal sta- parties, such as BLS and BPF. A non-governmental tus with Belarusian?” According to official data, voter committee for the defence of the Belarusian lan - frequency was 64.8%. Of those voting, 88.3% guage was founded at the end of 1994. Moreover, an (53.9% of all eligible voters) voted “yes” with respect alternative campaign was underway for Belarusian to this question. Numerous violations committed State University to completely transition to the exclu - during the preparation and holding the referendum sive use of Belarusian by 1 September 1995. In Janu - soon came to light. ary 1995, activists of the committee picketed the First, Article 3 of the law on referenda was vio- buildings of the university, Ministry of Education, lated (the law mentioned above that forbids the Constitutional Court and UN post. Later that month, holding of referenda on such issues). the committee adopted a statement that called on Second, Article 148 of the Constitution did not the citizens to inform the Prosecutor ’s Office about permit any changes or amendments to the constitu - all attempts at violating the official status of the tion during the final six months of the parliament ’s Belarusian language by government employees. On term of office.

37 Third, members of the referendum commission trol, the Supreme Soviet ’s commission for educa - were appointed in violation of Articles 18 and 20 of tion, culture and preservation of historical heritage the law on referenda. adopted two resolutions in June 1995. The first rec - Essentially, limitations were imposed on the ommended ministries and other state institutions to campaign against the proposals of the referendum. implement various provisions in order to encourage As a result, the referendum had to be carried out un - state officials, leaders of organisations and enter - der the strict control of the executive power. The prise executives to gain command of both the state-owned media, especially the electronic media, Belarusian and Russian language. The resolution mainly presented the views of the referendum ’s initi - stressed the need to learn the language, which the ator. Before the referendum, the Belarusian Lan - officials did not know, to a degree sufficient for them guage Society twice asked the management of the to conduct official duties. The other resolution rec - State TV and Radio Company to allow Society repre - ommended the Ministry of Education and Science to sentatives to go on the air. One of the deputy chair - introduce an obligatory entrance examination involv - persons of the Society recorded an interview for ing both Belarusian and Russian in all higher and sec - Programme 2 of Belarusian Radio. The interview was ondary special educational establishments. The never aired and no explanation was given. Mean - latter recommendation actually only added Russian while, the State TV kept showing activists from the to the entrance exams lists as Belarusian had already Slavic Union and the committee “For the Free Choice been on these lists. Due to the fact that the term of of - of Language in Education.” fice of the 12 th Supreme Soviet was coming to an The 1995 referendum coincided with the parlia - end, and the referendum worked against a wider use mentary election campaign. The OSCE delegation of Belarusian, the two resolutions had no legal or that observed the referendum and the elections con - practical importance whatsoever. Aimed at lowering cluded that neither complied with international stan - the status of the Belarusian language, the 1995 refer - dards of free and fair voting. In particular, the endum was certainly not held to make state officials delegation noted the government ’s control over the study and use Belarusian. On the other hand, the rec- media (which resulted in the media broadcasting ommendation to make all university entrants pass “edited” or false information), interference of the ex - two extra linguistic exams, no matter what they ecutive branch in the electoral process, discrimina - chose to study, sounded like a good idea but had no tion against political parties, etc. The US State chance of support. Department issued a special statement expressing The statement issued by the 2nd International its regret about the way and the atmosphere in which Congress of the Belarusian Pen Centre, regarding the the leaders of Belarus conducted the 1995 referen - May 1995 referendum (held in August), stated: “In dum and elections. practice, the introduction of Russian as the second Belarusian society, suffering economic hardships official language will affirm today ’s real disparity of at the time of the referendum, failed to see (and to a the Belarusian language and will assist in eliminating large extent did not want to see) the threat posed to it, which means a continuation of the policy of the Belarusian language hidden behind the “inno- russification and denationalisation of the Belarusian cent” formulation of the question regarding the people previously pursued by the Russian empire “equality” of the two languages. It turned out that and then the USSR.” The congress adopted the reso - Lukashenka’s initiative suited the wishes of a large lution “On Freedom and Responsibility of the Media” part of society,which wanted areturn to the good old that read in part “in Belarus, freedom of speech and communist times with cheap sausage in shops and press applies only to some citizens, mainly those no language problems whatsoever. With the help of close to power structures, whereas responsibility for this referendum, the president of Belarus wanted (as the spoken, published or circulated word is imposed he mentioned to members of Homel city counsil) to onto others who mainly belong to ‘the opposition mi - gain public support for his personal conviction that nority ’ or the ‘Belarusian-speaking ’ part of the popu - “the Belarusian language is simple and that it is im- lation.” Congress documents mentioned that the possible to say anything profound using it.” referendum, the regime ’s occupation and subordina - The results of the 1995 referendum shocked tion of the media to state power had paved the way those supporting the broader use of the Belarusian for introducing “reservations for ‘Belarusian-speak - language. It was only six weeks later that the secre - ing ’ Belarusians.” The referendum itself was referred tariat of BLS adopted an appeal to the citizens of to as a manifestation of “muscle democracy” or “de - Belarus, questioning the results of the referendum as mocracy substituted by pseudo-democracy” (Nasha the expression of the nation ’s will. The authors of the Slova, November 1, 1995). appeal referred to the uncounted votes of “the peo - Previously, advocates of the broader use of ple from the new generation — our children and ado - Belarusian referred to “the people ’s will,” allegedly lescents who have tasted their native language in witnessed by the population census, whereas after kindergartens and schools,” to the will of “many gen - the referendum they were shown the will of “another erations of our ancestors” and “millions of victims of people,” or rather, “another will,” according to which Stalinism and fascism.” Moreover, the appeal admit - the situation of the Belarusian language would be in ted that “we have now been squelched.” acceptable only formally, on paper. Therefore, the is- Reacting to the results of the referendum, and sue of the Belarusian language having a “real exis - hoping to get the situation at least slightly under con - tence” was no longer an urgent matter. The

38 importance of this lesson for the Belarusian intelli - cates of Belarusian-language schools in the city often gentsia, which is traditionally very strongly influ - found it difficult to collect enough applications to enced by popular convictions, should not be open a Belarusian-language class even in the larger underestimated. schools. As a result, they either had to abandon edu - The 13 th Supreme Soviet elected in May and De - cation in Belarusian or look for a Belarusian-language cember 1995 was not particularly interested in lan - school outside their neighbourhood. As for the 2nd guage issues. On the one hand, there were very few and higher grades previously taught in Belarusian, MPs who, in the unfavourable situation of 1995–96, parents frequently found themselves in conflict over would raise the issue of developing the Belarusian the language of their children ’s education. While language and resolve it in a positive way as no BPF some demanded a change into Russian, others reso - representatives were elected to this parliament. On lutely stood for maintaining the status quo. The the other hand, after the idea of belarusification had choice of the language was in fact in the hands of the been crushed by the referendum, this defeat could school administrations, which forced one of the be used in practice by eliminating some of the acts sides to abandon their demands. Since the general that promoted the use of the Belarusian language. trend of the summer and fall of 1995 implied educa - This was not difficult to do. tion in Russian, those conflicts were resolved to the The results of the referendum were published on benefit of Russian. When pro-Belarusian parents be - 26 May. On 30 and 31 May, even before the results came only a minority, these conflicts became latent were approved by the parliament, the Ministry of Ed- and to a large extent were hidden from the public. In ucation ordered the Russian language and literature such cases, on perfectly “lawful” grounds and in ac- to be added to the list of entrance exams of higher cordance with the rules of democracy, it was sug - and special secondary educational establishments. gested that the Belarusian-speaking children leave The ministry explained that the entrants did not have the class or school that had only recently had a to pass exams on both languages but could choose Belarusian-language status. Sometimes pupils had one of them. to change schools several times as each new school In June 1995, the Ministry of Education published they attended would adopt Russian according to the its guidelines in regard to enrolling children in the will of the parents. A parent filed suit against the first grade and kindergartens. This was now to be Harodnya administration in 1997 complaining about done according to the wishes of their parents. The a school that refused to educate his daughter in the administrative offices of schools and kindergartens Belarusian language after she had completed the 5th were instructed to hold parental meetings, during grade. He lost the case. In general, the social situa - which parents were to submit applications in which tion after the referendum was unfavourable for the they specified the desired language of their chil - Belarusian language and many complaints about vi- dren ’s education. It was correctly foreseen in the olating linguistic rights and freedoms of Belarusian ministry ’s document that such unlimited choice speakers were not considered, let alone resulted in could result in schools becoming bi-lingual, but this legal action. Some schools themselves initiated was assessed as “a transitional period.” The principle changes into Russian and sent notices to the parents of choosing the language was not limited to kinder - demanding that they submit applications for this gartens and first grades, it also applied to the second, change of language. third and fourth grades. The rapid decline in the number of The new language-in-education policy soon Belarusian-language schools and classes in the fall of yielded results. Aware of the new trend, a large ma- 1995, accompanied by strong administrative pres - jority of parents in the city began to choose Russian sure, resulted in the Executive Committee of the as the language of instruction for their children. In United Civil Party of Belarus issuing a statement in 1995, 62% of first grade pupils studied in Russian, September 1995. The document protested against compared to 25% during the previous year. As a forcing the Russian language into school education, consequence, the percentage of those studying in and pointed out that some officials interpret referen - Belarusian fell from 75% to 38%.The following year dum results in a biased way. The party demanded (in 1996), this trend continued and the relation was that the rights of parents to teach their children in ei- 68% Russian and 32% Belarusian. The number of ther Russian or Belarusian be not hampered. pupils in the 2nd–4th grades, and sometimes even Meanwhile,the 13th Supreme Soviet had not ap- older, taught in Belarusian was also decreasing, but proved the results of the referendum. On the one not asrapidly asin the case of the lower grades.Par- hand, the rapid advance of Russian and the with- ents of children who attended Belarusian-language drawal of Belarusian were so blatant that they classes in the 2nd and higher grades sensed the needed no legal grounds. On the other hand, indi- change and began to demand those classes be vidual leaders of the parliament spoke about the fu- changed to Russian, often ignoring the linguistic ture of linguistic regulations in a way differing from habits their children had developed and the termi- the view of president Lukashenka. For example, nology they used. Those demands were met. spokesman Syamyon Sharetski did not think that The 1995 changes in the language structure of the unconditional victory of pro-Russian forces in schools were accompanied by conflicts among the the referendum should have been affirmed auto- parents of schoolchildren as well as between parents matically without consideration. The parliament’s and school authorities. In the new situation, advo - revision of the 1990 law on languages was delayed

39 until June 1998, three years after the referendum, “disfranchisement” of politically active when the house of representatives (the lower Belarusian-speakers, the Belarusian language be- chamber of the parliament introduced by gan to be associated as an instrument for resisting Lukashenka after the revolt in 1996) amended the presidential power. People who spoke Belarusian 1990 law. The structure of the 1998 law was an al- were almost automatically perceived as the opposi- most exact copy of the 1990 law, however, the tion (unless they were the most socially backward amended version had no preamble. (The preamble part of the rural population that speaks Belarusian to the 1990 law presented an evaluation of the criti- not because they stand for it but because they do cal situation of the Belarusian language and stated not speak any other language). Having become a the need to protect it.) The main characteristic of way of expressing opposition, the Belarusian lan- the revised law was that nearly half of its articles guage began to be used increasingly more fre- linked the Belarusian and Russian languages with quently by democratic parties. When addressing the conjunction “or” (Articles 3, 9, 12–18, 21, 25, the 50th session of the UN Sub-commission for the 28–30,32),with “and (or)” being used almost asfre- Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Mi- quently (Articles 7, 8, 10, 11, 19, 20, 22–24, 26, 27, norities in the summer of 1998, Mr. A. Sannikaw, 31). For example, Article 14 maintains that legal co-ordinator of the political opposition movement proceedings in the Republic of Belarus are to be Charter ’97, mentioned the elimination of Belarusian conducted in “either the Belarusian or Russian lan- culture, history and language as well as practices of guage”; and according to Article 20, the Armed “conscious mockery and suppression of the lan- Forces use “the Belarusian and (or)the Russian lan- guage” in Belarus. In February 1999, the Congress guage.” Despite the official status of both lan- of Democratic Forces of Belarus adopted a special guages declared by Artcle 2, the excessive use of resolution entitled ‘The Discrimination of the the conjunction “or” in the textpavesthe way to us- Belarusian language in the Republic of Belarus,’ ing either ofthem without the mandatory use ofthe concluding that the Belarusian people’s rights for other. The 1998 law consciously pursues a “policy the free development of their native language and of no policy,” which enhances the disparity be- culture are being “grossly violated.” tween the two languagesand forcesout the weaker Currently, the Belarusian language faces many language, Belarusian. challenges. It is insufficiently supported by the In the fall of 1996 another referendum was initi- Belarusian state, the unfavourable situation of ated by Lukashenka that gave him the support of which continues to deteriorate.Issues regarding the voters in regard to a draft constitution, which development of the Belarusian language are tradi- greatly increased presidential power and involved tionally neglected by the communist parties. As for Belarusian and Russian as the two official lan- democratic parties, the majority of them have only guages. The conflict between Alaksandar recently began to notice that the language is an im- Lukashenka and democrats in Belarus became even portant element of the Belarusian people’s identity. more intense. The 1996 revolt presented an oppor- This realisation was unintentionally inspired by the tunity to reanimate activity aimed at a 1995–2000 state policy, aimed at forcing Belarusian Belarusian-Russian union, the statutes of which out of normal, everyday use and into the realm of a were adopted in 1997.Article 38 of the statutes des- marginal “opposition-related” phenomenon. ignated Russian the working language of the un- The repressive state policy towards the ion’s institutions. Between 1996 and 1999, Belarusian language can be expected to be revised in democratic forces in Belarus held several mass ral- the near or distant future, regardless of any major po - lies against Belarus’ incorporation into Russia with litical changes occurring in Belarus. Belarusian being the prevailing language of these demonstrations. In the late 1990s, the Belarusian administration was not interested in the develop- ment of the Belarusian language and the needs of Belarusian-speakers. The use of the Belarusian lan- Syarhey Zaprudski , born 1957. In 1983 graduated from the guage was continually being pushed aside. The philological faculty of the Belarusian State University, spe - cialisation at Belarusian language and literature and Rus- House of Representatives (the legislative body in sian language and literature. In 1983–1986, studies for a the Lukashenka-appointed parliament) prepared of- doctor ’s degree at the Institute of Linguistics of the ficial documents only in Russian.Some local admin- Belarusian Academy of Sciences. Worked in the Institute of istrations have been adopting legislation that Linguistics of the Belarusian Academy of Sciences, banned the use of Belarusian. At the same time, Belarusian Institute of Theatre and Art and the “Nieman” magazine. Assisting professor at the faculty of history of Belarusian-speakers among the political opposition Belarusian language of the Belarusian State University, were being repressed. Some of the participants in deals with social linguistics (language ’ policy, ideology of mass political rallies were detained for speaking language, human language rights, language and ethnic Belarusian. During court proceedings some people identity), history of Belarusian linguistics and Belarusian lit - were forbidden to speak Belarusian or were erature language. From the beginning of the Belarusian Lan - charged for the services of interpreters. guage Society (1989), taking part in its activity. One of initiators of the statement “Strategy of Developing st As the conflict between president Lukashenka Belarusian Language in 21 Century” (continued by now). and the democratic forces escalated, along with the Scientific secretary of the International Society of reduction in the official use of Belarusian and the Belaruthenists.

40 Ihar Lalkou NATIONAL SYMBOLISM IN BELARUS: THE PAST AND PRESENT

Belarusian society is deeply split. Less than a de - cade after the establishment of an independent Re- public of Belarus, one part of society is so radically separated from the other that if a casual observer were to overhear conversations and read articles by the two groups, it could be concluded that they live in different worlds. Of the parameters that identify a nation, place of residence is the only thing these two groups have in common. They differ by language, their historical memory, identity (despite the fact that both call themselves Belarusians, the meaning is completely different), relations with other nations (close and distant), their vision of the country ’s future development, etc. It sometimes seems that these two groups would feel more comfortable in two different coun- tries. The two Belaruses already have two totally separate sets of national symbols. One set com- prises the knightly emblem Pahonya (a knight on horseback against a red shield) and the white, red st and white flag. The other set comprises a tradi- A white-red-white flag, Minsk, Oct. 1 , 2000. tional Soviet shieldless emblem look-alike framed Photo: IREX/ProMedia

41 by agarland and ared and green flag with an orna- symbols of the independent Republic of Belarus mental pattern. The Pahonya was inherited by between 1991 and 1995.The alternative set of sym- Belarus from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL),a bols originates entirely from the period of the country in which the ancestors of most Belarusians Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR), a lived during the greater part of their history (in the puppet quasi-state within the USSRfounded by the 13th–18th centuries). It was during this period that Bolsheviks in one part of the BPR. The BSSR em- blem (1927 model) and flag (1951 model) were de- clared new state symbols of Belarus in 1995 (after minor modifications) when neo-Soviet dictator Alaksandar Lukashenka came to power. Philosophers say that the structure of any symbol is “aimed at presenting a total image of the world.” 1 Accordingly, in the Belarusian situation the attitude taken to these symbols is the main indicator of a per - son ’s world-view, the main test of whether a person is a citizen of European or Soviet Belarus. It will be sufficient to quote three comments on the symbols made by representatives of the two op - posed sides in order to illustrate the above. The statement below was made by the leaders of the so-called “National Assembly,” a representative body of today ’s power, people assigned personally by Lukashenka after the 1996 dismissal of the law - fully elected parliament: “In 1995 and 1996 the people of Belarus specifi - cally and unambiguously expressed themselves on vital issues concerning the further development of our state and society. The old, anti-national symbols were rejected and the “new-old” ones approved. This means that the previous symbols with which a majority of Belarusian citizens associate their lives and the history of the Motherland before and after the war when Belarus was a flourishing republic, one of the 15 fraternal republics within the mighty Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, have been accepted.” 2 And this is the “response” of Ryhor Baradulin, a People ’s Poet of Belarus:

“Maybe, we ’ve been bashed too little To long for an empire Under a Muslimish flag, With an Ivanish Politburo.“ 3,

And the judgement of historian Aleh Trusaw, Di- rector of the Fellowship of the Belarusian Language:

“The authorities pretty well understand (even now) the artificiality of their symbols. Their emblem the ethnic group later called “Belarusians” was ac- disappeared from Belarusian postal stamps long ago tually formed. Together with the white, red and and was never printed on its bank notes. And this is white flag,the emblem wasadopted asthe national not incidental.The people have not accepted the sym- emblem of the Belarusian Popular Republic (BPR), bols forced on them. As early as Independence Day the first country to appear on these lands after the (July 27) 1995, in the town of Lyozna in the Vitsebsk break up of the Russian empire. (It is still used by region the legendary Miron raised the white, red and the BPR government-in-exile that had to leave the white flag on a 40-metre chimney and left a note say- country in 1920 under the blows of Soviet Russia’s ing “Give people back their historical memory.” And it Red Army.) These symbols were also the first state will soon return. The latest 40-thousand-strong Path

1 The Philosophic Encyclopaedic Dictionary, Moscow, 1989, p. 581. 3 Nasha Niva, May 15, 2000. 2 Zvyazda, September 12, 2000.

42 of Chernobyl adorned with national symbols is good Belarusian provincial, district, town, and military testimony to that.” 4 emblems was a phenomenon that certified the In order for the lay reader, unfamiliar with neighbouring peoples ’ realisation of the identity of Belarusian politics, to form an opinion regarding the two concepts: the geographic and ethnic Belarus the historical basis for the views on the state sym- and the heraldic Pahonya.” 9 bols (and therefore world-views), a more detailed Under these conditions it looks perfectly natural presentation of the history of these symbols is that activists of the Belarusian national liberation given below. movement, which manifested its full power in early According to old Belarusian chronicles, the XXth century, respected the Pahonya as a natural na- Pahonya became a symbol in the 1770s or 1790s tional symbol of their people. In 1916, Maksim when the image of a horseman with a sword above Bahdanovich, a classic of Belarusian literature, wrote his head “had been established as a symbol repre - in his famous poem ‘Pahonya ’: senting those who exercised supreme power in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania,” 5 a country that through - “As I feel in my worried heart out its entire history (from the mid-13 th to the late 18 th Fear for my native country, century) united the lands on which Lithuania and I remember the holy Sharp Gate Belarus appeared in the 20 th century. At various And warriors on ferocious studs. times, the ancestors of today ’s Belarusians consti - tuted ½ to ¾ of the Duchy ’s population, so it is not Clad in white foam the studs run by, surprising that they dominated the culture of that Rushing, striving, and heavily snorting, country throughout its history (also evidenced by the The ancient Lithuanian Pahonya fact that state documents of the GDL used Old Can be neither broken, nor stopped, nor held Belarusian until the end of the XVII century when it back.” was replaced by the kindred Polish language). Belarusian cultural domination also influenced the At that time the white knight of the Pahonya choice of state symbols. A mounted knight was a adorned the red national flag as well. However, soon common subject in the heraldry of Europe at that after, at the turn of 1916/1917, a new original flag of time and was “an iconographic equivalent to the ex- the Belarusian movement appeared. In full accor - pression of dux (prince).” 6 However, only the Grand dance with the wide spread principle of em - Duchy of Lithuania adopted this symbol on the state blem-based flag design in Europe, when the colours emblem (in 1566). Experts believe that the symbol of the main details (the emblem and field) are shown originates from local Slavic traditions (that survived in the flag as a combination of horizontal stripes of in Belarus until the XIX century) connected with the different or same width, a draft of this white, red and pagan deity Yaryla “who rides a white horse with a white flag was drawn by Klyawdziy Duzh-Dushewski, white mantel on his shoulders” 7 and from local ico- a Belarusian architect and politician. In early March nography of the Christian saints most popular 1917 the white, red and white flag appeared in Pe- among Belarusians — St. Dzimitry, St. George, St. tersburg on the building of the Belarusian Fellowship Barys and St. Hleb, depicted armed and riding a of Aid for War Victims, which Duzh-Dushewski horse. Apart from the state emblem, the Pahonya worked for. On March 25 the Minsk Belarusian Na- was also present in the local emblems of most GDL tional Committee adopted the following resolution: administrative divisions and on the Duchy ’s state gonfalon — a red rectangular banner “with the im- “1. Due to the fact that almost all towns in the Minsk ages of Pahonya and Virgin Mary with baby Jesus in province used the ancient Pahonya in their seals, we a Sun.” 8 Therefore, for more than 500 years all ethni - resolve to retain this heritage of the Grand Duchy of cally Belarusian lands existed “under the sign of Lithuania. The Committee has unanimously adopted Pahonya,” and the ancestors of today ’s Belarusians the Pahonya as the state emblem of the independent simply did not know any other state emblem. The Belarus to come. Russian empire also saw the Pahonya as a generally 2. Due to the fact that Belarusian folk art is domi- recognised and accepted symbol of the lands that nated by white and red ornaments, it is considered were part of the GDL in the latter period of its exis - appropriate to use these colours in the Belarusian tence (i.e., modern Lithuania and Belarus). Therefore national flag. Thus the Committee has resolved that this emblem continued to be used in these lands af- the flag is to consist of three horizontal stripes, ter their incorporation into Russia in the late 18 th cen - white, red and white in equal widths, and its length tury. Anatol Tsitow, a well-known Belarusian heraldic be twice its width.” 10 expert, believes the following to be true for that time: The new flag matched the ancient Pahonya so or - “The representation of the ancient Pahonya on ganically that in a short time it became a generally re -

4 Nasha Niva, May 10, 2000. 8 Tsitow A., ibid., p. 27. 5 The Encyclopaedia of the History of Belarus, v. 5, Minsk, 1999, p. 367. 9 Tsitow A., ibid., p. 38. 6 Tsitow A., ‘Our Symbol — Pahonya: a Road through Centuries ’, Minsk, 1993, p. 5. 10 Source: Nasha Niva, 1995, #5. 7 Afanasyev A., ‘Poetic Views of Slavs on Nature ’, v. 1, Moscow, 1865, p. 441.

43 cognised national symbol. In 1917 the “Statute of Pointing at the national Belarusian flag, he said, Belarusian National Cultural Educational Circles in “Lower this flag.” 13 the Army” obliged their members to “wear the The Bolsheviks established power in Belarus in Belarusian national sign — a white band with a red 1920 and founded “the first state of workers and stripe in the middle; all three stripes — white, red and peasants on Belarusian land.” In 1922, along with white — of the same width.” 11 The following Decem - other similar “states,” the Bolsheviks incorporated ber, white, red and white flags decorated the session Belarus into a single Communist empire — the Union hall of the All-Belarusian Congress — the most im - of Soviet Socialist Republics. The only flag allowed portant national constituent forum in the modern his - within its territory was the red flag of the Bolshevik tory of Belarus. The 1,872 delegates to the congress, party. The only deviation allowed was an inscription representing all Belarusian organisations that existed in the upper left corner, in the case of Belarus — at that time, spoke in favour of the country ’s self-de - “BSSR.” The same applied to the emblem. The first termination as a free state. Thus the question of state emblem of Soviet Belarus “was a copy of the state symbols of the first modern Belarusian state had emblem of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist been de facto resolved in advance: the state emblem Republic (RSFSR) with a different inscription.” 14 of the Belarusian Popular Republic founded in 1918 Liberalisation implemented by the Communist re - was the Pahonya, and the white, red and white flag gime during the period known as the New Economic became the national flag. Policy included the right of the “Soviet republics” to It was at this time that first problems related to show some degree of national identity. This raised those symbols arose.The problem consisted in the the question of creating new “state” symbols for fact that the process establishing the new country those administrative divisions of the USSR that were on the Belarusian lands coincided with similar de- to be “national by form and socialist by content.” In velopments undertaken by Lithuanians, the other 1924 the BSSR announced a competition for the best heirs of the history and traditions of the bygone design of such symbols. The Council of People ’s Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In 1918, an independent Commissars chose the version by Russian artist Lithuanian state,first amonarchy and later arepub- Valentin Volkov, who saw no reason to complicate lic, was declared covering the former Zhmudksaye matters and presented a slightly modified copy of (Samahidskaye) region of the GDL (the only large Soviet Russia ’s emblem: a hammer and sickle, a administrative division that had its own emblem, a five-pointed star, sun and garland. For local colour, black bear on a silver field)and adjacent districts of the artist rendered the ribbons that wrap the garland the former Vilna and Troks voivodships (prov- in the colours of the national flag of Belarusians — inces).In order to emphasise its historical and legal white, red and white. On April 11, 1927, the 8th Con - continuity with the GDL (and at that time Lithuanian gress of Soviets of the BSSR approved the “new” national leaders attempted to establish control emblem after a “minor” adjustment: the ribbons over all the lands once constituting the Grand were returned the original colour red. Local “com - Duchy), the new independent Lithuania chose the rades” knew better than the graduate of the Peters - Pahonya as its state emblem. Moreover, as official burg Art Academy, where the bacillus of “Belarusian ideology declared this newly created Lithuania the bourgeois nationalism” hid. Nothing in the symbols only true heir to the former GDL, the descendants of the “small brother” in the “brotherly family of So- of Zhmudzins also usurped the right to use the em- viet peoples,” which was taking steps toward the blem with an armed horseman on a red back- construction of a “new national unity — a united So - ground. This caused repeated scandals, such as in viet people,” was to remind Belarusians of the times December 1919 when a diplomatic delegation of when they were trying to determine the future of the BPR travelling from Berlin to Riga was arrested their country without the assistance of the “leaders of on the Lithuanian border.The reason for the arrest, the world proletariat.” The 1927 project (with occa - according to the minutes of detainment, was the sional modifications) became the “state emblem” un - discovery by customs agents of “blank passports der which Belarus lived until late 1991. One of the of a so-called Belarusian Republic with the Lithua- modifications involved the language of the slogan nian emblem on the cover.” 12 “Proletarians of all countries, unite!” written on the However, the Russian Bolsheviks arriving from garland ’s ribbon. Initially, the text was written in the East were even less disposed to the Belarusians Belarusian, Yiddish, Russian and Polish. On July 28, using the Pahonya and the white, red and white flag. 1938, the Supreme Soviet of the BSSR decided to During the All-Belarusian Congress their representa - leave only the Belarusian and Russian slogans. Small tive stated: “We stand for the fraternity of all peoples. wonder, as it was at this time that the NKVD was en - There should be no separation into nations.” gaged in eliminating “Trotsky ’s agents” and “White-Polish spies” in Belarus. In May 1995 the

11 Source: Nasha Niva, 16.03.1998. 13 Source: October 1917 and the Fates of Political Opposition. Part III: The Reader on 12 Nasha Niva, 28.07.1997. the History of Social Movements and Political Parties, Homel, 1993, p. 190. 14 The Encyclopaedia of the History of Belarus, v. 3, Minsk, 1996, p. 246.

44 same “heraldic device” (which actually has little to do works added the flavour of political liberation to this with traditional heraldry) appeared on the pediment historical and cultural symbol, and showed the of the presidential palace to symbolise the aspiration world that the Moscow-directed processes of na- of the new head of state and alarge part of the popu - tional degradation and assimilation of the lation to shed the burden of independence and re- Belarusian people was not yet complete. In the turn to the “bright Soviet yesterday.” 1980s, the Pahonya and the white, red and white The red and green flag that currently hangs flag became the well-known symbols of Belarus and above the same palace has an even shorter history. independence, while their public demonstration In the early 1950s Moscow ordered the administra - was unambiguously interpreted by the authorities tions of the Soviet republics to complement the and their opponents as an act of national resistance. Bolshevik red flags featuring a hammer and sickle An example of this is an event that occurred in the (that were considered state flags in all the member autumn of 1985 when Mikhal Miroshnikaw and Yury republics of the Soviet Union) with some standard - Makeyew, students of the Hlebaw Art School in ised details to symbolise the “specificity” of each ter - Minsk, tore the USSR flags off the school building ritory. In order to comply, the Presidium of the BSSR and hoisted the white, red and white flag. As a re- Supreme Soviet issued an edict on December 25, sult, the KGB started legal proceedings against six 1951 (without explanation!) that added a green stripe people; Makeyew was forced to leave school. at the bottom of the red flag as well as an ornament As the process of democratisation unfolded in (taken from a hand towel embroidered in 1917 by M. the Soviet Union, the use of pre-Soviet symbols be- Markevich from the village of Kastsilishcha, Senna came wide-spread and demands for their legalisa- district) alongside the staff. This flag was designed tion were voiced (for the first time by the (as was the BSSR emblem) by a Russian artist, this independence-oriented youth organisation “Talaka” time Nikolay Gusev. in August 1988). It was under the white, red and The Pahonya and the white, red and white flag re- white flag that the first opposition political meeting mained the official symbols of the Belarusian Popular authorised by the BSSR authorities was held at the Republic and its government-in-exile around which Dynamo stadium in Minsk on February 19, 1989. the Belarusian political emigration was grouped, and However, at that time people were often arrested therefore were automatically forbidden in the BSSR. and persecuted for using this flag and the Pahonya, Prior to 1990, these symbols could be used relatively particularly in the provinces. Even on June 19, 1991 freely in Belarus only between 1941 and 1944 when when the Belarusian Popular Front (BPF, the largest the Soviet occupation was replaced by the Nazi oc - opposition organisation at that time) was officially cupation. In an effort to gain some degree of loyalty registered (two years after it was founded), the reg- from the local population, the Germans did not forbid istration was granted on the condition that, within Belarusians to use their national symbols. Naturally, three months, the organisation bring its statutes under those conditions they were also used by some into line with legislation, specifically by removing collaborationist organisations (the Belarusian Coun - the provision stating that “the BPF uses the cil of Trust, the Belarusian Central Council, the Union Belarusian historic symbols — the white, red and of Belarusian Youth, etc.). As is known, the Nazis did white flag and the Pahonya emblem.” 15 This condi- not gain much from this act of “generosity,” but it tion was imposed despite the fact that the flag had later gave the Soviets grounds for political specula - been legalised a year earlier in the capital of the tion concerning the symbols. BSSR.In 1990,the MinskCity Council adopted ares- During the entire 70-year history of the Commu- olution that allowed using the white, red and white nist regime, these images remained the chief sym- flag as a national (not state) symbol of the bols for all people in Belarus in favour of restoring Belarusians (not Belarus). the country’s independence. In the 1940s and BPFnever had to adjust its statutes to BSSRleg- 1950s,they were the symbols of the anti-Soviet par- islation. On September 19, 1991, exactly three tisan movement and underground (the Belarusian months after its registration, the country was re- Liberation Army, the Belarusian Independence named the Republic of Belarus and adopted the Party, the Union of Belarusian Patriots, etc). In the Pahonya and the white, red and white flag. As a re- 1960s and 1970s, their legal revival in Belarus was sult of the continuing collapse of the Soviet empire the dream of the humanitarian intellectuals of the and the failure of the coup attempt in Moscow ear- Academic Centre (liquidated by the KGB in lier in August,the ruling elite in Belaruswasready to 1974–1975) and the dissident artists of the creative do anything to retain power in the country. The circle “Na Paddashku” (In the Attic) who distributed Communist Party of the Soviet Union and its samizdat postcards and posters featuring the Belarusian local branch were banned on August 25, Pahonya. One of the postcards by Yauhen Kulik 1991, and those in power found the communist found its way abroad, was reprinted and evoked a symbols of little practical use. There were no other great deal of interest. Therefore, those modest historic symbols of Belarus apart from those used

15 Svaboda, 1993, #9.

45 by the opposition and there was no time to invent sia was bound to win. The following was one of new ones. The opposition, through its minority in Lukashenka ’s pre-election promises: the parliament,submitted proposals for the de-sovi- “I will return our native Belarusian flag [i.e. not the etisation and de-communisation of the country, BPF flag — I.L.] and symbols. The people themselves among which the demand to change the symbols will decide via a referendum! Let them choose from appeared the least threatening to the pragmatic no- several versions. Not the one we want to thrust in menclature. However, for the advocates of their teeth but the one that raises their spirit.” 16 Belarusian independence, which represented a mi- The promised referendum was held on May 14, nority in the parliament, returning the national sym- 1995 and became the culmination point of the bols to the status of state symbols was a matter of slide-back: Belarus was reverting to the pre-inde- principle. Settling this matter was seen as a guaran- pendence situation in terms of politics, civil rights and tee of the irreversibility of Belarus’ independence economics. The restoration of the BSSR-like emblem and the belarusification of its society. and flag was, for the initiators of these retrogressive Thus, at the end of 1991 an independent Belarusian processes, a necessary “last stroke” to complete the state was revived with its main emblems corresponding picture of the country’s return to the blessed Soviet to those of the former statesformed on thisterritory,the yesterday. The voting was preceded by an insane Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Belarusian Popular campaign in the state-run media (including the na- Republic.However,for a large part of the new country’s tional television channel, the only one that covers the population, people not particularly keen in the area of entire country)against the Pahonya and the white,red history (the “pre-Soviet” history of Belarus was hardly and white flag, the country’s main symbols of state at mentioned if at all in schools and universities of the that time! It was heavily stressed that those symbols BSSR), and those unfamiliar with the subtleties of politi- were used by some collaborators during the World cal manifestos, those symbols appeared to be the “pri- War II.Lithuania and its claim to the entire historic her- vate” symbolsof the opposition,who tookadvantage of itage of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was thrown in the situation to “foist” them on the entire country.More- as well. Lukashenka stated: “Brazauskas [then presi- over, the former rulers of the BSSR, who usurped dent of Lithuania — I.L.] said to me: why did you, power over the Republic of Belarus, proved absolutely Alaksandar Hryhoryevich, take my emblem? I an- unable to manage the economy under the new condi- swered: I didn’t, I don’t need it!”17 Russian “psychics” tions. The first two years after the declaration of inde- pondered over the “alien ethnic bioenergy in the pendence was the worst period of the economic crisis Pahonya and white, red and white flag.”18 However, that began in the late 1980s in the former USSR.Instead the main point hammered into the heads of readers of undertaking the necessary reform, the country’s and viewers was the following: the difficult present is leaders preferred to present the problems flooding symbolised by the signs of independent Belarus and Belarus as the inevitable price of state independence so the “damned nationalists and democrats,” whereas desired by the “nationalist opposition.” It is therefore lit- the better future (equal to the bright past) is repre- tle surprise that under those circumstances the words sented by the BSSR emblems; to return to the com- “crisis,” “deterioration of living conditions,” “independ- munist symbols is a return to youth for the elderly or ence,” “Pahonya,” “white, red and white flag” and “op- adolescence-childhood for the middle-aged. Have position” merged in the minds of “ordinary people” into you never wanted to return to childhood?! one synonymous series. Meanwhile pro-Soviet and The trick worked! In May 1995, society in the Re- pro-Russian forces, primarily grouped in so-called public of Belarus split almost exactly in half. The “force structures” (such as the never-reformed KGB) about face to the old Soviet symbols was supported and who enjoyed strong support from outside, did not by 40.7% of the voters while 59.3% voted against or abandon hope to change the trajectory of history and ignored the referendum altogether. 19 Moreover, the involved themselves in incessant, secret and open, press pointed out that some of those who answered “work among the population.” This “work” was most in the affirmative to the question worded by gratefully accepted by the older generation, Soviet vet- Lukashenka ’s lawyers “Do you support the introduc - erans of World War II and pensioners, for whom the tion of the new state symbols?” did not at all mean to USSR was the country of their youth and the unex- vote in favour of emblematic re-sovietisation. This is pected changes brought only poverty and want. It is illustrated in the letter below written by L. worth noting that at that time those people made up al- Dambrowskaya to the newspaper Nasha Niva : most one third of the working population. “Dear beloved newspaper! At the referendum I All of these factors were the main reason for the voted for the new state symbols— the white,red,and victory of Alaksandar Lukashenka in the first free white flag and the emblem Pahonya. Suddenly in presidential elections in 1994. An advocate of restor - turned out that the “new flag” meant the old red and ing the USSR and returning to a Socialist economic green… For my 37-years of life the red and green flag system, the young retired KGB Major backed by Rus- is the old symbol. Iam sure that this is true for many,

16 Source: Svaboda, 1994, #21. 18 Free News Plus, 1995, #20. 17 Source: Svaboda, 28.04.1995. 19 Nasha Niva, 10.05.2000.

46 many people. Has it been so long since we discussed was to give the broadest context to the sense and and adopted the symbols of our newly born state — meaning of the present state symbols as a whole or the historic banner and emblem? Whose fault is it their particular elements… then that political thought jumps around like Punch, “The prosaic descriptions of the emblem and bowsnow to one side and then to another,now to this flag [sic!] submitted for the contest largely vary in and then to another audience? I think that many peo- both length and content… however,all of them are ple did not question the decision already made about too short, on average one type-written page. Their the new symbols of the new state, because new state general drawback is a complete lack of historic symbols are not like new brands of sausage or vodka data.”23 and there can not be several in the memory of one The contest that started with a bang ended with a generation.”20 whimper. The “first two prizes — 50 minimum sala- However, the authorities had achieved their aim. ries each” 24 never found their owners, and the presi - Lukashenka’s proposal was supported by a majority of dential promise to “publish the original text by the voters in the referendum. Despite the fact that legisla- contest winner as a decorative brochure” 25 hangs in tive provisions specifically stated that issues of this im- the air. The Belarusian intellectual elite demon - portance could only be resolved with the participation strated its attitude toward the policy of reviving the of the majority of all registered voters, the presidential ghosts of the recent past. regime immediately announced its victory.Not waiting Thus, by the end of 2000 the Republic of Belarus until a formal announcement of the voting results, Ivan saw the coexistence of two symbolic systems that Tsitsyankow, head of the presidential affairs depart- have the value of state symbols for two main groups ment and former communist district leader, took the in society. hated symbol of Belarus’ independence off the main Currently, the “Resolution on the State Emblem of flagpole of the country (on the roof of the presidential the Republic of Belarus” and its counterpart regarding palace) and publicly tore the white, red and white flag the state flag,endorsed by presidential edicts 213 and into shreds. That symbolic act of savageness opened 214 dated June 7, 1995, are valid. These documents an epoch of schizophrenic existence of the still-inde- bestow national status on the neo-Soviet symbols. pendent Republic of Belarus under the “new-old” state The symbols are maintained by the State Heraldic symbols of the sub-Soviet BSSR. Service controlled by the State Committee for Ar- Seven months after the Soviet-style symbols chives and Records. Syarhey Rassadzin, the current were adopted, the absurdity of the situation was director of the service, is perfectly aware whose “he- made yet more outrageous when the head of the raldic tastes” his institution is servicing: presidential administration announced a “contest for “We enjoy total support of the leadership, and es- the best explanatory text for the State symbol and pecially the leader of our state who expresses his in- State flag of the Republic of Belarus.” 21 However, ex - terest in the development of symbols.” 26 plaining the signs that according to Vyacheslaw Lukashenka ’s “heraldmaster” Rassadzin (a histo - Nasivich, head of the State heraldic service, “are usu - rian) also unambiguously expressed his understand - ally interpreted as slightly modified symbols of the ing of Belarusian heraldry and its prospects while Soviet period which illustrates the nostalgia of a writing on military heraldry: large part of population for those times,” 22 proved a “Modern Belarusian military heraldry has been very difficult task. This is surprising, considering the and is developing based primarily on the achieve - extraordinary intellectual potential of the advocates ments of Soviet military heraldry. The latter has been of the “bright yesterday.” Jury member Arkadz developing over many decades and has produced a Zhurawski, a notorious advocate of linguistic consistent, original system… russification, provided an eloquent summary of the “In the 1990s the situation in military heraldry contest: changed abruptly. In particular, the then official sym - “As a whole, the versions sent in for the contest bols of the Republic of Belarus, the Pahonya emblem leave a sad impression. They show that the leading and the white, red and white flag as well as their de - Belarusian writers, artists and publicists evaded the rivatives, were introduced into our military system of contest, and it is not by chance in the present political emblems. The problem was that the very style of the and ideological climate of Belarus… emblem and flag was essentially different from that “Some of the versions are verses whose authors used before, which caused numerous expenses… use a passionate and emotional form to express their “The necessary prerequisites for the normalisa- positive attitude to the present symbols. However, tion of military heraldry were made in Belarus after one has to admit that these versified works do not the 1996 national [sic!] referendum was con- meet the main requirement of the competition which

20 Nasha Niva, 1995, #6. 23 The resolution about the material of the contest for the best explanatory text for the 21 Directive of the Head of the Administration of the President of the Republic of State symbol and State flag of the Republic of Belarus // Ibid.. Belarus #41ra of December 21, 1995 // The current archive of the State heraldic ser - 24 The resolution of the head of the administration … #41pa. vice of the Republic of Belarus. 25 Ibid. 22 The letter from V. Nasevich to V.M. Saprykov, chief specialist of the State archive 26 The Belarusian service of Radio Liberty, August 1, 2000. service of Russia, August 17, 1995 // Ibid.

47 ducted, when the state received its present em- red and white flag is an officially registered symbol of blem and flag… BPF. The police arrest and beat up people who use [Among the urgent tasks] is, of course, to main - the disgraced symbols (the independent Belarusian tain continuity in the development of our military press has been full of such incidents over the past heraldry. To deny the best achievements of the So - five years) or, for example, ban the activity of the viet epoch in this area is obviously morally unaccept - “Khata” (House) Publishing House for “printing the able, if practically uneconomic… Furthermore, it is book “Pahonya” in Your Heart and Mine the contents not worthwhile to replace the symbols that are firmly of which is at odds with the results of the referendum associated in people ’s consciousness with the heroic on state symbols and thus negatively influences un - past of the Armed Force with new ones. Thus, the derstanding, unity and stability in society.” 29 How - Battle Banner of a military department must remain ever, all this only increases the attraction to these red, and the star pentagonal.” 27 symbols in the eyes of the people who are dis - This long quote seems appropriate because it re- pleased with the restoration of neo-Soviet order in flects the world-view of that part of the Belarusian Belarus (and even those unaffiliated with the population whose flag is now hanging above the Belarusian national movement). country ’s administrative buildings: history begin - Therefore, it can be said that the issue of state ning in 1917, the “golden age” in the Soviet past, the symbolism in the Republic of Belarus today origi - national symbols of the Belarusian as “signs of de - nates from the uncertainty regarding the country ’s cline,” etc. Meanwhile, the effort to meticulously reg - further political and civil development. The restora - ulate all expressions of social life, characteristic for tion of the Pahonya and the corresponding flag as the Lukashenka ’s regime, resulted in the use of the sym - official symbols of an independent Belarusian state bols being largely reduced. For example, it is illegal depends whether an European Belarus triumphs to use them in the emblems of non-governmental or - over a Soviet Belarus. ganisations and the manufacture of state emblems is subject to licensing — at a costly rate. 28 The above mentioned presidential resolutions even introduce a list of officials who have the right to display the sym - bols in their offices. As a consequence, these sym - bols are used “informally” (that is, voluntarily and outside the office) only during events held by Soviet veterans of World War II or Communists. Even at such events, one is more likely to see the flag of the USSR and the original BSSR flag than the Lukashenka-modified replicas. The picture is completely different with the pres - ent use of Belarus ’ pre-Soviet state symbols. They are used in whole or in part in the emblems of alarge number of Belarusian political parties (from the con - servative Belarusian Popular Front to social demo - crats) and various non-governmental organisations (from “Batskawshchyna” — Fatherland, the interna - tional Association of World Belarusians, to the re - gional Centre of Civil Initiatives in Maladzechna). They decorate mass rallies of those in favour of dem - ocratic reform. They appear as graffiti on the walls of Belarusian towns. These symbols have become the symbols of unity for everyone (no matter the ethnic Ihar Lalkou, born 1971. Historian and archivist, graduated background) who wants Belarus to become a demo - from the Belarusian State University and the Panthéon-Sorbonne in Paris.Member of the International So- cratic, lawful, economically strong and decent Euro - ciety of Belarusthenists and the Belarusian Historical Society. pean state. Lukashenka ’s “law enforcement” Professionally connected with archiving, worked as a mem- responds to this by unlawfully fighting these national ber of the State General Commission of Heraldry of Republic symbols. Their references to edict 990-X, dated April of Belarus, currently works as a scientific secretary of the 9, 1981 (!) of the Presidium of the BSSR Supreme So - Belarusian Scientific-Research Centre for Electronic Docu- mentation. Author of books devoted to history of The Duchy viet that banned “the use of unregistered flags and of Lithuania. pennants” make no sense if only because the white,

27 Armya, 2000, #1, ñ. 4–5. and other three-dimensional forms. Approved by the Chairman of he committee for 28 See: the Resolution about the order of licensing business entities for the production archives and record-keeping of the Republic of Belarus on March 13, 1996 //The Cur- of the State emblem of the Republic of Belarus in the polygraphic form, out of metal, rent archive of the State heraldic service. 29 plaster or other material, as well as in the form of carved wood, embossed metal The order of A.I. Butevich, minister for culture and press of the Republic of Belarus, of September 11,1995 #331 // Svaboda, October 13, 1995.

48 Henadz Sahanovich THE WAR AGAINST BELARUSIAN HISTORY

“A.G. Lukashenka is very persistent in struggling time in Belarus, the country’s history was considered against the falsification of history, particularly in sec- from the general viewpoint of the nation, not of class ondary school textbooks.” relations. The origin of Belarusian state traditions was Statement by the non-governmental organisation associated with the Polatsk Duchy and the Grand “Historical Knowledge” Duchy of Lithuania. The authors unveiled the devas- tating wars that Muscovite Tsars fought in Belarus, During the Soviet era, the history of Belarus did and were decidedly negative in their evaluation of the not exist as a separate subject in the curricula of sec- totalitarian Soviet system. ondary and higher educational institutions of the The new textbooks interpreted the Belarusian BSSR. It was studied as a part of the history of the past in an entirely new way, free of Soviet spin USSR, or, de facto, Russia. The situation had not changed before the break up of the Soviet Union, when history as a science was freed from party con- trol and a new political reality called for the appropri- ate renewal of historical education.The change began as early as 1991 with the publication of a conceptual draft for historical education in Belarus. According to the new concept, the history of the USSR was taken out of the curricula and its entire content was moved to world history, while the history of Belarus was granted the status of a separate subject — for the first time ever. The guiding principles of the adopted con- cept oriented the teaching of history toward the reali- sation of the national specificity of Belarus, the revival of historical memory and national awareness, and re- cognising patriots of Belarus regardless of their ethnic origin.1 Those prioritieswere matched by the new cur- riculum of historical education developed by a com- petent committee of scientists and pedagogues chaired by Mikhas Bich and published as a separate paper after its trial publication in newspapers. Follow - ing thiscurriculum,expertsdeveloped 20 new aidson history that were published in Belarusian before the beginning of the 1993/94 school year. For the first

1 The Teacher ’s Newspaper. November 30, 1991.

49 which irritated the devotees of the bygone regime. cial part in the campaign against the new textbooks Alaksandar Lukashenka’s election as president and the national approach to history. It united sev- spelt the end of democratically-oriented historians eral dozen Soviet era scientists who proclaimed and set the stage for the return of a Soviet-style vi- themselves “the protectors and advocates of Soviet sion of the past. With replicas of the Soviet-style state system and power,”3 and assumed the role ofa state symbols newly installed, Belarus’ new lead- kind of expert body that became surprisingly au- ers turned their attention to Belarusian historical thoritative among state leaders. The group headed science and began to shape interpretative models by Professor Adam Zaleski published a programme in accordance with the Soviet vision of the past. that promised to “fight the falsification of the past… Since that time historical education in the country using the world experience of revolutionsand coun- has become a battlefield under the keen eye of terrevolutions.” 4 Naturally, the “falsification fight- state ideologists. ers” were most concerned about the presentation of In August 1995 the Main Department of World War II, the evaluation of the partisan move- Socio-political Information headed by Wladzimir ment and the Soviet order. However, the distant Zametalin announced, through the state-owned me - past was also within their interest.The critics,for ex- dia, the president ’s decision to ban new textbooks ample, saw russophobia in The History of Belarus in on history and revert to the old, Soviet-era text - the 16th-18th Centuries by P. Loyka, a 7th grade text- books. Panic struck the Ministry of Education as such book. They could not accept the author’s positive a move was unfeasible on purely technical grounds. evaluation of the 1596 Church Unia. Another On learning this Lukashenka publicly declared that “russophobe,” M. Bich, author of The History of the instruction to revert to the old textbooks did not Belarus. Late 18th Century to 1917, was harshly criti- in fact exist. A special conference with the president cised for not putting apositive spin on such a“great and representatives of the Ministry of Education on event” as the partition of Poland and Belarus’ incor- August 23, 1995 ended with the decision to tempo - poration into the Russian empire. The 9th grade text- rarily allow the use of the “national democratic” text - book The History of Belarus between 1917 and 1992 books while preparing alternative ones for the by V. Sidartsow and V. Famin irritated the critics by subsequent school year. A special state commission the mere mention of a “totalitarian regime directed was established in the Cabinet to review and correct against the people” and “national and cultural op- teaching aids on history. The commission was pression” in the Soviet Union.5 chaired by Zametalin himself and its members were The state commission was closely watching the primarily old Stalinist-school professors, the histori - curricula of teaching aids on both Belarusian and ans Piotr Petrykaw, Alaksandar Filimonaw, and world history. From Contemporary World History it Valery Charapitsa, philosopher Vyachaslaw crossed out the definition of the term “totalitarian- Dashkevich and others. Thus, Belarus had openly ism,” everything related to the Soviet Union’s co-op- taken a course to divert historical education to the eration with Hitler’s Germany as well as the mention new (that is, old) ideological track and specifically to of Stalin’s negative role and his guilt for the beginning its re-sovietisation. It was a war against Belarusian of World War II.6 history. Three years later, during an official confer - In conjunction with criticising “disgraceful” publi- ence in the National Academy of Science, president cations, the representatives of the old Soviet school Lukashenka first publicly voiced the essence of state began to write their own, truly alternative textbooks, policy on humanitarian education: he boasted of in which they evaluated events and epochs in full ac- “having overcome in the past few years the cordance with the regime’s ideological course. For de-ideologisation of the secondary and particularly example, Vasil Milavanaw’s 8th grade textbook History higher schools of education.” 2 of Belarus. Late 18th — 1917 printed in 1998 inter- Sifting the texts of teaching aids through the preted the partition of Poland as a “progressive sieve of ideological censorship, the state commis- move” that gave the Belarusians “an opportunity to sion was guided by Lukashenka’s policy rather than shake off the oppression of Polish and Lithuanian historical truth. However, even censored textbooks landowners” (page 4). Another alternative book for left many members of the commission dissatisfied. 11th grade students was The History of Belarus. Late It is possible that the commission members them- 18th — 1999, edited by Yauhen Novik. This book pre- selves inspired the complaints concerning the sented Russian General Mikhail Muravyov, known as books they had adopted. Newspapers printed nu- the “hangman” for his cruelty in suppressing the merous letters and articles by “veterans” and 1863–64 national liberation uprising, as “an energetic “teachers” denouncing the disgraceful books. The statesman who knew well how to do what he was non-governmental organisation “Historical Knowl- called upon to do.” The denouncement of the 1922 edge,” founded in the spring of 1996, played a spe-

2 Vedy (Knowledge). #43–44 (1998). 5 V. Chernyavskiy ‘What Is the Alternative? ’ // Vedy. #25–26 (September 10, 1999). 3 A. Zalesskiy. ‘I Turn It the Way I Like It ’ // Narodnaya Gazeta. May 24, 1996. 6 Zgoda. #4. March 15–31, 1999. 4 The statement of the scientific association “Historical Knowledge” // Narodnaya Gazeta. August 16, 1996.

50 USSR founding treaty and the founding of the CIS were referred to as state coups.7 The authorities paid equally close attention to his- torical education in institutes of higher learning. Be- fore its re-sovietisation began, the Institute of History in the Academy of Science published the two volume Studies of the History of Belarus (Minsk, 1994–95) based on the national state concept. This was the first time that the country’s history was rewritten in a sov- ereign Belarus. For the next few years it was used as an aid for students in higher educational establish- ments (HEES)but contradicted the new state policy of higher education. “Court” historians moved to fix the flaw, and by 1998 a group of history teachers pro- duced an antithesis to the academic studies — a two-volume HEE aid entitled The History of Belarus. Its authors were so engrossed in political correctness that they made numerous factual errors while pre- senting the Belarusian past from the perspective of old Russian and Soviet historiography. Their product was a rehash of the history of “the north-western realm” which exasperated both the scientific public and students. The magazine “Belarusian History Re- view” (BHR) and the annual bulletin of the Institute of History published articles that criticised The History of Belarus for its numerous errors and blatant ideologi- cal re-assessment of history. The authors, however, retaliated with a political snitch: “The [BHR] magazine is edited by representatives of foreign countries, ... has its people in the USA and countries of Europe,” “it is known who directs their music, who pays for it…”8 The magazine was labeled as having a “pro-western, pro-BPF political and ideological orientation, being printed abroad and brought to Belarus.”9 The presi- dential periodical “Belarusian Thought” called the em- ployees of the Institute of History “agents of western special services” who try to use the concept of history to “prevent the creation of a union state between Belarus and Russia.” 10 Unfortunately, other textbooks stamped with “passed by the Ministry of Education” (e.g., P. Chygrynaw’s Studies of the History of Belarus) also sought to please presidential policy rather than seek historical truth. As the campaign of textbook revision proceeded strong protest against labelling and attempts to turn and the members of “Historical Knowledge” lodged back Belarusian historical science to the Bolshevik 12 political accusations against their opponents, the at- era. However, the authorities openly sided with the mosphere in historical science and education turned small circle of Soviet fundamentalists who volun- foul. The situation was particularly charged by the teered to “renew the historical truth.” open letter of old orthodox historians to Alaksandar Under these circumstances every attempt to re- Lukashenka eloquently entitled “The Work for the vise Soviet history was met with a ferocious reaction Restoration of Historical Truth Meets Furious Resis- from war veterans and Lukashenka’s ardent adher- tance from National Extremists.”11 The Board of the ents within Slav-patriotic circles. A characteristic ex- Belarusian Association of Historians responded with a ample is the case of Ihar Kuznyatsow, a researcher of

7 ‘The History of Belarus. Late XVIII — 1999 ’. A teaching aid for the 11th form. Editor: 10 Ibidem p. 164. Ya.K. Novik. Minsk, 2000. pp. 59, 183. 11 Narodnaya Gazeta. June 19, 1996. 8 Ya. Novik, H. Martsul, Z/ Zuyeva, I. Kachalaw, V. Lyutava. ‘Argueable Alternatives and 12 A Statement of the Board of the Belarusian Association of Historians // Narodnaya Ordinary Falsifcation ’ // Education and Up-Bringing. Person, society, world. 2000. Gazeta. July 24, 1996. #2. P.p. 116,128. 9 Ya. Novik ‘To Write and Teach True History, Not Create New Myths ’ // The Belarusian Thought. 2000. #10. p 158.

51 Stalinist repression. Due to an intense campaign of russophobia.”15 Mr. Petrykaw cited articles written by slander conducted against him in the press he was employees of the Institute of History and accused the forced to defend his honour in court. In 1998, in re- institute of the “complete falsification” of history. sponse to the scientific conference “Political Repres- Mikhail Kastsyuk, director of the institute, and his dep- sion in Belarus: 1917–1997” organised by Belarusian uty Mikhail Bich entered the debate pointing out the historians, the head of “Historical Knowledge,” Adam groundless and political nature of the accusations by Zaleski,13 and his colleagues (including artist Mikhas their ex-colleague.16 However, this failed to clear the Savitski) requested the Prosecutor General of menacing clouds that were gathering over the insti- Belarus to initiate criminal proceedings against the tute’s board. authors of the conference publications in order to Under the new leadership of the Belarusian “protect the honour and dignity of president A. Encyclopaedia, the subsequent volumes of The Lukashenka” (?!). Mikhail Myasnikovich, head of the Encyclopaedia of the History of Belarus were edited presidential administration, sent a letter to the Insti - during the publishing process. Even articles already tute of History with a stereotypical order to “sort out set for printing were withdrawn for censorship. Mr. the workers” and “take appropriate measures.” The Petrykaw completely eliminated the word “historians ’ case” was dealt with by the prosecutor ’s “russification” and removed all criticism of Russia and office. In addition to the voices of war veterans and the Soviet regime. This crude interference with the their Soviet orthodox non-governmental commis - text resulted in many historians (in particular, sion (V. Korzun, A. Zaleski, etc.) who claimed that the Valyantsina Vyarhey, Andrey Kishtymaw, Wladzimir Nazi ’s were responsible for the mass shooting in Konan, Mikola Kryvaltsevich, Henadz Sahanovich, Kurapaty, prosecutor general Aleh Bazhelka was etc.) resigning from further co-operation with this now saying that it was unknown who was buried in publisher and withdrawing their articles. Kurapaty. He alleged that the investigation was very The next blow to national historiography was the biased before 1995 as it was conducted by “special - attack on an editorial of the historical chronicle ists of the Institute of Archaeology in the Academy of “Pamyats” (Memory). In 1998, “Historical Knowledge” Science headed by Zyanon Paznyak.” 14 The “new membersK.Damarad and A.Khakhlow sent aletter to truth” about Kurapaty was becoming officially ac- the presidential administration and the state commit- cepted. tee for the press that strongly criticised the chronicle’s Political censorship of historical literature was in- publication as well as Ales Petrashkevich, head of its troduced in 1996. One of the first books removed organisational and methodological centre, who alleg- from the printing list of the “Mastatskaya Litaratura” edly belonged to “the reactionary school of (Art Literature) publisher was (along with titles by Belarusian historical science” that emerged after the Vasil Bykau and Larysa Heniyush) Ten Centuries of “counterrevolutionary revolt in October 1991.” 17 The Belarusian History by W. Arlow and H. Sahanovich. publisher was accused of the same old sins: its local Officials considered the latter work “written tenden- chronicles did not highlight the importance of 1917 to tiously with a russophobic slant” despite the profes- the world; they diminished the role of the Communist sional review the book had undergone in the Institute party, socialist construction and victory in World War of History that recommended it for publication. In II; exaggerated Stalin’s political repression; glorified 1997 responsible officials secretly decided to stop the exploiters (i.e., princes and landowners) and encour- sale of a popular book Whence Our Kin by W. Arlow. aged an anti-Russian attitude. The dispute resulted in An unmistakable sign of the introduction of censor- the removal of Petrashkevich, a famous Belarusian ship was the removal of the Pahonya emblem from playwright and historian, from his executive position the cover of the third volume of The Encyclopaedia of in this important encyclopaedic centre. the History of Belarus in 1996. This was done by the The siege on the “falsifiers’” main stronghold, new leaders of the Belarusian Encyclopaedia pub- the Institute of History (a centre of historical studies lisher, the deputy editor-in-chief of which was Piotr that comprises the country’s best minds), began in Petrykaw, formerly director of the Institute of History 1995 and is not yet over.The official press called the and one of the most zealous apologists of the bygone flagship of Belarusian historiography “a nationalistic Soviet era. He severely criticised management of the reserve” 18 and complained that its activity “contra- Encyclopaedia claiming that the first volumes of The dicts the historical truth and the policy of the presi- Encyclopaedia of the History of Belarus were perme- dent of the Republic of Belarus.”19 The most vicious ated with “a strong anti-russianism and stubborn attacks were made by the newspaper “Vedy”

13 A. Zaleski published the book ‘I.V. Stalin and the Treachery of His Political Oppo - 17 A. Petrashkevich. ‘The Old Hoop of a Mankurt is Back above the Head of the nents ’, Minsk, 1999. Belarusian ’ // Narodnaya Volya. December 22, 1998. 14 A. Prakapovich. ‘Prosecutors Get Hold of Historians ’ // Naviny. #119 (November 6, 18 ‘The Optimal Version is the Golden Mean ’. An interview with N. Stashkevich // 1998). Byelorusskaya Niva. 1999. #402. 15 P. Petrykaw. ‘The Mist of Russophobia Shrouds in the Belarusian Encyclopaedia ’ // 19 P. Petrykaw. ‘The Mist of Russophobia Shrouds in the Belarusian Encyclopaedia ’ // The Belarusian Thought. 1996. #3. The Belarusian Thought. 1996. #3. 16 M. Kastsyuk. ‘Politicised History Canot Be true Science ’ // Holas Radzimy. August 8, 1996; M. Bich. ‘The Mist of Diletantism and Tendentiousness ’ // Holas Radzimy. Sep - tember 12, 1996.

52 (Knowledge), a periodical of the National Academy ploying only cadre with a suitable political orienta - of Science and the Ministry of Education. Mr. V. tion. Perhaps, that would be the only way to get rid of Dashkevich, member of the State Commission for those who, out of their professional duty, do not Teaching Aids, was appointed editor-in-chief. The agree with placing historical science at the service of newspaper’s most persistent and crude criticism a political regime. wasaimed at the academicStudies of the History of If this plan is implemented and the presidential ad- Belarus,which it accused of the same old “anti-Rus- ministration gains control over historical science, one sian orientation and diminishing the role of the So- can only guess what the newly-fledged historians will viet period”20 as well as a general distortion of “discover” about Belarusian history! The credo of the history. The critics tried to present the historians of “correct” coverage of Belarus’ history (in fact, a pa- the Academy of Science as professionally inept and thetic version of “west-Russian” and pan-Slavic theo- placed the main blame on Mikhail Kastsyuk, the di- ries) was recently expressed by one of these rector of the institute. Printing dilettantish, often “experts” in a publication of the institute of socio-po- anti-scientific articles by members of “Historical litical studies of the presidential administration: “The Knowledge,” permeated with emotion and political Belarusian… by his theoretical and practical life is a clichés, Vedy’s editor-in-chief promised to assem- Russian person” whereas the anti-Slavic West “is ble them into a special teaching aid “with which all fighting a total information and psychological war secondary schools and HEEs must become famil- against the pan-Russian worldview of our people...” 23 iar.” 21 To prevent the re-election of Academician No comment. Kastsyuk as director, the Presidium of the Academy of Science violated its own statutes and did not an- nounce a contest for the vacancy. Moreover, in Oc- tober 1999 during the celebration of the Academy’s 70th anniversary its president Alaksandar Vaytovich made severe political accusations (reaching the level of insult) regarding the institute’s manage- ment. One month later he issued an edict assigning Mikalay Stashkevich as acting director of the Insti- tute of History. The new appointee once worked for the Institute of History of the Central Committee of the Belarusian Communist Party. An expressive symbol of the organised attack on the Institute of History was amemorial board attached to its wall in early 2000. The tablet commemorated, in the Russian language, Pavel Horyn, a former presi- dent of the Belarusian Academy of Science and the person entrusted by the Bolsheviks to smash the na- tional democrats and organise an academy that would be “truly communist and subordinate to the in- terests of socialist construction.” 22 It would appear that Mikalay Stashkevich has not yet accomplished the task to re-educate the aca- Henadz Sahanovich, born 1961. Graduated from the faculty demic historians. The viability of the faculty of the In- of history of the Minsk Pedagogical Institute (1984), studies stitute of History and the inefficiency of the bulldozer for a doctor’s degree at the Institute of History at the policy were shown by the elections to its scientific Belarusian Academy of Sciences. Since 1987 has been work- council in early 2000. Primarily scientists with an ex - ing in the Institute of History of the Belarusian Academy of Sciences. Published few books devoted to the history of pressed professional, civil, and national attitude Belarus and The Duchy of Lithuania. were elected in secret voting. Therefore the aca- demic presidium, despite its promise to hold an offi - cial election for director by the end of 2000, never dared give the institute ’s employees the lawful op - portunity to elect their leader themselves. Instead, academy president Alaksandar Vaytovich publicly warned that he had a plan to abolish the Institute of History and, in its place, establish a national institute of history within the presidential administration, em -

20 A. Zalesski. ‘On the Account of the “national concept” ’ // Vedy. September 24, 1999. 23 L. Krishtapovich, ‘Belarus and the Russian Civilisation ’. Rus and Belarus. Minsk: the 21 Vedy. January 28, 2000. Institute of Socio-Political Research within the Administration of the president of the 22 S. Kandybovich. ‘The Defeat of the National Movement in Belarus ’. Minsk, 2000. RB, 1999. pp. 134–135. p. 65.

53 Valer Bulhakau FROM THE RHETORIC OF BROTHERLY UNITY TO THE RHETORIC OF INTERNATIONAL INTEGRATION. ARTEFACTS FROM CONTEMPORARY OFFICIAL BELARUSIAN IDEOLOGY

1. ever, they differ from the rest of the press since they are allowed to cover politically and ideologically im - The list of Belarusian media containing elements portant topics and problematic issues on their own. of official ideology is both limitless and limited at the They are the ones who generate the “politically cor - same time. In reality, every issue of hundreds of state rect” examples and stereotypes that lower level ad- newspapers, bulletins and magazines is a mouth - ministrative units (i.e. the regional and workers ’ piece for directives programmed by the current re - press) can go on to implant into the mass conscious - gime in Belarus, and state radio and television are ness with varying degrees of devotion. Under Lukashism there are actually not so many of these publications, which include the liberal daily Sovietskaya Byelorussia , the Belarusian-language, Belarus-centric daily Zvyazda , and the very present - able magazine Belaruskaya Dumka . We will start there.

2.

Whatever Lukashenka and his Lukashites might say, the breakdown of “decades of hard-earned con - tacts” came as a relief for them in 1991. This was the last year of Moscow ’s active presence in Belarusian cultural issues and, to some extent, media. How that annoyed representatives of the traditional Belarusian elite! Previously, Moscow was the cultural medium between Belarus and the Western world. The poten - tially dangerous ideas of political and cultural plural - “The March of Freedom – 3,” Minsk, Oct. 1 st, 2000. ism, building a civil society, multiculturalism, and Photo: IREX/ProMedia religious freedom (which endangered the very es- sence of the political regime) used to make their way also sweating over the same task. Not all the printed to Belarus after transiting via Moscow. Traditionally, media are able to provide reports of equal value, the West was still Public Enemy No.1, while Moscow however. One gets the feeling there is a kind of (i.e. its liberal and pro-Western elite) gradually turned kitchen somewhere, where dishes heavily spiced into Public Enemy No.2. with ideology are being prepared for widespread This specifically colonial type of enlightenment public consumption. disappeared from Belarus together with the collapse The real name of this kitchen is the Belarusian of the USSR. Previously, the world ’s leading intellec - presidential administration. Work to ideologically in- tual, cultural, artistic and other knowledge was never doctrinate the masses is constantly underway within transmitted to Belarus directly, but in a roundabout certain sub-departments of this administration ’s nu - way via the imperial centre. Objectively, the loss of merous branches. This is where the country ’s “infor - this cultural communication channel was convenient mation security” is deployed as an invisible shield for some of the conservative and revanchist-minded against invisible enemies. Belarusian power elite. Since Minsk did not possess The almighty presidential administration is only anything like the intellectual potential that Moscow co-founder of a mere handful of publications. How - did, education came to a near standstill. A cultural

54 vacuum formed, thus creating a situation where Secondly, the Belarusian regime ’s main objective new, culturally-relevant ideas and practices from is currently to survive politically, not just to unite and abroad became inaccessible, while the old ones had become a subject of the Russian Federation. Official already lost their relevance. This vacuum has al- Minsk is integrating with official Moscow selectively, lowed a nihilist-reactionary return to the deceased only in areas which guarantee relative stability to spiritual heritage of the recent Soviet past. permit its continued existence. We are faced with a paradoxical situation — once it had gained its independence, Belarus only man - aged to grow even more distant from Europe. How long this communication breakdown will last de - pends not only on political, but also on cultural fac- tors. As long as serious Western politicians remain unaware of this, one should not expect any serious change in Belarus. This lack or shortage of intensive cultural com - munication with the West morally legitimises the rul - ing group of people who pose as guardians of supposedly pristine Soviet values in Belarus today. Strictly speaking, however, there is nothing left for them to do but exist as social parasites in this re - spect, since they are simply unable to come up with any radically different ideas for their own survival. Apart from this, the Belarusian regime is also fairly successful at using the ideology of integration with Russia in order to have a more effective influence on public opinion, and reap its political dividends. These two points (the nihilist-reactionary return to the So - viet system of values, plus the persistent promotion of pro-integrationist ideology) are vital for one to start understanding the main traits of contemporary Belarusian ideology. That is, of course, if one does not mention social-populist rhetoric.

3.

Despite all the official statements and reassur - ances, the integration of Russia and Belarus has never been “all-inclusive.” It has always been limited to clearly-marked economic and military domains, and one cannot speak of any serious integration in, for example, cultural, educational or information pol - icy. There are several explanations for this : Firstly, for president Lukashenka, the concept of “Russia” implies something different to the usual symbolic interpretation. For the Belarusian presi - “The Chain of Not Indifferent People” in frames dent, “Russia” is not so much a geopolitical reality or of a campaign “We Want to Know the Truth!”, th a real country with its own problems, but rather a tra - Minsk, June 6 , 2001. dition of despotic rule. In other words, because Photo: IREX/ProMedia Lukashenka has opted for “Russia,” he has chosen despotism and uncontrolled power. The kind of Rus- Thirdly, as far as the present-day situation and sia Lukashenka prefers is associated with crude, un - psychology of political leaders is concerned, the couth masters who seem completely uneducable; a Muscovite recentralisation process accelerated by “Russia” where the political will of its leader, who our Eastern neighbour ’s power elite has dealt a pow - represents the state and its interests, is everything, erful blow to any “all-inclusive” integration between whereas the will of the individual is meaningless. The the two countries. This process will probably lead to fact that such a picture of “Russia” can only exist in a Russia becoming a unitary state. fantasy world is a constant source of disappointment Increasing the strength of the centre while weak- to Lukashenka. However, no matter how hard you ening the authority of the regions (including by redis- fight it, Russian despotism is unbeatable, and its ap- tributing the tax payments system and other financial pearance in contemporary Russian politics has al- sources to benefit the metropolis as one can see in lowed Lukashenka to raise his hopes that his Russia today) makes the political integration of our imagination and objective reality will actually coin - two countries rather problematic. This is because the cide someday. Belarusian leader could once have aspired to the sta-

55 tus of a major regional leader with gleaming pros- In turn, the “little homeland” probably only pects of making a career for himself in the “centre” (if evokes recollections of the family home, herds of one imagines hypothetically that Belarus were to join cattle at dawn, the first snows at Dziady (a day of re - Russia). Nowadays, however, he can only count on a membrance for the dead), morning mist over the provincial governor’s post, with his authority under fields at harvest time, and a stork flying overhead. In the constant control of newly-appointed “presidential short — pleasant, ordinary things. deputies”. One should also not forget that In his uncommonly profound and searching anal - Lukashenka has had the taste of power for a long ysis The Grand Failure: The Birth and Death of Com - time. He has grown accustomed to trips abroad and munism in the Twentieth Century , Zbigniew meetings with foreign guests, being the “supreme Brzeziñski stated that the transition into post-com - commander-in-chief”, and extending his power into munism would be accompanied by a nationalist dic - the agricultural sector, heavy industry and construc- tatorship phase for certain Eastern European tion projects. Lukashenka might experience psycho- countries. The disappearance of communism from logical trauma were he to move to a new position,so highly-Sovietised societies with a “totalitarian social he would never agree to it voluntarily. organisation model” would lead to a vacuum that Consequently, the current Belarusian regime is us- could be filled by nationalistic ideology. “... Stirring ing the epithet of integration “between two brotherly up nationalism undoubtedly reinforces authoritarian nations” to its own ends — it is greeted and welcomed tendencies. It strengthens the institutions of power whenever it correspondsto the regime’sunderlying in- that are most capable of making effective use of na- terests and, vice versa, is ignored or neglected when- tionalistic symbols for a dictatorial regime, thus halt - ever it threatens the existing power structure. ing the development of democracy.” Unfortunately, we have to admit that this forecast 4. has come true in Belarus. The seven years of Lukashenka’s rule have been spent not on building up Lukashenka is a truly nationalistic politician, but it a civil society,but a power-pyramid type of nationalis- is another matter that his nationalism is specifically tic dictatorship, i.e. an authoritarian mechanism of Eastern European, yet not at all Eurasian, and he cer- rule. More proof that Lukashenka’s regime is a nation- tainly has no opposite number in the West. At first alistic dictatorship is its aggressively intolerant atti- sight, Lukashenka ’s nationalism lacks dominant na- tude towards cultural, political, and other differences. tional features. It would be wrong to say that Independent Belarusian culture, the Polish national Lukashenka is a Russian nationalist, for example. In minority, and sexual minorities alike are being perse- reality, Lukashenka ’s nationalism dates back to the cuted (along with organisations representing them), time when Russia had yet to become a nation state but the regime turn a blind eye to militarised semi-fas- with a specific national identity, and its starting point cist groups like Russian National Unity, whose mem- is so-called “Soviet patriotism.” bers used to meet and train at a stadium near the Lukashenka is promoting a specific form of national- water’ sports palace in downtown Minsk. No doubt ism known as gosudarstvennichestvo (= “state con- the regime feels closer to them ideologically. trol”) in Russian. Additionally, he has a particular soft This nationalistic dictatorship is not afraid to em - spot for his “little homeland” (the Shklov district), and ploy barbaric methods in order to neutralise noncon - Belarus as a whole. Lukashenka’s national pride awoke formity. Shedding the blood of protesters at peaceful in the far from nationalistically-structured Soviet soci- opposition rallies has become common practice in ety, and is therefore based on two ideological concepts Belarus, and the recent disappearances of prominent : the “greater homeland,” which is to be understood as politicians and businessmen have shown that the the “state,” and the “little homeland,” which implies a country is developing according to the Latin Ameri - certain living environment. In this case, the “greater can “Pinochet” model. The Belarusian political lead - homeland” sets the highest level of (crypto)national ers have definitely crossed the line that makes them identity responsible for rational activity, while the “little criminally liable for their decisions and actions. homeland” represents its lowest echelon that is respon- sible for direct emotional reactions. 5. Therefore, it should be emphasised that the main inspiration for Lukashenka ’s nationalism should be President Alaksandar Lukashenka is always proud seen as “pride” for a “state” in which national feel - of how close he is to “the people.” He constantly ings have always been suppressed. This “state” emphasises that his policies are supported and should be perceived in the broadest sense, as a huge praised “by the people.” The advertising slogan territory, an extensive state apparatus, and an un - “Alaksandar Lukashenka is with the people” figured usually strong military capability that includes a in his election campaign back in 1994. The official me- hypertrophically efficient army and airforce. It is also dia are also forever proclaiming Lukashenka’s un- a social security system designed to ensure a pov - breakable bond with “the people.” erty-free existence, plus international peace and or - However, in a nationally-underdeveloped society, der. It goes without saying that the prototype for this the concept of “the people” is rather specific. Con- “state” was in fact the far less attractive Soviet state. tent-wise, it does not correspond to the concept of a Once the latter had passed away, it only grew even “nation” or a “civil society.” In a pre-national society, more alluring to its sympathisers. “the people” is a community that emerges in a terri-

56 tory over a period of time, and is united by a certain fore, one can say the Belarusian economic and level of consumption and ideological indoctrination. power elites are in a state of fusion . Furthermore, not all social groups or strata are part of Since he is interested in his own political survival, “the people.” The Lukashenka era has shown that one the Belarusian president has recently begun sending cannot count the anti-collaborationist section of the out cautious feelers into new business elites to try Belarusian intelligentsia as being with “the people” and woo their support. In this respect, the results of (“since it is always distant from the people,” as the the autumn 2000 elections to Lukashenka ’s “house saying goes), just like the business elite is not con- of representatives” were highly indicative, because trolled by the Lukashenka administration. In short, several dozen loyal businessmen and entrepreneurs “the people” does not include independent journalists were voted in as deputies. Having sensed the in- and opposition party activists, but rather steel-smelt- creasing potential of this relatively new social group ers, bobbin-winders, wool-spinners, manual labour- and economic force, the Belarusian president will be ers, agricultural workers, militiamen, border guards, striving to procure a mutually-beneficial compro - and Belarusian servicemen. mise with them in the future. In the Belarusian situa - This vulgar concept of “the people” is employed tion, such a compromise might be restricted to as a means of political manipulation and extends to satisfying a few of their economic demands, as long segments of Belarusian society which depend di- as they remain politically loyal to the authorities. rectly on the state. “The people” implies workers I would also like to say a little about the economic from the state system, state industrial sector, and reasons behind policies that have been designed organisations funded by the state budget, i.e. areas specifically to escalate Belarus ’ political isolation which used to be the backbone of the totalitarian during Lukashenka ’s term of office. The fact is that Soviet state. This kind of “people” has no common the stability and sustainability of the current regime cultural or religious identity, let alone a national can only be guaranteed by maintaining the current identity. It is united in its general, subservient de- economic structure. In Belarus, military-industrial pendence on a totalitarian state it hopes will guaran- enterprises set up under Soviet rule have never un - tee its well-being. dergone any serious reforms. Like other major Lukashenka is not a protégé of “the people,” but branches of the Belarusian economy, they concen - of those forces which stand behind this so-called trate mostly on the Russian market. On the one hand, “people” that so obediently voices their interests . In this orientation suits Lukashenka perfectly, since he reality, Lukashenka is both the protégé and the hos- is essentially offering political cover for this one-track tage of Belarusian state elites that formed back in So - economy. On the other hand, the Belarusian eco - viet times, and are still a force to be reckoned with nomic elite (heads of state or state-controlled facto - today. Once he had achieved the full extent of his po - ries, plants and other industries) are eternally litical power, he mostly began to serve the interests indebted to Lukashenka who is, de facto , providing of the Belarusian military-industrial complex and for them. Politics and economics are on an equal agro-industrial lobby. footing when any significant change in the economy The fight over which candidate would be most ca- leads to political change, and vice versa. pable of consistently maintaining these interests was Belarus ’ international isolation is beneficial to the main intrigue behind the 1994 presidential elec- Lukashenka because it ensures the economic sta - tions. By using aggressive pre-electoral slogans, it tus quo . After all, a large influx of foreign capital was Lukashenka, not Vyacheslav Kebich, who man- would mean a complete rupture of the existing eco - aged to mobilise widespread support from Belarusian nomic order in Belarus, with fatal consequences for society. Independent politicians didn’t even have the the political leaders and the political line they have slightest chance at those elections, since they were been following. The aforementioned political and standing for nothing but phantom expectations of be- economic equality would be destroyed once and for ing able to provoke a sudden explosion of national all, and Belarus would be drawn into Europe and the consciousness among the masses. European economic community by the iron hand of It is no coincidence that even after Vyacheslav market mechanisms. Kebich was no longer actively involved in politics, This is what the first Belarusian president fears Alaksandar Lukashenka still saw him as his most more than anything else. His political statements and threatening competitor in the struggle for power. actions designed to escalate Belarus ’ international Lukashenka ’s main political capital is that he is isolation are increasingly strained, deliberate, and ar- trusted by lobbyists from the military-industrial com - tificial, like a mandatory political ritual. plex and other mainstay branches of the economy, Belarus ’ political leaders are only satisfied by a and enjoys strict control over senior armed forces, purely cosmetic presence of foreign capital in the militia and secret service officers. His impetuous, un - country. The fast-food chain McDonalds , Siemens & restricted social populism only comes second but, Bosch ’s own-brand domestic appliance shops, and a contrary to what certain analysts have stated, actu - small Coca-Cola factory in Minsk are just necessary ally assists him. To all intents and purposes concessions the regime has to agree to. In actual Lukashenka, being a pragmatic politician, has con - fact, Belarus is a black hole on the world trade map. cluded an obscure “non-aggression pact” with these Consequently, true power for Lukashenka means lobbyists, allowing them a certain degree of eco - having total or near-total control over the Belarusian nomic freedom in exchange for loyalty to him. There - economy. Understanding this helps in devising

57 methods to counter Lukashist policies in Belarus. Ba- However, a negative Russian cultural tradition had al- sically, in order to assure the cultural and economic ready been outlined by literary figures like “Europeanisation” of Belarus, one must augment the Smerdyakov and Sharikov. It incorporates the dark private sector and support independent cultural in- side of Russian society, with its qualities like spiritual stitutions, as well as guarantee the political condi - indigence, obscurantism, vindictiveness, pettiness tions necessary to obtain large-scale investments of and treachery. This tradition was directly encouraged foreign capital. by the long-term communist experiment performed in the country, in which whole social groups and 6. classes perished along with their unique cultural heri- tage. In the West, socially-relevant cultural values and President Lukashenka ’s likes and dislikes, partic - practices have traditionally been shaped by the ularly in politics, clearly point to the type of culture in higher echelons of society, whereas in the Soviet Un- which he was brought up and developed as a per - ion the opposite happened. The dominant culture son. Lukashenka ’s political priorities show a devo - came from the lower reaches of society — whether it tion to vulgar, functional approaches. “Vulgar be the working class that led the proletarian revolu- functionalism” is a specific product of Russian cul - tion, or the poverty-stricken rural population. The tural circles. Proponents of “vulgar functionalism” domination of this type of culture essentially signalled are marked by their focus on the socially-valuable at- the triumph of the unenlightened mind. tributes of strength and power. He is excited by voli - A few words must also be said about the Soviet tional, suggestive decisions, even if they are “army” and “prison camps.” These institutions have completely imprudent politically or economically. He traditionally had a major influence on Soviet society. actually treats culture as if it were a social institution Under Soviet totalitarianism, a great number of peo - designed to gloss over the existing social order. Cul - ple went through the “camps,” and practically all of ture and literature are one and the same to him — a the male population served in the “army.” The nega - waste of time, a fruitless occupation. For him, real tive type of Russian culture began to take on particu - creativity is to be found on the construction site or by larly nasty, anti-humanist forms in the “army” and the fireside at home, for that is where true values are “camps.” Very few people were able to withstand its created. According to this logic, cultural products are intrinsic amorality, depravity, degeneration and de - ephemeral and vaguely suspicious. If things are left pression. You will understand what I mean if you lis- to go on “haphazardly” the way they are, however, ten carefully to the Russian spoken by unskilled they might cause social disturbances in future which middle-aged or older workers. Here, language is an the authorities did not anticipate. infallible indicator of the mental traumas and cultural In the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Belarus, it has influences they were exposed to. been the Ministry of Culture’staskto prevent thisfrom The criminal regime of “nomenclaturist capital- happening.This institution has always had a predomi- ism” built by Alaksandar Lukashenka again shows just nantly controlling function, including through its ex- how habits and routines picked up in the “camps” clusive support of cultural projects, initiatives and have become rooted in people’s minds. Apparently, institutions which are beneficial to the regime. Cul- Lukashenka has still not gone beyond the psychology tural events organised by the current Belarusian Min- of a “godfather” with his politics, offering “protection” istry of Culture clearly show that the “vulgar in exchange for servitude and obedience. functionalist” approaches are alive and well among the power elite. The Ministry’s sphere of influence in- 7. cludes the Belarusfilm studios, several dozen state theatres, museums and galleries, a network of librar- Lukashenka himself established the style for offi- ies and cultural centres, youth centres, and a variety cial Belarusian ideologists with his incomparable lin- of clubs and societies — that’s almost everything. guistic outpourings, such as “Russian Orthodox In its present form, the Ministry of Culture is at- atheist” and “lousy fleas” (N.B. said when referring to tempting to preserve the past instead of supporting businessmen). Compared to this, quotes like the contemporary cultural experience. A more fitting “Gorbachev’s pseudo-perestroika,” “adventurist jok- title for this body would be the “Ministry for the Con - ers” and “backroom conductors” (as uttered by Vladi- servation of Soviet Cultural Heritage.” mir Velichko, a “Meritorious Cultural Figure of the The issue of Russian culture deserves a separate Republic of Belarus, Academician of the International mention. Now, more than ever before, there is a dis- Academy of Organisational and Management Sci- tinct cultural dichotomy in modern-day Russia. One ences,” editor-in-chief of Belaruskaya Dumka maga- Russian cultural tradition is very positive. At its roots zine, and one of the main Belarusian ideologists to lie the colossal, spiritual works of Aleksandr boot); or Igor Akshevskiy’s “political shapeshifters Radishchev, Aleksandr Herzen, Lev Tolstoy, Fyodor slicing into a single, living organism,” “small-town Dostoyevsky, Vladimir Mayakovsky, Kazimir guardsmen who have already tried on the emperor’s Malevich, Andrey Bely, Daniil Kharms, Aleksandr robes in secret,” “well-wishers from abroad” and “the Solzhenitsyn and Andrey Sakharov. This tradition is market maelstrom” just seem like truisms. Here are a characterised by its spiritual searches and insights, few more examples of similar creativity — “The logi- progressive artistic experience, European intellectual cal crash of democratic illusions” (from Vsevolod context, and world-acclaimed cultural achievements. Yanchevskiy, “First Secretary of the Central Commit-

58 tee of the Byelorussian Patriotic Youth Union”); Belarus and Russia appear to be one and the same, “Western thought offers us no alternative, forcing us then this contrast starts to seem more credible. to wear its worn-out raincoat covered in holes” (from Spurious reasons are thrust upon us in order to Vitaliy Smirnov, “Professor and Dean of the Foreign justify the contrast, but the quality of arguments Policy Department of the Belarusian Presidential Man- used in this controversy wouldn ’t stand up to any agement Academy”); “The abyssof the rampant mar- kind positive evaluation. “For example, where does ket and the anarchy of independence” (from the rallying cry of ‘Let’s Join Europe! ’ come from?” “Kandidat of Philosophy” Vasiliy Novikov); “Oedipus, exclaims Boris Lepyoshka, a philosophy teacher Freud,and other complexes” (from another “ Kandidat from Berastsye. “It comes from the mythologisation of Philosophy”, Boris Lepyoshka). of history because, after all, “Europe” has crushed Vsevolod Yanchevskiy is right in saying that “ We and burned the Belarusians, baptised them into its have become very nasty and aggressive over the last faiths, quashed any protests, and snatched or fifteen years (since the beginning of perestroika) .” 1 bought up all our best intellectuals.” 4 Belarusian ideologists do not conceal the fact that This same Lepyoshka, conditioned by their job is aimed at “ideological hardening of the neo-Slavophilic dogma, goes yet further in his falsifi - masses.” The aforementioned Velichko writes “We cations of history — “Looking at our historical expe - need general values for development which can then rience, we have often been forced into a become part of a strong internal ideology.” 2 He pro-Western position, but let ’s examine what emphasises not “new,” but “general values,” imply - Westernism has brought the Slavs. Take the 17 th cen - ing traditional Soviet ones which have only been par - tury for example — Princess Sofia and Grand Duke tially reinterpreted and supplemented, then Golitsyn were fascinated by the Catholic Europe of reassembled into one system. Austria and Poland, whereas Peter the Great was With rare exceptions, these linguistic construc - captivated by Protestant Holland. Neither one of tions from Belarusian ideologists tend to be based them ever brought us anything good, however.” 5 not on rational arguments, but on emotional im - Basically, this is the tenacious nationalist in pulses and affective mobilisation of “simple peo - Lepyoshka talking, since he only associates Slavism ple ’s” subconscious fears, using tried-and-tested with the Slavonic nations that did not yield to West - KGB methods. Essentially, these ideologists are ern influence. The next step would be to identify Sla- mere minstrels of Soviet people ’s frustrations, al- vonic traditions with Russian traditions. though their songs are more like collective hysteria The longer the Russification of Belarus goes on, overloaded with nationalistic phraseology. the closer Russia will become for us. This is the gist of the argument proffered by Belaruskaya Dumka 8. writer Larisa Yakovenko — “It is difficult to under - stand people who are fighting for a union with any - Nothing characterises Belarusian ideology better one, whether it be America or Europe. But this is not than its orientation towards the Russian cultural context. the case with Russia, which is close to us in spirit, In Belaruskaya Dumka, one can find countless refer- with blood ties and a common history which one ences to various authoritative Russian figures (Dmitriy cannot dismiss or rewrite.” 6 Mendeleyev, Fyodor Abramov, Pyotr Tchaikovsky, Belarusian ideologists would simply be unable to Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin)but next to nothing about survive without Russia. They need it most of all in or - Belarusians. Sometimes, some of our homespun ideo- der to disguise their own futility. Without it, they logical operatives simply identify themselves with Rus- would just be a band of paranoiacs but, with it, they sians, and Belarus with Russia — “For instance, tell me can be a united family capable of intimidating the how I am supposed to call my own brother a foreigner whole world with nuclear weapons again. just because he lives in Nizhnevartovsk and is a citizen Belarus’ true economic interests do not always co- of another country?And what about my eldest son and incide with Russia’s.It is appropriate that this is under- grandson, also Russian citizens who recently settled stood better by people who directly define the down in the beautiful Russian city of Kostroma?”, asks country’s economic policy. Ivan Shakola, president of Igor Akshevskiy.3 a state-owned national food concern, writes that Russia is also a strong argument in the contro - “Russia has also been implementing a package of de- versy with the West (as the Belarusian ideologists fensive measures since 1998. In spite of our common imagine or would like to imagine it). They understand customs zone, it has taken steps to defend its own perfectly well how comical and incomparable it is to market from products manufactured in Belarusian place Belarus and the West into sharp ideological op - sweet factoriesusing imported raw materials.We can position to one another. However, if one makes also expect more of this kind of exclusionist policies in the near future.” 7 Then he adds — “Is it better to

1 Belaruskaya Dumka , No. 7 (2000), p. 13. 4 Ibid., No. 7 (2000), p. 60. 2 Belaruskaya Dumka , No. 6 (2000), p. 5. 5 Ibid. 3 Belaruskaya Dumka , No. 6 (2000), p. 188. 6 Ibid.

59 support our own domestic sugar production, or im- ports from Poland, Russia or Lithuania?.” 8 And yet, a 20-year old Malorussian, One must assume that this Manichean split per - Heeding the wisdom of your testaments, sonality will also be defining the Belarusian leader - Has bound his soul to thee, Belarus, ship ’s policies in future. On the one hand, And fallen in love with thy people and land. 10 Belarusians will feel what they want to feel –political rapprochement with Russia will continue, ending in Belarusian State University lecturer Mecheslav complete unification of the political systems. On the Chasnovskiy specialises in unusually tendentious other hand, all future behaviour will be dictated by coverage of Polish economic reforms. His invective Belarusian economic interests (and the regime ’s is also directed against “Polish reformers” (“Polish own economic interests). reformers have failed to grasp that liberal market economies operate differently in the USA and West - 9. ern European countries” ) and “liberal platforms” in general (“... liberal platforms have not even justified In the minds of Belarusian ideologists, “The themselves economically, despite the fact that those West” stands for the complete opposite of “Russia.” in favour of maintaining the liberal status quo claim “Russia” is familiar, but “The West” is alien. “Russia” them to be a success” ).11 brings good and enlightenment, but “The West” Chasnovskiy claims his point of view is based on brings evil and hopelessness. “Russia” will give the his “concern for simple people.” He writes — “The world afuture, but “The West” is preparing global de- ones who lost the most due to the reforms are peo - struction. Thus, these ideologists ’ inability to see the ple who were guaranteed social security and em - world the way it really is, not just in black-and-white, ployment by the previous system, particularly is reaching its climax. workers and peasants.” 12 But this was not enough for Moreover, these home-grown Velichko and him, and by the end of his article he had expanded Lepyoshka types have very little idea what “The his arguments to state — “During the reforms, work - West” means. To them, the concept usually signifies ers and peasants were the first to lose out. The inter - the active prohibition of the Soviet system of values esting thing is that craftsmen and entrepreneurs also in all areas of society, plus a complete rejection of the felt they had suffered when they started finding it Soviet way of life. Of course, this concept is not taken hard to buy groceries. All these losses negated the geographically, but in a purely ideological sense. great hopes of society. Practically everyone who “The West” is a collective aggressor composed not thought the transition from totalitarianism to democ - of separate countries, but one hostile political bloc. racy was positive ended up losing out.” 13 The fact is that Belarusian ideological workers are So there you have it. People “who thought the also under-informed because “The West” is a unified transition from totalitarianism to democracy was concept to them as well. None of them ever states di - positive” lost out. This loss, Chasnovskiy feels, was rectly that Germany, Holland or Spain are the West. accompanied by a whole nightmare in which “About The USA, however, is an exception to this rule, and is two-thirds of the adult population were forced to try really seen as a separate partner [of the West]. and make ends meet — their consumption of elec - In the eyes of the Belarusian ideologists, the tricity, hot water and heating went down, they had to frontline countries of “The West” are Ukraine and Po- deny themselves any luxuries, repair old things in - land. To them, each of these countries represents a stead of buying new ones (or buy only discount highly undesirable development model in its own way, goods), turn to their relatives for support, spend their and all appropriate means are used to discredit them. savings on food, and refuse hire-purchase or other Therefore, Vladimir Velichko casts doubts on how benefits. They lost their aims and plans in life, and democratic the last Ukrainian elections were, saying began living more modestly from day to day.” 14 “During the recent Ukrainian elections, Leonid Chasnovskiy sees the reduced role of the state in Kuchma’s team successfully applied Yeltsin’s sure-fire the national economy as the reason behind the Pol- “reformist president versus red revenge” scheme”; ish “economic disaster” — “... The Poles... have lost Igor Akshevskiy criticises Ukrainian agricultural pol- their buying power because the state has refused to icy — “Thank God our fields aren’t overgrown with offer them security and guaranteed employment.” weeds like in neighbouring Ukraine, but are bountiful Chasnovskiy ’s reasoning is that — “As a result, mar - and bear rewards for the diligent hands of the peas- ket mechanisms actually made it harder to achieve a ants”; 9 and Bronislav Sprynchan, a poet of Ukrainian high degree of social solidarity and consolidation. If descent, wants to change the country’s name from anything, they probably contributed to increased in - “Ukraine” to “Malorussia” (= “Little Russia”): security and [social] differentiation.” 15

7 Ibid ., No. 7 (2000), p. 26. 12 Ibid., No. 6, p. 105. 8 Ibid., p. 29. 13 Ibid., No. 6, p. 109. 9 Ibid ., No. 6 (2000), p. 8. 14 Ibid., No. 6, p.106. 10 Ibid., p. 188. 15 Ibid., No. 6, pp. 105–108. 11 Ibid ., No. 6 (2000), p. 104.

60 However, Chasnovskiy’s strained falsifications Belarusian Agricultural Academy, attributes the fol - cannot compare to the things Belarusians think and lowing statement to one famous American politician say about the United States of America. Here, “eco- – “Responsible Western politicians are coming to the nomic arguments” fade into the background, and na- conclusion that they must change their countries ’ tionalist rhetoric and psychoses take over. Prof. Yuriy strategies. For example, US vice-president Albert Kharin,PhD,head of the Belarusian State University of Gore admitted that “Consumerist market civilisation Radio and Computer Engineering’s philosophy de- has not only exhausted itself but, what ’s more, it has partment, informs us in alarm that — “Violence has driven American society into a dead end, and is lead - become a model in their daily lives of some school- ing our planet towards its destruction.” 19 Surely this children. In the USA, there have been numerous is a falsification? cases where adolescents have shot their own class- Heightened international isolation always causes mates.” To Prof. Vitaliy Smirnov, head of the increased paranoia inside a country. Undoubtedly, Belarusian Presidential Management Academy’s for- the unofficial leader of “paranoid tendencies” in offi- eign policy department, there is no difference be- cial Belarusian ideology must be Belaruskaya tween fascist Germany and the USA today, which he Dumka’s editor Vladimir Velichko. According to him, considers to be “neo-fascist” — “National ideas are “The West” has launched an “undeclared war” born out of the development of society, become a against Belarus — “An undeclared war which has en- mass phenomenon, and are then put into practice. tered the public consciousness, and is being waged This is how fascism and the fascist ideology appeared on several fronts at once. These include the destruc- in Germany, and how the USA’s current neo-fascism tive economic reforms they are imposing,the flood of and world dictatorship ideology emerged.” 16 sects, youth drug abuse, the prevention of childbirth Vitaliy Smirnov ’s verdict is clear — “... Western under the naïve pretext of ‘family planning’, etc..” 20 thought offers us no alternative, but dictates and im - This statement clearly shows that Belarusian ide- poses its templates and notions of “progressive de - ologists are trying to blame the country’s internal velopment” onto us with no heed for concepts like problems on external influences. The saddest thing is national sovereignty, statehood, love for one’s that this kind of interpretative model still finds its sup- homeland, patriotism, national pride, etc. Behind all this lies the triumph and craftiness of the victors. It is in their interests to give us inferiority and historical guilt complexes, and turn us into the outcasts of modern civilisation.” 17 Vasiliy Novikov, PhD. suspects that “The West” is guilty for the slowing of social progress in post-Soviet republics — “...A small group of Western countries is currently defending its egotistical interests left, right, and centre; creeping in disguised as new concepts, and attempting to force its system of values onto the rest of mankind.” Then he expresses his hope that “... crossing the threshold into the third millennium, mankind will say goodbye forever to the Western Eu- ropean mentality paradigm which has been forming throughout the entire existence of bourgeois Western society. This is essential if true human values are to develop and replace the limited illusionsand interests of class and civilisation.” 18 The Belarusian ideologists ’ claims against “The Happening of journalists, 1996. West” vary greatly. For example, Prof. Valentin Akulov, PhD. is concerned by the “superfluous” porters in Belarusian society. It is most convenient to law-abiding nature of Western citizens — “In the offload one’s entire burden of responsibilities onto past, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union cre - someone else. On a personal level, this is nothing ated “new men,” but modern Western democracy more than areturn to infantility,but if it ison anational produces “new citizens” — robot men who live ac- level, this kind of attitude tends to get marred by xe- cording to the program they call their legislative sys- nophobia and nationalism. The quasi-logical syllo- tem.” Without stating his sources, Kandidat of gisms in support of this read approximately as Philosophy Fyodor Prikhodko, head of the political follows: a) the country’s economic, cultural, political science and philosophy department of the and other systems are near-perfect; b) system break-

16 Ibid., No. 7–8. 19 Ibid., No. 6. 17 Ibid., No. 7, p. 8. 20 Ibid., No. 6, p. 10. 18 Ibid., No. 7.

61 downs occur exclusively due to outside forces; c)it is “in Belarus, the combined strength of the anti-presi - therefore only possible to stabilise the system once dential media is much greater than that of the state those forces have been neutralised.Only a fool would media,” and this can be put down to his personal de - be able to find any signs of perfection in the votion to the president. Belarusian state system, however. Like all authoritar- These remarks by Belarusian ideologists are sup- ian regimes based on a pyramidal control system,it is posed to make you think the independent media are in a constant state of crisis, but overcoming this crisis just foreign bodies in our society, inspired artificially would mean destroying the state model. by “The West,” not objective social processes. In so doing, they exaggerate “The West’s” role in all kinds 10. of ways. Not only is it maintaining its presence on the Russo-Belarusian Union State’s information market, Belarusian ideologists also loathe “The West” be - but it is also expanding.“Isn’t this why those Babitsky cause it supports the independent press and opposi - types who criticise the Russian troops in Chechnya tion in a variety of ways. Vladimir Velichko confirms have been multiplying like Colorado beetles re- this, saying — “... Western countries are not mean cently?” , exclaims Vladimir Velichko poetically. One when it comes to the electronic and printed media. can sense his KGB training by the way he speaks In the past, our press was looked after by the CPSU, about the Belarusian opposition — “This method... is but today the “independent” publications are com - being used so blatantly by our noisy opposition. Out pletely dependent on Oligarch Oligarchson, and of their minds with freedom, these people create per- have turned into a collective disinformer, manipula - manent confrontations, duping any journalists with a tor and agent provocateur.” 21 pathological penchant for “hot stories,” inflaming Belarusian political reality is unique because, from anti-Belarusian feelings in the former Soviet Union the ruling regime’s point of view, independent media and abroad, provoking the isolation of their own are equally or perhaps even more of a threat than con- country, and mocking its recent history. Seemingly ventional political opposition. They are the main target harmless political propagandist events are in fact im- for Lukashist propaganda, and every reasonably im- moral, because they ruin friendships with other na- portant Belarusian ideologist feels it their duty to drag tions and spread delirium.” 25 the independent media’s name through the mud. It is revealing that the ideological machine sees For example, the aforementioned Yuriy Kharin the “Belarusian opposition” as a fairly homogenous stresses the spiritual damage caused by the opposi - mass or “dark force” (like “The West”). Belarusian tion media — “The mass media (especially televi - ideologists use the same tools for the “Belarusian op - sion) are cultivating an atmosphere in the society of position” as they do for the “The West.” Valentin the CIS which is giving rise to reduced moral stan - Akulov states — “Who could doubt, for example, that dards, irrational thinking, and the dehumanisation of the people and the people alone have the right to de- culture.” 22 Belarusian State University tutor and cide how to organise their own home, how to live in Kandidat of Philosophy Yegor Konyev is convinced it, who to make friends with, and who they should that the media are also subverting the Belarusian just stay on good terms with. I don’t even think the economy — “As you know, the lack of foreign invest - Shushkevich/Grib/Sharetskiy trio of former parlia - ment in our economy is the most damaging conse - mentary speakers would argue with that. But when it quence of the “information vacuum” which the came down to a referendum on vital issues for the foreign media have created around Belarus.” 23 people, it turned out that the people were “sick” and Vsevolod Yanchevskiy, chairman of the Byelorussian “dumb.” Not people at all, just a “herd of cattle.” 26 Patriotic Youth Union, almost puts the non-state me - It is very difficult to read Belaruskaya Dumka and dia on a par with the political opposition — “... In similar publications without feeling disgusted. The Belarus, the combined strength of the anti-presiden - world has changed, but Belarusian ideologists have tial media is much greater than that of the state me - remained exactly the way they used to be — brutal, dia. The most popular Russian TV channels and incorrigible, bloodthirsty, and low on intellect. Since more than ten Belarusian opposition publications they are more like common ignoramuses than social have been denigrating Belarus and its authorities scientists, they have never managed to surpass their with painful regularity for several years now... The ideological predecessors or those who inspired opposition periodically organises small demonstra - them, e.g. Black Hundred members like Salanevich. tions in Minsk, but they are never broken up unless Moreover, it sometimes seems as if Lukashenka is someone starts throwing sticks and stones at the mi - playing a devilishly subtle game — by giving the ide - litia.” 24 Newly-hatched “House of Representatives” ologists carte blanche for their extremist displays of deputy Yanchevskiy is obviously lying when he says

21 Ibid., No. 6, p. 9. 25 Ibid., No. 6, p. 9. N.B. Andrey Babitsky is a Radio Liberty journalist who was arrested 22 Ibid., No. 8, p.42. by Russians in Chechnya in January 2000 for “participating in an illegal armed forma - 23 Ibid., No. 8, p. 142. tion,” but the real motive was presumably the anti-war tone of his reports on the events. 24 Ibid., No. 7, p. 15. 26 Belaruskaya Dumka , No. 6, p. 123.

62 xenophobia and nationalism, he appears to be a period in its history where it needs a national idea “moderate,” “rational” politician in comparison. just like a lost traveller needs a path. The Belarusian idea is something both the right and the left, believ - 11. ers and atheists could agree on; something that would be supported by Belarusians, Russians, Jews Whatever they might say, the Soviet Union has and Poles alike — citizens of all nationalities living in been gone for a long time, but the independent Re- the republic.” Note that, strictly speaking, this is not public of Belarus is still alive in spite of all its woes. so much “Belarusian” or a “national idea,” but some Belarusian ideologists will still need to re-evaluate third kind of “subnational” concept designed to unite the Soviet legacy one day in order to come up with “the multinational Belarusian people” in social soli - promising methods for developing the country. darity and material prosperity — “... The basis for the It turns out that Vsevolod Yanchevskiy, who has Belarusian idea should be a desire to strengthen hu - yet to turn 25, likes to dwell on the man potential... Our basic values should be a healthy “Brezhnevian-Andropovian Soviet Union” — “Life way of life, decent education, effective health care wasn ’t so bad in the Brezhnevian-Andropovian So- services, and reasonable [personal] requirements.” 32 viet Union, just fairly boring. We discovered later that In order to achieve social, political and national it wasn’t so bad compared to the perestroika and harmony, afew more decisive measures must be ap- post-perestroika periods, but we were already an- plied : banning all political parties, cutting ourselves noyed by the boredom before that.” 27 off from Europe (Larisa Yakovenko writes — “So far, Belarusian ideologists are also faced with the task we are poor relatives, if not simply strangers to “Eu - of showing the current political regime in a positive rope — Our Common Home,” and this will be the light. They are prepared to contrast it with the Soviet case for a long time to come. This is because we regime in order to make it seem a little better — “We were raised in different circumstances and live in dif - should not evaluate our political regime according to ferent conditions, with our Belarusian Slavonic men - whether it is liked or corresponds to someone ’s tality and Russian Orthodox religion” ), and making ideas about democracy, but should concentrate on Russian Orthodoxy the state religion (in Boris its newer components instead, since they are more Lepyoshka ’s view — “... Russian Orthodoxy is the progressive than those of the previous regime.” The choice of many centuries, like the orientation to - author of this remark, Fyodor Prikhodko, adds — wards Eastern values in the civilised sense” ). “... Here, we will never have communism and the Just what kind of future are the Belarusian ideolo - plenty it promised, or capitalism like in the West.” 28 gists preparing? One where Belarus would be Rus- The new “more progressive” system that is being sian-speaking and Russian Orthodox, free from built in Belarus could be described not just as “mar - political parties and independent media; one where ket socialism,” 29 but also as “social-capitalism.” This Belarusian society would not transform into a civil was hinted at by Nikolay Yegorenkov, head of the in- society, but stay just the way it is — as a conglomer - ternational relations department at Gomselmash (the ate of internally- and externally-dependent people. Gomel state agricultural machinery plant) — “So - It depends on us alone as to whether Belarus will cial-capitalism is the same social system that Lenin really develop along these lines or not. described as the “civilised cooperatives” system, that is to say socialism.” 30 Belarusian ideologists obviously fail to compre- hend that they are discrediting the regime when they write that the political order being built in Belarus does not conform to generally-accepted “ideas about democracy” or “foreign stereotypes” of “human rights, democracy and sovereignty.” 31 History has seen a great number of regimes which did not con- form to generally-accepted “ideas about democracy,” Valer Bulhakau , born in 1974. In 1995 graduated from the including German nazism, Italian fascism, and Soviet philology ’ faculty of the Belarusian State University, in 1998 — post-graduated from the faculty of history of communism. Every single one of them rejected “for- Belarusian literature. Candidate for a doctor ’s degree at the eign stereotypes” of “human rights, democracy and Institute of Philosophy of the Ukrainian Academy of Sci - sovereignty,” but we all know how they ended up. ences in Kiev. Editor-in-chief of the “Arche” magazine, and a Naturally, “social-capitalist” Belarus ought to co-ordinator of an analytical group, created to publish the have its own “national idea.” Fyodor Prikhodko puts book “Belarusian Political Scene After the Presidential Elec - tion ‘2001.” it this way — “... Belarus is currently going through a

27 Belaruskaya Dumka , No. 7, p. 13. 31 Cf. Vitaliy Smirnov — “... We should not fear false accusations of violating human 28 Ibid., No. 6, pp. 38–40. rights, democracy and sovereignty. We should have our own attitudes towards these 29 A famous quote from Lukashenka, circa 1997. concepts, and they should not depend on imposed foreign stereo - types” (Belaruskaya Dumka , No. 7, p. 24). 30 Belaruskaya Dumka , No. 6, p. 44. 32 Ibid., No. 6, pp. 38–40.

63 Feliks Gawin REPORT ON OBSERVATION OF RIGHTS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES AND GUARANTEES OF CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT OF EDUCATION IN ETHNIC MINORITY LANGUAGE IN HARODNYA REGION

Introduction Belarus in the Sphere of Defence of National Minor - ity Rights, and Guarantees for the Using of National The region of Harodnya is a multi-ethnic region of Minority Language. Belarus. If within the republic 22% of the population belongs to ethnic minority category then within I will begin the analysis of international docu - Harodnya region 37.7% of the population is ascribe ments in the field of national minority rights with the themselves to ethnic minorities. As a result of this Belarusian ratification of an International Pact of Civic large composition of minorities Harodnya Region and Political Rights and a optional protocol which can be perceived as a region which acutely reflects gives the citizens of Belarus the right to appeal di - national policy of the current Belarusian government rectly to the UNO with a complaint about any viola - on the local and national level. tions of human rights, if there are rights within the In Harodnya region the ethnic minorities fre - confines of the pact . Articles 8 and 61 of the Consti - quently live in union. For example, the Lithuanians, tution of the Republic of Belarus also fix these rights. of which there is only 0.2% in the region, are concen - The UN laws pertaining to national minorities were trated within two regions: the Voronovski and ratified in the General Declaration of Human Rights in Ostrovetski regions where the large array of minori - Article 2, which decrees against discrimination of in- ties represent the overwhelming majority. dividuals who belong to national minorities. Another important UN document is the International Pact of A Brief Analysis of Legislation of the Republic of Political and Civic Rights. These are laws which reach Belarus and International Documents Ratified by significantly deeper than the declaration, and except

64 64 for a decree against discrimination, insure minorities which regulate the state system. What pertains to the certain rights, for example, (Article 27) and the right rights and freedoms of citizens, chapters I and II were of religious self-determination and the right of en - left without changes. In regards to the rights of mi - gaging into religious ritual ceremonies, the right to norities, the following articles of the constitution are use one ’s ethnic culture and to use mother tongue. important: 2, 14, 15, 16, 17, 50, 61. A very important document of the UN is the Dec - Article 14 requires the state to regulate the rela - laration of the rights of individuals who belong to na- tions between national communities on the basis of tional ethnic, religious and language minorities. The equality before the law, respecting their rights and declaration obliges(Article 4) all countries to insure interests. for minorities, wherever it is possible, the conditions, Article 15 obliges the state to be responsible for which promote learning the ethnic minority language the preservation of historical-cultural and spiritual or teaching in it. heritage, the free development of cultures of all na- The Republic of Belarus is a member of the Or- tional communities living within the Republic of ganisation Of Security and Co-operation in Europe Belarus. (OSCE) and is required to adhere to the documents Article 16 proclaims the equality of religions and signed by OSCE pertaining to the guarantees of beliefs before the law. rights, and freedoms of individuals, who belong to Article 17: “The state languages in the Belarusian ethnic minorities. Among these documents it is Republic are Belarusian and Russian.” This article worth drawing attention to a document of the Copen - was changed according to the results of the referen - hagen Conference on human issues in 1990. In its dum in 1996. paragraph 30 we read: Article 50 of the constitution has a great signifi - “Countries-participants which belong to the cance. OSCE admit that questions pertaining to national mi- “Everybody has the right to maintain their ethnic norities could be solved in a positive way that ad- predisposition, and also no one should be forced to heres to a democratic political framework, which is determine and indicate their ethnic pre-disposition. based on the supremacy of law; and to conditions An offence of one ’s ethnic dignity is persecuted functioning of an independent legal system.” in accordance with the law. They also recognise the equally important role of Everyone has the right to use his mother tongue, to non-governmental organisations… in supporting tol- choose of language of communication. The state guar- erance, multiculturalism and solving problems per - anteesaccording to the law freedom in the choice of the taining to national minorities. language of upbringing and education.” Subsequently in paragraph 34 of the document The Constitution of the Belarusian Republic cor - we read: “ Countries-participants will seek to guaran - responds to the international standards in guarantee - tee, for individuals which belong to national minori - ing the defence of national minority rights, ties, independently from the need to learn in the established upon in the UN system and the OECD. official language, or other state languages of a coun - The following laws regulate relations in the field, try, the opportunity to learn one ’s father language or which concerns us: to learn in one ’s mother tongue, also there where it is Law of the Republic of Belarus “ On Education in possible and necessary to use it in governmental the Belarusian Republic.” This law was accepted by bodies according to the legislation. the Supreme Council of the Republic of Belarus on In the context of instruction of history and culture the 29 th of October, 1991; with changes on March 22, within educational institutions, they will also take into 1995 and May 03, 1996. account the history and the culture of the national mi- Law of the Republic of Belarus “On National Mi - nority. norities in the Belarusian Republic” During the following meeting of the coun- Was accepted by the Supreme Council of the Re- tries-participants of OSCE there has been under- public of Belarus on November 11, 1992. lined their good will towards the observation of Law of the Republic of Belarus “On the Rights of rights pertaining to national minorities. The same Children” case was in the Paris Charter for a new Europe, in The Supreme Council of the Republic of Belarus 1990, in a document of the Moscow Conference. A accepted this law on November 19 th , 1993; with specific place among the documents which were changes on May 3, 1996. accepted by the Copenhagen Conference is occu- Law of the Republic of Belarus “On Languages in pied by the Declaration of the Helsinki meeting the Republic of Belarus.” which were held at the highest leveland HelsinkiDe- President of the Republic of Belarus A. cree in 1992, on the basis of which there was estab- Lukashenka; July 17, 1998. lished the institution of the High Commissioner on Law of the Belarusian Soviet Socialistic Republic Issues of National Minorities. “On Culture in BSSR” was accepted by the Supreme An analysis of the internal legislation of Belarus Council of BSRR July 04, 1996. should be begun from an act the highest level and of An analysis of the laws should be begun with special significance to each democratic country, i.e. the law pertaining to “On Languages in the the Constitution Belarusian Republic.” This legal act is especially The changes proposed by the president per - important due to several reasons. Firstly, this act tained primarily to the chapters of the Constitution “On Languages,” in differentiation from the other

65 65 laws, was accepted by the new “parliament” and national culture and education; b) the right to edu - signed by Belarusian president A. Lukashenka. cate and use the mother tongue… One would assume that as a result of this the cur- Article 12 prohibits discrimination on the basis of rent government should respect it. (Lower it will national indications. be mentioned about the practice of its applying) It is also worth referring to the law, adopted in Secondly, the law on languages systematises the times of the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic relations in the sphere of using of national lan- which continues to have legal validity on “On culture guages and with its resolutions frequently dou- in the Belarusian SSR” of 1991. Article 10 of the law bles other normative acts.Thirdly,it regulates the guarantees the right to expand the culture and lan - relations between two national languages (de- guage, to create of a national school, and also cul - fined in Article 17 of the Constitution, after tural and educational associations and other types of changes of the referendum in 1996)and other na- institutions. tional languages, which are used by the popula- In the Belarusian Republic there also exists a spe - tion,which in accordance with article 2 of the law cial state organ — State Committee on Religious and the state concerns with. Nationalities ’ Affairs of the Republic of Belarus, In accordance with article 3 the citizens of Belarus whose status was established by the Decree of have the right to refer to state organs in the Council of Ministers on April 17, 1997. The funda - Belarusian language, Russian or in another language mental goals of this organisation are: which is acceptable for both sides The support of harmonious and spiritual devel- Article 6 of the law does not allow for the: insult, opment of the citizens of different nationalities liv- deprecation of the state languages and others, creat - ing in the Belarusian Republic. ing hurdles and limits in their use and instigating fric - The defence and support in realisation of the tion between ethnic groups on a language basis. rights of Belarusian citizens of different nationalities Article 21: “ The right to up-bring and obtaining in the fields of culture, education, language and in- and educate in the national language. formational insurance,co-ordination of action of Re- The Republic of Belarus guarantees for each per- publican organs of state administration for the son the right to up-bring and acquire education in the creation of conditions and rendering assistance in Belarusian or Russian languages. The system of pri- educational activity of national minorities. mary schools, secondary schools, technical schools The solving of questions pertaining to constitu - and institutions of higher education realise this right. tional guarantees of freedom of belief. People of different nationalities, living in the An important normative act for the realisation of Belarusian Republic, also have the right to up-bring rights of people, who belong to national minorities, is and acquire an education in the ethnic minority lan - the Instructive-Methodical Letter of the Educational guage. department and Minsk Executive Committee “On or - Administration and other workers of the educa - ganisation of education of children in the Belarusian tional system should be capable to fully communi - Republic who belong to national minorities.” In the cate fluently in Belarusian and Russian. letter there presented ways of creation of schools Article 23: The language of education and up- and classes with a national language of instruction bringing, the teaching languages in secondary and also other methods of education in the national schools. language, culture and history. In the Republic of Belarus the process of educa- Nevertheless,the way from the legal acceptation tion and up brining in secondary schools are carried of the law to realisation of itsgoalsisacomplex pro- out in the Belarusian or Russian languages. In accor- cess. If the legal basis of the guarantees pertaining dance with the interests of the citizens,on the basis of to the defence of national minority rights is ade- decisions undertaken by local government and exec- quate to international standards, then the realisation utive bodies, there can be founded secondary of these guarantees is complicated to the degree schools or classes where process of up-brining and that one can label certain norms of mentioned here education is undertaken in the language of the na- laws one can label as “martis caussa,” i.e. dead tional minority or the language of the national minor- norms. The practice of enactment, or being accu- ity is taught. rate — practice of ignoring laws,will be discussed in In all the secondary schools of the Republic of the next part of the report. Belarus the instruction of Russian, Belarusian and an additional language is obligatory. The General Situation in the Sphere of National - For people who belong to the national minorities ity Politics in Harodnya region and also those who belong to functioning organisa - tions, which unite the citizens belonging to the na- Today ’s state of affairs pertaining to the observa - tional minorities, the law “On national minorities in tion of national minority rights is tightly bound to the the Republic of Belarus” is very important. It is worth post-war history of Belarus, including Harodnya, in drawing attention to article 5, which guarantees na- relation to the politics of total russification of the in- tional minorities equal political, economic and social habitants, that did not exist in any Soviet Republic. laws and freedoms which include: a) the right to re - First of all, the Belarusian language was discrimi - ceive assistance from the state for development of nated, and in this situation, of course, there could be

66 66 no discourse on the education of languages of other culties with the education of children in their mother nationalities. tongue, beliefs, and in the cultivation of their Eastern From 1948 until 1988 in Harodnya region, which Orthodox Church. The media, through certain was occupied by 26.5 percent by Poles, 0.3% Lithu- means, propagates and heightens Russian culture anians, 2% Ukrainians and other nationalities, there and language. The Russian language began to domi - was no instruction in schools or classes where the nate in local authorities, television, radio, press, national minorities were taught in their language. schools, universities. (Diagram 1) Tartars Diagram 1 The Tartar minority tightly lives in Ivye, Navahrudak, Mir and Lida. There exists a Mosque, which allows the Tartars to cultivate their Islamic religion; lan- guage lessons are under- taken in the local school. They appeared in Harodnya region in the 14th century. These were supporters of Tokhtamysh-Khan, they ran away in mas- sive exodus after a civil war. Prince Vitovt, the leader of the Great Duchy of Lithuania ac- Nevertheless, the period of 1989–1994 could be cepted refugees for military service. Besides, in the viewed as a renaissance of national culture and na- Great Duchy of Lithuania, there were located hun- tional minority cultures of those who were living in dreds of former slaves: Crimean Tartars and Harodnya region. In this period there appeared a Karaimes, who later served for the Guards of the large number of national creative organisations, Prince. The Tartars began to speak to the Belarusian publishing houses and national cultural non-gov- language. However, their prayers remained in Arab ernmental organisations. and Tchagatai. Currently, in Belarus there lived 12,000 The situation began to change since 1994, i.e., Tartars. A Cultural and Educational Association from July 10, 1994 when Alaksandar Lukashenka was named “Al-Kitab” has been founded and a quarterly elected as the president of Belarus. A. Lukashenka is edition “Bayram” is published. In Harodnya region a scrupulous believer in “the old system” and every - there currently live 2155 Tartars, it is approximately thing turned backwards. This digression also af- 0,2% of the inhabitants.The first national organisation fected all initiatives, which were associated with the was established in July of 1989. In 1990 from this or- improvement of human rights. The politics of the ganisation emanated the Islamic cultural centre. In government towards national minorities became un - April 1991 Harodnya Centre of Tartar Culture was es- friendly. tablished. The Tartars have their own musical group “Kitch-Ituru” and they have also a religious . The Russians Ukrainians A privileged national minority in Belarus, even in relation to Belarusians, is Russians. The cultural organisation of the Ukrainians Currently, in Harodnya region there live approxi- “Barvinok” was established in 1997. It is composed mately 119,200 Russians, i.e., 10.1 percent of the total of 30 people; there exists an amateur art activity number of inhabitants. This is the third place after the group and a place to work. In the region there live Belarusians and Poles. On the 14th of June 1995 a lo- 21166 Ukrainians, it is approximately 1.8% of the in- cal branch of the Russian Alliance was founded. On habitants of the region. July 15th 1995 a centre named “Russian Style” was The situation of the Polish, Lithuanian and Jewish opened. The representatives of the Russian Alliance national minorities is far more complicated. take part in holidays of national cultures, organise ex- In 1999 among the national minority organisations cursions for recreation children, in the Sanatoriums of in Harodnyaregion there arose amutual problem-the Smolensk region, also invite to Harodnya musical method of undertaking the census of population. bands from different cities in Russia. The actions of the census counters create the Citizens of Belarus, who consider themselves as presumption that they received an order to per- the members of the minority, do not have any diffi - suade citizens within the fifth paragraph.1 In the first

67 67 issue, “mother tongue” and in the second, “lan- tion into the Russian language education. Arguments guage spoken at home,” that this language is Rus- used by these groups were: a lack of language per - sian. Taking into consideration that in Belarusian spective, a lack of a strong teaching core, a lack of towns the most frequently used language is Rus- methodical aids, which reduce the level of education sian, similar actions of census counters are serious and, as a result, the opportunity to enter a university. violations of the rights of people who belong to na- Not all the teachers of the primary schools spoke tional minorities.2 The actions of the census counters the Belarusian language, however, this indicator was discriminate not only the national minorities but also not terrible: 669 primary school teachers in Harodnya, against conscious Belarusians. 496 spoke the Belarusian language which is approxi- mately 74.1%. In the kindergartens the situation was The Realisation of the Right of the Belarusians to worse: 2265 of staffs, 1371 had the capacity to speak Educate their Children in their mother tongue, and Belarusian, that is approximately 60.5%.4 In general the the Guarantees of Using the Belarusian Language. policy of belarusification of the Secondary. In the schools of the city of Harodnya there Graphic 1 were organised 49 cir- cles, 38 study groups and 9 folkloristic groups and 5 clubs within which the Belarusian language was learned. During this period, a very important ele- ment of the successof belarusification was the proper policy ad- ministered by the Teacher Training In- stitute, the organ re- sponsible for the accreditation of teach- ers. In the whole, the In the 1990/1991 school year, at the beginning of teachers have an impartial view in relation to the the belarusification of Secondary Schools in idea of national rebirth. There were those among Harodnya region, 43.6% of the first year students ap- them which were against the belarusification,after plied for education in Belarusian. On the first of Sep - all, they became the basis of this politics. The tember in 1999 — 45.1% of first graders entered into Harodnya Institute at this level, was not able to a Belarusian language school. And preparation deal with the established goal. Within this period courses were entered by 37%. 3 Between 1991/92 the work of conscious creation had a very great and 1994/95 — 80% of first year students were edu- significance. cated in Belarusian. It is an interesting fact, that today, when Table 1 effectively illustrates the politics of the pre- Belarusian classes are liquidated, many teachers, vious government.In 1991 in accordance with the law those that were previously against the introduction “On Languages in the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Re- of Belarusian into the school system, are actively public” and the state program of development of the against a transition to education in the Russian lan- Belarusian and other national languages the govern- guage. Children from Belarusian grades behave ment began work focused on its realisation. The similarly. An interesting occurrence took place at Belarusian law on the rebirth of national languages Secondary School 21 in Harodnya. The administra- was one of the most lenient among all the Post-Soviet tion of the school wanted to introduce Russian as republics. It envisaged the return to the mother the primary language of instruction, but the stu- tongue during 10 years beginning with the first-grade. dents had formed an opposition against this transi- Within the initiative groups, which opposed the tion.Similarly,this type of event occurred in school education of children in Belarusian were parents number 3 and these two occurrences are not ex- who recently arrived in Belarus (for example mili - ceptions. tary). Thanks to the teachers they were successful in obtaining signatures of the rest parents for the transi -

1 From a copy of the statistical graph in the Appendix. 4 Confirmation through Harodnya Region Department of Education in Harodnya is lo- 2 People whose names are known to the author can confirm the given incidents. cated in Appendix. 3 In association with the reform of the Secondary School educational system and passing to a 12-year system.

68 68 Diagram 2 In 1999/2000 school year, in Harodnya re- gion, none of children began an education in of preparatory courses in the Belarusian lan- guage. Only in 1 first grade class room did kids were learnt in the Belarusian language, this was equal to less than 1 percent in a city where 56.1% are the Belarusians. (Diagram 2)

Percentage of Students of Grades 1–11 of Harodnya Region with Belarusian as the Primary Language of Instruction

School 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 91011 Year

1990/1991 43,6 % 22,5 % 22,4 % 22,1 % 23,5 % 23,9 % 22,9 % 22,8 % 22,8 % 21,3 % 22,1 %

1991/1992 83,0 % 43,6 % 22,5 % 22,4 % 22,1 % 23,5 % 23,9 % 22,9 % 22,8 % 22,4 % 21,3 %

1992/1993 82,9 % 83,0 % 43,6 % 22,5 % 22,4 % 22,1 % 23,5 % 23,9 % 22,9 % 22,7 % 22,4 %

1993/1994 86,5 % 82,9 % 83,0 % 43,6 % 22,5 % 22,4 % 22,1 % 23,5 % 23,9 % 22,8 % 22,7 %

1994/1995 86,5 % 86,5 % 82,9 % 83,0 % 43,6 % 22,5 % 22,4 % 22,1 % 23,5 % 23,9 % 2,9 %

1995/1996 61,5 % 76,2 % 81,2 % 79,3 % 69,6 % 42,8 % 22,5 % 22,4 % 22,1 % 23,5 % 23,9 %

1996/1997 50,8 % 59,7 % 72,0 % 76,6 % 71,3 % 69,5 % 43,1 % 22,6 % 22,6 % 20,5 % 22,0 %

1997/1198 44,1 % 50,0 % 58,6 % 70,3 % 69,1 % 68,9 % 68,5 % 42,2 % 22,6 % 21,4 % 20,8 %

1998/1999 20,1 %* 43,8 % 49,2 % 57,5 % 63,7 % 65,8 % 68,1 % 66,0 % 42,1 % 20,3 % 21,6 %

1999/2000 ?? %** 19,6 % 43,7 % 48,3 % 53,5 % 62,5 % 64,1 % 64,7 % 66,0 % 36,1 % 20,2 %

* In 1998/1999 and also in 1999/2000 school years there were developed preparatory courses. The percent of children who undertook instruction there in the Belarusian language amounted to 45.5% and 37% respec- tively. * The data are given for the school year 1999/2000 not known.

Let us return to Chart 1 Belarusian schools. As it is seen in the chart and tables above, the break- ing point was reached in the 1996/1997 school year, i.e., 2 years after the elections of the first pres- ident of the Belarusian Republic and 1 year after the May Referendum of 1995 which served as the formal basis for the dep- recation of the Belarusian language. Harodnya Regional Executive Committee released the statistical

69 69 The census of 1989 Diagram 3 established that 418,000 Poles live in Belarus, from which 13.3% of these people consider their paternal language Polish. In accordance with the given of the last census in 1999 the Pol - ish minority within the Harodnya region amounted to 294 000 people which repre - sents 24.8% of the pop - ulation of the region. The Poles are the sec - ond largest ethnic group after the Belarusians. Over ten Graphic 2 years ago, the Polish National Alliance was established in Belarus and now it has a mem- bership of approxi - mately 30,000 members. About 50 amateur clubs were es- tablished. The newspa - per “Glos znad Niemna” is published by the group. Two schools were estab - lished. After the referen- *The data of 1992/1993–1994/1995-school years in Harodnya are not known, but dum in 1996, the we may assure that they are similar to the data of 1991/1992 school year. Belarusian government began a massive attack not only on all elements census for 1999.5 The information reflects that the associated with the Belarusian culture, language and percentage of inhabitants of Harodnya region who history but they also began to limit the rights of na- indicate the Belarusian language, as their mother tional minorities. tongue, increased by 4.5%. At home 53.6% of the A fundamental problem of the Polish national mi- people of Harodnya region speak Belarusian. This to nority is that equally through the national govern - a large measure is an indication of the protest against ment and the local level, the right for children to be the politics of russification. educated in their mother tongue is not being en - forced. From 1988, under the influence of activists of The Polish National Minority the Polish Cultural and Educational Union of Adam Mickiewicz, who organised parents to submit re - The Poles, together with the Belarusians and Lith - quests for the introduction of Polish as a subject uanians, are considered, in fact, aborigines of within the school system, the authorities started to Harodnya territory. The representatives of this nation organise instruction in the Polish language in the came here from the regions of the river Visla and school system, however, they did everything to re - Mazurian Lakes in the 10 th century. More intensive strict its introduction only to study groups and migration to the lands of Harodnya region was after courses. This is how, for example, there is a refusal adoption Krev Union in the 14 th –15 th cc. for the building of a school in Navahrudak because there are organised clubs. “Let ’s learn the Polish Lan -

5 Given from the Census results from Harodnya region.

70 guage” in the city 6. Everyone understands that the thorities with the request to leave the leadership of level of instruction associated with club is far from the alliance be left alone because the activity of the the level of instruction during classes which has a di - Polish National Alliance takes place within the frame - rect effect on the result of learning. work required by the constitution. 8 Since 1988 the Polish Alliance in Belarus began an Since 1996 until today the authorities in active discussion with the authorities of Harodnya and Berastsye, Navahrudak and Harodnya have refused the Republic pertaining to the building of Polish Schools the Polish Alliance the construction of Polish schools in Harodnya. At a meeting which took place in 1994 be- at the cost of the Polish National Alliance of Belarus. tween the leadership of the Polish Alliance and the A group of initiative parents obtained 3,067 sig - Prime-Minister Kebich, there was signed an agreement, natures under an appeal to the president of the Re- which in accordance with there were to be constructed public of Belarus, which indicated a concern over the two Polish schools in Harodnya, one at the costs of the fact, that the question pertaining to the construction Polish Republic and the second at the cost of the of schools with Polish language instruction within Belarusian Republic. After the acquisition of govern- the Suburb of Vishnevets in Harodnya and that mental authority by A. Lukashenka, a new government “within the past 8 years there has not been created was created and the Polish National Alliance received a even one school text-book for grades 2–8 in Polish” written rejection of performance of duties which the had not been considered. 9 Belarusian government had entered into agreement In Navahrudak the authorities do everything to upon. This was motivated by a lack of financial ability to liquidate the education of children in the Polish lan - meet the costs of construction. guage. They were able to do this with a first grade This is best exemplified by a speech of Deputy of class in the 1997/98 school year with one of the National Assembly. In which the Poles were openly Navahrudak schools. Firstly, there is a pressure initi - called citizens of the second category, because they ated upon the parents who are bullied by the threat are interfering the process of integration with Russia. of loss of employment. Secondly, the mass media According to the Deputy Kostyana, the Poles within assists in an attempt to portray the lack of perspec - Belarus, are like the “Fifth column, which is ready at tive by such an education. In addition, the authorities any moment to betray the Belarusian nation.” 7 in Navahrudak requested from the parents of the The President of the Polish National Alliance ap- children which began their education in the Polish proached the head of the House of Representatives language, to show proof of their Polish origin, which of the National Assembly with the request of explica - is a serious violation of the rights of parents and their tion of the words spoken but there was no response. children. As a result of these violations, the President The prosecutor office also did not react. of the Polish National Alliance turned to the head of The Belarusian President in his “Statement to the the Harodnya Regional Executive Committee with a Parliament,” had charged the Poles with the desire request that the head reign in his department and for autonomy. Even though international standards personnel to respect the law. 10 There was no under - in the field of defence of national minority rights en - taking. The Polish Alliance also referred to the prose - courages for states the support for the creation of au- cutor ’s office of Harodnya region, however, the tonomy. In Belarus, autonomy is associated with violation of law “On Languages” were not noticed. 11 separatism of the worst meaning of the word. For four years the Polish Alliance has attempted President Lukashenka has a strange habit, to di - to receive a license from the authorities of vide the people into two parts. In the same way he is Navahrudak to build a school in the Polish language behaving towards the citizens of Belarus of Polish or - of instruction. From the beginning the authorities of igin, dividing them into the simple and uneducated Navahrudak motivated the refusal to build the school who support his politics and “a handful of national - by a result of a lack of funding in the cities budget. 12 ists trying to impose the Polish question.” These Nevertheless, the refusal was also based on a insig - types of statements by the very person who should nificant amount of Belarusian citizens of Polish na- guarantee the constitutional integrity of the state can tional identity living in Navahrudak. The amount of create concern if indeed the constitution is adhered citizens of this ethnic origin is 5.3%. to by anyone. The leadership of the Polish National Alliance re- One of the most serious violations of human quested a commentary in this situation. The case was rights, belonging to national minorities, is the prac - referred to the President of Belarus A. Lukashenka tice of KGB functionaries to “speak” which activists of and also to the State Committee on Religious and Na- the Polish national movement. The President of the tionalities Affairs by The Cabinet of Ministers.13 From Polish National Alliance in Belarus turned to the au- the perspective of the authorities there has been no

6 The response of the Regional Action Committee can be found in Appendix. 10 The request to the head of the GOKW pertaining to the behavior of the authorities in 7 The response of the Polish National Alliance to the head of the State Committee on Navahrudak can be found in Appendix. Religious and Minorities ’ Affairs and the Prosecutor ’s Office can be found in Appen - 11 The respond of the prosecutor can be found in Appendix. dix. 12 The rejection for the construction of the school can be found in Appendix. 8 The paperwork concerning the protest can be found within Appendix. 13 The copy of the letter can be found in Appendix. 9 The request by the initiators can be found in Appendix.

71 steps taken in the direction of a constructive solving Religious situation within Belarus. A request was of this question. formulated pertaining to the construction of kinder - In a response to the violation of rights by the au- gartens and schools in the Polish language of instruc - thorities of Navahrudak, the Polish Alliance had tion. The Polish National Alliance received a written turned to the Harodnya Municipal Executive Com - caution of the Ministry of Justice of the Belarusian mittee with a request to obtain a license to picketing Republic, which informed, that the given responses the building of the Harodnya Regional Executive violate the legislation of the Belarusian Republic . Committee, but they did not receive permission to Recently, the authorities do not permit the en - organise a protest .14 As a result, the Polish Alliance trance of Polish teachers into Belarus who have the had undertaken a protest on the territory which was goal of teaching Polish. adjacent to the administrative building of the Polish In April of 1998, the Association of Polish Doctors Alliance. After 30 minutes of the protest, in accor - by to the Polish National Alliance turned to the dance with the requirements of the police, the pro - Harodnya Municipal Executive Committee with the test was halted. An illegal protest was also organised request for a license for a educational conference in Navahrudak. On March 3rd of 1999, the President of pertaining to the 200 th anniversary of the birth of the the Polish Alliance had referred to the regional court renowned Polish poet Adam Mickiewicz. 18 The re - of the Navahrudak region with the goal of asking for a sponse of the committee was negative. This was mo - recall from the decision pertaining to the rejection of tivated by the good of medical practitioners of the building of the school and and the ability and the different nationalities, which the association is dis - uselessness of opening classes with the Polish lan - criminating due to ethnic allegiance. guage of instruction. 15The decision of the court did In Belarus, there live citizens of the Republic of not satisfy the Polish National Alliance. Belarus,former soldiers of the AK (Domestic Army) The laws of the Polish national minority are in- who fought Fascism during the II world war. They fringed in the community of Voronovo where the have not been given the recognition of state sol- population is approximately 80% Polish. The prob - diers, and for this reason they are prevented from lem is framed in terms of macro-economic difficul - obtaining certain exemptions which are given to ties in Belarus, nevertheless, two classes were participants of war. These are the only people from liquidated, one with Polish language of instruction the coalition against Hitler, who are not given ex- and the other with Polish as a subject. The President emptions. Soldiers of the defence war which was of Voronovski Regional Official of the Polish National carried out in 1939 by Poland , have the status of Alliance referred to the leader Voronovski of the Re- veterans of war, however, they are also prevented gional Executive Committee with the request to from any exemptions. maintain Polish classes and obligated himself to ex - cept upon his social organisation all the costs associ - The Lithuanian National Minority ated with the education of children. 16 Parents wrote letters containing similar requests to Voronovski Re- Harodnya region has a long border with Lithua - gional Executive Committee and the head of the nia. In spite of long term habitation in a mutual state Harodnya Regional Executive Committee, in which of the Great Duchy of Lithuania. There are not many they stated that they would not allow their children to Lithuanians in the region; approximately 2,964 peo - participate in school until the issue is resolved posi - ple, which is about 0.2% of the population. There tively. 17 The actions of the parents and activists of the were Lithuanian school in the Belarusian Soviet So - Polish National Alliance did not bring any results cial Republic until the 1970 ’s, when the last one was In Lida, the authorities also prevented the cre - closed. Similarly as to the other nationalities the Lith - ation of classes with the Polish language of instruc - uanians experienced the peak of their rebirth in the tion, motivating their decision similarly as in beginning of the 1990’s when there was the creation Navahrudak. of Lithuanian schools. In general, there are 25 Lithua - The inactivity of the Ministry of Education in the nian villages, and two Lithuanian Parishes. Children department of creating a state program of education of Lithuanians living in the regional centre , learn the in the mother tongue, and also that in Belarus school Lithuanian language in Sunday school. In accor- text-books and educational supplements are not dance with the census of 1999 the Lithuanian minor - published in the Polish language can be viewed as a ity within Harodnya approximates 2,964 people, restriction of rights to educate in the mother tongue. which is about 0.2% of the number of the inhabitants In 1997 the Polish National Alliance had spon - in the region. sored convocation of its organisation. Responses The Lithuanian Association in Harodnya named were accepted to the government informing of the “Tevine” was established in 1995. The main goal of

14 The request and denial for the organisation of the protest can be found in Appendix. 17 The letter of the parents to the Harodnya Regional Action Committee can be found in 15 The reasons can be found in Appendix. the Appendix. 18 16 The letter of President of Voronovski of the local branch of the Polish National Alli- The statutes of Belarus prevent the organisation of such projects without the ap- ance to the Head of Voronovski of the Regional Action Committee can be found in proval of the authorities. Appendix.

72 the Lithuanian Association is educational activity. mechanism for the Lithuanian Cultural and Educa - Lithuanians have in the Harodnya region two schools tional Centre. 20 with the national language of instruction in the town Currently a danger of amalgamation of two of Rymdzyuny (Ostrovetski region), a secondary schools in Rymdzyuny which are to have school and primary school in Giry where the largest Belarusian and Lithuanian languages of instruc- number of Lithuanians live. The next largest commu - tion. The amalgamation of the schools was nity is in Pelyasy, Voronovski region. planned of September 1st 1999, however, due to The president of the regional department of the protests of the Lithuanian Association the “Tevine” Algimantas Dirgintchus names the follow - amalgamation has not taken place.21 ing problems in the activity of this association which are the result, according to his belief, of the fault of the authorities and which infringe upon the rights of minorities: lack of educational staff, lack of a legally defined positioning of schools and centre of Lithua - nian culture in Rymdzyuny and difficulties associated with the renting out of premises for Sunday schools. Up until the present, the Ministry of Education of Belarus has not developed regulations pertaining to Sunday schools, Even though “Tevine” had referred to the authorities with these difficulties numerous times. An instructive-methodical letter “On the Or- ganisation within the Belarusian Republic of the edu - cation of children, who belong to national minorities” speaks of schools on free days, however, it does not define concretely as to what type of study groups are these schools. The authorities are deliberately referring teachers to these schools which are poorly prepared,thus low- ering the level of education in the national schools. In Point 7 of the aforementioned protocol indicates Belarus there is no of high school with a department that the director and teaching staff of the school are of Lithuanian language and culture, even more, in the called to their position with the acceptance of the NationalAcademy of Education there isnot even ade- opinion of the Republic Association of Belarusian partment for Lithuanian language and culture. Lithuanians. When it came to filling the positions, the A serious problem for the union “Tevine” is the director of the school was occupied by a person who lack of a defined legal statute pertaining to the Centre was completely unknown to the Lithuanian Associa - of Lithuanian Culture in Rymdzyuny. Later the Lithua - tion, that insisted on a candidate from the Giry nian side started to finance the construction project school with experience in working at school with the itself. This means that the Belarusian side did not in- Lithuanian language of instruction. Several months vest anything into the construction of the centre(the later, at the request of the local Lithuanians, the di - Lithuanian investment is approximated at 2.5 mln rector was fired due to drunkenness. USD) but established the direction of its construc - Contrary to the agreement between the govern - tion. The authorities of the Ostrovetski region turned ments of Lithuania and Belarus, the property of the to the Lithuanian side with a proposition of negotia - Centre has not been transited to the Republican Un - tions on the issue of the legal status of the centre, si- ion of Lithuanians. Today the authorities are working multaneously requesting a halt to construction. through and idea proposed by the Lithuanian side to Lithuania agreed to negotiate but did not cease the create a variation of a partnership “Lithuanian Centre construction of the centre. of Culture, Education and Information. th On the 18 of July 1995, in Minsk, there took place Decree of the Justice Department of the negotiations between the Prime-Minister of the Lith - Harodnya Regional Executive Committee postponed uanian Republic A. Shlazhawitchus and the the re-registration of “Tevine” as a social organisa - Prime-Minister of the Republic of Belarus M. Chygir, tion. 22 As for the Polish Alliance of Belarus, “Tevine” during which it was established that the owner of the changed an issue in the statute in which a goal is la- centre will be the Republican Association of Lithuani - belled; defence of the rights of Lithuanians. The term 19 nd ans in Belarus. On July 2 1996, there was estab - “Lithuanians” in the statutory documents is changed lished a working group of experts concerning to “members,” i.e. the group “Tevine” can only de - themselves with the development of a functional fend the interests of its members and not Lithuanians according to this certification. 23

19 A copy of the protocol of the agreement can be found within Appendix. 21 The report is written by V. P. Zametalin. 20 A copy of the protocol of the meeting can be found in Appendix. 22 The decision can be found in Appendix.

73 There are many Sunday schools, where the Lith - several Jewish schools in Harodnya. The massive uanian language, history and culture is not only migration of the Jews from Belarus continues. Ac - learned by children but adults who do not have no cording to the last census the number of the Jews other opportunities for this type of education. There during the past ten years continues to decreased at a is no help, besides the exemption from rent for the double pace of approximately 57.6%. The activity of Association office in Harodnya of the regional and the union is largely concentrated on cultural affairs central authorities for the Lithuanians. and the organisation of grades in Sunday school.

The Jewish National Minority Conclusion

The Jewish massive arrival on these territories is Today in Belarus rights of different national mi- connected with the 14 th century, when in Western Eu- norities and also rights of the Belarusians are roughly rope (Germany, Spain and others) began to castigate violated. Authorities do not take any measures to im - the Jews. They found their security in the Great prove the situation. Duchy of Lithuania. Here people of different religious Worsening atmosphere, reluctance to help the beliefs were treated with tolerance. The first commu - citizens of national minority are rough violation of in- nications were established in Harodnya at the end of ternational norms. Reaching an agreement between the 14 th century. There existed Jewish spiritual semi - the authorities and PAB is a vital necessity. With this nars (yeshibot) in Volozhyn and Mahylou and a Tal- purpose it’s worse conducting “round-table” discus - mud academy in Mir (yeshiva). In Harodnya in 1578 sions. and in Slomin in 1642 brick synagogues were built. The ministry of Education has urgently to work From the second half of the 16 th century one could out programs of instruction in language of national observe an intensive migration of the Jews from Ger - minorities, and to publish necessary text-books. many and Poland. Then the Jews began to acquire The Belarusian language is to be back to second - significant position in the ethnic structure of the pop - ary and high school, administrative bodies. It’s nec - ulation of the Duchy. After the Russian occupation of essary to illustrate the history of the people these territories, they were labeled as the “borders of objectively, to revive the Belarusian culture on the settlement.” The Tsar ’s government in 1794 forbade state level. the Jews to move from these areas to other places On the whole, national politics of the government such as Moscow or St. Petersburg. Before the Sec - of the Republic of Belarus has to be completely ond World War, the Jewish population comprised changed. 14% of the population of inhabitants of Belarus. In the cities and villages of Harodnya region the Jewish population in some instances amounted to 50%–60% of the total inhabitants. In the 1920’s Yiddish was one of the 4 official lan- guages of the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic. In the years of the Great Patriotic War by the result of Nazi genocide 300,000 Jews died. The Jewish popu - lation amounted to 8.2% of the population in 1926, however, they amounted to 1.8% of the population in 1959. Currently there live approximately 112,000 Jews in Belarus approximately 1% of the population and many of them are currently emigrating. Currently, within the region, there live 937 Jews, about 0.1 percent of the population and the majority lives in Harodnya. There was created a regional asso - ciation of Jewish culture after the name Leiba Naidus. In May of 1997 the charity organisation “Khesed Nokhum” was established. There is a Feliks Gawin , born in 1973. Lawyer, graduated from the Sunday school, in which the Ivrit (modern Hebrew) Jagiellonian University in Cracow. Graduated from the School of Human Rights at the Helsinki Committee in War - language is taught. There is a musical group for saw. Works for the Regional Civil Society “Ratusha” in adults, and a group for the youth “Freilakhs.” Harodnya as a co-ordinator of programmes related to hu - With a small amount of the Jews there can be no man rights ’ defence. Initiator of the Regional Centre for Hu - talk of the creation of classes with the national lan - man Rights ’ Defence at “Ratusha.” Deals with monitoring guage of instruction, or even about teaching the lan - human rights and human rights ’ education for social lead - ers, teachers and youth. guage. Before the Second World War there were

23 A page of the statute with the changes can be found within Appendix.

74 Yauhen Androsik CONFESSIONS

The first of the world religions to come to those circumstances Jews made up 50 or more Belarus was Christianity. It began to infiltrate from percent of the population of various towns in the Byzantium in the 9th century. By the 10th century, 19th century. They preserved their faith by living in Christianity was established in the Duchy of Polotsk, compact communities. the oldest state formation within the territory of to- The Reformation brought Protestantism to the day’s Belarus. The official year in which Christianity GDL, and it was spreading from as early as the 16 th was adopted is considered to be 992 AD, when the century in the forms of Lutheranism, Calvinism, Polotsk Bishopric Chamber was founded. The ar- Aryanism, and so forth 1. Those trends, however, did rival of Christianity from Byzantium conditioned the not become widespread, remaining as the faiths of domination of Eastern traditions which are also individual prominent feudal lords (particularly Cal- present in Belarus today. Therefore, Christianity had appeared and established itself in these lands even before its official split into the Orthodox and Catho- lic churches in 1054. Catholicism of the Latin tradition enjoyed a significant expansion after Grand Duke Jagiello of Lithuania, signed the Krev (“blood”) Union in 1385 (when Belarusian lands became the nucleus of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania,or GDL,founded in the 12th century). Islam came to these areas in the 14th century with the Tartar troops hired by Grand Duke Vitaut in order to reinforce hisarmy.A large part of those Tartars later settled in the GDL. Famous literary and historical evidence of this is a copy of the Ko- ran written in Belarusian, but using Arabic ligatured script. Judaism was brought by Jewish merchants, and their presence increased as the foreign eco- Oppositional action “The Charnobyl ’ Way 2001,” nomic ties of the GDL extended.A great number of Minsk, April 26 th , 2001. Jews moved to the GDL in order to escape oppres- Photo: IREX/ProMedia sion, because this state offered a certain degree of tolerance in its relations between religions. An- vinism and Lutheranism). Some of their subordinate other factor that influenced the concentration of peasants were also forced into those faiths, as well Jews in this area was Catherine II’s edict of January as Germans and other immigrants from Protestant 3, 1792 that first introduced the so-called settle- backgrounds. The growth of Protestant churches ment line — a certain radius from large cities, in- was largely halted by the signing of the Lublin Union, side which Jewswere banned from settling.Due to following which GDL Catholics were able to rely on

1 Encyclopaedia of Belarusian History. Vol.5, Minsk, 1999, p. 568.

75 75 strong support from Poland in fighting against the “regular” or “irregular,” the latter were prohibited from Reformation 2. accepting new monks. If there were less than eight The Lublin Union of 1569 merged the Polish King - monks left in a monastery, it was closed down. dom and GDL into a federal unitary state and gave The Tsarist attitude towards Catholics varied. Pe- Roman Catholicism additional opportunities to ex - riods of loyalty would change into oppression, espe - pand into the East. An important milestone in this cially after an uprising. The 1905 law on religious process was the Church Union signed in Brest in tolerance led to numerous Orthodox Christians con - 1596; to a great extent the preservation of the verting to Catholicism, but the Tsarist establishment Byzantine tradition in these lands was possible only tolerated Catholics as long as their interests did thanks to that treaty. By the end of the 18 th century, not conflict with those of the empire. the majority of Uniates resident in the Belarusian As far as the Uniate Church was concerned, the at- parts of the GDL 3. titude of the Russian Empire was strictly negative. An The Old Believers came to the GDL in the 18th edict of April 1794 ordered that any obstacles prevent- century to escape oppression by the Russian au- ing Uniates from returning to Orthodoxy be removed. thorities, and settled in compact groups all across Uniate priests were banned from staying in areas the GDL. where they had formerly had temples. Generally, the Thus, thanks to historical circumstances, the GDL official policy aimed to abolish the Uniate Church. Tsar developed a tolerant attitude towards different faiths, Nicholas I planned to strengthen the Western prov- resulting in the presence of a multitude of religions inces of the Russian Empire by increasing the presence among the population. of the Orthodox church.This was achieved by convert- The annexation of the Belarusian lands to the Russian ing Uniate churches to the Orthodox faith. The Uniates Empire in the late 18th century brought about changes in suffered a severe blow following the uprising of the religious life of the people. Despite the fact that all 1830–1831, when more than half the Basilian monas- faiths were formally permitted, the Orthodox Church en- teries were abolished to avenge their monks’ participa- joyed much greater opportunities for expansion because tion in the uprising. Simultaneously, the Tsarist it was the state religion of the Russian Empire. government was pursuing a policy aimed to control Before the partitions of Poland (Rzeczpospolita), the Uniate Church, which resulted in it being abolished there was one Orthodox eparchy whose seat was in by merging it with the Orthodox Church in 1839. The Mahyleu. In 1755, Georgiy Kaninskiy became head 29th Cossack regiment was sent to Vitsebsk province in of the eparchy and started an active campaign to January 1839 in order to prevent unrest among believ- promote the spread of the Orthodox Church. When ers. The feared unrest struck nonetheless, and the the first partition occurred in 1772, he requested Basilian monks and nuns put up the strongest resis- permission from Catherine IIto convert Uniates into tance. The Uniates were doomed, however, since their Orthodoxy. In 1780, permission was granted to ap- poor clergy, gentry, and peasantry were unable to point Orthodox priests to vacancies in Uniate withstand state policy and the treachery of the Ortho- churches. Thus, the expansion of the Orthodox dox Church patriarchs. Church into Belarusian lands occurred mainly The Russian government’s attitude towards through conversion from the Uniate faith4. Until Protestant movements was rather liberal. This was 1905, conversion from Orthodox to another faith re- mostly to do with the fairly small Protestant popula- mained illegal5. tion and their inconsequential influence on society, The partition of 1772 meant that about 100 000 but the Tsarist authorities nevertheless took steps to Catholics went over to the Russian Empire. Catherine II limit the Protestants’ activity. “Once Belarus had been decreed that all directives and messages from the Ap- joined to Russia, its Protestant traditions were put on ostolic Capital could only be publicised among the ice, as if awaiting better times.” 7 Catholic population with the empress’s approval6.The The first communities of Baptists and Evangelist annexation of new territories entailed changing of bor- Christians appeared in Belarus in the 1870s, followed ders of Catholic bishoprics. A large part of the Catholic by Adventists in the early 20 th century, then Method - clergy were displeased by this joining and the changes ists, Jehovah ’s Witnesses and others which gained that were taking place in the Catholic Church and soci- an increased following throughout the 20 th century. ety. Conspiratorial organisations started to form, and The establishment of the Soviet regime radically some of the clergy sided with the French during the changed the nature of relations between religion and 1812 invasion and participated in the uprising of the state. Throughout its history, the USSR applied a 1830–1831. An 1832 edict led to the closure of a great policy of state atheism, according to which fighting reli- number of monasteries. The next step was to reduce gion was seen as being akin to the fight against capital- the amount of monasteries and categorise them as ism, and it was Karl Marx who dubbed religion the

3 Faiths in Belarus (end of 18 th –20th centuries), Minsk, 1998, p. 5. 7 Lych L. — The Protestant Church in the National and Cultural Life of Belarus: Tradi- 4 Faiths in Belarus (end of 18 th –20th centuries), Minsk, 1998, pp. 32–33, 43. tions and the Present // an annual publication by the Belarusian Academy of Sci- 5 The Byelorussian SSR. A Concise Encyclopaedia. Vol. 1, Minsk, 1978, pp. 616–617. ence ’s Institute of History, 1999, p. 116. 6 Faiths in Belarus (end of 18 th –20th centuries), Minsk, 1998, p. 21.

76 “opium of the people.” This policy dealt a serious blow in reduced followers of all the religions; and espe - to all faiths. cially strong pressure was put onto the Protestant The state paid special attention to banning the “re- and Judaistic communities. vivalist wave” among religious organisations which had Belarus ’s religious life in the late 20 th century has become quite influential in the early 1920s. The Uniate been marked by a great diversity of religions which Church was unable to revive itself in Soviet Belarus, but are both traditional and non-traditional for the re- continued to exist, despite certain difficulties, in West- gion. The points at which they all began to grow ern Belarus which was then part of Poland. more active coincided with the beginning of the de - Even early as the first few years of its existence, mocratisation process at the turn of the last decade, the Soviet regime began to take a heavy toll on the and with preparations for the 1000 th anniversary of material position of all churches by expropriating Russian Christendom celebration in 1988. their buildings and other property. The church-rob - Another factor that stimulated the emergence of bery campaign reached its peak in 1922, based on a various religious movements was the collapse of the resolution by the administration of the Central Exec - USSR and the restoration of independence to the utive Committee (CEC) entitled “Concerning means countries that had once constituted the Soviet empire. of confiscating church valuables in use by groups of The changing way of life, streams of new information, believers.” This was implemented under the pretext and dropping standards of living forced former Soviet of a need to help the starving people of the Volga 7. people to change their outlooks radically. After realis- Priests and laymen were harshly repressed if they ing that the “Communist paradise” had been a myth, opposed the state policy. In 1922 alone, 201 Ortho - many people started to seek true heaven. dox priests were executed by shooting in the People’s inner urge to turn towards religion was a Byelorussian SSR 8. good basis both for the expansion of traditional beliefs The next step taken by the CEC to limit the rights (Christianity, Islam and Judaism) and the formation of of churches was its 1929 resolution “On Religious movements which were new to Belarus (Krishnaism, Associations,” which banned all clerical activity out - Buddhism, Baha’ism, Aamoto), as well as for the widen- side of churches and temples. ing of various Protestant movements within traditional re- The repression campaign of the 1930s hit the Catho- ligions. Unfortunately, destructive sects also began to lics painfully. The overwhelming majority of the clergy multiply in Belarus, including the White Brotherhood, Sa- were repressed,which meant that,by the end of the de- tanism, Aum Sinrikyo, the Church of Jesus Christ’s Disci- cade, the religious life of Catholics in Eastern Belarus ples, etc. In co-operation with some state institutions (e.g. was in fact only able to carry on deep underground. the state committee for religious and nationality affairs), Other religious movements also suffered from the representatives of traditional faiths are striving to prevent destructive effects of the 1930s’ repression which ef- the spread of this kind of sects, and this has had some fectively forced them into the underground as well. positive results. For example, in recent years it became After WWII, all the religions were in a difficult situ - possible to limit and,to some extent,liquidate branches of ation, but the Soviet regime remained most loyal to - such sects as the White Brotherhood, Aum Sinrikyo, the wards the Orthodox Church. Aleksiy Simanskiy, Family of Love, and Ahmadzia10. elected Patriarch of Moscow and All The Russias in According to the state committee for religious and 1945, was awarded four Orders of the Labour Banner nationality affairs,the following list of religious organi- during the course of his patriarchate 9. The way the sations were active in Belarus by January 1, 1999 : church hierarchy was treated, however, did not re - Obviously, the degree to which these various flect the actual state of the Orthodox Church. The faiths affect life in Belarus differs greatly. The leading number of parishes, monasteries and convents was faiths are traditional Catholic and Orthodox ones,with dwindling; strong anti-religious propaganda resulted Protestantism clearly becoming more influential.

All Berastsye Vitsebsk Homel Harodnya Mahyleu Minsk Minsk Belarus region region region region region region City

Orthodox 1 1081 299 144 142 166 67 240 23 Church

Roman 2 Catholic 399 51 64 19 169 15 73 8 Church

7 Faiths in Belarus (end of 18 th –20th centuries), Minsk, 1998, p. 159. 10 Koktysh A. — The Sweet “Flute,” Svobodnye Novosti Plus (“Free News Plus”), No. 7, 8 Bozhim shlyakham (“In A Godly Way”) , No. 50, 1952, p. 51. 2000. 9 Yakunin G. — The True Face of the Moscow Patriarchy, Brest, 1996, p. 25.

77 All Berastsye Vitsebsk Homel Harodnya Mahyleu Minsk Minsk Belarus region region region region region region City

Greek 3 Catholic 13 3 2 2 2 1 12 Church

Catholics of 4 Roman 2 2 tradition

5 Old Believers 36 1 20 2 7 3 3

Reformed 6 1 1 Church

Lutheran 7 4 1 2 1 Church

Evangelist 8 Christians/ 233 75 26 21 19 27 50 15 Baptists

The Council 9 31 10 3 3 3 5 6 1 of Churches

John the 10 Baptist 1 1 Church

New Apostle 11 203 356 2 1 Church

Church of the 12 First 11 Christians

Christians of 13 Evangelical 414 132 35 50 32 32 114 19 Faith

Christians of 14 Complete 47 6 5 12 6 1 7 10 Gospel

Christians of 15 Apostolic 9 5 3 1 Faith

16 Christ Church 6 1 1 1 12

Messianic 17 2 2 communities

Seventh Day 18 45 13 9 7 5 3 6 2 Adventists

Jehovah ’s 19 213 664 1 1 Witnesses

20 Mormons 3 3

21Judaists 13 3 2 2 1 3 2

Progressive 22 8 2122 1 Judaists

23Muslims 24 2 5 10 1 4 2

24 Baha ’is 5 1 1 1 1 1

25 Aamoto 1 1

26Krishnaists 7 1 1 1 1 2 1

2427 610 329 274 434 170 505 105

78 The state’s attitude to religion is impossible to The various Protestant movements are the most sum up briefly. Although they do not support most active in co-operating with other Christian faiths. religious organisations in any way, from time to The Catholic church organises its ecumenical ac- time the authorities do grant certain privileges,par- tivities according to resolutions from the 2nd Vatican ticularly to the Orthodox Church. “The Belarusian Assembly and the “Rules for the Application of Ecu - Orthodox Church is under the patronage of the menical Principles and Norms” of the Papist Council state, of President Lukashenka.” 11 Evidence of this for the Development of Christian Unity. can be found, for example, in Aleksandr At present, ecumenical dialogue is most productive Lukashenko’s speech during a visit to Minsk by wherever it provides practical assistance in social mat- Aleksiy II,Patriarch of Moscow and All The Russias, ters, publishing and some other fields. It is usually im- in July 1995: “Just recently, the state assigned aid plemented through joint projects finalised during to the church which amounted to 1 billion rou- ecumenical seminars and conferences. The round-up bles... Although this, of course, is clearly inade- documents from these events include plans for various quate,but wewill becontinuing with thispolicy.” 12 projects to be undertaken by representatives of all the Inter-faith co-operation is developing mainly in faiths present at each given meeting. social fields. The introduction of religious education into the Ecumenical dialogue is obviously becoming more school curriculum was supposed to result in an ex- active.For example,there is a group for interclerical dia- pansion of ecumenical activity, but the subject is logue based at the Minsk International Education Centre usually taught by teachers who are non-believers IBB. In 1999, some meetings were held as part of a pro- and had an atheist education.Among the clergy,Or- ject entitled Reconciliation in Europe — The Church’s thodox priests have the biggest influence over the Mission in Ukraine, Belarus, Poland and Germany, educational sector and control other faiths’ access which began with interclerical dialogue designed to to it. There have been incidents where Protestant bring peace between the churches of Germany and Po- teachers were expelled from schools on the pretext land in the early 90s. The chosen theme for the jubilee that complaints had been received from parents year of 2000 was Social Work of Christian Churches in who claimed their children were being forced to Belarus. The first working meeting was held on Janu- learn from “the wrong Bible.” ary 21–22, 2000, with representatives of the Orthodox, To summarise, we can state that the Belarusian Roman Catholic, Greek Catholic, Evangelist Baptist and Orthodox Church maintains the strongest position in Lutheran Christian churches in attendance. As a result Belarus, and enjoys acertain amount of support from of the meeting,aprovisional working group made up of the state. The Roman Catholic Church is also quite representatives of all the aforementioned faiths was set well rooted. The rest of the faiths come well behind up to co-ordinate social programmes. in terms of their membership and influence on life in There have been a number of larger-scale ecu- Belarus. In fact, other faiths are only allowed to ex - menical activities with joint participation from dif- pand their activities with the approval of the BOC hi- ferent faiths e.g. The Samaritan’s Purse,a erarchy, which also has significant sway over the Christmas present-giving event for children organ- Belarusian authorities. ised by the Biblical Society of the Republic of Belarus; the publication of the Gospel according to St. Mark in four languages (Belarusian, Old Church Yauhen Androsik , born 1969. Graduated from the Minsk Slavonic, Greek and Russian), edited by the Auto-Mechanical Technical School with a specialisation at constructing automobiles (1990). Between 1994 and 2000 Belarusian Orthodox Church’s biblical commission was studying history at the State Belarusian University. (N.B. the BOC is the Belarusian Exarchy of the Rus- Co-operates with the Belarusian Greek Catholic Orthodox sian Orthodox Church) with the participation of the Church, works as a co-ordinator of social programmes at Inter-Faith Biblical Society. one of the parishes in Minsk, deals also with some adminis - The Biblical Society ’s activities generally focus tration and history of the Orthodox Church. The first of the world religions to come to Belarus was Christianity. It began on distributing the Bible and other religious publica - th th to infiltrate from Byzantium in the 9 century. By the 10 tions, and producing video films (including cartoons) century, Christianity was established in the Duchy of on biblical or daily-life topics, aimed at teaching chil - Polotsk, the oldest state formation within the territory of to - dren and adults the Christian way of life. day ’s Belarus. The official year in which Christianity was Recent years have also marked the return, or re - adopted is considered to be 992 AD, when the Polotsk Bish - vival, of the Greek Catholic church in Belarus. It has opric Chamber was founded. The arrival of Christianity from Byzantium conditioned the domination of Eastern traditions come a long way in the ten years since it resumed its which are also present in Belarus today. Therefore, Chris - activity, making it difficult to imagine an ecumenical tianity had appeared and established itself in these lands dialogue without representatives of this faith nowa - even before its official split into the Orthodox and Catholic days. Lutheranism is also growing in popularity. churches in 1054.

11 Faiths in Belarus (end of 18 th –20th centuries), Minsk, 1998, p. 324. 12 Vestnik Belarusskogo Eksarkhata (“The Belarusian Exarchy Newsletter”), No. 2, 1995, p. 12.

79 1. Cultural organisations: dark points — cultural organisations light points — The Society of Belarusian Language

2. Local press: big points — non-periodical issues (bulletins) dark points — state press

3. Members of the Belarusian Association of Resource Centres (BARC): bicolour points — regional resource centres a four-colour point — “BARCNEWS” one-colour points — resource mini-centres

80 4. Non-governmental organisations.

5. Organisations dealing with human rights’ defence and self-governance: dark points — human rights’ defence light points — self-governance

6. Ecological and social organisations: dark points — ecological organisations light points — social organizations

81 Alaksandar Shalayka, Syarhey Mackevich NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS AND THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN BELARUS IN 2001: THE FIRST STEP MADE, WE ARE MOVING ON

The night of September 9, 2001, sleepless for cannot be solved without radical changes in the most NGO ’ activists in Belarus, opened a new phase state, the only way to solve them is through making in the life of Belarusian society and development of citizens vote. its third sector. Initial shock gave way to apathy. For a In order to plan further activities of non-govern - long time, a lot of those people had been concentrat - mental organisations, it is necessary to analyse their ing their efforts on September 9. As that day went activity in 2001. The present article is an attempt of down in history, time challenged them to move on. such analysis and does not claim to encompass ev - Many asked themselves wither, with whom, and erything or be complete. whether it was altogether worthwhile. The easiest The election process in 2001 was made up of two option was to declare a defeat of the democratic non-political components — a mobilising campaign movement, sprinkle one ’s head with ashes and do and observing the elections, and three political nothing. If so, then the democratic movement was ones — a negative campaign, collecting signatures, not truly worth the victory it was striving for. Instead, and agitation. Some members of non-governmental one has to realise that first steps are always difficult, organisations participated in some of those parts. but they have been made. Time is come to scrutinise Let us now consider each of them in more detail. them in order not repeat one ’s mistakes and use the achievements accomplished. The mobilisation campaign “Vybiray!” The experience of Central, Eastern, and Southern Europe in 1996–2000 proved that given general apa- thy of the voters, election results can be strongly af- fected by mobilising certain categories of the electorate, which usually do not vote. In Belarus, like in many European countries, the least active voters are the young and the educated. Those strata were the main target of the mobilising campaign carried out according to a decision by the 3rd Congress of the Assembly of Democratic Non-Governmental Organi - sations of Belarus (more than 500 member organisa - tions) in December 2000. The campaign was mainly aimed at fullest possi- ble involvement of responsible votesin the campaign. The three tasks of the campaign were: 1. To deliver objective information about the situa - tion before the election and general situation in the country to the target groups by using various media. 2. To create an optimistic message and confidence in the possibility of changes for the better, which challenged to cope with the fear of repression, be- The specific feature of the Belarusian situation is ing in a minority, and disbelief in change. that political parties are not developed enough to fill 3. To call to come to vote on the last day of election up their niche. The state automatically perceives (instead of early voting) to minimise the opportuni - any activity independent from it as political opposi- ties for rigging the election. tion, and that was why NGOs did not have to think twice whether to participate in election campaigns. The campaign was titled “Vybiray!”, which in Non-governmental organisations are called upon to Belarusian and Russian alike means both “Elect!” and solve problems of society, and if some problems “Choose!”.

82 The campaign drew on the following guiding principles: 1. Community (it had a co-ordinated emblem, logo, style, and concept). 2. Positive character. 3. Being separated from other campaigns. 4. Decentralisation, i.e. co-ordination by a staff.

The campaign was carried out in the following stages: 1. Preliminary evaluation (December-January): to as- sess forces and identify target groups. 2. Preparation (February-May): to develop a concept and schedule of the campaign, to draw a structure of the headquarters, to train staff. 3. Advertising (June-July): official advertising, con - certs, and other actions. 4. Informational (August–Election Day September 9): distribution of booklets, special issues of newspa - pers, mass-scale distribution of the merchandise. 5. Post-electoral analysis.

To achieve its aims, the campaign used about 90 kinds of actions, most successful of which were the following: a) The Good Will movement in the Berastsye region. b) A series of concerts under the motto “Rock for Change.” c) Sand plain air “Lion ’s Grave” in Mahyleu. d) Bicycle races in the Barysaw and Maladzechna dis - tricts. e) Happenings during Town Day (July 3). f) The 9.09 service by Young Hramada. g) Actions in market places. h) Family festival “When We Are Together.” i) “The Orange Mood” by the Association of Belarusian Students. j) Concerts in small towns (Kasya Kamotskaya, Viktar Shaukevich, Zmitser Bartosik, Zmitser Sidarovich), organised in co-operation with local organisations.

Let us describe some of the above mentioned ac- tions in brief: 1. The Good Will movement was a hiking journey in the Palesse area in July 2001 and took 20 days. About 50 young people walked through villages and towns staging sports and cultural events, giving away souvenirs (made centrally or by themselves) and newspapers. 2. The Family festival “When We Are Together” was organised by the Belarusian organisation of working women. Originally planned to cover 35 towns, it was banned in many of them. The form included contests and fairs in small towns. The main characters were mommy-the-hostess (wearing a “Vybiray!” apron) and a boy called Vybirayka (wearing a T-shirt, cap, and badge with the “Vybiray!” logo). The shows ad- vertised the election date and the need to vote in or - der to provide children with normal future. The prizes included ball-pens, balloons, T-shirts, etc. with the campaign insignia.

83 Those actions (about 500 total) were held in more than 100 towns of the country by about 200 organisa - tions. The mobilisation campaign combined central - ised and decentralised approaches. The authoring of the motto, drawing up the schedule, producing the large batches of printed material and other attributes, and work with the media was carried out in a central - ised fashion. At the same time, local groups had the opportunity to independently chose the format, place, and time of their actions, produce their own material, and distribute functions among them - selves. This made the campaign truly democratic. The Belarusian Association of Resource Centres (BARC) as an information network was responsible for timely collection of information and its distribu - tion. The campaign encountered some temporary problems with printed media, some of which in the beginning did not consider “Vybiray!” interesting for the reader. Educational programmes were also important: the training centre ran programmes for local NGO’ activists. There were over 30 seminars for 103 civic organisations organised. The campaign ’ web-site devoted to teaching methods became quite impor - tant tool, too (www.vybary.net/mk). A very important development, both for the campaign in general and for the third sector in Belarus, was the founding of youth coalition. In par- ticular, the youth coalition “Peramenaw!“1 was joined by the Young Front, the Association of Belarusian Students, the Association of Young En- trepreneurs, Young Hramada, the UCP Youth, the Belarusian Association of Young Politicians, Youth Solidarity, and the Youth Christian Social Union (YCSU). Unfortunately, only one part of the “Peramenaw!” coalition joined the “Vybiray!” cam - paign. The other decided to pursue an independent mobilisation campaign, which of course sprayed the forces of youth organisations. Among the actions by that independent campaign worth mentioning is an action under the title “Let ’s Exchange the Old for the New,” within which old Soviet books were being ex - changed for new Belarusian ones, and old Soviet flags for Belarusian ones. Some other organisations were also busy with in- dependent mobilising activities, including the “Pil - grims” caravan by Next Stop — New Life jointly with a number of other organisations. The results of the mobilisation campaign can be considered from two viewpoints. On one hand, in the short-term, the campaign as an instrument of affect - ing the result of the election, failed, mainly because of a weak campaign of the democratic candidate and cheating the election during the voting. However, the official reported turn-up of 83,86%, even if overrated

1 “Peramenaw!” in Belarusian and “Peremen!” in Russian, the name means a demand of changes.

84 by the electoral commissions, shows that the mobili - Among the Assembly’s member organisations, sation objective of the campaign was accomplished. about 200 supported participation in the observa- The main problems encountered by the tion, including the Frantsyshak Skaryna Fellowship “Vybiray!” campaign: of the Belarusian Language, the human rights cen- a) A lack of co-ordination with the agitation campaign tre “Vyasna” (Spring), the association “Legal Assis- (often because there was none) and confusion be - tance to the Population,” the Centre for Human tween the campaigns. Rights, and others. b) Some organisations did not even intend to work The Assembly set up an observation network within the coalition, some only declared this intent. that created both new possibilities and new issues c) Some organisations used the campaign to pro - to tackle. One of the issues was co-ordinating the mote themselves. activity of two networks,which was resolved by in- d) Shortage of experience, especially for regional or - troducing co-co-ordinators working jointly at both ganisations. national and local levels. The joining of the two ob- e) Sometimes the campaign targeted groups that servation networks gave rise to the civic initiative would have voted anyway (“doing it for our lot”). “Independent Observation.” f) Due to shortage of time, some organisations lim - The main tasks of the Independent Observation ited their part to posting stickers and giving away in- initiative are: formation booklets. n To create a strong, effective network of g) It took quite a while to persuade journalists of inde - independent, non-party observation of pendent media to take part in distributing informa - elections throughout the country. tion about the mobilisation campaign, even not in a n Civil control of presidential elections in way of direct participation in it, but dissemination of Belarus to ensure it is democratic, open, its ideas and aims. public, and transparent. n To inform the Belarusian public and The main achievements of the campaign,useful for international community about true results of future work: voting in the country. 1. Organisations have been revealed that can be re- lied upon in nation-wide campaigns. More than 16,000 observers were trained for 2. Various kinds of campaigning have been tried out. those purposes in about 320 courses. Two educa - 3. Non-governmental organisations expanded their tional brochures were published intended for ob - influence onto new groups in society. servers of two stages, described below. 4. A creative expert group was set up. The observation process was organised in two 5. Experience in running nation-wide campaigns. stages. The first, longer stage consisted in observing 6. New volunteers were attracted to non-govern - the pre-electoral proceedings: delegation to the elec- mental organisations. toral commissions and their work, collection of signa- tures, registration of candidates, etc. The second Observation stage consisted in observing the very process of vot- In 2000, non-governmental organisations for the ing, both early (started five days in advance) and on first time tried to organise systematic observation of the election’ day, and the counting of ballots. One of elections by means of a body called the Central the first important factswasdelegation of membersof Co-ordination Council 2. The election in question was non-governmental organisations to territorial and lo- that to the House of Representatives, boycotted by cal electoral commissions, since working within them most democratic forces in Belarus, which did not al- is the most efficient way of preventing violations. Po- low non-governmental organisations to fully realise litical parties and other non-governmental organisa- their potential of organising observation. For exam - tions delegated more than 600 persons to territorial ple, although the Assembly of Democratic Non-Gov - commissions, however, only 1% of them was admit- ernmental Organisations officially did not take part in ted.Thus,at thisstage the authoritiesdid not allow ac- observation in 2000, many representatives of its tive participation in electoral commission of member organisations did it privately. The 3rd Con - non-governmental organisations or representatives gress of the Assembly decided that the Assembly of non-governmental circles in general. was to participate in the observation to maximise the Collecting information from observers was tried number of participant organisations and observers out during the first stage. as such. The Assembly commissioned Ales During the voting before schedule and on the Byalatski, head of its Working Group, to head the election ’ day, the observers had two main tasks: to Central Co-ordination Council. register violations and carry out parallel counting of votes. The former task was carried out jointly by the

2 The following non-governmental organisations participated in the Central Coordina - Voters, the Free Trade Union Belarusian, the Lew Sapeha foundation, the tion Council: the Belarusian Helsinki Committee, the Belarusian Republican Club of “Belarusian Initiative” Centre, the Belarusian Women ’s Information and Coordina - tion Centre, and the Movement for Democratic and Free Elections.

85 two networks so that two persons from either net - from the perspective of the campaign aim and least work were present at each polling station. The latter safe in termsofconditionsunder which itswasto be task employed a joint sub-network run by represen - implemented. This clearly political campaign was tatives of both structures. carried out mainly by an unregistered movement According to those in charge of the observation, called “Zubr,” initiated, among others, by represen- approximately 25% of participants in the observers ’ tatives of the civic initiative Charter’97. Thanks to network could have quitted before the election due Charter’97, Zubr have enjoyed professional assis- to objective or subjective reasons. They might have tance since its founding in January 2001.Its organis- given in to repression, exercised by state bodies ers wanted copy the Yugoslav movement “Otpor” onto future observers: under that pressure, about (Resistance), with adjustment to specific Belarusian 4,000 people refused to observe. This situation re - conditions. Zubr built its structure within a very mained until the very eve of election, when the regis - short time. An important asset of the movement tration of officially delegated observers of the human was experience in designing promotional material, rights organisation “Vyasna” was cancelled the day although ordinary Zubr members did not have a before the election. Some observers quit on their possibility to do it.The fact that Zubr wasbuilding its own, giving in to pressure. Thus, well according to network on concrete work, that is, spreading pro- original forecasts, about 10,000 observers were motional material, at the time when other youth or- present at polling stations on election day. ganisations had neither plans for their campaigns, The purpose of parallel counting of votes was to nor printed matter, enabled Zubr to quickly engage reveal violations during the transportation of ballots a lot of activists of other organisations. Also, they to higher commissions and the summing of figures managed to involve in their activity young people, by territorial and the central electoral commissions. who have not participated in such movements be- To fulfil that purpose, the observers were to collect fore. copies of counting statements signed by members Among the outcomes of the negative campaign, of local electoral commissions, sum them inde- it is worth mentioning its broad advertising and pub - pendently from higher commissions and compare lic awareness of it. This circumstance is very impor - the results with those published by the Central Elec- tant for Belarus where few organisations are known toral Commission. Strong difference in the two ver- to society. At the same time, central management re - sions would give grounds for questioning the sulted in a certain level of discipline, self-organisa - election results. tion, and responsibility. The parallel counting was carried out, however, it Inside the campaign, unfortunately, it was failed to produce concrete figures, being based on scarcely democratic. data rendered useless due to the following reasons: Although Zubr activists did their best to reuse the n Observers were not admitted to be present experience of their Yugoslav colleagues, some as- during the counting of ballots in such a way to pects of that experience were not properly heeded. really observe it. The negative campaign aimed to destroy the pos- n The electoral commissions in most stations itive image of the president in office, highlight his refused to openly check the turnout with the personal negative aspects and the shortcomings of amount of signatures in their lists of voters. his policy . n Ballots were counted out of all the boxes It is disputable whether the movement Zubr be- together (not separately for pre-schedule longs to non-governmental organisations. On one voting). hand, one can argue that the core of the movement n The observers were not allowed to familiarise was made up of former or actual members of other with the records of electoral commissions. youth non-governmental organisations. On the other hand, Zubr considered those organisations its Those infringements did not allow for parallel main rivals in image-making. Brought about for a counting based on trustworthy data. negative campaign, Zubr sometimes radiated nega- In general, non-governmental organisations en - tivism elsewhere, for example, into relations among countered the following problems while organising non-governmental organisations. The movement observations: almost never co-ordinated its activities with other n Pressure from authorities. organisations. n Shortage of prepared, experienced observers. A major flaw was Zubr’s running a negative cam- n Insufficient co-ordination between the two paign against president in office alongside with their sub-networks. mobilisation campaign under the motto “Time to Choose (Elect).” One of the secrets of Otpor’s success The positive achievements of the observation were was separation of a negative campaign from a posi- that a lot of new people are ready for further work and tive one (the black and the white one in the Yugoslav the organisations received experience of running a version). Running the two campaigns under one large-scale observation on the national level. name harmed not only Zubr’s mobilisation activity, it also affected the “Vybiray!” campaign. The Negative Campaign The structure of Zubr, based on vertical manage - A negative campaign against present president ment, has more in common with military subordina - Alaksandar Lukashenka is the most understandable tion than a democratic non-governmental

86 organisation. Material incentive, widely used by Zubr to recruit new people and motivating its activists, did probably rise their efficiency during the campaign, but washed apart foundation of the movement as a potential non-governmental organisation that would be viable in a longer run. Evaluating the role of Zubr in the election run-up, one should remember their campaign of enquiry about the fate of missing people, touching also on the human rights in Belarus. That campaign, of rather civic character, was backed by the one the United Civic Party ran under the motto “We Want to Know the Truth.” Another challenge Zubr faced was to defend the victory of a democratic candidate should it have hap - pened, or make sure a second round of election took place. Those tasks are only meaningful under two conditions, one being the victory in the first round or such results that call for a second round of elections, and second being the will of broad masses to take to the street. Neither condition was created. The negative campaign as such was a precedent of a mass-scale negative campaign in Belarus, and succeeded in instilling an atmosphere of denial. An - other matter is whether that atmosphere was effec - tive in influencing voting, especially given that the electoral campaign of the single nominee of the op- position was also built on a negative message, if any.

Collection of Signatures The presidential election in 2001 did not offer a choice between democratic candidates, it was rather an attempt to return Belarus to a democratic path of development. Under those conditions, participation in collecting signatures for one of the democratic runners was a civic action, not just politics. Activists of non-governmental organisations took part in those processes,above all,as individual citizens. Most of them collected signatures for Syamyon Domash, yielding about 163,000, a sec- ond highest result after president in office. The col- lateral indicators — few signatures turned down and a large share of signatures collected on the periph- ery — witness for organisational abilities of NGOs. The civic and political movement “Regional Belarus” played an important part in that process. Syamyon Domash withdrew in favour of Uladzimir Hancharyk (singled out as the joint hopeful of a coalition of democratic forces), despite the large number of signatures collected for him and Hancharyk ’s disputable chances. This can also be ex - plained by the fact that many of those who had col- lected signatures for Domash had their background in the third sector and therefore a developed sense of civic duty.

The Agitation Campaign The agitation campaign for the single opposition hopeful failed by most assessments, and did so thanks to not using the staff and organisational re- sources of NGO activists, who collected signatures for any democratic candidate. Hancharyk’s cam- paign was build on the negative, because it was be-

87 lieved that he was put forth too late for unrolling a pointment. Non-governmental organisations do positive campaign and making a positive image for have the right to two kinds of disappointment: that in the coalition nominee. His negative campaign on society, because all our efforts are for its benefit, and top of those negative campaigns against that in the work we have done, because it was not in Lukashenka, the one run by Zubr in the first place, vain. created asituation in which the voters sought to iso- Over the past five years, Belarusian non-govern - late themselves from those negative feelings, the mental organisations have evolved from separate people who were instilling it, and the person in the and small organisations into all-national networks, so focus of the campaign. Without a positive perspec- that now they can influence civil processes. tive or an attractive way out of the negative situa- For the third sector, 1996–2001 became a period tion, the electorate did not see the opposition when organisations had the opportunity to develop candidate as a real alternative. and educate themselves, build structures, train their The agitation campaign for the single opposition membersinto professionals,try out new people and hopeful produced leaflets, posters, and other mate- ways of functioning. No doubt, this activity must rial too late. Therefore the headquarters had to continue. However, one of the problems revealed make do with material of the mobilisation campaign by the last electoral campaigns is insufficient con- while motivating their volunteers’ structures, which tact between non-governmental organisations and harmed mobilisation. Late distribution of agitation society, insufficient knowledge and trust in NGOs material (a week or a few days before election day), and their leaders. At the same time, electioneering a lack of a positive message, not using resources of distracted NGOs from concrete problems in society. non-governmental organisations — these factors Some of the organisations have come to interpret- made other elements (mobilisation, observation, ing politicisation as asign of unity,which results in a and the negative campaign)come short not only be- wrong perception of their role by political parties. cause of their own flaws, but due to mistakes of the Non-political NGOs have to avoid the danger of as- agitation campaign. suming the biological rhythm of political parties — from election to election, no matter how important they are, because the goal of those organisations is to build civil society. NGOs have to de-politicise. The main positive outcome of the election for non-governmental organisations is a unique experi - ence and new people. The next challenge is to win confidence of society. For this, non-governmental organisations have only one possibility: to work for the benefit of society and show it this benefit. This has to become the top priority for NGOs for the next several years: exactly those kinds of activity that are both positive and clearly beneficial for society. NGO Conclusion leaders have to gain a reputation of those who really The 2001 president election took place in the at- care about people ’s problems. mosphere of repression of participants in political and non-political campaigns alike. Numerous arrests of Zubr activists, seizure of NGOs ’ property 3 and ma - terial of mobilisation campaigns were actions within one policy. The main instrument of fighting the presi - dential rivals was Decree No. 8, which made it very difficult or impossible to receive foreign aide. Some non-governmental organisations put up a coalition Alaksandar Shalayka , born in 1977. Graduated from the Belarusian State Polytechnic Academy — Advanced Per- to counter the decree (including Next Stop — New sonal Training Program (economy) in 1998. Graduated from Life, BelAPDICH, the Belarusian Organisation of the Belarusian State University (the faculty of international Working Women, and the Independent Society for relations) in 1999, and law faculty in 2001. Chairman of the Law Studies). The coalition initiated public dialogue Executive Bureau of the Assembly of Pro-democratric about Decree No. 8. NGOs. The results of the 2001 election disappointed Syarhey Mackevich , born 1964. In 1986 graduated from physics faculty of the State Belarusian University. From 1996 many people in Belarus and abroad. They were dis - financial director of the “Supolnast ’” Centre, since 1998 ex- appointed with specific personalities, organisations, ecutive director of “Supolnast ’.” President of the board of working methods, approaches, ways of putting up the Assembly of Belarusian Non-Governmental Organisa - coalitions, etc. Everybody has the right to disap - tions.

3 This happened to the Lew Sapeha Foundation in Vitsebsk and Mahilew, Hart and Civic Initiatives in Homel.

88 Boris Zvozkov DECREE NO. 8 — COMMENTS

The Decree No. 8 “On Certain Measures of Regu - of Article 2 of the Declaration “On the Right and lation of the Procedure of Receipt and Use of the For - Obligation of Individuals, Groups, and Bodies of a eign Gratuitous Aid” of March 12, 2001 was issued, Society to Stimulate and Protect Universally recog - as it asserts, pursuant to part three of the Article 101 nised Human Rights and Basic Freedoms,” and Arti - of the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus. cle 10 of the named Declaration. At the same time: The Article 101 in its first part states, that the Leg - *** islative Body may delegate the power on issuing de - Bans and restrictions imposed by the Decree do crees to the President. not as well conform to the regulations of the Interna - Part two of the same Article states that “the dele - tional Pact on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights gation to the President of powers on issuing decrees (Articles 2, 4, 15), the International Pact on Civil and providing for restriction of the constitutional rights of Political Rights (Articles 19, 21, 22). the citizens is inadmissible.” In the whole, the Decree forces the citizens to ful - It follows from analysis of a number of provisions fil obligations not provided for by the Constitution of of this Decree that it has been issued in defiance of the Republic of Belarus, or to deny their rights, what part two of the Article 101 of the Constitution of the is treated as the infringement of Article 58 of the Con - Republic of Belarus. stitution.

*** *** The Decree No. 8 assumes the possibility of con - Conditions for forced liquidation of non-govern - fiscation of property and funds from those persons, mental organisations are defined in Article 29 of the who are not the owners of such property. law “On Non-Governmental Associations.” The pro - Confiscation is deprivation an owner who has not vision of the Decree as regards to the forced liquida - committed any unlawful act of its property. Such ac- tion in case of violation of the Decree do not conform tions do not agree with part 2 of the Article 17 of the to the named Article. Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as with the Article 13 of the Constitution of the Republic of *** Belarus, and with the parts 1, 2 and 3 of its Article 44. The measures of responsibility for disregard of the requirement of this Decree do not correspond to *** the notion of adequacy and justice. Civil society does not provide for intervention of Thus, the minimum wage in Belarus, as of March the State in the legal activity of organisations and in- 23, 2001 equals to 4.47 USD. Consequently, the stitutions of this civil society itself. The citizens have amount of penalty imposed on a natural person can the right to define the directions of their public activ - amount to about 900 USD, and on a leader of the or - ity on their own, provided that such activity ensures ganisation up to 1300 USD (the average wage in recognition and respect of rights and freedoms of the Belarus does not exceed 70 USD). others, and meets the just requirements of morality, public order and public security. Restriction or depreciation of these rights is inad - Boris Zvozkov, born in 1949. Graduated from the faculty of missible by political causes, on consideration of electronic technique (an engineer’s degree in 1973), studied also psychology and social psychology. From 1996 profes- reasonability. sionally involved in social sector, deals with human rights The Decree noticeably complicates and restricts and rights’ defence by developing the non-governmental or- the receipt of the foreign gratuitous aid and its use for ganisations; participated in creating 6 social organisations. such kinds of activity as creative work, protection of Since 1996,member of the board of the civil society “Law Ini- human rights, enlightenment, propaganda of healthy tiative.” Co-operates with the Institute for Human Rights in Moscow and Helsinki Foundation of Human Rights in War- way of life, youth programs, etc. saw. Such actions of the State contradict to Article 30 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, part 1

89 Elena Tonkacheva NON-PROFIT ORGANISATIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS. LEGISLATIVE REGULATION AND ISSUES OF LAW APPLICATION

The present material is an analysis of the state- The Article 35 of the Constitution contains an impor- ment of the legislation of the Republic of Belarus for tant provision for non-profit organisations which stipu- August 1, 2001 in comparison with the law applica- lates freedom of assembly, meetings, street marches, tion practice. Base for analysis of law application demonstrations and picketing that do not brake the law practice is the consultation activity of the Social Asso- and order as well as rights of other citizens. ciation “Independent Society for Law Research” But according to the current legislation it is neces- within the period from 1995 till present. sary to passquite along procedure to get an agreement We kindly ask you to refer to authors when using for a planned event. Quite often the importance of a this material, as well as to source and date of receiv- meeting,a demonstration or a march is lost after such a ing of the material. procedure.Moreover,during last ten years a tradition of such events appeared: dates, events, place of holding. 1. ANALYSES OF LEGISLATION Actually official authorities provoke breaking of the or- der of such events changing their places etc. Constitution. The Article 69 of the Constitution grants the right Some provisions concerning civic associations to nominate candidates for positions of members of a are contained in the Constitution of the Republic of legislature to civic associations among other. Belarus of 1994 with amendments adopted at the Re- According to the Law of the Republic of Belarus publican Referendum on November 24, 1996. Till “On elections of deputies of Local Deputies’ Soviets of present time the result of this referendum are subject the Republic of Belarus” the right to nominate candi- of conflict between official authority and united politi- dates to deputies of Local Deputies’ Soviets is granted cal opposition. By the opinion of opposition (it is also to political parties registered by the Ministry of Justice supported by world community) amendments of Belarus,to working collectives as well as citizens by adopted to the Constitution of 1994 by the referen- mean of collection of signatures. Thus, according to dum are not lawful. Our task is not the analysis of this this law civic associations are deprived from the right situation because these amendments of Constitution to nominate candidates to deputies. did not touch upon issues interesting for us. According to the Article 36 of the Constitution of the We should note that provisions of the Constitution Republic of Belarus everyone has the right to freedom are declarative and are adjusted by special legislation. of associations. In addition, the Law of the Republic of The practice of law application (including court prac- Belarus “On Legal Status of Foreign Citizens and State- tice) is characterised by refusal of application of its ar- less Persons in the Republic of Belarus” dated June 3, ticles as standards of direct action. 1993 says that foreign citizens and stateless persons in The Article 33 of the current Constitution guaran- the Republic of Belarus shall enjoy the same rights and tees freedom of opinion, conviction and free expres- freedoms as citizens of the Republic of Belarus. Limita- sion of them to everybody. No one may be forced to tions of rights and freedoms of foreign citizens and express his opinion or to cancel it. Censorship is pro- statelesspersonsmay take place only in caseswhen it is hibited, as well as monopolisation of mass media by necessary for protection of rights and basic freedoms of the state, civic associations or individuals. citizens of the Republic of Belarus, state security, pro- The Article 36 of the Constitution fixes every- tection of public order and health of the population. body’s right to freedom of association. There are limi- However, the Law of the Republic of Belarus “On Civic tations for judges, prosecutor’s office employees, Associations” grants the right to charter civic associa- interior officers, the Committee for State Control, Se- tions only to citizens of the Republic of Belarus thus lim- curity Services, military servants. These citizens may iting exercise of this right by foreign citizens and not be members of political parties and other civic as- stateless persons.Moreover,the Article 14 of the Law of sociations that have political goals. the Republic of Belarus “On Legal Status of Foreign Citi- However, according to the Decree of the Presi- zens and Stateless Persons in the Republic of Belarus” dent of the Republic of Belarus #2 the activity of un- dated June 3, 1993 states that the right of foreigners to registered civic associations is prohibited. Thus, the join Belarusian civic associations shall depend on their right of everybody to freedom of association is under permanent residency in the territory of the Republic of the question mark due to obligatory and permissive Belarus. At the same time, the Law of the Republic of order of registration which limits civic activity by the Belarus “On Civic Associations” (Article 2)does not limit only activity through creation of the juridical person. the right of foreign citizens to join a civic association.

90 Types of organisations. Objectives. rights. Associations of citizens that pursue different ob- From July 1,1999 anew CivilCode of the Republic jectives (protection of labour and social and economic of Belarus is put in force. This Code contains a new rights and interests, satisfaction of religious needs for clause on non-profit organisations what is of course a practising and dissemination of beliefs) are to be estab- positive moment in the development of national legis- lished and functioning according to procedures ruled lation (there wasn’t articles relating non-profit organi- by other legislative acts. The Law also does not envis- sations in the previous Civil Code). age a possibility to create civic associations with the According to the new Civil Code legal personsthat purpose to protect political rights (we mean the right to are non-profit organisations may be established in the vote, the right to elect and be elected, etc.). form of consumer co-operatives, civic or religious or- ganisations (associations), owner-financed institu- tions, charitable and other foundations as well as other forms provided for by the legislation. The Civil Code of the Republic of Belarus itself envisages the following types of non-profit organisations: 1) consumer co-operatives — are voluntary associa- tionsof citizensand legalpersonson the basisof mem- bership in order to satisfy economic (property) and other needs of participants to be fulfilled through accu- mulation of property share inputs of its participants; 2) civic and religious organisations (associations) — are voluntary associations of citizens that have united according to the procedure established by law on the basis of their common interests and for satisfaction of their spiritual or other non-economic needs; 3)foundations — are non-profit organisations without membership chartered by citizens and/or legal per- sons on the basis of voluntary property share inputs that pursue social, charitable, cultural, educational or other public benefit objectives; 4) institutions — are organisations chartered by an owner to perform managerial, social and cultural or other non-profit functions and financed by him fully or partially; 5)unions of legal persons (associations and unions)— are non-profit organisations established by an agreement be- tween commercial organisations with the aim to co-ordi- nate their entrepreneurial activity as well as for representation and protection of their common economic interests, or associations of non-profit organisations. Such types of associations as foundations, institu- tions are new for Belarusian legislation. Despite their being stipulated in the Civil Code of the Republic of Belarus their establishing faces difficulties because of lack of explicitly expressed in the legislation ap- proaches to the registration. Separate legal acts regulate establishment and ac- tivity of such types of non-profit organisations in the territory of the republic of Belarus as: - political parties; - civic associations; - religious organisations; - professional unions. The sources of direct regulation of the above listed associations of citizens are: the Law “On Civic Participants in an action of communist movement organised Associations” dated October 4, 1994, the Law “On for the 83 rd anniversary of the October Revolution, Freedom of Religious Beliefs and on Religious Organi- Minsk, Nov. 7 th , 2000. sations” dated December 17,1992,the Law “On Politi- Photo: IREX/ProMedia cal Parties” dated October 5, 1994, the Law “On Professional Unions” dated April 22, 1992. It is also disallowed to create civic associations According to the Law “On Civic Associations” acivic which activity is aimed at overthrow or violent association is a voluntary formation of citizens created changes of the constitutional regime, a violation of in- by them on the basis of their common interests for joint tegrity and security of the state, propaganda of war, implementation of civil, economic, social and cultural violence, fomentation of national, social, religious and

91 race hatred.According to the amendments to the Law Requirements to the procedure of state registra- “On Civic Associations” it is not allowed to create civic tion and membership in a civic association. associations which activity may harm physical or According to the Decree of the President of the mental health of people. Republic of Belarus No. 2 dated January 26, 1999, an As application of law practice shows, the regis - activity of non-registered civic associations in the ter- tering bodies freely overstep limits of objectives for ritory of the Republic of Belarus shall be prohibited. creation of civic association determined by law. Ac - According to the amendments to the Code of the cording to the data base of “Independent Society for Republic of Belarus of 1999 on Administrative In- Law Research” registering bodies prejudice legality fringements, an administrative responsibility up to ad- ministrative detention is envisaged for the activity on behalf of unregistered civic associations. According to the Law of the republic of Belarus, depending on a territory of activity of civic associa- tions they may have: 1) the status of an international civic association; 2) the status of a republican civic association; 3) the status of a local civic association. An international civic association is the one which activity covers the territory of the Republic of Belarus (one or several administrative and territorial units) and the territory of one or several foreign countries and has its organisational structures in such a country. A republican civic association is the one which ac- tivity covers all the territory of the Republic of Belarus. A local civic association is the one which activity cov- ers the territory of one or several administrative and territorial units. As application of law shows, since 1999 register- ing bodies treat the organisation of events (participa- tion in events of other organisations) by a civic association out of administrative territory where they are created as the infringement of the territory of ac- tivity that provoke the warning for infringement of the current legislation and possible forced liquidation of the civic association. According to the amendments to the Law on “Civic associations” of 1999 for creation and activity if civic associations it is necessary: - for international civic associations at least 10 found- ers (members) form Belarus as well as founders (members) from one or several foreign states; - for republican civic associations at least 10 founders Day of Independence, Minsk, July 27 th , 1999. (members) from the majority of ‘oblasts’ of Belarus Photo: IREX/ProMedia and the City of Minsk, it means at least 50 citizens of Belarus; of such objectives as “assistance for protection of - for local ones — at least 10 founders (members) in lawful rights and interests of juridical and natural per - the majority of administrative and territorial units of sons,” “promotion of the legal culture,” “assistance the area to be covered by activity of an association. for intellectual development,” “spiritual improve - The registration of international and republican ment of personality,” “control for legality of elec - civic associations is fulfilled by the Ministry of Justice tions,” “introduction of proposals for improvement of the Republic of Belarus. of legislation” etc. Registration bodies perceive “in - Local ones are registered by justice departments tervention in the activity of state bodies,” “religious of the executive committees of the ‘oblast’ and Minsk activity” etc. city Deputies’ Soviets on the place of location of the The legislator dos not provide distinction between leading body of the association. civic associations that pursue public benefit objec- Subsidiary, branches, representative offices and tives and those that serve private and mutual benefit other organisational structures of civic associations of of their members. foreign states are registered by the Ministry of Justice. Also the problem consists in the fact that the legis- According to the current law, foreign and citizens lation doesn’t allow legal and natural persons at the and stateless persons may join civic associations if it is same time to unite into a non-for-profit organisation: provided by their statutes. this undoubted gap in the legislation must be made up As application of law practice shows, the right of by mean of introducing amendmentsto the CivilCode. foreign citizens to take part in a civic association is re-

92 stricted. Under the requirement of registering body Commercial activity of civic associations. the member of acivic association may be only foreign According to the Law of the Republic of Belarus citizen — resident of the Republic of Belarus. “On Civic Associations” a civic association may un - According to the new Civil Code of the Republic of dertake production and economic activity aimed at Belarus the name of a legal person should contain achievement of chartered goals and objectives. At pointing to its organisational and legal form, and the the same time the Resolution of the Cabinet of Minis - name of a non-profit organisation should also contain ters of the Republic of Belarus “On Approval of the pointing to the nature of its activity. According to the Procedure of Undertaking Economic Activity by Per - Law of the Republic of Belarus “On Civic Associa- sons that are not Economic Entities” dated 6 August tions” it is not possible to use the words “The Repub- 1996 #513 refers to economic activity only. Both of lic of Belarus,” “Belarus” or an official name of another these legal acts strongly limit the possibilities to un - country in the name of an association. According to dertake economic activity. The Civil Code of the Re- the amendmentsto the Law of the Republic of Belarus public of Belarus includes the right for a civic “On Civic Associations” the list of words not to be association to undertake entrepreneurial activity. used in the name of a civic association has expanded. The notion of entrepreneurial activity implies an in- In addition to the above it is not allowed to use the dependent activity focused on regular profit from us- words “people’s,” “national” in any of their cases. ing the property, selling things produced, worked After considering materials submitted for state out or purchased for sale as well from fulfilment of registration a registration body should submit them to work or rendering services if these works or services the Republican Commission for registration (re-regis- are meant for other persons and are not used for per- tration) of civic associations which in 5 days since re- sonal consuming. ceiving materials gives a verdict about the possibility Civic associations shall use revenues earned by them to register a civic association and returns them to the from economic (entrepreneur) activity for their chartered registration body. A decision on state registration of goals and objectives within the limits established by their an association should be taken by a registration body statutes if otherwise not provided for by law. on the basis of a verdict of the Republican Commis- sion. A chairperson of the Republican Commission should submit reports to the President of the Republic of Belarus about the work done upon the need and at least once a quarter. This provision is a newly introduced one, and be- fore the Decree of the President of the Republic of Belarus dated 26 January 1999 was adopted a deci- sion on registration was taken only by a registration body. In practice if the Republican Commission takes a decision on prohibition of registration of an associa- tion,the same decision istaken by aregistration body. An application about state registration of an asso- ciation should be considered by a registration body within a month since the day it is received. As application of law shows, the average term of the registration of a civic association is 2 months.Dur- ing last six months this period takes 2 to 4 months. If registration of a civic association did not take place within the due term or if it was refused accord- ing to motifs that are not believed to be reasonable by founder of a civic association, they may challenge the Unknown people are stopping Valery Shchukin, a participant in “The Chain of Not Indifferent People”, decision taken in court within one month after they re- th ceive such a decision. A decision of the Ministry of Minsk, May 18 , 2001. Photo: IREX/ProMedia Justice may be appealed against to the Supreme Court of the Republic of Belarus and decisions of de- partments of justice of executive committees of Civic associations may perform some types of ‘oblast’ council executive committees and of the economic (entrepreneur) activity that require a spe- Minsk City Council Executive Committee — to ‘oblast’ cial permission (license). In this case they are obliged courts and the Minsk City Court accordingly. to obtain a necessary permission (license) according In practice cases about registration in courts are re- to the established procedure. An economic activity solved in favour of a registration body.Though decisions performed without such a permission (license) is ille- to refuse registration are taken on the basis of verdicts of gal. Revenues received by a taxpayer from undertak- the Republican Commission for registration (re-registra- ing of prohibited types of activity as well as from tion) of civic associations, a registration body becomes a licensed types of activity without a proper permission defendant in court. The Republican Commission may (license)should be withdrawn in favour of the budget not be a defendant in court as it is not a legal person as well as the fine in the amount of revenues obtained (there is not even a Regulation on Commission). from such an activity.

93 As it is shown by practice the following types of 2. THE RE-REGISTRATION OF PUBLIC ASSOCIA- activity are the most important ones for civic asso- TIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS IN 1999. ciations: publication, printing, social services to PREPARATION OF GOVERNING AUTHORITIES TO families and some categories of citizens, provision PARLIAMENT AND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IS A of household services, hiring foreign workforce to MASS REDUCTION OF THE NUMBER OF PUBLIC the Republic of Belarus, receiving and distribution ASSOCIATIONS AND CREATION OF “DATABASE of humanitarian aid, dissemination of legal infor- OF NAMES” OF CIVIC ACTIVE POPULATION.1 mation, providing lawyer’s services, organisation of treatment of children abroad, arrangement of Legislation. concerts. When receiving licenses by civic associa- According to the official version of the authorities tions for a certain type of activity a legal collision the re-registration of the public associations was aimed at putting the public associations’ documents in accor- dance with the CivilCode of the Republic of Belarusen- tered into force on July 1, 1999 (the part “Legal entities” — on March 1, 1999). In addition, the re-regis- tration had to find and remove destructive sectsand in- stitutions existing only in the documents and dealing with capital movement. However, the analysis of the normative acts being in force at the moment when the state re-registration of the public associations was de- clared showsthat both the CivilCode of the Republic of Belarus and the Presidential Decree No.2 of January 26, 1999 did not introduce essential changes of legal frameworks for the public associations (with the ex- ception of membership of legal entities in the associa- tions). From the juridical point of view, the Decree was mainly oriented towards creating of a new law field for the political parties and trade unions. And already in the course of the re-registration (law application prac- tice) new requirements directly for the public associa- tions began to appear. This fact confirms that political motive namely an attempt to limit participation of the active part of the population in political events initiated at that period by the opposition is the true goal of the declared re-registration. The re-registration was held from February 1, 1999 to October 1, 1999. From 2502 Belarusian public associations only 1537 applied to the registration bod- ies for the re-registration. 211 of public associations were denied in registration. The re-registration of po- litical parties, trade unions and other public associa- tions was held based on the Presidential Decree No.2 of January 26,1999 “On some measures of regulation of the activities of political parties, trade unions and other public associations.” Realisation of this norma- tive act led to essential changes both in legal system concerning public associations and in law practice. may emerge as such licenses may be issued to The fact that the situation of the “third sector” became economic entities only. Civic associations are not worse in the result of the imposition of harsher regula- such entities according to the Resolution # 513.Ac- tions is out of question. cordingly, a licensing body might use this circum- A number of pointsof the PresidentialDecree No.2 stance as a reason for refusal to issue a license. of January 26, 1999 doesn’t correspond with the The issue about the limits of economic activity is Belarusian Constitution namely article 8 (in the part of very difficult.The Law as well as the other legal acts to recognition by the Republic of Belarus of the priority of not provide a definition neither for production and the universally recognised international law principles economic nor for commercial activity. and bringing national legislation into conformity with

1 This chapter is a thesis prepared for the brochure “Re-registration of the Belarusian NGOs 1999” (The Assembly of Belarusian pro-democratic non governmental organi - sations, Minsk, 2000).

94 them) and article 36 (in the part of providing every- of a public association. During the re-registration the reg- body’s right of free unification) as they added to the istration bodies actively propagandised a “precept” that system of national legislation: a statute should contain one aim,three methods and five -the principle of getting an authorisation for the estab- tasks.Such an approach was not fixed in normative acts, lishment of a public association instead of previous however it became widespread. It has become a normal principle of registration; practice when on the re-registration stage the registra- - the prohibition of the activities of non-registered and tion bodies made editing (stylistic) corrections of stat- received the denial of registration associations on the utes’ texts what is, to our mind, unfounded interference territory of the Republic of Belarus. To our mind these violate firstly,international prin- ciples fixed by the International Civil and Political Rights Pact (December 16, 1996) and by the Conven- tion of CIS on rights and main human freedoms (May 26, 1995); secondly, the constitutional right to the freedom of assembly. These violations are legal hin- drances on the third sector development. Till today the Republican NGOs’ Registration (Re-registration) Commission is working in Belarus. Jurisdiction of this Commission is not defined by any normative act,the Commission is not alegal en- tity. Courts refused to arraign the Commission as a defendant. Handing down a decision about registra- tion (denial of registration) the registration bodies are guided by Commission’s conclusions whereas the conclusions themselves haven’t a justification part and could not be appealed in the court. During the re-registration some requirements, which were not regulated by any normative act, were introduced and realised in practice by the Republican NGOs’ Registration (Re-registration) Commission. The following claims for the re-registration were ille- gally introduced in the course of the re-registration: - for international public associations — no less than 10 founders from the Republic of Belarus and also no lessthan 1 founder from one or severalforeign states; - for republican public associations — no less than 10 founders from the majority of the Belarusian regions and also from the city of Minsk; - for local public associations — no less than 10 found- ers from the majority of the administrative-territorial Members of the Young Front are flying a balloon near the President Administration building; the happening was organised on the units of the territory where an association will operate; occasion of the International Day of Meteorologists, -public association can have only fixed membership; Minsk, Mart 23 rd , 2001. - public association can not use in its name words as Photo: IREX/ProMedia “national,” “people’s” in any case. These innovations were legitimised only on No- into internal activity of NGOs, especially, connecting with vember 29, 1999 by including changes and additions questions of aims formulation, working methods, man- into “The Public Associations Law“ of the Republic of agement, membership, etc. Belarus. (The Law “On Including of Changes and Ad- The re-registration process showed that both ditions into some Belarusian Laws”), that is when the NGOs and the registration bodies were not ready for re-registration under such conditions was finished. it. Neither registration bodies, nor legal requirement Till this moment the public associations had to were prepared properly.The clarification campaign of submit to the Republican Commission’s illegal de- the re-registration process among NGOs was very mands under threat to be refused in registration. weak,too.A small number of NGOs got an independ- ent professional juridical help that affected the quality Law application. of presented to the registration bodies documents as The results of the analysis of the denials in the well as the courts’ decisions. re-registration and the courts conclusions on the NGOs During the re-registration the registration bodies appeals showed that neither the registration organs, often violate legislation. The terms of the documents’ nor NGOs were ready for the re-registration. Both the examination weren’t observed. In the number of juridical qualities of documents prepared by NGOs and cases denials in registration didn’t correspond with of denials made by the registration bodies testify this. legislation especially concerning enumeration of all The registration bodies paid particular attention to motives of a refusal. As a result, in several courts pre- the text of the statute, aims, tasks and working methods

95 cedents during hearings the grounds of some denials estimate the total quantity of court precedents is about were completely changed by the registration bodies. 20. The majority of decisions admitted by courts are in In order to check if the documents correspond favour of the registration bodies. Owing to the few ap- with the legal requirements they are systematically peals, the courts have now sufficient experience of being sent for an examination to different state institu- working with such a category of cases. They do not tions depending on the character of declaring by pub- fully understand the importance of the freedom of as- lic association aims. Being formally only sembly and do notuse the Constitution asanorm ofdi- recommendations, experts’ decisions in practice rect action. However, after some hearings judges gave have a great influence on the registration bodies’ po- private comments to the Ministry of Justice pointed out the violations of current legislation made by the Ministry during the state re-registration. First of all attention should be paid to the most re- peated motives of the denial to NGOs have been used by the registration bodies and become a matter of the courts hearings. A. Statute’s provisions consider the interference into activity of state bodies and authorities what vio- lates the article 5 of “The Public Entities Law” (the case the Belarusian Republican Voters’ Club against the Ministry of Justice; the case of the Analytical Labora- tory of Law Problems against the Department of Jus- tice of Minsk City Executive Committee; the case of the Belarusian Association of Young Politicians against the Ministry of Justice). According to the registration bodies such tasks and kinds of activity as observation of the elections, assistance in the dissemination of law knowledge and law culture in the society, study of international expe- rience in the sphere of law regulation of relations, co-operation with authorities and administration do not correspond with the current legislation. The legis- lation doesn’t prohibit and underlines the necessity of co-operation between the state and NGOs. Several normative acts fixed the possibility of such coopera- tion.So,“The Elections of Deputies in Local Soviets of sition. To our mind, the formed practice of so-called the Republic of Belarus Law” directly states the right documents’ examination is pernicious as it unfound- of NGOs to participate in elections. “ The normative edly drags out terms of the registration. The extent of Legal Acts of the Republic of Belarus Law” allows to such examination expediency is not quite clear as NGOs to send their proposals about normative legal well.If this is a real analysis of documents’ correspon- acts’ acceptance (promulgation) or present a norma- dence with legislation it’s exactly the registration bod- tive legal act projects in the given order. “The Educa- ies’ jurisdiction but not of the Religious and tion Law” stipulates that NGOs promote cultural and Nationalities Committee, the Central Election Com- aesthetic education and upbringing of high moral mission, the Academy of Sciences, etc. qualities in the society. Legislation includes also a It is necessary to note, that sometimes preparing number of other examples of possibility to co-operate documents for the re-registration NGOs didn’t meet with the state institutions. What is more, adhering to the legal requirement. So, very often NGOs didn’t in- the fundamental principle “what is not banned is al- clude into the statute obligatory parts, presented in- lowed,” it’s clear that these motives would be legal complete set of documents (the certificate of giving up being directly prohibited by the law. of the stamp or the document confirming that the an- B. The Statute of a public association considers nounce of the state registration was paid., for instance, economic activity (the case of the Belarusian Union of were absent). Consultants against the Ministry of Justice). One of the main reasons of low juridical level of In accordance with the registration bodies conclu- NGOs documents is an absence of high-quality, suffi- sions such activities as advertising service including cient and accessible assistance for NGOs. This thesis advising one are not included in the list of rights of can be proved by the fact that only few NGOs whom public associations fixed in article 22 “The Public As- rights were violated during the re-registration ap- sociations Law.” Correspondingly the registration pealed to the court. bodies characterise NGOs as legal economic entities According to official data, only 7 republican and in- but not as subjects of enterprise activity.To our mind, ternational NGOs appealed to the Supreme Court of such a situation contradicts the norms of the Belarus against the denial of the re-registration made Belarusian Civil Code. by the Ministry of Justice. We have no full statistical in- The Civil Code enables NGOs to undertake enter- formation at the republican level but accounting to our prise activity and contains the definition of enterprise

96 activity.Emanating from the norms of the Civil Code it Belarus (the case of the Republican Centre “Dianetica” is possible to say that there are no restrictions con- against the Ministry of Justice; the case of the cerning this right of NGOs with the exception of one Children-Youth Centre “Magic Flower” against the De- stipulation, that such an activity is possible if it is in- partment of Justice of Minsk City Executive Committee). cluded in the Statute’s goals and corresponds with All the denials of the registration bodies were them. Besides, legislation has no definition of eco- based on the results of the State Religious and Nation- nomic activity. Therefor it’s not clear based on which alities Committee. The words “spiritual,” “self-im- criteria the registration bodies distinguish “enterprise provement,” “improvement of individual activity to activity” and “economic activity”. Unfortunately the solve life problems,” etc. used in statutes were inter- court didn’t give aproper clarification of thisproblem. preted by the State Committee as religious activity. C. Goals, tasks and methods of public associa- Admitting their own decisions, the courts based on tions activities do not correspond with the require- the State Religious and Nationalities Committee con- ments of Belarusian legislation (the case of the clusions. Republican Centre “Dianetica” against the Ministry of 3.DECREENO.8 OFTHEPRESIDENT OFTHERE- Justice; the case of the Belarusian Association of PUBLIC OF BELARUS (MARCH 26, 2001). PREPARA- Young Politicians against the Ministry of Justice). TION OF GOVERNING AUTHORITIES TO THE Very often the registration bodies unfoundedly PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IS A TOTAL CONTROL limit NGOs’ choice of desirable aims, tasks and meth- OVER FINANCIAL FLOW IN THE NGO SECTOR.2 ods. Legislation outlaws establishment and activity of NGOs oriented to overthrow or violent change of the constitutional system, violation of the state security and integrity, propaganda of war, violation, igniting of national, religious and racial hostility. And since No- vember 29, 1999 it also bans NGOs the activity of which could negatively influence on the physical and moral people’s health. Freely interpreting legislation, the registration bod- ies worked out a position essence of which is the fol- lowing: the activity of a public association can affect only members of this organisation. A public associa- tion can not set as its statutory goals giving assistance to non-members of this organisation. The courts con- sidered this position as unfounded. However, in prac- tice the registration bodies continue to resort it. D. The activity of local NGOs envisaging interna- tional contacts violates article 6 “The Public Associa- tions Law” (the case of the Analytical Laboratory of Law Problems against the Department of Justice of Minsk City Executive Committee). In accordance with the registration bodies conclu- sions maintaining international contacts by local NGOs is a violation of the territory of their activity. In contrast to this thesis it’s necessary to note that “The Public Associations Law” (article 30) enables Oppositional action against the election to Parliament, NGO’s, irrespective of its status, to enter any interna- Minsk, Oct. 14 th , 2001. tional public association, participate in the establish- Photo: IREX/ProMedia ment of the international unions of NGOs, maintain direct international contacts and relations, sign corre- sponding agreements and make any other steps On March 15, 2001, Decree No. 8 of the President non-contradicting with Belarusian legislation and its of the Republic of Belarus of March 12, 2001 “On Cer- international obligations. The Minsk City Court sup- tain Measures to Improve the Order of Receiving and ported the Juridical Department of Minsk City Execu- Using Foreign Aid” was published in official publica- tive Committee. The Supreme Court didn’t give a due tions. Implementation of the Decree will materially clarification to this question. worsen the standing of the Belarusian “third sector” E. Activity of an organisation is beyond bounds of and be a significant hindrance to its normal develop- public associations and contradicts to “The Public Asso- ment and operation. ciations Law” and to the Constitution of the Republic of

2 This chapter was published in the Spring 2001 Issue of SEAL (European Foundation Centre).

97 The strategic intent of this document is to attempt use of foreign aid for activities prohibited in the De- to impose an unprecedented level of government con- cree, and iii) failure to deposit foreign aid donated in trol over the activities of NGOs and their financial sup- monetary form in a bank of the Republic of Belarus port from foreign and international organisations within 5 days after its receipt or import into the terri- which finance programs and projects of independent tory of the Republic of Belarus.Any of the above listed public associations.Based on provisions in the Decree, government agencies will be able to write up reports this objective will be accomplished by the introduction regarding the violation of these directives. of a system for Belarusian organisations requiring state Unions, foundations, public associations, and permission for the use of funds received from foreign other non-governmental organisations are subject to governments, international organisations and individ- liquidation, even in the event of a one-time violation, uals, the imposition of total state control over all pro- for the use of foreign aid for purposes prohibited or grams and projects being undertaken through support not provided for in the Decree.This contradicts Article from foreign organisations, and the introduction of re- 29 of the Law on Public Associations, since a public pressive measures against organisations (leading to association can be liquidated only by order of a court their very dissolution) and their managers. for only the following: activities aimed at overthrow- Public associations of citizens (which, for purposes ing or forcibly changing the constitutional regime; vi- of this article, do no include political parties, trade un- olating the integrity or security of the government; ions, and religious organisations) are the primary re- spreading war propaganda or violence; igniting na- cipients of foreign aid. This situation is a result first of tional, religious or racial hostility; undertaking actions all of the lack of internal resources within the Republic which might negatively affect the physical and psy- of Belarus which could be allocated to charitable activi- chological well-being of citizens; allowing repeat oc- ties. In the current political situation, access to govern- currences of violations in the course of one year, for ment resources (what little there are) allocated to which a written warning had been issued; and legal charitable projects is given only to pro-government or- violations committed by the association’s founders at ganisations, which by their essence are not voluntary the time of registration. There are no other legal associations of citizens but merely echo the political grounds allowing dissolution of a public association. will of those in power. As a result, the only sources for The procedure for registering foreign aid is to be obtaining a realistic source of financing medium and established by the Department of Humanitarian Activ- large-scale programs and projects of public associa- ities. Considering that prior regulations regarding reg- tions have been and continue to be international and istration, storage and distribution of humanitarian aid foreign organisations and individuals. left much to be desired, one can only hope that the It should be noted that even before issuance of the procedure for registration of foreign aid will not Decree, the terms regarding the receipt and use of worsen an already difficult situation for public associ- foreign aid were quite clearly set forth in the ations.Moreover,the Decree entrenches the selective Belarusian legislation. The Decree sets forth provi- approach used thus far by the authorities in granting sions which strengthen state control and limit oppor- tax and customs benefits and allows the president to tunities or public associations.Article 23,for example, decide who will receive tax benefits and who won’t. of the Law on Associations states that monetary aid This case-by-case system of granting privileges and property are the result of “voluntary contribu- serves as an effective means of influence over objec- tions.” These monies and property may be only used tionable organisations. towards achieving the objectives of the association’s The legislation of other countries contains examples charter. Paragraph 4 subpoint 3 of the Decree forbids of additional statutory regulation regarding the receipt those public associations which have as their purpose by NGOs of foreign assistance. However, in every in- of operations work regarding electoral law from re- stance of such supplementary regulation, the primary ceiving financial support from any foreign govern- objective of the law is to provide the recipient of the as- ments, international organisations and individuals. In sistance with substantive tax benefits after successfully accordance with the Law on Income and Profit Taxes, meeting the criteria of the statute. These laws do not al- the tax authorities are authorised to oversee the ap- low or callfor benefitsto be provided to particular bene- propriate use of an association’s funds in accordance ficiaries (i.e. at the discretion of the president), with its charter. From now on, however, oversight interference in the activities of associations, required over an association’s use of its funding can be con- “authorisations” to begin using the assistance, or over- ducted by the Committee of State Control, the Minis- sight by police bodies to verify proper use of the assis- try of Foreign Affairs, the State Tax Committee, the tance (assuming no criminal activities). Moreover, State Customs Committee, the State Financial Investi- improper use of the tax benefits generally results in their gative Committee and its local offices, the Depart- revocation (as opposed to the variety of fines and ad- ment of Humanitarian Activities of the President of the ministrative sanctions set forth in the Decree). Republic of Belarus, and other state entities. In other The Decree is rife with contradictions and illegalities words,everyone will be able to control these associa- under Belarusian law.It is senseless even to analyse this tions as well as have the power to impose sanctions. document from the perspective of its legal coherence, For example, all of the following actions will hence- its adherence to the constitution,or its value in compen- forth be legal violations subject to administrative sating for gaps in current legislation. From a constitu- (civil)penalties: i)use of foreign aid by recipients prior tional point of view, it allows blatant interference into to receiving authorisation from the government, ii) the activities of public associations. From a civil law

98 point of view,it is an outright violation of the freedom of nars, training with the participation of well-prepared contract. Once again the authorities are attempting to experts and for the distribution of the corresponding demoralise the third sector and divert the active seg- literature. ments of society from participating in political activities 6. An for the “fans of jurisprudence,” to whom first of by creating additional barriers to prevent them from or- all we refer ourselves, it is necessary to work on cre- ganising and functioning effectively. This is a standard ation of an “ideal concept of legislation” for non-profit tactic which was already tested in the spring of 1999 organisations and on the filling of this concept with when Presidential Decree No. 2 was issued. It suc- texts of drafts of law. This should be available for the ceeded in keeping the senior-level individuals and lead- moment when appears a real possibility to trust to a ers of NGOs, under threat of serious legal sanctions, new political power as liberal and devoted to demo- occupied with restructuring their organisations to bring cratic principles. them into compliance with the new legislative changes. Based on the prior experience of Decree No. 2 and the timing of Decree No. 8 earlier this month, it is clear that the true objective of the Decree isto create additional in- struments of influence over the socially and politically active segments of society during the period leading up to and following the presidential elections.

4. OUR RECOMMENDATIONS (ABOUT DIFFICULT PROBLEMS IN LIGHT FORM).

The present section is an attempt to formulate ideas which do not allow me personally and to “Inde- pendent Society for Law Research” to continue work- ing in the direction we choose in 1995. Extremely briefly our recommendations are as fol- low: “Optimism and using all real mechanisms.” We should note at once that the supposition about soon changing of political situation as result of the present political fight is considered by us as unwarranted and unjustified optimism. Probably, on examination of the present material there is not a lot of space for optimism. However, our point of view that in every situation the movement if necessary. By our opinion the subsequent movement in our country and in the actual period is a reliable strategy and mobile tactics. Under our concept the tacticsshould be asfollow: 1. Civic associations should learn to exist fairly in the framework of the existing legal situation. Thereby they will move the state away from the idea of dis- credit of all sector. 2. It is necessary to act for providing the access to the professional legal assistance for civic associations. Existing specialised legal groups are not able to cover existing and potential amount of work. We think that the creation of the network of co-ordinated legal groups (centres) is appropriate. 3.The legal groups should popularised the necessity of A fragment of the happening “The Final Diagnosis,” Minsk, April 21 st, 2001. regular appeal to courts for protection of lawful rights Photo: IREX/ProMedia and interests of non-profit organisations. The analysis of the court practice, a broad distribution of positive precedents is also an important component part. 4. Be mean of co-ordination of their efforts, organisa- Elena Tonkacheva, born 1970. Since 1996, a president of the tions should use all existing opportunities for partici- Independent Society of Law Research in Minsk. Graduated pation in the preparation and adoption of normative from law faculty of the Belarusian State University. Co-oper- acts relating their activity.The present work should be ates with the International Centre for Non-commercial Law (ICNL) in Washington. Interested in reforming legislation, enough professional unlike the existing actually ex- building civil society, legislation based on human rights and amples. civil liberty. During 5 years of activity of the Independent So- 5. Non-profit organisations should learn to under- ciety of Law Research, over 100 organisations were sup- stand haw their imagine the non-profit legislation in ported. future. This is the time for explanatory work, semi-

99 Viktar Karneyenka THE THIRD SECTOR IN HOMEL — AN ANALYSIS OF THE SITUATION

I. HISTORY OF THE THIRD SECTOR IN THE gion’s population declined 120,000 (i.e., nearly 10%). HOMEL REGION The decline in the population was greater in more con- taminated districts. For example, on February 2, 1999, The third sector in its present form began to de- the population of the Khoyniki district was 68.5% of that velop in the Homel region in mid-1980s and early in 1989, Brahin district 66.7%, Chacherski district 65.2%, 1990s. As in other parts of the USSR, one of the main Vetkauski district 60.7%, Naroula district 59% and the factors that led to increased social activity was the region was a whole 92.6% (according to the regional growth in national self-awareness and the desire by a department of statistics). large portion of the population to restore the historical Generally, the most active people were the first to record. Perhaps, the first non-governmental organisa- abandon the unsafe radioactive areas (which, to some tion in the region with amore or less distinct goal was extent, meant the entire region). This included young the historical and cultural association “Talaka,” estab- people, able to adapt to new places, the intelligentsia as lished in 1995. The relatively liberal political situation well as highly qualified white- and blue-collar workers. It at that time and the wave of election campaigns of is from these groups that most social activists originate. 1989–1990 was conducive for increased social activ- The region’s administration encouraged emigrants ity and restructuring society. from the “hot spots” in Russia and other ex-Soviet re- However,the major cause for intensive development publics to settle in the abandoned areas. Many settle- of the third sector in the Homel region was the ments in the region today have virtually no indigenous Chernobyl disaster. A w ave of strikes and rallies sw ept inhabitants and those that do remain are largely pen- through the most effected districts and the city of Homel sioners. The lack of tradition and continuity has almost in the summer and autumn of 1989. Those actions be- completely halted the development of civic processes came akind of instrument of civilcontrolover the author- in those areas that appear to be vast “civic deserts.” In ities, not limited by Chernobyl-related issues. It is my opinion, this is the main reason for the relative characteristic that the Homel region stood out from the weakness of the region’s third sector. other regions in Belarus in terms of civil activity. Despite the above, the activity of non-governmental Mass protest actions soon initiated the founding of organisations in the region is gradually increasing. Since non-governmental organisations, among which were 1997, the share of Homel region NGOs in Belarus’ third The Voters Club (actually the first officially registered sector has been increasing. In 1997, they constituted a structure resulting from a grass roots initiative), “Protec- mere 6% of all NGOs registered in Belarus, increasing to tion from the Atom,” and “Children of Chernobyl.” The 11% in 1998 and to 11.3% in 2000 (according to United relatively democratic local elections in 1990 facilitated Way data). Moreover, this period includes the infamous this process. The newly emerged non-governmental campaign of reregistering non-governmental organisa- associations campaigned for their candidates, resulting tions that reduced the number of NGOs in the Homel re- in democratic factions or groups, among others in gion from 281 on February 2, 1998 to 196 on June 1, 2000. Rechytsa, Zhlobin and Loyev, having a presence in the Non-governmental organisations were completely elimi- representative bodies of power. In Homel, the Voters nated in some of the districts. At present, 9 out of 21 ad- Club even won the election. ministrative units of the region have no NGOs. The These factors resulted in the rapid development of situation is not quite as bleak when considering non-regis- civic initiatives in very diverse areas of activity. Be- tered NGOs, but their possibilities and abilities to operate tween 1991 and 1994, there were approximately 200 are extremely limited by the political and legislative condi- initiatives. This period remains the most favourable tions in Belarus. For example, non-registered NGOs may for non-governmental organisations in terms of not fully participate in election campaigns (delegate ob- co-operation with the authorities, local businesses, servers or representatives to electoral commissions)or le- media and the general population. gally rent office space or venues for their activities. Moreover, according to legislation adopted in 1999, they II. SPECIFIC NATURE AND PROBLEMS OF NGOs are officially banned. Any form of promoting their activi- IN THE HOMEL REGION ties is liable to punishment. Regardless of these difficulties, non-unregistered Analysing the structure of the third sector in the initiative groups are frequently active and influential in Homel region, it can be seen that Chernobyl remains a their areas. Many of these groups have gained the re- very specific and very essential factor. However, being spect of the local population. The following are the the main stimulus of civil activity in late 1980s and early main reasons that hinder organisations from acquir- 1990s, its importance gradually waned in middle and ing legal personality: particularly in the late 1990s. From 1989 to 1999 the re-

100 n The problem of obtaining a legal address: an organisation may not be registered at a home address, while almost all administrative premises are owned by the state; n The requirement of an extremely high minimum number of founding members; n Difficulties associated with holding a founding assembly and producing various documents; n Financial problems. The entire registration process costs approximately 100 USD. In Belarusian conditions, this is a significant sum for an operating NGO, not to mention an initiative group.

Registration offices frequently refuse to register non-governmental organisations for no reason at all, using any formal pretext such as “specified areas of activity unclear” or “statutory provisions unclear,” etc. Some organisations have been refused registration because, in the opinion of the registering authority “the name does not correspond to the statute activity of the organisation being founded.”

III. STRUCTURE OF THE THIRD SECTOR IN THE HOMEL REGION. COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS.

As of June 1, 2000, the Ministry of Justice and the Department of Justice of the Homel regional adminis- tration had registered 196 non-governmental organi- sations, including: n 3 international organisations; n 1 national organisation; n 6 branch structures of national organisations; n 38 regional organisations; n 148 city, district, cross-district and other th organisations. “The Charnobyl ’ Way,” Minsk, April 26 , 2000. Photo: IREX/ProMedia For a more comprehensive and objective evaluation of the Homel region’s third sector,at least 76 of the more Rechytsa or Zhlobin. A total of 12 organisations (4.5%) w ell know n and influential non-registered initiative operate in the countryside, only 5 of which are regis- groups should be added to this number. Therefore, for tered with the Ministry of Justice. The rural population purposes of analysis, there are 272 non-governmental currently comprises 31% of the total population of the organisations operating in the Homel region. region. It is interesting to note that along with Homel Non-governmental organisations are very un- the highest rates of NGOs per capita are in the district evenly distributed among the administrative divisions of Loyev and the towns of Svetlahorsk and Rechytsa. of the region. More than 70% are concentrated in In terms of areas of activity, the Homel region dif- Homel, the regional centre, the population of which fers from the other regions of Belarus and from the comprises only 30% of the region’s population. As country as a whole, primarily in regard to the share of throughout the country, social activity manifests itself Chernobyl-related and volunteer organisations. mostly in larger towns such as Mozyr, Svetlahorsk,

The number of Chernobyl-related and volunteer non-governmental organisations in the Homel region compared to other regions

R e g i o n Organisations (percent of Berastsye Vitsebsk Horadnya Mahylou Minsk Homel Minsk city Belarus total number) region region region region region region

Chernobyl- related 2,19 1,05 1,13 3,8 2,12 1,98 2,8 10,17 organisations

Volunteer 5,13 7,72 4,51 7,6 7,94 7,99 8,32 16,93 organisations

101 As for areas of activity, most non-registered NGOs Regional Centre for Socio-Psychological are engaged in human rights protection,local area stud- Support “Spirituality”; ies, dissemination of information or serve as resource n Chernobyl-related and volunteer centres (see charts 3 and 4). This suggests that organi- organisations: the Homel regional foundation sations engaged in these types of activities are currently “Life with Chernobyl,” the international the most difficult to register.Local area studies and pub- volunteer non-governmental organisation lishing initiatives are separate categories in chart 4 due “Chernobyl Children Aid”; to the large number of them currently operating in the n resource centres: the Homel regional region. Considering the fact that these publishing initia- non-governmental organisation “Civil tives do not intend to become commercial projects in Initiatives,” the Rechytsa-based the future and the collection, processing and dissemi- non-governmental organisation “Slavutsich”; nation of information are social activities, these organi- n youth organisations: the regional sations are considered pure non-governmental non-governmental organisation “the Homel organisations. Association of Children and Youth,” the Homel Among the most well known non-governmental city non-governmental organisation “the Youth organisations in the region, distinguished by their Centre “Hart”; high level of activity, original programmes, broad net- n cultural and local studies organisations: works and influence on social processes occurring in “Talaka,” a Homel youth non-governmental their local communities,the following should be men- organisation for local studies; “Karani,” a Loyev tioned: non-governmental organisation for the n social organisations: the Homel city protection of the environment and cultural and “Association of Families of Children with historical heritage; Cerebral Paralysis and Spinal Pathologies,” the n publishing initiatives: the youth organisation Homel regional non-governmental “Roskvit,” the Rechytsa youth organisation organisation “Children’s Haematology,” the “Zyalyonka” and “Rechytsa Review.” non-governmental organisation “The Homel As in other regions, Homel has a large coalition of non-governmental organisations, the Assembly of Democratic Non-Governmental Organisations. This is a branch of its nation-wide counterpart, the member- ship of which fluctuates between 42 and 83 organisa- tions. Resource centres as well as youth and cultural or- ganisations are the most efficient in co-operating within their areas of activities. However, not a single “professional” organisation of NGOs has yet been es- tablished.

IV. THE POLITICAL SPECTRUM

The process of building a multi-party system in Belarus in early 1990s was not particularly dynamic. There are a couple of reasons for this. First,the absence of any real economic reform did not provide an opportunity for society to divide along party lines. Almost all enterprises, the means of pro- duction and land remained in the possession of the state, while often-heralded privatisation or degovernmentalisation campaigns merely resembled an imitation of economic reform. Second, elections to all representative and legisla- tive bodies in Belarus were based on a majority vote, which did not promote a classic multi-party system. Perhaps, only the 1994 presidential election and elec- tions to the Supreme Soviet in 1995–96 were charac- terised, to a greater or lesser degree, by an active participation of political parties. It was after the infamous 1996 referendum, lead- ing to the adoption of the anti-democratic constitu- tion, that the already weak political parties completely lost their raison d’être. Currently, these parties more closely resemble NGOs than political parties in the classic sense.

102 Nevertheless, even under such circumstances the the future. It could be said that analysing the current country retains political parties and some of them are situation is usually the general approach, but it clearly rather well known to a majority of the population. These seems that the organisation lacks long-term strategic include the conservative Belarusian Popular Front (BPF), planning for the development of the entire third sector the liberal-conservative United Civil Party (UCP) as w ell and not only individual organisations. Despite the at- as various social-democratic and green parties. tractive results on paper (the number of new organisa- Two weak and divided communist parties exist tions established, larger number of clients, etc.), in Belarus. However, they are primarily interested activity is poorly organised and results of it are not in extracting revenge rather than influencing the evaluated on a regular basis.In thisregard,the classifi- political situation in the country. cation presented below is the first attempt to systema- The same political spectrum is seen also in the tise the organisation’s activity, and for this reason, if Homel region. However, the region has its own spe- for no other, it is imperfect and incomplete. cific characteristics. Among democratic parties, the regional organisation of UCPis the strongest.UCPhas more members and sympathisers, a broad network and strong support among the business community and intelligentsia. Another regional characteristic is that of all the po- litical parties registered in Belarus there is only one with itslegaladdressand governing body in Homel— the Belarusian Party “Zyalyoniya” (Green). Other than the above-mentioned parties, there are two conservative parties operating in the region, BPF and the Conservative-Christian Party (CCP), an offshoot of BPF. The best known social-democratic parties are the Belarusian Social-Democratic Hramada (BSDH) and the Belarusian Social-Demo - cratic Party “Popular Hramada” (BSDP PH), also fac - tions of a once united party. Inter-party co-operation in the region appears to Day of Independence, Minsk, July 27 th , 1999. be much better than in the country as a whole. This Photo: IREX/ProMedia co-operation increases along with the size of a town or district and it is not limited by joint actions but I. TARGET GROUPS AND SPHERES OF goes as far as co-ordinating activities and consider - INFLUENCE OF THE ASSOCIATION “CIVIC ing different parties ’ interests during elections or INITIATIVES” other nation-wide events. Despite the fact that the resource centre operates THE ROLE OF RESOURCE CENTRES IN THE for the benefit of non-governmental organisations DEVELOPM ENT OF A CIVIC SOCIETY and that one of itsmain tasksisincreasing the number of clients, it must be said that not all NGO’s in the re- Since it was founded, “Hramadzyanskiya gion are using its services. initsyatyvy” (“Civic Initiatives”) has continually broad- NGO’s that are not clients of the resource centre ened the scope of its services and influence, in- “Civic Initiatives.” creased the number of organisation-clients as well as improved methods of activity and the system of 1. Self-sustainable NGO’s. co-operation with partners. These organisations primarily operate in one spe- While in 1996–1997 the organisation was merely cific field (e.g., treating children who suffered as a re- outlet for technical assistance for a limited number sult of the Chernobyl disaster or the treatment of of NGO’s, today it can be said that it is the most in- disabled military veterans). They usually have a very fluential independent institution supporting a civic good resource base and permanent partners (includ- society in the Homel region. Civic Initiatives (CI) not ing foreign)that renew projects every year. Co-opera- only assists existing organisations but also stimu- tion with CI is rather unnecessary. lates the establishment of new groups, finds part- ners for them and provides initial ‘nourishing.” 2. NGO’s with which Civic initiatives does not Progress has been made in this area and those peo- want to co-operate. ple who are orientated in the dynamics of third sec- This group includes pseudo-NGOs artificially cre- tor development in the region would undoubtedly ated by the government, such as Belarusian Patriotic agree that in the course of the last 2–3 years CI has Association of Youth (BPAY), women’s councils and strengthened the third sector not only in the capital peace committees. These groups are financed by the city but through the region as well. state budget and their leaders even include represen- However, it should be noted that to date the or- tatives of the presidential administration. Regardless ganisation hasoperated more on intuition and too little of this, these “NGOs” are included in registers and di- emphasis has been placed on development plans for rectories of non-governmental organisations.

103 Also included in this group are organisations, the In 1997 Civic Initiatives co-operated only with or - statutory activity of which does not correspond to ganisations in Homel. Currently, CI’s NGO clients are the ideals of a civic society, such as the organisation based in the 17 administrative regions of the district. of KGB veterans and pan-Slavic groups. The number of client-organisations is entered in the register of services rendered every year. Based on 3. NGO’s that do not want to co-operate with this data, plans are made regarding the appropriate Civic Initiatives due to the negative image of CI pre- quantity of the necessary material, technical and sented by the regime. other resources for the next year. This group mostly includes organisations operating in the It should also be mentioned that in 1997–1998 CI was sphere of social assistance, which of course is very much unable to co-operate with all NGOs. Clients were selected needed. However, at present, these organisations count on according to the following priority areas of activity: support from the government and are afraid to damage rela- - human rights, local government, the state and law; tions with it. Many organisations representing this category - youth NGO’s; eventually come to learn that placing hopes in the govern- - NGO’s not based in the capital city of Homel. ment is a waste of time and no doubt will eventually become our future partners. For example, the regional organisations Since 1999, when Civic Initiatives began to partici- “Paediatric Haematology,” “Parents Association of Children pate in the Open Society Institute program,some limita- with Cerebral Palsy,” “’Harmonia’ Social and Psychological tions were eliminated and co-operation expanded Rehabilitation Centre” as well as 9 other structures of this type considerably,to the exclusion of pseudo-NGO’s created expressed an interest in co-operating with CI. Next year, in order to support the ideology of the government. broader contacts with or- ganisations of this type are planned and CI plans to broaden the scope of its activity. This is important for the Homel region as, in comparison with other re- gions as well as national statistics, such organisa- tions are much more nu- merous (see Chapter III. Structure of the Third Sec- tor in the Homel District. Comparative Analysis).

4. Organisations that have no objective information concern- ing the activity of Civic Initiatives. The problem here consists in the fact that not only does CI lack advertis- Clients of Civic Initiatives can be classified in the ing possibilities, but the government has conducted a following manner: long-term and systematic campaign against Civic Initia- n according to legal status tives. Nevertheless, these organisations have development - registered — 25 NGO’s; prospects for future co-operation. CI plans to conduct a - registered branches of national, regional and interre- festival of NGO this year (based on the Polish example) gional associations — 12 NGO’s; during which, other than concerts, games and competi- - no legal status — 56 NGO’s. tions for the city’s inhabitants, CI and other NGOs will pro- mote their activities. Also necessary is seeking new, n according to primary area of activity (the non-traditional methods of working with potential partners. majority of NGOs have several areas of activity): II. PARTNERS AND CLIENTS OF THE RESOURCE - human rights — 7 NGO’s; CENTRE “CIVIC INITIATIVES” - state, law — 21; - youth –12; Non-governmental organisations. - social assistance — 26; - culture, local history, history — 25; The primary partners and clients are non-govern- - resource centres — 8. mental organisations and it makes no difference In addition, there are women’s, environmental whether they are registered and not. The number of and professional organisations as well as organisa- NGOscontinuesto grow,asdoesthe scope of offered tions associating various groups of hobbyists. services.

104 n according to geographical area of activity: formation (depending on the sphere of interest).In or- - main office located in Homel — 44; der for their bulletins to be printed, they must answer - main office located outside Homel — 49. the following questions: - who is the target group?; Some client-organisations receive only one-time - how will the bulletin be distributed?; assistance from CI(10% of organisations),other NGO’s - what are the prospects for activity? (40%) are almost totally dependant on the Resource In this way, several important tasks are realised. Centre. In conjunction with opening consultation-infor- First, the group begins its activity in a more responsi- mation centres in such cities as Rechytsa, Svetlohorsk, ble way and continues it by working systematically. Buda-Koshalevo, Kalinkovichy, Rogachov and Zhlobin, Second, the frequency of the bulletin and its quality CI has changed the form of contact with regional testify to the seriousness of the group’s intentions. NGO’s. They currently receive technical assistance and Experience shows that organisations that begin activi- basic consulting from the nearest town where the ser- ties in this way, frequently begin to initiate other pro- vices are available. Nevertheless, CI continuously grams and publishing a bulletin becomes just one makes contacts and organises roundtables, confer- area of activity. As a result, supporting publishing ini- ences, etc. Practice shows that this type of activity is tiatives is important. very important as, other than the intellectual effort ex- pended during a meeting, representatives of organisa- Social Activists tions exchange experiences and co-ordinate their activity (e.g., during joint participation in observing lo- A particular target group,to which CIdirects activ- cal elections), and this creates a feeling a solidarity ity, is social activists, as they can be treated as poten- among NGOs and favours the formation of coalitions. tial leaders. Members of this group are located In connection with the ban on activity of non-regis- through publications of the mass media or through tered NGOs, the problem arose of legalising them. The other sources and sometimes they find CI. The data- problem is particularly important in small localities base of social activists, created in 1989, presently where there are no other similar organisations. A par- contains more than 1200 people, 25 of whom have tial solution involved creating branches of Civic Initia- gone on to establish NGOs, while others have joined tives, which is a less complicated procedure than the ranks of existing NGOs.The majority of these peo- registration of a new organisation, as it does not re- ple receive CI’s information bulletins, as possibilities quire financial expenditures and permits the use of a permit, others receive independent periodicals. Each private residence as a legal address. Moreover, and year, CI organises educational and training seminars most importantly in this case,permission of the special for 30–40 social activists. This activity is conducted NGO registration committee (chaired by assistant di- within the framework of “Leader,” aseparate program rector of the president’s administration)is not required. of Civic Initiatives. More than 120 people have at- Asaresult of thisactivity,CIhasopened branchesin 11 tended these seminars. Particular attention is devoted regions of Homel District, which are actually legal um- to activists from localities in which no non-govern- brella structures for all democratic NGOs. Civic initia- mental structures exist. This activity currently in- tivesplansto open 4 more branchesin the near future. volves representatives from the towns of Aktyabrski, Turau, Khoyniki and Vasilevichy. The program has re- Publishing Initiatives. sulted in the establishment of 25 NGOs to date, of which 6 have been registered and 8 are in the process Other than NGO’s,Resource Centre clients also in- of registering (see diagram). clude two independent regional newspapers Homelskaya Dumka (3000 copy print run) and Professional and Interest Groups. Rehyon-viesti (4200 copy print run). Moreover, 6 as- sociations publish information bulletins due to sup- For more than a year the activity of Civic Initiatives port and assistance granted by CI. has included various professional groups such as sec- Independent projects occupy a separate place in ond school teachers, lecturers from the schools of this activity, of which there were more than 30 in higher learning, student interest groups, artistic Homel district in 2000. This activity involves youth groups and specialised groups of upper secondary and topic-based periodicals as well as regional infor- students (e.g., economics or journalism). mation bulletins, the majority of which has no inten- By supporting teaching groups, CI has the possibil- tion of transforming into a newspaper. Civic Initiatives ity of working directly with youth. CIcurrently has good considers them to be a specific form of social activity. relations with teachers’ groups in 3 secondary schools It very frequently occurs that a small initiative group, and 3 schools of higher learning. Co-operation with usually in asmall town,plans to create aNGO in order journalism classes is particularly interesting. It stared as to solve a local problem. This could involve environ- a competition for the best article among young journal- mental or youth initiatives connected with human ists. Later, with the assistance of the Stefan Batory rights or any other sphere of activity. Foundation (Poland), the winners of the contest were However it is not that simple, not everybody given an internship in mass media outlets in Poland. To knows where to begin.When CIreceives arequest for date, articles of more than 30 participants of this project assistance in such cases, it usually advise them to be- have appeared in the regional and national press.More- gin by collecting and distributing various types of in- over, through the assistance of CI, the region’s best

105 youth newspaper Shkolnaya hazeta is pub- lished, which is edited al- most exclusively by secondary school stu- dents and journalism de- partment students. This project could soon solve the current problem of a shortage of journalists in the region. This is the most interesting example, but both this and similar projects show that this type of activity should be continued in the future.

Artists.

This group includes local artists, musicians, writers, etc. Musicians and writers are the two groups that are able to reach a broader audience in society. In assisting a lo- technical resources as well as to computer equipment cal artist to organise an exhibition,Civic Initiatives is also allowed client-organisations of the resource centres to making its own mark in society. Naturally, not only art- plan their activities in a realistic manner. ists can benefit from such support, but also those who Co-operation between resource centres and initia- have an established social position. CI currently co-op- tive groups has been particularly productive, as many erates with 9 such people. organisations have been established due to this The above-mentioned groups are currently the co-operation. Civic Initiatives has established 42 such main partners of Civic Initiatives. CI plans to broaden organisations, of which 16 are registered as inde- existing contacts in the future and establish contacts pendent non-governmental organisations. with both new target groupsand individuals(e.g.,his- It is also obvious that among the positive results of torians, lawyers, etc.). the resource centres is the consolidation of the third sector on the regional level and eventually on the na- III. NETWORK OF RESOURCE CENTRES IN THE tional level. REGION However, practise shows that one resource centre in a district is unable to meet all needs in the creation Time hasshown that the selected direction of activ- and development of social organisations. Considering ity for strengthening the third sector through the estab- the fact that the territory of Homel district covers more lishment of resource centres was appropriate. Due to 40 thousand square kilometres and has a population of this activity, the work of many NGO’s gained a certain almost 1.5 million people, it becomes obvious that purposefulness. Fairly stable access to material and technical assistance should be available closest to those who need it. Therefore, it was decided to establish several ad- ditional centres that could take on part of the work themselves. Several criteria were considered in establishing these centres: - the possession of various types of resources; - the territorial factor; - the professionalism of the personnel; - the number of structures and potential clients; - the social activity in the region.

In this way, first three and then 4 more additional re- source centres were established in the Homel region. These centres were created on the basis of existing NGOs, which were completely independent. At present, the situa- th “The March of Freedom,” Minsk, Oct. 17 , 1999. tion has changed slightly and in order to legalise these Photo: IREX/ProMedia

106 NGOs (which were not registered), CI created “umbrellas” cially under the present circumstances of limited re - in the form of regional structures of “Civic Initiatives.” sources. CI informed its clients about the establishment of Considering the social and political situation in the additional centres and about their possibilities. The Belarus and the Homel region in particular, defending main principle was that everyone could use the most human rights, disseminating objective information, convenient resource centre, including the district Re- supporting various youth initiatives and preserving source Centre. Moreover, co-operating organisations the cultural and historical heritage are essential areas in all cities were asked to grant assistance, within their of NGO activity. means, to these centres. The majority of the organisa- As most provincial organisations lack experience tions supported the move and three organisations in in obtaining grants and find it difficult to compete for Petrykov, Buda-Koshelevo and Dobrush continue to resources with their colleagues in the capital and permit others to use their equipment. larger cities, special competitions should be organ- It isstilltoo early to issue afinalsummary ofthe re- ised for them. sults of this activity, but some successes are already evident. If the criteria of the number of new NGOs in the region and the increase in the number of socialac- tivities are used, then the most successful have been the activities of the resource centres in Rechytsa and Svetlohorsk, the least successful in Mozyr, Zhlobin, Pohachov, Loyev and Kalinkovichy. Nevertheless, all centres have realised the main task. Fundamentally, they were and are the only place where the democratic element of the commu - nity in individual cities can meet together. Today, in the majority of district cities with popula- tionsof more than 70 and even 100 thousand people,the resource centre office is the only office of a non-govern- mental organisation in the town! Therefore, without a doubt,it can be stated that the small resource centres are irreplaceable in the process of increasing civic activity in Joint projects between organisations in the their communities and regions. Belarusian countryside and foreign organisations would be especially interesting and beneficial. Such TRENDS AND FUTURE DEVELOPM ENTS co-operation is possible in any area from social pro- jects to human rights defence,in the form of long-term The authorities have recently been intensifying patronage of a Belarusian NGO,volunteer exchange or their efforts against non-governmental organisations. educating NGO leaders. The main objective of such This will force NGOs to further consolidate and seek programmes would be to support Belarusian social ac- efficient ways of defending themselves against the tivists who operate under extremely complicated con- authorities’ aggression. ditions created by the totalitarian regime. This is perhaps the reason for the growing It is generally known that foreign donor organisa- politicisation of NGOs in Belarus. The emergence of tions are the only source of financing the third sector inter-sector coalitions, associations and unions of in Belarus. Therefore, in conditions of extremely lim- non-governmental organisations, political parties and ited resources, establishing small resource centres trade unions cannot be ruled out. for meeting the general needs of all democratic Increasing the influence of NGOs on social pro - non-governmental organisations operating in individ- cesses in areas outside the large towns remains a ual localities remains a problem. challenge. This is beyond the capacity of one small All resource centres cannot be treated equally. organisation, let alone one operating illegally. There - Their skills and experience, the territorial factor and fore the establishment of NGOs in the provinces is a the number of NGO’s in this and other regions must strategic goal of donor organisations, existing coali - be taken into account. Finally, all structures of this tions of non-governmental organisations and re- type must have a detailed strategic plan of activity. source centres. A temporary way to legalise Generally, all resource centres can be divided into non-registered organisations in rural areas may be three groups: district, interregional and regional or converting them into local branches of regional or - municipal. They should also have a defined scope of ganisations. This is particularly feasible in areas af- services that they are able to offer. fected by Chernobyl, where it difficult to find even This classification could be as follows: the 10 people required for registering an NGO. Foreign donor organisations are today the main Services offered by regional or municipal resource and almost the only source of financing the third centres: sector in Belarus. Therefore, it is important to create - providing technical assistance (photocopying, ac- small-scale local resource centres to serve the com- cess to a computer); mon needsof allNGOsin arespective locality,espe- - providing means of communications;

107 - conducting regular consultations (including with -possess alibrary for the needs of social activities,sub- specialists invited from other cities) connected with scribe to local, regional and national newspapers. NGO activity; - providing access to premises for conducting small However, this is the external and the visible side events organised by NGOs; of resource centre activity. Most important is that - access for clients at designated times (2–3 hours a they be structures responsible for the development day or 1–2 days a week). of the third sector in their respective areas. They should not only assist existing NGOs, but also pro- mote the establishment of new NGOs,and precisely this must be one of the criteria in evaluating their work. In turn, assistance for the resource centres should be provided by the district resource centres as well as Belaruskaya Asatsyatsya Resursnykh Centrau (Belarusian Association of Resource Cen- tres — BARC), of which these structures will com- prise a component part in the future. If it is assumed that the work of a resource centre should be continually broadening the database of social activists and increasing the number of client-organisa- tions, legal (i.e., registered) work with youth is very im- portant. For example, if conducting classes with a Oppositional action against the election to Parliament, Minsk, Oct. 14 th , 2001. neutral topic is supported with a small grant, an oppor- Photo: IREX/ProMedia tunity of establishing contacts with students exists. Therefore, it is very important that district resource cen- tres maintain a small sum of money for micro-grants. Services offered by interregional resource cen- With all respect to national small grants competitions, it tres: should be acknowledged that their flexibility is limited, In addition to all services offered by municipal re- and sometimes it is necessary to operate quickly. source centres, interregional resource centres should Therefore, a district resource centre should have 5–7 also: thousand USD available for this purpose. In some - possess full-time consultants assisting in solving sense, all projects that are entered in district competi- current problems connected NGO activity; tions are experimental projects, which create the risk of - organise seminars and training sessions devoted to using these funds. But as practise shows, the result is founding and registering NGOs as well as to com- significantly greater than the risk. The district resource puter and other office machine basics; centres should present a more detailed conception of - be accessible for clients on a daily basis; regional small grant competitions when submitting sub- - service not less than 10–15 client-organisations; sequent proposals for awarding grants. - include several local governmental administrative bodies within the scope of their activities. II. TERRITORY AND TARGET GROUPS OF RESOURCE CENTRE ACTIVITY

Services offered by district resource centres: Many organisations were engaged in creating re- The scope of their activity should cover the entire sources centres in the last 2–3 years. On the one district. In addition to providing assistance for NGOs, hand this is understandable and it explains the ur - they should also engage in analytical activity and w ork gency of the problem. However, there are doubts if planning for an extended period of time (2–3 years). this is not transitory activity for some activists and Other than the services offered by the above-mentioned their participation in the creation of such resource centres, the district resource centres should also: centres is conditioned by the missions of donor or - - provide consultations connected with legal, eco- ganisations. Therefore, organisations that intend to nomic and other aspects of NGO activity; become resource centres should have experience in -have accessto the Internet and other modern means third sector work, experienced and successful mem - of communications; bers as well as have some authority among partners. - offer such services as text translation from the most The experience of Civic Initiatives shows that the popular languages; most important growth areas of social activity are - seek partners for client-organisations, including for- mainly the large cities, schools of higher learning and eign partners; the youth environment generally. In addition, the need - grant assistance in preparing project proposals; for establishing a resource centre in a given locality - have the possibility of conducting seminars (2- or should also depend on size of the population, the exis- 3-day) for partner organisations; tence of secondary schools and schools of higher learn- - grant assistance in composing and printing bulletins ing and the number of potential client-organisations. and small newsletters, as well as publishing, at least, Considering the above, CI believes that maintaining the small brochures; following resource centres is important:

108 Interregional: school. Number of potential clients — 3 NGO ’s and 1 Rechytsa (population — 108 thousand, of which 66 information bulletin. thousand live in the capital of the region and 6 thou- Buda-Kashalevo (population — 44 thousand, of sand in other towns of the region).The city has two in- which 10 thousand live in the capital and 5 thousand stitutes of higher learning: teaching and agricultural in other towns of the region). Base organisation — schools. Number of potential clients — 8 NGO’s and 2 “Radzimichy.” The town has an agro-technical school. information bulletins. The regions of Khoyniki and Number of potential clients — 3 NGO’s. Brahinsk are also located within the scope of activity of In the future, such resource centres should be this resource centre. established in each of the 21 regionslocated in the During the past year, many new organisations district. were established in the region. “Slavutsich,” the most influential and enjoying the most authority has oper- ated as a resource centre for more than a year. Svetlohorsk (population — 98 thousand, of which 73 thousand live in the capital of the region and 5 thousand in other towns of the region). The town has abranch of aprivate school of higher learning and an industrial-technical school. Number of potential cli - ents — 8 NGO ’s and 5 information bulletins. The re- gion of Aktyabrski is also located within the scope of activity of this centre. This resource centre was selected due to the fairly large number of NGOs operating in this region and the fact that the only private Belarusian-language secondary school in the Homel district is located in this city. Many graduates of this school actively work in the third sector. Mozyr (population — 130 thousand, of which 109 thousand live in the capital of the region). Mozyr has a teaching institute, branch of an international humani- ties institute, technical school and medical school. Number of potentialclients— 15 NGO’sand 3 informa- tion bulletins. The regions of Zhytkovitski, Lelchytski, Petrykovski, Yelski and Narovlanski are also located within the scope of activity of this resource centre. Un- til recently, Mozyr was an administrative centre of Poleski district and even after its incorporation into Homel district it retained its influence on surrounding regions. Unfortunately, the city is not now character- ised by substantial social activity, but it has a lot of po- tential and an important strategic significance.

Regional Kalinkovichy (population — 72 thousand,of which 38 thousand live in the capital of the region and 1.5 thousand in other towns of the region). Base organi- sation — “Social Centre.” The town has a higher agri- “The March of Freedom,” Minsk, Oct. 1 st, 2000. cultural school. Number of potential clients — 4 Photo: IREX/ProMedia NGO’s and 2 information bulletins. Zhlobin (population — 106 thousand, of which 71 thou- Other than a structure based on the administrative sand live in the capital of the region and 1.4 thousand in division, resource centres for individual target NGO other towns of the region). Base organisation — “Krynitsy.” groups should also be established, taking into account The town has a branch of Homel Technical University and a the specific conditions in a given region. For example, higher agricultural school. Number of potential clients — 4 the social organisation “Hart” is already working as a NGO’s and 1 information bulletin. resource centre in Homel. It has its steady clients com- Rogachov (population — 71 thousand, of which 35 prising organisations associating youth. thousand live in the capital and 0.7 thousand in other towns of the region). Base organisation — “Civic Viktar Karneyenka, born 1957. Graduated from the Homel Choice.” The town has two higher schools of learning: Polytechnic Institute, with an engineer-economist’s de- amedicalschooland ateaching school.Number of po- gree. Deputy of the Council of USRR in 1989. In 1991–1994 tential clients — 4 NGO’s and 1 information bulletin. vice-mayor of Homel, resigned after Lukashenka’s acces- Loyev (population — 18 thousand, of which 8 sion to power in 1994. In 1994–1996, vice-president of The Lev Sapieha Foundation. Since 1996, president of the thousand live in the capital of the region).Base organi- Homel Regional Society “Social Initiatives.” Engaged in so- sation — “Karani” (“Roots”). The town has a teaching cial activity and economic development of the region.

109 Alaksandar Shalayka WHAT IS THE ASSEMBLY?

The initiative to co-ordinate the activity of The 2nd Congress of Non-Governmental Organi - non-governmental organisations in Belarus ap- sations was held on November 14, 1998. peared in the second half of 1996. It was a time of Upon the issue of the presidential edict about radical changes in the Belarusian society, when dic - re-registration of political parties, trade unions, and tatorial tendencies in the country ’s political system other non-governmental organisations, which escalated and resulted in a coup that brought about threatened the existence of a democratic third sector Lukashenka ’s presidential dictatorship. in Belarus, the Assembly started a salvage A majority of organisations understood that their programme in 1999 called “SOS — The Third Sec- further internal development was impossible without tor.” co-ordination, information about the activity of other In summer 2000, the Assembly of Democratic NGOs, or common strategy in relation to sponsors. Non-Governmental Organisations of Belarus carried Those problems were solvable only with the help of out a campaign to defend the rights of NGOs and re- a structure which, on one hand, would have function cover from the effects of the state re-registration. as a co-ordination and representative body, and on Within the campaign, the Assembly published a bro - the other, respect the sovereignty of each, even the chure titled “The Re-registration of Non-Governmen - smallest, member organisation. tal Organisations in Belarus in 1999,” held a press Long debate about approaches to co-ordination conference, a rally in Minsk and pickets in four other ended up with the founding of a single organising towns of Belarus. committee of what was called the National Assembly Before the 3rd Congress, the Assembly re-regis - of Democratic Non-Governmental Organisations of tered its members internally. The congress, held on Belarus. The organising committee agreed to the December 2–3, 2000, decided to register the Assem - need for a broad and open coalition of democrati - bly as an association of non-governmental organisa - cally oriented NGOs to operate throughout the coun - tions under the name “Assembly,” approved its try. This approach was approved by 250 Statute and signed a constituent treaty. organisations that took part in the 1st Assembly, The congress also decided to participate in the which also introduced its co-ordination body — the 2001 election by organising a mobilisation campaign Working group. Several months later, the Executive and observing the election. In 2001, those cam - Bureau was formed as a professional organ of the paigns were carried out and were among the most Assembly. successful actions during the run-up to the presiden - The Assembly faced the following challenges: tial election. To establish co-operation among NGOs in the Under the conditions after the election, the focus field of information exchange; of the Assembly ’s effort returned to developing con - To build a system of mutual services; tacts with the people and winning their confidence. To expand the scope of the third sector ’s influ - Of high importance for this activity will be National ence onto society; Programmes planned by the Assembly, which join To build a system of collective defence of NGOs ’ efforts of various non-governmental organisations in rights; that field. To attract new members to the Assembly. Another important line of activity is further devel - A bulletin of non-governmental organisations of opment of international co-operation with non-gov - Belarus, in its electronic and printed versions, was ernmental organisations in other countries. This very important as it became the main medium of in- applies to already existing strategic partnerships formation exchange for democratic NGOs. such as Poland or the United States, and to new de - velopments like Wales, Germany, or the Ukraine.

110 SELECTED NGOs — DESCRIPTION OF ACTIVITY

ADUKATAR the election commission for the presidential election, public defenders in court proceedings concerning Youth association Adukatar was founded in the the removal of the Suvorov bust by V. Pleshenko. spring of 1999 in Vitsebsk. The main goals of Moreover, association members have distributed in- Adukatar are to make secondary and high education formation by O. Karach and L. Chernusava. more democratic, to contribute to educating and in- Adukatar co-operates with various organisa- stilling values in youth, to contribute to legal aware - tions in Vitsebsk Region: Vitsebsk branch of the L. ness and to build a civic society in Belarus. Sapieha Foundation, the Vitsebsk Youth Initiative The association currently has 12 members, who Centre “KONTUR,” the Vitsebsk branch of the Hu- have a higher and specialised secondary educa - man Rights Centre “VIASNA,” the Vitsebsk branch tion — including law students and lawyers. Members of the Belarusian Association of Students,the Orsha are actively engaged in various political parties and Youth Centre “PERSPECTYVA,” Navapolack organi- social associations and participate in mass meetings sation “KROK RAZAM” and other youth organisa- and seminars. tions. The association has conducted and participated in training courses on law, local government, negoti - Address: vul. Iljinskaha 37–13 ations, leadership in social organisations, co-opera - 210001 Vitsebsk tion, human rights and the “School of Modern BELARUS Political Techniques.” Members have also volun - Tel.: /+375/ 212 37 62 37 teered as public observers in election districts during Fax: /+375/ 212 21 62 35 the deputy elections to local Councils, members of E-mail: [email protected]

111 111 HOMEL ASSOCIATION OF CHILDREN AND n Annual charitable cultural youth project on the YOUTH 1st of December, the World Day against AIDS. Begun in 1996, and now widely known and very popular with the youth, “Fight AIDS” The Homel Association of Children and Youth includes exhibitions of drawings and pictures (ASDEMO) is a non-profit and non-governmental or - made by children and youth, professional ganisation registered on November 14, 1996. medical consultations and a much loved ASDEMO is based on principles of voluntary concert of rock bands. work and desire in order to actively participate in the life of society. The association helps children n Helping refugees. and young people of Homel and the Homel region This is a new area of activity for the association. in fulfilling their potential and in the process of There are more than 1500 refugees from all over the socialisation through conducting informational world in the Homel area. Most of them come from and educational activities and various develop- Afghanistan, Tadjikistan, and Chechnya. ASDEMO mental programs. All ASDEMO members are vol- is launching a project that will lead to opening a so- unteers, including the organisation’s director and cial information centre for refugees. The centre is to board. assist in finding employment for the refugees and The main principles of activity are democracy, organise leisure activities. equality, and freedom. The mission of ASDEMO is to provide youth an Other activities: opportunity to express themselves and contribute to n Supporting public initiatives for peace, society. democracy, and human rights; The main areas of activity are: n Hosting charitable meetings for schoolchildren, orphans, and the blind; n Environment. n Organising cultural exchange programs ASDEMO grants assistance to activities aimed at (festivals, exhibitions, concerts, competitions, improving the level of environmental culture within etc.). the population, developing a public movement in the sphere of environment protection and ensuring eco - Address: vul. Ogorenko, 21–1–13 logical human rights. Within this area, the associa - 246045 Homel tion has conducted the following activities: BELARUS n Environmental education for children and Tel/fax: /+375/ 232 51 22 68 youth; E-mail: [email protected] n Promotion of alternative sources of energy; n Annual international environmental camps (since 1997); “ASLONA” SOCIAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE n Independent eco-laboratory for monitoring the environment. The basic task is monitoring DEFENCE OF TAXPAYERS AND CONSUMERS the quality of drinking water and natural RIGHTS reservoirs in Homel and the Homel region; n Conducting environmental-based seminars. The Social Association for Taxpayers ’ and Con - n sumers ’ Rights Defence “Aslona” is a regional, Leisure time activities. non-governmental, non-profit organisation estab - n Sports clubs and competitions between them; n lished in December 1995 through the initiative of Environmental education and sources of deputies (lawyers, journalists, and businessmen) to alternative energy. the Supreme Soviet and the Municipal Council. The activity of the association is mainly conducted in the ASDEMO hopes to establish a youth centre in southern part of the Harodnya region ( ‘oblast ’). one of the most densely populated districts in Homel. There is a significant need for such a centre n Goals: as the few state youth centres that exist in Homel are n Promoting democratic reforms in the fields of inadequate for a city with a population of half a mil - human rights, local self-government, lion people. economics, and culture; n n Establishing a civil society; Anti AIDS activities. n Increasing the educational level of residents of Unfortunately, the Homel region is famous for the Harodnya region in the fields of human having the highest level of AIDS in Belarus. ASDEMO rights, local self-government, economics, is planning to open an independent AIDS Centre. culture, and historical heritage; ASDEMO is currently conducting the following activ - n Promoting the ideas of democracy; ities in this field: n n Supporting the activity of social associations and Sex education for children and youth, social initiatives; particularly in regard to preventive measures n Supporting the independent mass media and against AIDS and drug addiction; publishing activity.

112 112 n Tasks: in order to protect their social, economic, labour n to provide and defend the legal rights of and other legal interests, their families and chil- citizens in state, economic and social bodies dren. and organisations; n to conduct educational activities in the fields of n General areas of activity: human rights, local self-government, n Granting legal assistance to women in order to economics, culture, ecology; protect their rights and interests; n to assist in the development of a civic society, n Vitsebsk Legal Centre; the observation of human rights and the rule n Hosting meetings with lawyers for women of law; from other social organisations; n to support public initiatives; n “Hotline” for legal questions on the pages of n to support NGOs. the information bulletin “Women ’s Herald” (“Žanoèy vieœnik”); n Methods: n Informing women about the development of n counselling to organisations and private the women ’s movement in Vitsebsk region individuals in the fields of human rights and (‘oblast ’), Belarus and other countries; taxpayer and consumer rights; n Establishing and maintaining contacts with n holding meetings, seminars, lectures, other women ’s organisations; conferences (regional, national and n Participating in national and international international); seminars, meetings, congresses; n organising educational activities in the fields of n Granting assistance to large families and human rights and taxpayer and consumer single parent families; rights for residents of the Harodnya region; n Publishing the information bulletin “Women ’s n publishing advertising and information Herald”; materials. n Assisting young poets and writers through publishing their works in the cultural and Activity. educational newspaper “Pradslava.” The social association “Aslona” is actively en- gaged in the defence of human rights and education Tel: /+375/ 212 61 97 09, 22 06 48 for the residents of the southern part of the E-mail: [email protected] Harodnya region. The association also provides counselling, informational and practical assistance in the fields of human rights, labour rights and tax- payer and consumer rights. The Information Centre BUSINESSWOMEN’S CLUB for Human Rights Defence operates on the basis of the social association “Aslona.” Chambers for legal The Businesswomen’s Club (BWC) in defence have been established in Vaukavysk and Berastsye is a municipal non-governmental or- Slonim which grant counselling and practical hu- ganisation. The club was established in October man rights defence assistance to the residents of 1993, registered in November 1995 and re-regis- the region.The social association “Aslona” provides tered in September 1999. technical, material, informational, and counselling BWC’s primary goal is to increase the signifi - assistance to non-governmental organisations in cance and role of women in society. the region and functions as a resource centre for The organisation strives towards this goal them.“Aslona” also publishes the human rights bul- through: letin “Viestki.” 1. Getting women involved in social affairs as well as assisting women in professional development; Address: P.O.Box 38 2. Conducting educational and training programs for 231900 Vaukavysk women and youth; Haradzienskaja vob³aœæ 3. Assisting women who have found themselves in a BELARUS difficult situation; Tel: /+375/ 1512 2 76 89 4. Disseminating information regarding issues cov - ered by BWC ’s activity; 5. Establishing a network of women ’s organisations VITSEBSK BRANCH OF THE BELARUSIAN in the Republic of Belarus.

ORGANISATION OF WORKING WOMEN The activity of BWC:

Through educational activities among women n Social programs the Belarusian Organization of Working Women as- n Sending Christmas presents to an orphanage sists in raising social consciousness and establish- in Yastrembel; ing democratic institutions in Belarus. The basic n Organising a series of charitable events “How objective of the Vitsebsk branch of the Belarusian is your service, son?” in the 38th brigade of Organization of Working Women is to unite women mobile troops of the Republic of Belarus;

113 113 n Participating in the environmental movement psychological counselling (sponsored by the “Women for Nature Protection”; American foundation “Counter Part”); n Running an educational program on HIV/AIDS n Holding roundtables for social organisations prevention entitled “Changing Sexual that work with disabled children with motor Behaviour (safe sex) in the Republic of and spinal pathologies aimed at finding Belarus”; common problems and searching for ways to n Running a program of providing assistance to solve them on the state level. women in a difficult situation; n Conducting a project which involves working The President of the Association is Yauhenya with women in prisons; Mastavaya. n Holding educational seminars for unemployed women entitled “Economical Development of Address: vul. Kožara, 13–1–8 Women.” 246000 Homel BELARUS n Cultural and educational programs Tel/fax: /+375/ 232 57 91 54 n Organising the I Municipal Conference for E-mail: [email protected] Women under the banner “Women Will Make the World Better by the Year 2000”; n Organising a youth peace and dream event KALINKAVICHI REGIONAL SOCIAL entitled “Red Balloons Celebration”; ASSOCIATION “CIVIC CENTRE” n Organising the “The World through Women ’s Eyes” exhibition; The Kalinkavichi Regional Social Association n Organising the “The Image of a “Civic Centre” was established in July 2000. The ba- Businesswoman” seminar; sic objectives of the association is to preserve and n Organising the “Monitoring Elections to Local develop historical and cultural values of the Councils” seminar. Belarusian nation and to assist in the processes of bringing constitutional human rights and freedoms BWC is a member of the International Federation to fruition. of Clubs for Business and Professional Women (IFBPW) 1997, and the Assembly of Democratic Activity: Non-governmental Organisations. n legal clinics granting help in legal issues; n supporting the teachers ’ association. Address: vul. Savieckich pamiežnikau, 54 The organisation co-operates actively with the 224030 Berastsye Social Association “Public Initiatives” BELARUS Tel/fax: /+375/ 162 24 62 68 Address: vul. Frunze, 31 247710 Kalinkavichi Homielskaja vob³aœæ ASSOCIATION OF FAMILIES WITH CHILDREN BELARUS HAVING CEREBRAL PALSY AND SPINAL Tel/fax: /+375/ 2345 2 16 17 PATHOLOGY

The Association of Families with Children Having HOMEL REGIONAL PUBLIC ASSOCIATION Cerebral Palsy and Spinal Pathology was established “CIVIL INITIATIVES” in 1992. The basic objective of the association is to grant social and psychological assistance to disabled The Homel Regional Public Association “Civil Ini- children and their families. tiatives” sees its mission in assistance to democratic Members of the organisation include 310 families processes in Homel region in the field of human with disabled children having cerebral palsy and spi - rights, economic reforms, science, culture and ecol - nal pathology under 25 and living in Homel. ogy, solution of the socially important problems and development of information space. Activity. n Humanitarian and material aid; n The activity is directed to: Rejuvenation of disabled children in foreign n extension of public activity in Homel region; countries and in Belarus; n n studying problems relating to public Organising activities (parties, celebrations, movement, interaction between discos, going to a theatre or circus); n non-governmental organisations and mass Psychological assistance to disabled children media; and members of their families; n n creation of informational network with the Project “I Want to Know Everything,” database on regional public organisations; establishing a computer class for disabled n development and support of NGOs and children, English and German classes and independent mass media.

114 114 The Association realises the following pro- region, issuing different kinds of printed materials for grams: non-governmental organisations. Main directions are: n “Partnership” (co-operation with the n education and consultations for editors and non-governmental organisations in Homel region) journalists from independent mass media in The program aim — assistance in establishment, the region; development and activity of non-governmental or- n advertising and other publications about ganisations in Homel region. NGOs ’ activity and independent mass media; The program foresees: n assistance in publishing independent n study and analysis of public organisations ’ newspapers,NGO bulletins,works of local poets, activity and problems of public movement; writers, historians, artists and others; n granting material, organisational, and n help in distribution of printing production. technical assistance to the regional public organisations, duplication of information Service. materials, access to computers and other The Resource Centre for Civil Initiatives is estab- office equipment and communication lished on the basis of the Association. Its aim is the means; technical, counselling and organisational help to n conducting seminars, trainings and non-governmental organisations in Homel region. conferences on the problems of the third The Centre provides the following service, which sector activity; is free of charge: n granting consultations for citizens and public n training seminars, consultations in actual activists on the problems of the third sector problems of the third sector activity; activity; n translation of the necessary information; n strengthening interaction between regional n assistance in preparing the documents for non-governmental organisations and mass registration of non-governmental media; organisations; n working out and publishing periodicals and n technical assistance (copying machines, specific informational bulletins for computers, means of communication, access non-governmental organisations. to Internet, etc.); n assistance in establishing contacts with n “Leader” (leadership in public organisations) partners in Belarus and abroad; The program aim — training and consulting the n putting the office at the disposal of leaders of non-governmental organisations and non-governmental organisations (up to 20 other active people in the field of management, es- persons). tablishing coalitions and influencing the government Today the Resource Centre grants assistance to decisions. more than 60 NGOs in Homel region. The program foresees: n conducting training seminars for the leaders Perspective. involved in public activity; n Establishing a network of informational n establishing training centres for public counselling centres for NGOs in provincial activists in Homel region; towns of Homel region; n publishing brochures in management and n Designing the database of public activists in organisational processes. Homel region; n Developing the weekly Discussion Club for n “Youth” young public and political activists; This foreground program is directed on the assis - n Establishing the Computer Class and Internet tance in establishment and development of youth Centre for training young people in practical non-governmental organisations and involvement of work with computers and modern means of active young people in public life. communication; The program includes: n Improving the technical, publishing and n educational and competitive projects for communication base of newspapers and young journalists, economists and other kind NGOs, issuing their bulletins; of progressive youth; n Extending the zone of distribution of n access to computers and modern means of independent mass media to areas outside of communication; Homel; n training seminars on actual problems of youth, n Developing and realising educational conducted by professionals; programs in human rights. n counselling, technical, and methodological assistance to young organisations. Mail to: P.O.Box 48 246003 Homel-3 n “Publishing Centre” BELARUS Project goal — assistance in establishment and Tel/fax: /+375/ 232 55 93 71 development of independent mass media in Homel E-mail: [email protected]

115 115 KRYCHAU SOCIAL ASSOCIATION “CONTACT This project includes monthly public opinion CENTRE” polls of the residents of several eastern Belarusian regions. Poll results are published in leading Belarusian media outlets. The Contact Centre was established in March 4. Activity of the Regional Resource Centre for 1999 and registered on 23 February 2000. The organi- NGOs. sation currently has 13 members and 15 regular vol- unteers. The mission of the organisation is to This project includes granting assistance to re - promote self-fulfilment within a true civic community gional initiatives as well as conducting various youth, in Krychau Region and thereby assist in building a publishing and cultural projects. A youth oriented new European Belarus. bulletin “Youth Courier” (“Maladziozhny kuryer”) is published by the Centre. Activity is concentrated in the following areas: n Establishing common information network; n Address: P.O.Box 24 Human rights (defending the rights and 213500 Kry èau-5 freedoms of the population in Krychau Mahilouskaja voblaœæ Region); n BELARUS Granting assistance to initiative groups and Tel/fax: /+375/ 2241 52 7 52 residents who live in the region; E-mail: [email protected] n Publishing; n Health, physical training and sports in the life of Krychau ’s population; HARODNYA REGIONAL COUNCIL OF YOUTH n Environment protection; n Culture and education. ORGANISATIONS “COUNCIL-23”

Main forms of conducting activity: The Harodnya Regional Council of Youth Organi - n Organising clubs, hobby groups, workshops sations “Council — 23” is an apolitical, voluntary and for local people; independent association of social youth organisa - n Running the Regional Human Rights Defence tions in Harodnya region (oblast). The Council was Chamber; registered in December 1996. n Granting technical, professional, and methodological assistance to social n Goals: organisations and public initiatives; n Increasing the effectiveness of activity n Running the Regional Information Centre conducted by social youth organisations (Service); through co-ordinating their work; n Granting assistance in conducting educational n Strengthening the role of young people in and cultural summer camps for youth in the the process of establishing a civic region; community. n Organising and conducting recitals, readings, meetings with writers, education courses, n Activity: seminars, round and discussion tables, n co-ordinating the work of association concerts; members in the region, the country and on an n Informing the population about its activity by international scale in order to achieve the means of mass media, including its own. common goals; n representing the interests of local youth 1. Activity of the Regional Human Rights Defence organisations in national and international Chamber. forums; The Centre provides counselling and assistance n representing and protecting the interests of for all residents of Krychau Region (Krychau, local youth organisations in state Klimavichi, Kastsyukovichi, Mscislau, Cherykau). administrative bodies; The “Krychau Human Rights Defence Bulletin” is n educating leaders and members of social published on the basis of the Centre. youth organisations; 2. Activity of the Regional Information Centre n developing and sponsoring projects aimed at (Service). the realisation of statutory aims; A divaricate information network has been estab - n collecting, maintaining and exchanging lished. The purpose of the network is to collect and information; disseminate information about the political, eco - n granting assistance in establishing and nomic, civic, and social life in the region (Krychau, registering new social youth organisations in Klimavichi, Kastsyukovichi, Mscislau, Cherykau). A the Harodnya region. monthly periodical “Our Thought” (“Nasha Dumka”) is published by the Centre. n Methods: 3. Activity of the Social Laboratory “Pozirk.” n Establishing an information centre;

116 116 n Establishing consulting centres with the aim of mational and methodological support to demo- assisting social youth organisations in the cratic and non-governmental organisations in the Harodnya region to solve local problems; region.Moreover,most members of the association n Granting legal, methodological, organisational have considerable experience in developing and and technical assistance to initiative groups conducting various environmental programs and while establishing and registering social youth projects, due to the fact that they comprise the organisations in the Harodnya Region; founding members of the ecological movement in n Conducting research programs, analysing the Navapolatsak in the mid-1980s, which opposed in- problems of organisations and activity of local dustrial enterprises polluting the environment in the social youth organisations in the Harodnya town and region. Region; n Organising and participating in conferences, Address: P.O.Box 26 seminars, roundtables, educational courses 211440 Navapo³acak-8 and other similar activities; BELARUS n Preparing and conducting the “project fairs” Tel/fax: /+375/ 2144 5 32 22 for local social youth organisations in the E-mail: [email protected] Harodnya Region; [email protected] n Presenting organisational technologies to local social youth organisations in the Harodnya region; YASEP DRAZDOVICH EDUCATIONAL CENTRE n Co-operating with state and independent mass media, establishing informational bodies, The Yasep Drazdovich Educational Centre is a conducting publishing activity. non-governmental non-profit organisation engaged In January 1997 Council — 23 conducted the edu - in arts related issues in Sharkaushchiny region of cational seminar “Registration of Social Organisa - Vitsebsk ‘oblast ’. tions and Document Preparation” in co-operation with the “VIT” association. As a result 5 new youth Activity: organisations in Harodnya Region were registered. n conducting seminars, devoted to Yasep Since February 1998 Council — 23 has been con- Drazdovich and Michas Raychonak; ducting a program aimed at supporting youth initia - n conducting exhibitions in Minsk, Polatsak, tives in Western Belarus. Vitsebsk, Braslau and other towns; n organising a contest of children ’s drawings “Following Yasep Drazdovich”; THE SOCIAL ASSOCIATION OF CULTURAL AND n youth festival of regional studies, field trips; EDUCATIONAL INITIATIVES “USYASLAU n presentations of books, meetings with CHARADZEY” authors; n preparing a film “The Soul Is Grieving Over Its People,” devoted to the memory of Michas The Social Association of Cultural and Educa - Raychonak; tional Initiatives “Usyaslau Charadzey” (SACEI n editing the newspaper “Batskaushchina”; “Usyaslau Charadzey”) was founded in Navapolatsak n participating in the political life of Belarus. on 2 April 1998. Address: n Goals of activity: è n 211924 v. Hiermanavi y the spiritual and cultural revival in Polatsak Šarkaušèynski rajon Region; n Viciebskaja vob³aœæ increasing the use of the Belarusian language BELARUS and establishing it as the official language of the Republic of Belarus; n development of traditional handicrafts; VITSEBSK YOUTH ENVIRONMENTAL n preservation and development of the ethnic, cultural and natural potential of the Belarusian ASSOCIATION “EKAVITA” lands and people. Main activity: Among the most interesting and important activi- 1. Education. EKAVITA activists deliver lectures on ties conducted within the community in the recent past environmental ethics and American environmentalism were concerts of Belarusian minstrels, the celebration both for senior pupils and students. We designed spe- of the traditional archaic holiday “Kupalle,” conducting cial software (environmental training programs),which studies at National University and establishing a new is now used in schools. We co-operate closely with organisation, the “Philomateurs’ Society” (Tavarystva secondary schools No. 1, 6, 34, 37, 40 in Vitsebsk, No. Filamatau), etc. 1 in Lepiel, No. 6 in Navapolatsak, No. 3 in Salihorsk, SACEI “Usyaslau Charadzey” operates as a re- ecological gymnasium No. 3 in Baranavichi, the eco- gional resource centre and provides technical,infor- logical lyceum in Domzharychi and others.

117 117 2. Research. EKAVITA activists publish articles tacts on behalf of the Assembly and the F. Kmita and abstracts in scholarly journals on environmental Centre. issues concerning the Belarusian Lake District. 3. Information and Publishing. EKAVITA mem - bers search, analyse and distribute environmental in- CIRCLE OF FRIENDS formation originally placed on web sites by both Belarusan and other environmental organisations The Mahylou Social Association “Circle of (“EkaSupraciu” [”EcoResistance”], “Khraniteli Friends” (“Kola siabrou”) was established in August Radugi” [“Rainbow Keepers”], “Green Peace,” EPA, 1994 on principles of democracy, openness, friend- etc.). Members also publish articles in the local ship, Belarusian sovereignty and values common to press. ECAVITA is constructing its own web-site on all mankind. Members support private and social ini- the Internet. tiatives, both independently and through partner- 4. Politics. The vast majority of members are also ships.The objective of the Association is to establish a members of the Belarusian Popular Front, the prosperous community in its environment and in so- Belarusian Democratic Hramada and other demo - ciety. cratic parties and NGOs. Some EKAVITA activists The association conducts activity in different participated in election campaigns as candidates and spheres — information, youth, cultural, and humani - as observers. tarian. The Women ’s Support and Self-Education The leader of the organisation and program di- Centre developed into an independent organisation. rector is Uladzimir Slabin. Circle of Friends maintains a library and hosts an Internet-club. The association was one of the found - Address: vul. Dzimitrava, 8–48 ers of the Belarusian Association of Resource Cen - 21001 Viciebsk tres (BARC). BELARUS Since its establishment, Circle of Friends has Tel.: /+375/ 212 21 62 35 been actively co-operating with the Charitable Fax: /+375/ 212 21 62 35 Children ’s Foundation “Praposhask.” During this pe- E-mail: [email protected] riod over 600 children from Mahylou Region were able to participate in a rejuvenation holiday abroad. Circle of Friends assists in providing channels for hu - THE F. KMITA REGIONAL CENTRE FOR THE manitarian aid (especially for the population of SUPPORT AND DEVELOPMENT OF Slauharad District, hospitals, and homeless-shelters DEMOCRATIC REFORMS in the region). Circle of Friends has succeeded in establish- ing a unified information network in Mahylou Re- The F. Kmita Regional Centre for the Support and gion, which includes regional information Development of Democratic Reforms was established centres. They collect and disseminate informa- in Orsha in March 1997 by representatives of four tion concerning local events and primarily the ac- Orsha-based democratic social associations. tivities of local civic organisations. Moreover, The basic objective of the association is to sup - such information centres attract other local initia- port democratic reforms in Orsha region through tives to co-operate and assist in their successful strengthening the sector of social organisations and development. A series of joint projects has been independent mass media. conducted for leaders and activists of local or- Since its establishment, the F. Kmita Centre has ganisations. As a result, members of the organi- assisted in establishing several NGOs in the region. sations obtained practical skills involving the use These associations have already demonstrated an of computers, editing programs, e-mail and the ability to work effectively. Since the summer of 1997, Internet. the F. Kmita Centre has published the municipal The Youth Centre “Ratusha” (on the basis of Cir- newspaper “Kutseyna.” cle of Friends) co-ordinates various youth initia- Due to support provided by the Centre since tives. Eight regional youth organisations are part of 1997,the following newspapers were established: the Centre. The Centre supported over 15 youth “Belarusian Collector” (Orsha), “RShA” (Orsha), projects in 2000. “Stsyana” (Vitsebsk), “Zolak” (Kochanava), The cultural initiative of Circle of Friends in- “Recha lukomli” (Navalukoml) as well as “Youth Step,” the newspaper of youth associations in volves conducting exhibitions, concerts, meet - Vitsebsk Region. ings with famous writers and assistance in The Centre holds educational courses, seminars, promoting creative ideas. and lectures. In addition, it functions as a regional re - The Women’s Support and Self-Education Centre source centre for regional NGOs. is very active.Young ladies and women can receive an The F. Kmita Centre hosted the Assembly of education at the Individual Success School. Children NGOs in the city of Orsha on July 2, 1998. In accor - can spend their free time at the Children’s Recreation dance with the decision of the Assembly, 11 NGOs Centre.The Centre has established a library for women were charged with supporting informational con - and conducts roundtable discussions.

118 118 Circle of Friends publishes a monthly bulletin the organisation is to raise the level of social activity “Nota Bene,” which covers the activity of the civic among Homel youth by seeking out and supporting organisations of Mahylou Region. Circle of Friends youth initiatives, organisations and establishing an is one of the founders of the “Mahylou Weekly” independent youth-based media network. newspaper, which informs people about life in Mahylou. The paper is distributed in all regional Activity: districts. The Internet Club “Sadruzhnast” is a new direc- n Supporting youth organisations tion in the Circle’s activity, which was launched in The Centre operates as a resource centre for 2000. The aim of this project is to inform citizens youth organisations and initiatives. Several Homel about Mahylou regional organisations, their activ- youth associations use the Centre ’s facilities and of - ity and achievements. It has created an fice equipment, including the Organisation of Re- Internet-site (http://krug.hypermart.net), which in- gional Studies “Talaka,” Young Social Democrats, cludes analytical reviews, information from the Journalist Club “Roskvit,” “Roznyia-rovnyia,” Am - “Mahylou Weekly” newspaper and the “NotaBene” nesty International and others. bulletin.This site provides information about 40 so- cial associations and non-formal initiatives in the n Developing a network of youth publications in region. The forum allows visitors to discuss any the Homel region problem. “Hart” is participating in the development of an independent youth-based media network in the re - Address: P.O.Box 14 gion as one of the fundamental components of a 212022 Mahilou civic community. Such newspapers as “Ratusha,” BELARUS “Underground,” and “Roskvit” were established with Tel/fax: /+375/ 222 22 97 82 help provided by the Centre. The Journalist Club E-mail: [email protected] “Roskvit” works on the basis of the Centre.

n Civil Education of Young People HALSHANSKI ZAMAK CLUB In order to develop the youth movement, the “Hart” Centre operates the “Young Leader ’s School,” The Halshanski Zamak (Halshany Castle) Club where young people learn how to work effectively in was founded in June 1999. The organisation ’s activ - social associations. The first students graduated in ity is concentrated on various population groups June 2000. within a single locality — Halshany village n (Ashmyany region, Harodnya oblast). Selected Political and Civic Education of Young People in achievements and projects of the organisation are the Homel region presented below: The Centre conducted the following activities be - n seminar “Experience in Patriotic Upbringing in tween August and December 1999 (within the pro - Village Schools” (1997); ject “Youth and Elections” and with support n training seminar “Leadership Problems in provided by the Embassy of the Kingdom of Nether - Youth Groups” (1997); lands): n n fair dedicated to the 380th anniversary of the cycle of lectures in political science, Catholic church and monastery in Halshany economics, history, politics, etc. for the (1998); youth from Homel and Homel region; n n publishing the bulletin “Halshanski Zamak.” cycle of seminars with representatives of The Club co-operates with the K. Narbut Ukrainian youth NGOs aimed at acquainting Belarusian Society of Regional Studies and the or - Belarusian activists with the broad spectrum ganisation “Belarusian Perspective” (“Bielaruskaya of questions concerning democratic elections. perspektiva”). n Development of the Youth Movement in Homel Address: zav. Kliaštarny, 1 region 231120 v. Halšany The “Hart” Centre organises field trips to different Ašmianski rajon locations in Homel Region (oblast) for the purpose of Haradzienskaja voblaœæ finding the most active young people in order to edu - BELARUS cate them and establish regional youth NGOs. Telephone: /+375/ 1593 3 94 57 n Cultural education In order to establish Belarusian national culture in HOMEL MUNICIPAL YOUTH CENTRE “HART” youth circles “Hart” conducts the following activity: n meetings with famous Belarusian writers and minstrels; The Homel Municipal Youth Centre “Hart” was n contests of creative works in Belarusian founded in 1997, was registered in July 1998 and history and culture among students in re-registered in October 1999. The basic objective of secondary schools, lyceums, colleges;

119 n field trips to cultural celebrations (Knights ’ n granting psychological and legal assistance to Tournament in Rechytsa, Minstrels ’ Festival in members of the organisation, protecting their Slavucichi, etc.). interests; n contributing to women ’s cultural and spiritual n Information bulletin “Hart-inform” development, improving their educational and The bulletin provides monthly information about professional skills. the activity of “Hart” and other non-governmental as- sociations in Homel region. n The association plans: n to conduct educational seminars for women Address: vul. Partovaja, 8á–18, aimed at developing leadership skills 246003 Homiel n to hold round tables, meetings, conferences, BELARUS presentations Tel/fax: /+375/ 232 57 75 38 n to publish a quarterly bulletin for women that E-mail: [email protected] reflects the problems and perspectives of women ’s non-governmental associations n to establish contacts with other women ’s HOMEL REGIONAL SOCIAL ASSOCIATION organisations in Belarus and abroad WOMEN’S “INITIATIVE” n to participate in activities for women, conducted by other social organisations, foundations, and associations The Homel Regional Social Association Women ’s “Initiative” was established in July 1998 as n The association hopes for: part of the Belarusian League of Women — Electors. n broadening and strengthening the After the League was disbanded, the association re - organisation through adding new members organised into the social association “Initiative” and n support for association activity by partners was registered in September 1999. and sponsors Representatives from 9 districts of Homel region n attention to our problems and needs, are members of the association. assistance in achieving established goals The goal of the Homel Regional Social Associa - n co-operation with everyone whose activity is tion Women ’s “Initiative” is to unite the efforts of aimed at the consolidation of democratic women to participate in social, economic, and cul - circles in Belarus. tural democratic reforms. Address: vul. 60 hadou SSSR, 7–13 n The tasks of the organisation are: 246049 Homiel n to increase the participation of women from BELARUS Homel region in the public movement for their Tel: /+375/ 232 78 08 02 rights; E-mail: [email protected] n to develop initiatives aimed at improving the social status of women. YOUTH CULTURAL AND EDUCATIONAL The association has conducted several activi- ties in conjunction with social organisations. In CENTRE “YARAVIT” particular, a campaign was organised to monitor the problems associated with the government’s The Youth Cultural and Educational Centre failure to realise its program on the social and le- “Yaravit” was founded in the autumn of 1996 and gal protection of disabled people, roundtables registered in April 1997. were organised in order to discuss common prob- lems and define a policy of joint activities for so- n Main objectives: cial organisations and their co-operation with n to use and develop the intellectual potential of state structures. different youth for the purpose of self-fulfilment, One of the main areas of the association ’s activity thereby strengthening the Belarusian nation and is education and specifically leadership training for state to become an important mover and shaker women (participating in joint programs with the Na- in international life; tional Women ’s Educational and Consulting Centre, n to increase experience and promote the the Women ’s Non-State Institute “Envila” and the ethnical and cultural heritage of Belarus; Belarusian Association of Women Lawyers). n to develop and strengthen the usage of the Belarusian language and Belarusian n The association is engaged in: intellectual circles; n unifying women ’s efforts for participating in n to study the social, cultural, environmental, democratic reforms; demographic and other aspects of modern life n developing women ’s initiatives aimed at as factors of determining the existence of the improving their social status; Belarusian nation.

120 n Methods: Address: vul. Haharyna, 40/2 n organising and conducting scientific, cultural, 246050 Homiel artistic and other campaigns and activities BELARUS (e.g., conferences, presentations, exhibitions, Tel: /+375/ 232 53 58 50, 48 38 91 expeditions); Fax: /+375/ 232 55 93 71 n distributing books, magazines, advertising and informational materials, periodicals and other printed information; LOYEV SOCIAL ASSOCIATION “KARANI” n providing access for interested organisations (libraries, archives, mass media, etc.) to The Loyev Social Association for the Preserva - information, printed materials, tion of the Environment and Cultural and Historical audio-video-photo materials on the Centre ’s Heritage “Roots” (“Karani”) is a district-wide conditions; n non-governmental, non-profit association, regis - conducting cultural exchange programs tered on 6 March 1996 and re-registered on 29 Octo - through organising exhibitions, concerts, ber 1999. meetings with professionals in the fields of The social association “Roots” consists of 14 culture and science. members and 34 regular volunteers. Among them are teachers and engineers of Loyev schools, voca - n Achievements: n tional schools and businesses. The director of the or - Since August 1996, more than 2000 books and ganisation is Mikalay Anisavets. magazines and over 200 Belarusian tapes Objectives and goals: were distributed in Homel and Homel region Searching for effective ways and means of pre- through the Centre ’s activity. n serving the environment as well as the cultural and his- April 1997 — a seminar with IDEE torical heritage; monitoring the environment; representatives in Homel. n invigorating people; developing in people a solicitous September 1997 — the Regional Forum of attitude towards nature, cultural and historical heri- Youth Non-Governmental Organisations. tage. n January 1998 — literary and musical presentation by “EuroForum” and “Nasha n Methods of activity: Niva.” n n seeking and implementing private initiatives; Spring — summer 1998 — the international initiating and conducting programs and conference project “Belarus — Ukraine: projects aimed at achieving the aims of Historical Ways and Perspectives. Youth “Roots”; Outlook., and publishing a collection of n granting financial, consulting, informational materials. n and other assistance to organisations and May 1999 — “ARCHE” presentation; private persons; organising a concert of the Belarusian bands n conducting humanitarian, charitable, “Novaye Nieba” and “Ulis” (in conjunction industrial and economic activity aimed at with the Belarusian Students ’ Association in realising statutory objectives and goals; Homel). n n interacting with the mass media, publishing November 1999 — scientific conference “The and distributing printed and other materials; Tradition of Belarusian Sovereignty. Lessons n organising and conducting meetings, from the Past and Ways to the Future”; seminars, conferences, lectures, exhibitions, subsequent publication of a scientific book. n public opinion polls, debating clubs; Winter 2000 — the project “Educating Village n co-operating with educational establishments, Schoolchildren.” n enterprises and state structures in solving March 2000 — the jubilee presentation of the environmental problems and preserving Belarusian Historical Survey with the cultural and historical heritage. editor-in-chief H. Sahanovi è at the History Department of F. Skaryna Homel State Activities: University. “Roots” conducts activity based on various pro- Since the autumn of 1996, more than 40 people grams developed by the association’s governing bod- have become actively involved in social activity (in - ies.Several seminars have been conducted within the cluding those joining other organisations through “Ecology” program, in which specialists from envi- the Centre ’s activity). Several initiatives were sup - ronmental laboratories participated. The seminars ported. Since 1997, 15 seminars have been con - were devoted to the problems of monitoring the envi- ducted. More than 20 people have received a ronment, environmentally appropriate technologies thorough education through participating in large for cultivating potatoes on private land. Due to a educational projects. Educational activities are con - “Roots” initiative, the Loyev District Executive Com- ducted on a regular basis among students, teachers, mittee adopted and conducted the Comprehensive businessmen and workers. Program of Preserving the Environment in the Loyev

121 area during 1996 — 2000.A system of gathering envi- Activity: ronmental information was established. Since May 1998, “Kontur” has issued “Sciana,” The program “Preserving Cultural and Historical a public and political newspaper for young people Heritage” included a number of seminars devoted to and rendered qualified technical and counselling legal, political and economic topics. The members of assistance to NGOs in their journalistic and pub- the association have also conducted research con - lishing activities. CYI “Kontur” held several lec- nected with evaluating and preserving local histori - turesdevoted to political science in the summer of cal and cultural memorials. The reference book 1998 and organised study course devoted to basic “Monuments and Memorials in the Loyev Area” was economics as well as the Belarusan language and published as a result of this work. Members have history in the autumn of 1998. With the support of also compiled and published a poetry collection of the Centre several concerts by leading Belarusian local poets entitled “Songs along the Dniepr” rockgroupswere held in Vitsebskin January 1999. (“Piesni nad Dniaprom”). The monthly informational During 1999, “Kontur” held a number of seminars bulletin “Roots” (“Karani”) has been published since for leaders and activists of youth NGOs in Vitsebsk March 1999. and Vitsebsk region devoted to the following top- “Roots” is currently preparing a musical folklore ics: leadership, management in social organisa- festival “Our Heritage” (Nasha Spadchina)and a collec- tions, publishing activity, fundraising and tion of “Studies in Loyev Area History” (“Narysy organising summer camps. The independent re- historyi Loyevshchiny”). The association also conducts gional information agency “Kontur-Info” was activities connected with defending human rights. founded in December 1998 with the assistance of the Centre. Address: vul. Lenina, 5–3 Members of the Centre are continually seeking 247100 £ojeu and developing new directions of activity. Homielskaja voblaœæ BELARUS Address: P.O.Box 5 Tel/fax: /+375/ 232 2 03 17 210038 Vitsebsk BELARUS Tel/fax: /+375/ 212 21 62 35 THE VITSEBSK CENTRE OF YOUTH E-mail: [email protected] INITIATIVES “KONTUR” http://www.vitebsk.net/kontur

The Vitsebsk Centre of Youth Initiatives “Kontur” CENTRE FOR THE SUPPORT OF PUBLIC is a social association of the youth in Vitsebsk region. The Centre was established in 1998 was a result of INITIATIVES “KRYVICH” the activities of several activists from youth non-gov - ernmental organisations in Vitsebsk region. Democ - The Centre for the Support of Public initiatives racy, freedom of speech, national culture and the “Kryvich” was established in August 1999. history of Belarus are considered the most important values of “Kontur.” The Centre unites the most com - Tasks: mitted youth in the local area. n Information exchange between independent The Centre of youth initiatives comprises repre - public organisations. sentatives of various youth organisations and n Informing the public about political processes groups. The main criterion for selecting new mem - in the region, Belarus and abroad. bers is their professionalism and commitment. n Assisting (organisational, methodical, “Kontur” members are specialists and professionals technical and consulting) NGOs in Orsha and in their respective fields. Orsha region. The mission of the Centre of Youth Initiatives n Promoting and assisting in the establishment “Kontur” is to support youth initiatives in Vitsebsk re - and registration of new NGOs. gion, assist in the development of national culture n Co-ordinating NGO activity. and education for the purpose of establishing de - n Training NGO leaders. mocracy and a civic community in Belarus. n Supporting and developing independent media. n Tasks: n information exchange; Basic activity: n educating young journalists; Informational, educational, consulting and pub- n organisational and counselling assistance to lishing work with NGOs of Orsha and Orsha region. youth NGOs in Vitsebsk and Vitsebsk region; Seeking, processing and distributing information n stimulating and granting assistance in among the population and NGOs concerning public registering new NGOs; affairs in Belarus and abroad. Training leaders and n co-ordinating NGO activities; members of NGOs. Assisting public organisations in n training leaders and activists. the registration process and in publishing bulletins, newspapers and magazines.

122 122 n Since August 1999 “Kryvich” has rendered The main goals of the association include: technical and consulting assistance to the n Collecting information about the following organisations: environment; n Kohanava Youth Association «Kram»; n Conducting environmental, historical, social, n Orsha City Club of Taxpayers; and political research; n Orsha Association of Belarusian Students; n Disseminating ecological information as well n Orsha Youth Organisation for Women as establishing an Environmental Library; «Roskvit»; n Organising lectures, seminars, training n Union of Women in Baran; courses, summer camps and exhibitions; n Orsha branch of the Belarusian Language n Publishing ecological (“Nierush”) and Society; historical (“Altanka”) information bulletins. n Orsha branch of the Association of Belarusian The activity of the “Nierush-Centre” is involves Schools; conducting environmental, social and historical pro - n Orsha branch of the All Belarusian Voters ’ grams, which are supported by other social organi - Club; sations (the Regional Development Agency “Varuta,” n Orsha branch of “Youth Social-Christian the Lutskievich Brothers ’ Foundation in Baranavichi, Union"; the Centre for Social Initiatives “Viezha” in Berastsye n Baran Local Historical Club. as well as the International Association of Humanitar - ian Co-operation in Minsk), educational establish - n The following literature is published with the ments and individuals who are interested in the support of "Kryvi ch": environment, its condition as well as the nature of n "Demarsh", published by the Council of Man and Society. Democratic Forces of Orsha; n "Orsha-Info", published by the Council of Address: vul. Nakanie ènikava, 3–115 Democratic Forces of Orsha; 225320 Baranavi èy n "Z’viaz," published by Orsha organisation Bieraœciejskaja vob³aœæ "Z’viaz"; BELARUS n "Youth Step," published by «Kryvich» Centre; Tel: /+375/ 163 46 06 32 n "Zalik," published by the Orsha branch of the Fax: /+375/ 163 41 79 45 Association of Belarusian Students; E-mail: [email protected] n "Zolak," published by the Kohanava regional organisation of youth «Kram»; n "Taxpayer," published by Orsha Club of THE OTAN HEDEMAN BRASLAU SOCIETY OF Taxpayers; REGIONAL STUDIES n "Words for Women," published by the Orsha branch of the Belarusian League of Women. The Braslau Otan Hedeman Society of Regional n The “Kryvich” Centre has participated in Studies (BSRS) is a regional social organisation es- organising the following seminars: tablished in 1989 on the basis of the Braslau Museum n "Communication in Organisations"; of Historical and Regional Studies (since 1998 — the n "Leadership and Management"; Association of Museums in Braslau). In 1998 the So - n "Journalistic Skills, Genres of Journalism, ciety was named after Otan Hedeman. Otan Types of Journalism"; Hedeman (1887 — 1937) was an outstanding scien - n "Working in Groups, Psychological Aspects of tist in local history and folklore, the author of several Journalism". treatises in the history of the Braslau area and one of the founders of Regional Studies Organisation in n Future plans of the “Kryvich” Centre include: Braslau, which existed between World War I and n Sociological research involving the local World War II. population; Members of the Society are museum workers, n Regular «Oxford» debate concerning the most teachers, and scientists, who study the history of the urgent problems for youth; Braslau area. n Intellectual competitions in educational The basic objectives of BSRS are to conduct and institutions. assist in conducting thorough and impartial historical research of Braslau region, to promote historical her - itage and to co-ordinate the students ’ movement in THE YOUTH SOCIAL ASSOCIATION OF regard to regional studies. ENVIRONMENTAL AND REGIONAL STUDIES n Areas of BSRS activity: “NIERUSH-CENTRE” n Scientific conferences on regional studies; n Publishing activity; n The Youth Social Association of Environmental Methodological assistance for teachers and and Regional Studies “Nierush-Centre” was estab - students; n lished in November 1996. Field trips;

123 123 n Archaeological excavations. erecting several monuments in the Harodnya region; n Main achievements: n participating the ecological movement. n Participating in the organisation of scientific conferences on regional studies “Braslau Address: vul. Miendzialejeva, 39–1–49 Readings” (Braslauskiya Chytani — 1989, 230019 Harodnya 1991, 1994, 1997). Publishing a collection of BELARUS articles from the conferences. Tel: /+375/ 152 44 98 89, 75 36 88 n Publishing 14 newsletters and brochures devoted to regional studies, including “The Braslau Lakes” (Braslauskiya aziory — 1989), THE STUDENT SCIENTIFIC ASSOCIATION “Castle Hill in Braslau” (Zamkavaya hara u “PALADA” Braslave — 1994) and the teachers ’ manual “Our Land — Braslau Area” (Nash kray — The Student Scientific Association “Palada” (SSA Braslaushchina — 1993). “Palada”) was established by students from the n Participating in preparation of the historical Baranavichy branch of the Belarusian Law Institute, chronicles of Braslau District “Memory” for the purpose of educating students in the fields of (Pamiat ’ — 1998). Law and Economics, conducting independent scien - n Publishing 3 issues of the historical tific research as well as motivating students to learn periodical “Braslau Notebooks” new things, analyse what they had learned and draw (Braslauskiya Sshytki” — 1996, 1997, 1999). conclusions and to check and — if necessary — to n Organising a humanitarian summer camp contradict the acquired information. The society be - “Ratsyunki” (1999). gan its activity in September 1999 as a non-govern - mental, non-profit and apolitical organisation. n The Braslau Society of Regional Studies n would like to co-operate with everyone The basic fields of SSA ’s activity include: interested in historical research and the 1. Debate club region ’s past n discussing urgent problems n would like to establish contacts with n reading reports organisations that have similar interests n conducting excursions and field trips n provides historical information about the n issuing a newsletter Braslau area 2. Laboratory for social research n grants assistance in arranging field trips n preparing and conducting public opinion polls around the region and social research, analysing and publishing results Address: vul. Enhelsa, 39 n developing scientific programs with a social 211970 Braslau and economical character Viciebskaja vob³aœæ n preparing and publishing scientific articles BELARUS n participating in scientific conferences and Tel: /+375/ 2153 2 14 45 seminars E-mail: [email protected] The society has established contacts with the Youth Centre for Human Rights (Pinsk), the Baranavichy branch of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee, the Re- PAKHODNYA gional Development Agency “Varuta” and others.

The Harodnya Municipal Historical and Cultural Address: vul. Majakouskaha, 13 Social Association “Pakhodnya” was the first social 225320 Baranavi èy organisation in Harodnya region. Its basic objective Bieraœciejskaja voblaœæ is to unite people devoted to their Motherland. BELARUS Tel: /+375/ 163 45 75 29 Activity: E-mail: [email protected] n participating in preparing the Vitsebsk region against floods and Palessye from melioration; n advocating the removal of missile troops from THE HARODNYA REGIONAL SOCIAL Belarus; n restoring the traditions of Kupalle, Kalady, ASSOCIATION “RATUSHA” Dzyady in Harodnya; n establishing boy scout troops; The Harodnya Regional Social Association n establishing the church choir; “Ratusha” was established in May 1996 by 15 promi - n taking part in saving architectural monuments, nent figures from the fields of culture, education, sci - conducting archaeological excavations, ence, politics, journalism, and business. The cleaning Harodnya ’s graveyards and the F. association is a non-profit, independent, non-gov - Bahushevich House in Kushlany, assisting in ernmental organisation.

124 124 The mission of “Ratusha” is to assist in the estab - n Monitoring human rights in prisons, the rights lishment of a civil society in Belarus through support - of journalists and minority groups; ing social initiatives. n Human Rights School.

n Goals: n Publishing Centre n Simulating the process of establishing new n Publishing fiction as well as literature on law public initiatives and regional studies; n Strengthening the network of already existing n Technical and financial support of local and non-governmental organisations regional independent newspapers. n Developing humanitarian education, culture, independent mass media, international n Internet Club relations and co-operation n Teaching activists from social organisations how to use the World Wide Web and how to n Tasks: create Web-pages; n to co-ordinate, support, and promote the n Internet access for non-governmental activity of social organisations in the region; organisations; n to instil professionalism in NGO activity; n Computer School. n to maintain dialogue among various social groups, and among Belarus and other Address: vul. Budzionaha, 48–a countries; 230023 Harodnya n to promote the development of culture as well BELARUS as national and historical consciousness; Tel/fax: /+375/ 152 44 22 90 n to support independent regional and local E-mail: mil@ratusha.grodno.unibel.by periodicals; n to defend human rights and freedom. THE CO-ORDINATING COUNCIL “REGIONAL n Achievements: BELARUS” n Providing services to 76 non-governmental organisations in the region; The Co-ordinating Council “Regional Belarus” n Establishing the Co-ordinating Committee was founded in May 2000. The basic goal of the “Initiative of Harodnya” (Haradzenskaya council is to co-ordinate the activity of democratic re - Initsyatyva”) — an association of 32 gional NGOs. democratic parties, social organisations and trade unions in Harodnya; Activity: n Hosting two Assemblies of Democratic n analysing and developing common Non-Governmental Organisations of the approaches to reacting to events in Belarus; Harodnya region (oblast); n co-ordinating the activities of regional political n Initiating human rights defence in the and social associations in regard to elections. Harodnya region (oblast); The Chairman is Syamyon Domash. n Supporting 32 regional independent periodicals in Western Belarus; Address: vul. Budzionnaha, 48a–74 n Providing free Internet access to third sector 230000 Harodnya activists. BELARUS Tel/fax: /+375/ 152 47 09 93 Structure of “Ratusha” E-mail: [email protected] n Public Initiatives Support Centre n Informational, technical, fundraising, and legal service for non-governmental organisations LIDA LITERARY ASSOCIATION “RUN’” and independent newspapers in the region, searching for partners; “Run ’” is a creative association of literati of Lida n Conducting training courses and seminars for and the region. The association was established on third sector activists; the basis of the educational cultural group with the n Conducting social polls; same name, which was founded in 1998. The basic n Sponsoring children and youth contests and objective of the newly established literary associa - festivals; tion is to publish a regional literary and artistic maga - n Hosting scientific conferences. zine. The first issue of the magazine, titled “From the Walls of Lida” (“Ad Lidskikh murou”), appeared in the n Regional Human Rights Defence Centre summer of 2000. In November 2000 the magazine n Managing the Regional Human Rights was officially registered in the Belarusian Press Com - Defence Chamber; mittee as a literary, artistic and cultural journal. The n Publishing a monthly bulletin “I Have a Right” association receives support for its publishing activ - (Mayu prava); ity from the Harodnya Oblast Social Association

125 125 “Ratusha” and the Information and Education Centre VBSA “The Lev Sapieha Foundation” published 3 “Heneratsyia.” bulletins “NGO Herald” (Viesnik NDA), “Vitsebsk Un- The association has more than forty members ion” (Vitsebski zviaz),“Free Word” (Svabodnaye slova). and is registered with the National Social Association VBSA “The Lev Sapieha Foundation” supports, “Supolnast.” through technical assistance, the publication of 26 In addition to the association’s publishing ac- non-governmental organisations ’ bulletins. tivity, members of the association conduct vari- Dozens of distributors receive free informational ous cultural, educational, literary and artistic materials from Vitsebsk NGOs for distribution to activities, hold meetings with writers and poets towns and villages in Vitsebsk region. in schools and enterprises, give lectures and conduct excursionsto placesof historical and lit- n Support for Democratic Structures erary interest in Belarus (in conjunction with the The Co-ordinating Council of Democratic Organi - Sport and Tourism Centre “Vitaut” and the local sations in Vitsebsk realises its activity on the basis of branch of the F. Skaryna Belarusian Language VBSA “The Lev Sapieha Foundation.” Society). “Ad Lidzkich murou” journal: Address: praspekt Èarniachouskaha, 12–17 http://www.angelfire.com/jazz/lavrech 210015 Vitsebsk BELARUS Tel/fax: /+375/ 212 22 49 25 THE VITSEBSK BRANCH OF THE SOCIAL E-mail: [email protected] ASSOCIATION “THE LEV SAPIEHA FOUNDATION” RECHYTSA MUNICIPAL SOCIAL

The Vitsebsk Branch of the Social Association “The ASSOCIATION “SLAVUTSICH” Lev Sapieha Foundation” (VBSA “The Lev Sapieha Foundation”) was founded in December 1993. The Rechytsa Municipal Social Association VBSA “The Lev Sapieha Foundation” is a regional “Slavutsich” was founded in May 1998. Among the branch of the Lev Sapieha Foundation. The govern - organisation’s achievements are: n organising three rallies in Rechytsa ing body is the Regional Council is comprised of 9 th people. The Chairman is Christafor Zhelapau. (environmental, 14 Anniversary of the Chernobyl Tragedy, March for Freedom on October 8); The goals of the Lev Sapieha Foundation are: n n Assisting in the reform of local organising free legal counselling for the residents of Rechytsa region; self-government n n Developing civic community structures conducting activities for disabled children and n Promoting democracy other social groups; n election monitoring; VBSA “The Lev Sapieha Foundation” works in The organisation co-operates actively with other the following areas: social organisations in Homel region (the Homel Re- gional Social Association “Public Initiatives” and its n Local Self-Government branch in Rechytsa, as well as Rechytsa branches of Deputies of local councils, officials and active the Belarusian Organisation of Working Women and politicians study the systems of local self-govern - the Belarusian Popular Front “Revival”). ment in European countries at seminars, participate Address: vul. Lenina, 68 in joint projects with partners from Sweden, Ger - è many, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia and Ukraine. The or - 247500 Re yca ganisation has also started implementing the Homielskaja vob³aœæ development program for bodies of local self-gov - BELARUS ernment. Tel/fax: /+375/ 2340 2 63 36 n Development of Non-Governmental Organisations VBSA “The Lev Sapieha Foundation” is a re- SMARHON SOCIETY FOR HUMAN RIGHTS source centre for the Regional Assembly of Demo- cratic Non-Governmental Organisations. More The Smarhon Society for Human Rights (SSHR) than 120 NGOs receive information, counselling is a non-governmental, non-profit organisation, and technical assistance. NGO leaders participate founded in 1996. in training sessions in management, fundraising, The society’s interests are focused on teaching, and leadership. promoting and protecting human rights within 33 pri- mary and secondary schools and in the curriculum as n Information well. The goal of the society is to promote and co-or- An Internet Club for NGOs has been established. dinate human rights education in the youth sector.

126 n The major guiding principles of SSHR’s education BABRUYSK SOCIAL ASSOCIATION “OWN policy are as follows: BUSINESS” n the international dimension and global perspectives in education in all its forms; The Babruysk social association “Own Business” n understanding and respect for all nations, their (“Svaya sprava”) is a non-governmental social or - cultures and values, way of life; ganisation founded in January 2000. The activity of n ability to communicate with others; the association is concentrated on educational prob - n understanding for International solidarity and lems and disseminating information among various co-operation; social groups (mostly youth, handicapped, and n readiness to participate in solving community, members of other social organisations). country and global problems. Activity is realised through: n Major activities: n publishing the bulletin “My Town” (“Moy n Conducting annual competitions among 10000 horad”) and supplements for the newspapers students in drawings, posters and essays in the “Worker” (“Rabochy”) and “Worker of field of human rights (in conjunction with UNICEF). Babruysk” (“Rabochy Babruyska”); n Seminar for teachers, social workers on n conducting the educational project “My teaching and protecting children’s rights (in Belarus — Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow”; conjunction with the “Human Rights in the n education activity conducted interactively; Curriculum” UK). n organising a youth summer camp (in n Workshop for youth leaders in human rights conjunction with the young social democrats education, social activities, campaigns, using of Babruysk); participatory and interactive methodology. n technical and informational assistance for n Roundtable discussion for local officials and local social organisations. teachers on human rights issues (in The organisation actively co-operates with other conjunction with OSCE mission in Belarus). social associations both in the region and on the na- n Relevant youth-oriented materials on human tional level. rights, issues of justice, local and global co-operation and solidarity with NGOs from all Address: P.O.Box 4 over the world. 213828 Babruysk BELARUS n Recent events organised by SSHR: Telephone: /+375/ 2251 7 37 68 n One year experiment in human rights E-mail: [email protected] education, democratic values, and [email protected] International Humanitarian Law (in conjunction with the Ministry of Education in the Republic of Belarus); n Radio and TV broadcast concerning education CREATIVE ASSOCIATION “SVYATLITSA” in human rights; n Roundtable discussion on the protection of The Social Organisation “Creative Association human and children ’s rights (in conjunction Svyatlitsa” (SOCA “Svyatlitsa”) is a non-governmental with local police officers); organisation associating creative people from n Manual for social workers and teachers in Baranavichy. It was founded in August 1996, registered human rights education, pedagogical in February 1997 and re-registered in November 1999. innovations, and new methodologies. The organisation provides all possible assistance n International project connecting students and to artists in order to help them in developing their cre- youth leaders from Smarhon region with ative potential as well as assists in the development of students from Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, culture and art and popularises them among people. and Hungary in order to establish a n community for human rights. The goals of the organisation include: n n Organising exhibitions, peer education in human bringing together the people of the arts in order rights issues, Human Rights Day, concerts, to assist them in developing their creative quizzes about children and human rights. potential as well as organising their spare time activities according to their interests; n Contact: vul. Jubilejnaja, 55–97 cultural and educational activities directed to 231 000 Smarhoñ children, youth and adults for the purpose of BELARUS developing a taste for art and all-human Tel: /+375/ 1592 52541 values. Fax: /+375/ 1592 33890 n E-mail: [email protected] Activity: n [email protected] Holding weekly creative discussions with http://www.wotw.org.uk “Svyatlitsa” members;

127 n Regular appearance of “Svyatlitsa” members at n Making films about the local art and cultural life, educational and cultural establishments, historical and national heritage; creating a video concerts, festivals, competitions as well as on database and disseminating information local radio and TV; contained in it; n Publishing literary works and articles about n Conducting seminars entitled “People of culture and art in newspapers and Art and Society,” “People of Art and the magazines; Arts”; n Exhibitions of works by local artists; n Co-operation with creative people and n Providing artists with informational and organisations, NGOs and foundations in organisational assistance; Belarus and abroad, cultural exchange. n Participating in seminars for non-governmental organisations; “Svyatlitsa” actively co-operates with other social n 1997 — publishing the first edition of the organisations and takes an active part in the public Baranavichy literary collection “Svyatlitsa”; movement. n 1998 — publishing a volume of selected The President of SOCA “Svyatlitsa” is Ales Belarusian 1980–1995 poetry, “Ahledziny,” Bokach. and distributing it in Belarusian libraries in all towns, as well as in schools of higher Address: vul. Peršukievi èa, 40–1 learning and vocational arts establishments; 225320 Baranavi èy n 2000 — publishing the second edition of the Bieraœciejskaja vob³aœæ Baranovichy literary collection “Svyatlitsa” BELARUS and the book of poetry “Razluki vyrayovyia” by Tel: /+375/ 163 45 49 31 Ivan Lahvinovich. Fax: /+375/ 163 45 60 92 E-mail: [email protected]. n Plans: n Publishing further editions of the literary collection “Svyatlitsa”; HOMEL YOUTH SOCIAL ASSOCIATION OF n Publishing books by local poets and writers; REGIONAL STUDIES “TALAKA” n Editing a local cultural newspaper; n Organising exhibitions of works by local artists The Homel Youth Social Association of Regional both in Belarus and abroad as well as Studies “Talaka” was founded in April 1986 during exhibitions of works by foreign artists in the wave of democratic changes in the mid-1980s. Belarus; The association was registered in 1994 and re-regis - n Publishing a catalogue of artists from tered in 1998 and 1999. Baranavichy; n Producing souvenirs and publications that n The goals of activity are: promote Belarusian culture, patriotism and n democracy: souvenirs, posters, calendars, studying, preserving, and promoting booklets, badges, etc.; Belarusian national culture and history among n youth; Releasing audio tapes of local musicians, rock n groups, folklore bands and minstrels; regional studies as one of the factors in the n Establishing a music studio, organising music national Renaissance in Belarus and performances; establishing a democratic society. n Establishing a photo studio and a slide studio n Tasks: for the purpose of creating photo chronicles n on the lives of artists and on different cultural collecting and systematising materials in events; regional studies and traditional culture of n Homel region; Establishing an amateur drama company, n organising theatre festivals and performance developing educational programs and tours; introducing them to the education system. n Establishing a non-governmental independent cultural centre in Baranavichy; collecting and “Talaka” members include graduates, students disseminating information on culture and art; from Homeland young teachers.At itsweekly meet- conducting “round table” meetings and ings members of the organisation study history, cultural events; rendering technical and folklore and the ethnic heritage of the Belarusian informational counselling as well as legal people, learn folk songs, dances, and games, pre- assistance; pare theatre performances for ethnic and national n Conducting the “Belarusian Style” holidays. project — production of clothes using elements of Belarusian national dress, Address: vul. B. Chmialnickaha, 100–62 ornaments and symbols, adapted to the 246036 Homel modern fashion. Tel: (0232) 48 38 91

128 HARODNYA SOCIAL ASSOCIATION OF n The Centre granted assistance in publishing LITHUANIANS “TEVINE” the first issue of the Belarusian — Polish cultural revue “Apostrophes” (“Apostrafy”), 1997. The activity of the Harodnya Social Association of Lithuanians “Tevine” (Motherland) includes: Address: P.O.Box 54 n establishing Lithuanian social associations 230009 Harodnya and Lithuanian Sunday schools in Radun and BELARUS Lida; n Tel: /+375/ 152 96 74 78 organising and conducting celebrations and Fax: /+375/ 152 96 74 73 holidays, celebrating historical events from E-mail: [email protected] Belarusian, Lithuanian, and Polish history; n filming historical and cultural monuments; n conducting excursions for visitors to the town, THE REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT AGENCY region and ‘oblast ’. “VARUTA” Address: pl. Tyzienhauza, 4–6 230023 Harodnya The Regional Development Agency “Varuta” is BELARUS a non-governmental, non-profit organisation, Tel: /+375/ 152 44 73 06, 31 89 64 which operates in the region of Baranavichy. Its main goal is to assist in strengthening and develop- ing democratic ideas as well as to establish a civic THE THIRD SECTOR CENTRE community in Belarus and particularly in the Baranavichy region. The social association Informational Support The Regional Development Agency “Varuta” was Centre for Public Initiatives “The Third Sector” is a founded in Baranavichy in 1998 and registered on 28 non-governmental, non-profit social organisation, October 1999 as a local public organisation. Among which was established in February 1997 by a group the founders of the organisation are people who of journalists and public figures from Harodnya. The have vast experience in working for the third sector, association was registered in September 1997 and education, journalism, science as well as business re-registered in September 1999. and politics. The basic objective of the Centre is to assist in the n The activity of the organisation includes: creation of the necessary conditions for establishing n a civic community and open society. Supporting NGO activity in the Baranavichy The activity of the organisation is concentrated in region. the following spheres: informational support for This part of activity consists in training NGO lead - non-governmental social organisations and initiatives ers and activists, providing legal assistance to active in the Harodnya region and educational activity in the and newly established organisations and groups, field of journalism. providing informational and counselling support for these organisations and groups and developing a n program of technical assistance for public initiatives. Since its establishment, the Third Sector Centre n has achieved the following results: The Program of Co-operation with Mass n The Centre has published 20 issues of the Media. informational bulletin for social Activity in this field includes training programs organisations “The Third Sector.” In 1999 for journalists, providing assistance in searching for the bulletin was transformed into a partners for the mass media as well as creating a magazine. The magazine contains wide network for the purpose of collecting informa - information about the activity of regional tion about the activity of the regional NGOs. “Varuta” NGOs as well as the useful information for develops joint projects with independent newspa - social organisations. pers, which are directed at developing a civil society, n The Centre has participated in organising studying historical heritage and propagating the eternal values of the region ’s inhabitants. and conducting training seminars for n public leaders in Berastsye, Harodnya, Modern history researches in the Baranavichy Pinsk, and Navahradak (1997), Minsk, region. Harodnya, Lida (1999), Babrujsk and This part of the organisation ’s activity involves Barysau (2000). collecting information about the life of public activ - n The Centre has participated in organising the ists, events in national life and the activity of national Young Journalist School in Harodnya. The organisations in the Baranavichy region during the school has provided an education for more 20th century as well as publishing a series of bro - than 70 people in the past three years. YJS chures about the historical events and prominent in- graduates are now working for all dividuals in the national movement in the non-governmental newspapers in Harodnya. Baranavichy region.

129 n Compiling a development plan for the Address: vul. Kamsamolskaja, 24 Baranavichy region. 225320 Baranavichy, Activity in this area includes conducting scientific Bierasciejskaja vobl. research in the fields of economics, politics and soci - BELARUS ology as well as developing procedures aimed at the Tel/fax: /+375/ 163 41 79 51 more effective economic development of the E-mail: [email protected] Baranavichy region and at developing the cultural and political systems. n Co-ordinating the activity of NGOs, mass VITSEBSK YOUTH GROUP “VIERAS” media and trade unions in the Baranavichy region. The Vitsebsk Youth Group «Vieras» was founded This part of activity involves collecting information in 1999. The organisation»s activity is primarily con - about the activity of NGOs, mass media and trade un- ducted in Vitsebsk, Belarus, where it attracts nation - ions, their needs, plans and ideas. In addition, activity ally conscious youth, promotes Belarusian culture in this field includes: arranging regular meetings and and the development of a democratic society by ac- round tables to discuss issues regarding expansion of tively working in several areas. activity, mutual aid, working out joint programs and Cultural activity: through the efforts of members programs of “cross-sector co-operation”; organising of the youth group 6 computer programs have been educational and counselling programs involving belarusified; a booklet of collected poems of young inter-organisational co-operation; assisting as media- Vitsebsk poets has been published; programmers tor during negotiations. created a computer Belarusian-Russian and Rus- n sian-Belarusian dictionary and are working at its During last year the Regional Development Internet-version; VYG «Vieras» was an informational Agency “Varuta”: n sponsor of an important cultural event, the publica - Held more than 14 training seminars for 238 tion of the first video-collection of Belarusian feature activists from 42 organisations from the and historical films; Baranavichy region; n Publishing activity: since the beginning of 2000 Arranged and held 116 consultations for 179 the organisation has been publishing “Vieras,” a representatives from 140 organisations on the monthly public and political bulletin, which is distrib - topics of NGO activity as well as uted free of charge; inter-organisational and inter-sector Educational activity: the seminar «A Look Into co-operation; n the Belarusian Past» for Vitsebsk is scheduled to be Held more than 23 meetings for activists conducted in the near future and a newly-estab- engaged in public initiatives from the lished discussion club, «Vieras,» is to soon launch Baranavichy region with NGO representatives activity; from other regions and countries of Central Public and political activity: members of the or - and Eastern Europe; n ganisation participate in the political activities of Arranged 7 meetings between NGOs and democratic organisations and parties; the youth representatives of foundations, which group promotes Belarusian culture and the develop - conduct programs in Belarus; ment of a democratic society by printing its own n Granted technical support to NGOs; n newspaper; In conjunction with other organisations, held 9 Informational activity: in addition to the newspa - internships for NGO public leaders and per (its electronic version can be found on the or - educational establishments in Minsk, Kiev, ganisation ’s web-site), VYG «Vieras» maintains its Ivano-Frankivsk, Prague, and Warsaw. n own news e-mail-list. Began publishing the “Region” magazine — an VYG «Vieras»is a member of the Belarusian Assem- informational and analytical publication for bly of Democratic Non-Governmental Organisations. regional Belarusian NGOs; n The Vitsebsk Youth Group «Vieras» assists in or - Organised and assisted in conducting a round ganising various activities in Vitsebsk and table meeting of NGOs, trade unions and the Navapolatsak, the principal aim of which is establish - mass media — a unique structure of ing democracy in the republic and developing inter-sector co-operation between Belarusian culture through: pro-democratic organisations. n providing interpreters (Belarusian, Russian, English, Polish, German, Esperanto); The Regional Development Agency “Varuta” ac- n providing local organisators» service; tively co-operates with those who, in the future, want n designing and placing official web-sites on the Belarus to become a highly developed European Internet; country — an economical, political and cultural cen - n advertising; tre of Eastern Europe. Partner organisations include n others. NGOs from Belarus and Europe, educational estab - lishments, mass media from the Baranavichy region The Vitsebsk Youth Group "Vieras" always all and Belarus as well as other organisations. forms of co-operation.

130 Address: P.O.Box 29–A n Educational support 210032 Vitsebsk n seminars and training courses; BELARUS n language courses; E-mail: [email protected] n computer courses; Http://www.veras.vitebsk.org. n courses for Internet users.

The Centre conducts the “Legal Clinic” program. BERASTSYE REGIONAL CENTRE FOR PUBLIC The gaol of this program is providing practical edu - INITIATIVES “VEZHA” cation for students through granting free legal assis - tance to citizens without social security as well as people from other social groups. Between April 1999 The Berastsye Regional Centre for Public Initia - and May 2000, 92 people received assistance from tives “Vezha” (Tower) was founded in November the Legal Clinic. 1997 and registered in January 1998. The organisa - In order to consolidate different groups of so- tion has 23 members, which include students, young ciety in Berastsye, the Centre holds “round table” specialists and leaders of social associations from meetings with NGOs regarding the most impor- the Berastsye region. tant directions of their activity. As a result of The Centre is part of the Assembly of Democratic these meetings, new organisations and Non-Governmental Organisations in Belarus. It is Co-ordinating Councils were established. The also the founder of the Belarusian Association of Re- Council for National Organisations operates on source Centres (BARC). the basis of regular meetings of minority group The main goal of the Berastsye Regional Centre representatives. for Public Initiatives “Vezha” is to establish a civic In order to support dialogue between third sector community in independent Belarus through mobilis - representatives and foreign countries/organisations, ing residents of the Berastsye region using the princi - special meetings are held with members of founda - ples of humanism, freedom, and democracy. tions and organisations from Poland, the US, Slovakia, Sweden, Germany, and Denmark. n Goals: n to increase the intellectual potential in the Address: vul. Savieckich pahrani ènikau, 52 region and the civic activity of its residents; n 224030 Berastsye to support dialogue between different social BELARUS groups as well as between Belarus and foreign Tel/fax: /+375/ 162 20 34 92, 20 34 87 countries; E-mail: [email protected] n to establish cultural and national consciousness; n to support society on its road to market SOCIAL ASSOCIATION OF YOUNG economy; n to support initiatives, which assist in protecting SCIENTISTS “VIT” human rights and freedoms. The Harodnya regional social association of The Centre “Vezha” co-operates with registered young scientists “VIT” is a non-governmental youth social organisations, non-formal groups, citizen ini - organisation. The association was founded in No - tiatives and independent publishers. vember 1995 by a group of young scientists. The ac- tivity conducted by “VIT” primarily has an The activity of the Centre is aimed at: educational character. n Informational support The basic objectives of the association are as n publishing the bulletin “Kaliva”; follows: n granting consultations concerning registration n Granting assistance in the scientific research of issues and legal spheres of NGO activity, young scientists in the spheres of law, history, fundraising and public relations; culture, sociology, political science and n library, newspaper subscription; education; n information about new programs and contests n Analysing and solving problems connected run by various foundations and organisations; with establishing a civic community and the n Internet; place and role of youth in post-totalitarian n database on partnership contacts between countries; NGOs in Belarus and abroad. n Granting assistance in the process of reforming the educational system in n Technical support Belarus; n providing access to computers; n Establishing contacts and exchanging n publishing centre: type-setting, information with youth and other social bread-boarding, copying, providing facilities organisations in Central and Eastern European for publishing activity; countries.

131 The social association “VIT” is currently engaged Address: P.O.Box 233 in the following projects: 230023 Harodnya BELARUS n Civic Education Tel/fax: /+375/ 152 96 74 73 Since 1997, the association has conducted E-mail: [email protected] several seminars and training courses for youth organisations, aimed at finding and supporting youth initiatives. Since 1998, “VIT” has estab- THE “WILL FOR DEVELOPMENT” SOCIAL lished an exclusive long-term educational course ASSOCIATION for youth in social management — “Democratic Leadership School.” The school curriculum com- The “Will for Development” Social Association is prises theoretical and practical elements. The lat- a non-governmental, non-profit, inter-regional social ter includes the participation of academic trainees association, established in 1995. The basic goal of in youth social organisations in order to bolster the association is to promote the idea of an open so - theoretical knowledge. More than 40 young peo- ciety (i.e., a social system where the government ple completed the course since it was first con- does not oppress society and the individual has all ducted and are now membersofdemocratic youth opportunities for true self-fulfilment. social organisations. The activity of the association is concentrated in Slonim and the Slonim Region as well as in the n Legal Education Dzyatlau and Zelva regions. The association has conducted a number of ed- ucational seminars on fundamentals of the law for Activity is conducted in the following spheres: the representatives of youth social organisations. n local self-government; As a result, a manual of methodological assistance n human rights; entitled “Individual, Society, State: Game Direc- n co-operation with trade unions. tive” was published. Since 1998, “VIT” has con- Since the beginning of 2000, the association has ducted the “Street Law” program in Belarus. This operated as a regional resource centre. In September program has also resulted in the publication of the 2000, the youth club “Svyatlitsa” began conducting its “Street Law” textbook for secondary schools. activity on the basis of the “Will for Development” So- Since 1999, “VIT” has co-ordinated the “Street cial Association.“Svyatlitsa” unites five hobby groups. Law” educational clinic for law students in The Chairman is Michas Varanets. Harodnya State University. The program has ex- panded into other regions of Belarus through con- Address: vul. Kosauski trakt, 118–56 ducting training courses and seminars for 231800 S³onim non-governmental organisations and representa- Haradzienskaja voblaœæ tives of educational establishments. Since 1999, BELARUS “VIT” has conducted a long-term educational Tel/fax: /+375/ 1562 4 22 14, 2 57 67 course for youth in the fundamentals of the law — Telephone: /+375/ 1562 5 26 70 “Legal Education School.” Every year 30 students obtain theoretical knowledge and practical experi- ence in various areas of law and human rights. THE SHKLOU VOTERS’ CLUB “ZYALONY n Global Movement for Kids AHUROK” The social association “VIT” is co-ordinating this project within the Harodnya region (oblast). The The Shklou Voters ’ Club “Zyalony Ahurok” was project is conducted in conjunction with the UNICEF founded in 1993. representative office in Belarus and the Union of Children’s Social Organisations “Belarusian Na- Activity: tionalYouth Rada.” The aim of the project isto solve n supporting the newspapers “Shklou News” the problem of inactivity and indifference children (“Shklouskiya naviny”) — AIREX and “Shklou and youth in the Republic have toward social life. for Youth” (“Shklouskaya maladzyovaya”); The Information Project Centre for the Harodnya re- n organising demonstrations; gion has been established on the basis of the asso- n establishing the Human Rights Defence ciation. The Centre conducts seminars and Centre — support for the unemployed; meetings for committees and operates the informa- n conducting the environmental project “Clean tion exchange on the project.In November 2000 the Dniapro.” association sent adelegation of 15 children to repre- sent the Harodnya region in the Belarusian Address: vul. Savieckaja, 3a–4 Children’s Summit. 213010 Shklou The social association “VIT” is a member of the Mahilouskaja vob³aœæ Assembly of Democratic Non-Governmental Organi - BELARUS sations in Belarus and the Association of Civic Edu - Tel: /+375/ 2239 33 5 73 cation. Fax: /+375/ 2239 32 5 51

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