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The Proclaimed and Visible Word PETER H Word & World 7/2 (1987) Copyright © 1987 by Word & World, Luther Seminary, St. Paul, MN. All rights reserved. page 179 The Proclaimed and Visible Word PETER H. VAN NESS Union Theological Seminary, New York, New York In a recent book, Habits of the Heart, Robert Bellah and colleagues report on the current status of American individualism. As has been the case since Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America, such reflections reveal an enduring feature of American social life. In Bellah’s words: “The inner tensions of American individualism add up to a classic case of ambivalence. We strongly assert the value of our self-reliance and autonomy. We deeply feel the emptiness of a life without sustaining social commitments.”1 The consequences of the American individualist credo can be loneliness, when autonomy is too greatly valued, or conformism, when a rejection of traditional authority combines with an excessive deference to contemporary peers. David Riesman coined the phrase “the lonely crowd” to describe the American social character which suffers in both of these ways.2 One of Bellah’s remedies for such social ills is the nurturing of a culture of meaning and coherence. “We need to learn again from the cultural riches of the human species and to reappropriate and revitalize those riches so that they can speak to our condition today.”3 Biblical and republican traditions stand foremost in Bellah’s list of cultural legacies in need of revitalization. Many Americans seek relief from contemporary social distress in communities of religious worship. The Christian community at worship seems to be a fitting antidote to the social ills portrayed here. It is a public context for the proclamation of an intimate message-a message of love. The Christian gospel proclaims that in Christ God shows love for all people and calls them to love one another. Indeed, the very structure of the Trinitarian God suggests a process of communication. God as 1Robert N. Bellah, Richard Madsen, William M. Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven M. Tipton, Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life (Berkeley: University of California, 1985) 150-151. 2David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd: A Study of the Changing American Character (New Haven: Yale University, 1950) 19-26. 3R. Bellah, Habits of the Heart, 283. page 180 the first person of the Trinity is the source and transmitter of Christ as the Word, the message, and this message is destined to be received by human beings prepared with faith by the Holy Spirit. Unfortunately the theological promise of the Christian Church as a source of renewal in community life has not always been historically fulfilled. Historical theologians have long recorded the manifold divisions that have beset the Christian Church and have assiduously interpreted the variety of miscommunications between the separated Christian communions. The thesis of this essay is that this historical legacy has bequeathed to some contemporary Christian worship a series of theological divisions that impede Christian community life and hamper the attainment of meaning and coherence in this context. In the essay’s second half, a conception of religious symbolism is advocated with the intent of partially resolving these theological divisions. While the vantage point of the author is a particular one, coming as he does from the Reformed theological tradition, it is hoped that the remarks made here will contribute to an ecumenical theology of Christian sacraments, preaching, and worship. Especially it is hoped that a rearticulation of Calvin’s conception of the sacramental sign will promote ecumenical convergence in sacramental theology—a task which students of the Genevan Reformer have all too often left to their Lutheran and Anglican colleagues. I. DICHOTOMIES OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP Divisions in the worship life of the Western Christian Church were more greatly deepened and multiplied by the events of the Protestant Reformation than by any other integral set of events in the preceding millennium of church history. Although it is difficult to characterize summarily the diverse changes in worship life in the newly established Christian communities, most were at least partially motivated by a shift in priorities regarding the means of divine grace. Grace no longer was communicated primarily through an elaborate sacramental system, as had been the case in the medieval church; rather, grace—understood as God’s unmerited favor for Christ’s sake—was freely offered in the preaching of the gospel of Jesus Christ to those who responded with faith. This new recipe for Christian worship was a corollary to Luther’s pivotal doctrine of justification by grace through faith alone, and so can claim along with that doctrine to epitomize the theological import of the Reformation. The new evangelical orientation is first fully evident in Luther’s 1520 treatise De captivitate Babylonica ecclesiae. The divisive potency of the document was quickly recognized by Erasmus, who is reported to have said upon reading it, “The breach is now irreparable!”4 Of course, Luther denied that schism was his intent, maintaining instead that he sought to remedy practices and beliefs that had effectively silenced the gospel of Christ. The proximate occasion for his writing about the sacraments was the priests’ practice of withholding the wine from the laity in the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper, while administering both 4Cited by Roland H. Bainton, The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century (Boston: Beacon, 1956) 58. page 181 bread and wine to fellow clergy. From this fact, and from the testimony of scripture to which this professor of Bible gave supreme authority, Luther concluded that priests were both depriving others of spiritual sustenance and neglecting their own vocations as servants. According to Luther, a far more serious misconception of the priest’s vocation was manifest in the belief that the Christian Mass is a propitiatory sacrifice and good work. On the contrary, Luther contended, it is God’s unconditional word of promise and a free gift of grace. Along with the neglect of God’s word of promise came an overemphasis on the priest’s handling of the sacramental signs of bread and wine. Luther reversed these priorities, emphasizing most the faithful hearing of God’s Word: In every promise of God two things are presented to us, the word and the sign, so that we are to understand the word to be the testament, but the sign to be the sacrament. Thus, in the mass, the word of Christ is the testament, and the bread and wine the sacrament. And there is greater power in the word than in the sign, so there is greater power in the testament than in the sacrament; for a man can have and use the word or testament apart from the sign or sacrament. “Believe,” says Augustine, “and you have eaten.” But what does one believe, other than the word of the one who promises? Therefore I can hold mass every day, indeed, every hour, for I can set the words of Christ before me and with them feed and strengthen my faith as often as I choose. This is truly spiritual eating and drinking.5 As Erasmus foresaw, this new articulation of the relationship between word and sacrament gave impetus to dramatic developments. On Christmas day of 1521 Andreas Bodenstein (called Carlstadt) celebrated “the first ‘Protestant’ communion” with lay communion in both kinds and without vestments, sacrificial language, or the elevation of the host. Carlstadt denied the real presence of Christ in the sacramental elements, and eventually he arrived at the original but extreme position of questioning whether the bread and wine of the Supper even symbolize Christ’s body and blood. Another Spiritualist of Lutheran background, Caspar Schwenckfeld, so interpreted the sixth chapter of John’s Gospel as to spiritualize entirely the communion with Christ, thereby allowing for the suspension of the Eucharist altogether.6 Taken to such extremes the Protestant Reformation of Christian worship essentially replaces a celebration of the sacraments without the word by a proclamation of the word without the sacraments. Although most evangelical Christians, and certainly Luther, rejected these Spiritualist innovations, so many Protestant groups favored the word over the sacrament that they were vulnerable to the charge of embracing an unhealthy dichotomy of word and sacrament in anew, inverted form. For instance, in Reformed Geneva the city 5Martin Luther, The Babylonian Captivity of the Church, Luther’s Works, ed. Jaroslav Pelikan and Helmut T. Lehmann (55 vols.; Philadelphia: Fortress; St. Louis: Concordia, 1955-76) 36.44. 6For the historical role of Spiritualists in sixteenth-century eucharist controversies, see George Huntston Williams, The Radical Reformation (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1962) 38-58 and 101-117. page 182 councils allowed the celebration of the Lord’s Supper far less frequently than John Calvin thought advisable.7 When coupled with a rejection of the dogma of transubstantiation Luther’s new priorities decisively shifted the theological underpinnings of Christian worship away from scholastic metaphysics and toward biblical exegesis. Such exegesis was widely carried out in keeping with methods of interpretation newly fashioned by humanist scholars. Nowhere was this more evident than in the case of the Zurich reformer, Ulrich Zwingli. Since his youth Zwingli had been an avid student. The seeds of his reforming career were planted quite early by the Renaissance scholar Heinrich Woelflin (called Lupulus) who taught him liberal arts at Berne, and by the Basel lecturer on Scripture and Peter Lombard’s Sentences, Thomas Wyttenbach.8 From the former the young Zwingli became acquainted with classical literature and the philological method, while from the latter he learned the importance of the Word of Scripture as an object for faith. Of course, it was chiefly the influence of Erasmus and Luther which precipitated Zwingli’s evangelical conversion and the liturgical reforms of present interest.
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